BOOK I.

PREFACE. WHether I shall make it worth my while to write the History of the Romans from the time their City was first founded, I neither well know, nor if I do, dare be so bold to declare: Because I observe it is the old and usual way, for new succeeding Writers, to pretend that they out do mistaken antiquity, either in the certainty of their account, or their stile and method of writing. However this will be my satisfaction, that I, among others, as much as in me lay, have preserved the [...] nory of those great Actions which have been performed by the most glorious People in the whole world. And, if amidst so great a throng of Writers, my fame be eclipsed, yet I shall please my self in the renown and grandieur of those whose very lustre obscures [Page 4] my Name. Besides, it seems a vast, laborious enterprize, to collect all the records of things done above seven hundred years ago, and of a Nation that from so small an Original grew to such an height, that it now tires under its own bulk: Nor do I doubt, but the account of its first rise, and that which thereupon immediately fell out, will be too tedious for most Readers, who will therefore hasten to take a view of those more modern Exploits, which long ago have ruined a powerful People, even by their own strength. I on the contrary will desire this one other reward for my pains, that I may not be in sight of those Ills, which our Age for so many years has suffered, at least so long as I am studiously bent to relate those former Events, but that I may be free from all care, which though it do not carry a Writers mind away from what is truth, may discompose it. Those things which before the City was built, or design'd to be built, may seem more fit to employ a Poets pen, than one who delivers down the uncorrupted memories of real Actions, I shall neither confirm nor con­fute. 'Tis a liberty always granted to Antiquity, that by mingling divine and humane things toge­ther, it might make the rise of Cities more August and Venerable. Now therefore, if any People ought to have that freedom to consecrate their Original, and make Gods the Authors of it: The Roman People have gained such Glory in War, that, having Mars above all the Gods, for yours and their Founders, Father and Protector; mankind may as easily allow them this Liberty, as submit to their Dominion. But these things and all such others as shall occur (however they may be censur'd or esteem'd of) I shall not make any great account of; I only desire every Reader, for his own sake, carefully to mind the Lives and Manners that I describe, by what Men and Arts both at home and abroad, that Empire was both gained and augmented. And then, when their Discipline fell by degrees to decay, let him observe how their manners first declined; as also, how they afterwards slid down still farther and farther, till at last they tumbled headlong down the Precipice, and rowled into these times, wherein we cannot indure either our own Vices, or even the Remedies against them. This is that, which in the knowledg of things is most for your benefit and advantage, that you see all the instructions of former Examples, set up as it were on some conspicuous Monument; from whence you may take for your self, and the State you live in, what may be worth your imitation, and have a view of all the ill Enterprises and Events which you ought to avoid. And truly either I am too fond of what I have undertaken, or there never was any Republick, either greater, more religious, or richer in good Examples, or into which Avarice and Luxury so lately crept; or where so long Men bore so much respect to Poverty and Parsimony; insomuch that the less they had, the less they desired. 'Tis but of late that Riches have introduced Covetousness, and lavish Pleasures want, through a pro­digal inclination that Men have had to ruine and confound themselves and the State. But Com­plaints perchance will scarce be grateful, even when they are necessary, and therefore ought not to come in the front of so great a Work as this; let us begin then with good boadings, Wishes and Prayers to the Gods and Goddesses, that (if we may do like Poets) they would prosper this our undertaking.

I NOW in the first place 'tis well known, that when Troy was taken, though the other Trojans were Massacred, the Greeks gave quarter to two of them, Aeneas, and Antenor, not only upon the score of former friendship and acquaintance, but because they had still been Sticklers for Peace and the restoring of Hellen. And then that Antenor after many Ad­ventures, came with a company of People called Heneti, (who being driven out of Paphla­gonia upon an Insurrection there, were to seek a new Country as well as a Captain or Com­mander (for they had lost their Governour Pylaemenes at the Siege of Troy,) into the inner­most bay of the Adriatick Sea, and that the Heneti and Trojans, having beaten out the Euganei, who dwelt between the Sea and the Alps, took possession of that Countrey, and that the place where they first landed, is called Troy, which we Latines (as the Trojans did their City) call Troja, and the whole Nation are stiled Veneti or Venetians. That Aeneas upon the same sad occasion being forced to fly his Country, but led by Fate to be the founder of a far greater Empire, came first into Macedonia, and thence carried into Sicily to find an abode, was from Sicily driven upon the Italian Coast near Laurentum, which place was likewise named Troja. There the Trojans being got on shore, and having nothing left after their tedious Voyage, besides their Arms and their Ships, went into the Country foraging; whereupon Latinus and the Aborigines (or ancient Natives) who at that time lived in those parts, came flocking out of the City and Country with Arms, to repel the violence of those invading Strangers. Concerning which there goes a double report. Some say, that Latinus being defeated, first made a Peace, and after that an Alliance with Aeneas. Others say, that when two Armies were set in Battalia, before the Signal was given, Latinus march'd forth attended by some of his chief Officers, and demanding a Parley with the Captain of those Strangers, ask'd 'em, What kind of Mortals they were, how they happened to leave their own Country, or what they meant by landing on the Coast of Laurentum? But when he heard, That they were Trojans, and their Captain Aeneas, the Son of Anchises and Venus; who being forced to fly their own Country and City, which was all destroyed by Fire, came thither to seek an Habitation and a place wherein to build a City. They say, that he admiring the Grandieur of their Nation, and of Aeneas above the rest, as well as his equal temper of Mind, which was prepared alike for War or Peace, gave him his hand, and with that established a solemn promise of future Friendship. Thereupon their two Leaders having entered into a League, the two Armies saluted each other; and Aeneas was entertained by Latinus, with all the [Page 5] Civility due to a Stranger. That then Latinus reinforced and confirmed their publick Agree­ment by a domestick Obligation before his own Houshold Gods, and gave Aeneas his Daugh­ter in Marriage; which Alliance made the Trojans hope they should at last settle there, and wander about the World no more. There then they build a Town, which Aeneas calls Lavinium, from his Wifes name, (which was Lavinia.) And in a short time this new Mar­riage produced a Son, whom his Parents called Ascanius.

After that the Aborigines and Trojans were at once invaded; for Turnus, King of the Rutuli, II to whom Lavinia had been betrothed before the arrival of Aeneas, taking it ill that a Stranger should be preferred before him, made War against Aeneas and Latinus at the same time. But neither of the Armies had any cause to triumph for that Battel: The Rutuli were defeated; whilst the Aborigines and the Trojans lost their General Latinus. Then Turnus and the Rutuli finding their own weakness, fled for succour to the flouring power of the Etrurians, and Me­zentius their King; who at that time keeping his Court in a rich Town called Caere, and being at first dissatisfied with the building of a new City, but at that time especially, supposing that the growth and incouragement of the Trojans would be too great a security to their Neighbours, was very willing to assist the Rutuli. Aeneas, to take off the terrour of so great an Enemy, and that he might engage the Aborigines to love him, call'd both the Nations, Latines, and put them all, not only under the same Discipline, but Denomination too. Nor did the Ab­origines from that time forward ever come behind the Trojans in their respect and duty to their King Aeneas. Aeneas therefore relying upon the Affections of these two Nations, which were every day more and more united, (though Etruria were so strong and terrible, that it had filled not only the Land, but the Sea too, all along the Coast of Italy, from the Alps, to the Sicilian Streights, with the renown of its Name,) yet notwithstanding that he could have defended himself within his Walls, drew out his Army into the field: That was the second Battel that the Latines fought, and the last thing that Aeneas did whilst he lived, who was buried (what Title soever we may lawfully attribute to him,) upon the banks of the River Numicius, and his Stile there is, Jupiter Indiges, (a Man become a God.)

Ascanius, the Son of Aeneas, was not then old enough to govern, but the Empire however III was kept entire for him till he came of Age; and in the mean time the Latine State, his Grandfathers and Fathers Kingdom was preserved for the Child, under the Protection of Lavinia, who was a Woman of extraordinary parts and conduct. I question (for who can be certain of a thing done so long ago?) whether it were this Ascanius, or an Elder than this, who was Son to Creusa, (Aeneas's Wife) born whilst Troy was standing, and a Companion to his Father in his flight thence, being the same, that the Julian Family call Julus, and make the Author of their Name. But this Ascanius, let him be born where he would, or of what Mother you please, ('tis certain he was Aeneas's Son) left behind him to his Mother or Stepmother a flourishing (as things then went) and a rich City, Lavinium being now grown very Populous: Besides that he built another new one also under the Mountain Albanus, which from the situation of it, as being carried on to a great extent upon the foot of the Hill, is called Longa Alba, or Long Alba. It was almost thirty years between the time that Lavinium was built, and that when the Colony of Longa Alba was drawn out of it; yet notwithstanding, so strong they grew (especially when they had conquered the Etrurians) that neither Mezentius and the Etrurians or any other neighbouring Nations durst engage with them, no, not when Aeneas was dead, nor ever afterward, when a Woman was their Protectress, or when the Youth Ascanius with his raw Politicks was first possessed of the Kingdom. They therefore made a Peace upon condition, that the River Albula, now called Tyber, should be the boundary both to the Etrurians and the Latines. After which Silvius begins his Reign, being Son to Ascanius, and by some accident or other, born in the Woods (in Latine, Silvae) he begat Aeneas Silvius, and he, after that Latinus Silvius, by whom some Colonies were planted, and called the Ancient Latines. From that time Silvius was the Surname of all that reigned at Alba. Latinus begat Alba, Alba Atys, Atys Capys, Capys Capetus, and Capetus Tiberinus, who was drowned in his passage over the River Albula, and made the River ever since famous for his Name. Tiberinus had a Son called Agrippa, whom his Son Romulus Silvius succeeded in the Kingdom, till being Thunderstrook himself, he left it to Aventinus, who was buried in that Hill, which is now a part of Rome, and was thereby the occasion of its being named Mons Aventinus (the Hill Aventine.) After him suc­ceeded Proca, who begat Numitor and Amulius, and to Numitor, who was the eldest Son of the Family, bequeathed the ancient Kingdom of the Silvian Race. But power prevailed beyond either the Will of a Father, or the respect due to primogeniture; for Amulius depo­sed his Brother, and reigned in his stead, nor only so, but adding one Wickedness to an­other, killed his Brothers Issue Male, and bereft Rhea Silvia his Brothers Daughter, whom under a pretence of Honour, he had chosen to be a Vestal Nun, of all hopes ever to have any Children, because she was by her Vow obliged to perpetual Virginity.

But the original of so great a City, and the founding of an Empire more powerful than any, IV except that of the Gods, was, I suppose, the effects of Destiny it self. That Vestal Maid being ravished, and having two Children at a birth (either because she thought he really was, or be­cause a God would seem a more honorable Gallant, and by his Dignity lessen her Crime) de­clares [Page 6] Mars the Father of her Bastards. But neither do Gods or Men save her or her Children from the Kings cruelty; but she was bound and committed to custody, whilst he command­ed the Boys to be thrown into the River. The Tiber by good luck (as if Heaven had so or­dained it) was at that time out, so that a Man could not come near the main Channel; but the water upon the banks was not deep or rapid; yet the Persons that carried the Children thither, were in good hopes the poor Infants might be drowned even in that, as shallow and still as it was: So they, as if they had thereby executed the Kings command, expose the Chil­dren in the next water they came to, where now there stands the street called Vicus Ruminalis, which was formerly they say, called Romularis. Those parts were then all desert, and the story goes, that when the water of that stream, in which the Children were exposed, was fallen so low, that the dry land appeared; a thirsty she-Wolf hearing the Children cry, came that way out from the Mountains which are there round about, and that she gave the Infants suck so tenderly, that the Kings Shepherd found her licking them with her tongue; the Shep­herds Name they say, was Faustulus, and that he gave them to his Wife Laurentia to nurse in the Sheepcoats. There are some that say Laurentia was called Lupa [i. e. Whore, or She-Wolf] among the Shepherds, because she was a common Prostitute; and that from thence this Fable or miraculous report was first occasioned. Thus were they begotten, and thus brought up: and as soon as they grew to some ripeness, they could not indure to lie like Sluggards in the Stables or Coats among the Sheep, but roved about the Woods a hunting. And by that means gaining not only strength of body, but of mind too; they encountered not only wild Beasts alone, but set upon Robbers too, whom they met laden with booty, and divided the Spoil among their brother Shepherds, among whom they worked and played with other Youths that daily flock'd to their Society.

V At that time, they say, the Feast of Pan was kept upon the Mountain Palatine, and that Palatium was derived from an Arcadian City, called Palanteum, from whence that Mountain came to be called Mons Palatinus, and that Evander, who came of that race of Arcadians, and for many years before, had been in possession of those parts, commanded the keeping of that Festival according to rules brought thither out of Arcadia, which were, that so many young Men should run up and down naked in a wanton and lascivious manner, to the honour of Pan, surnamed Lycaeus, whom the Romans afterward called Innuus. And that whilst they were celebrating this Festival (it being a noted time) the Thieves who were vexed to lose their booty, set upon them by surprize; and tho Romulus defended himself by main strength, took Remus Prisoner, delivered him to Amulius, and accusing him, made it the greatest charge against him, That they invaded Numitors Territories, and from thence with the help of a company of young Fellows, whom they two had mustered up, drove away his Cattel in an hostile man­ner; so Remus was put into Numitors hands to be punished as he thought fit. In the mean time Faustulus was always in good hopes that he had brought up two Children of the Family Royal, for he not only knew that they were exposed by the Kings order, and that the time when he found them agreed with that same circumstance; but he was not willing the thing which was not yet ripe for publick knowledg should be discovered, unless it were, either upon a good occasion, or out of necessity, of which two necessity first took place, and so being frighted into it, he revealed the whole matter to Romulus. It happened also that Numitor, whilst Remus was in his custody; having heard that they were Twin Brothers, by comparing their Age, and considering that their Genius shewed them to be of no servile extract, had some recollecting thoughts of his Grandsons, and by enquiring, proceeded so far, that he almost owned Remus to be one of them. Thus was the King beset with Plots on every side, for Romulus attack'd him, not with a multitude of young Fellows (as not being able to cope with him fairly, had to hand) but ordered the Shepherds to go several ways, and meet at the Palace at such a time, and Remus too got a company from Numitors house, to assist in the Affair, by which means they slew the King.

VI Numitor as soon as the Tumult began, crying out, That an Enemy had invaded the City, and attack'd the Kings Palace; when he had called together the youth of Alba into the Castle, which he design'd to make himself Master of by force of Arms, and when he say the young Men, after the Murther was committed, draw up towards him with gratulations in their mouths, immediately called a Council, and declared the injuries that his Brother had done him, the extract of his Grandsons, how they were born and bred, and how they were dis­covered, together with the death of the Tyrant, and that he himself was the Author of it. The young men marching through the midst of the Assembly, with a great number attending on them; when they had saluted their Grandfather, by the name of King, an unanimous consent of all the Company confirmed that name, and established him in the Empire. Thus the Government of Alba being setled upon Numitor, Romulus and Remus had a mind to build a City in that place, where they were exposed and educated; for there were a great many Albans and Latines alive, besides Shepherds, who all gave them great hopes that Alba and La­vinium would be but inconsiderable places to that City which should be there built. But whilst they were deliberating of this matter, the old misfortune intervened, that is, an im­moderate desire of Dominion, and thence arose a fatal difference between them, though from a small cause: For they being Twins, and so not distinguished in point of Age or [Page 7] precedence, would needs have the Gods (under whose protection those places were,) declare who should give the name to their new City, and, when it was built, who should Reign over it.

Romulus chose the Mount Palatine, and Remus the Aventine, for their several quar­ters VII to view the Augury. The Augury, they say, came first to Remus, and that was six Vultures: which when it was interpreted, and, after that, a double number had shewn themselves to Romulus, their parties and followers saluted both of them as King at the same time; the former pretending to the Kingdom as precedent in time, and the latter upon the account of the double number of Birds. Thereupon at first they wrangled, but fell at last from words to blows, and in the Crowd Remus was slain. The more vulgar report is, that Remus in derision of his Brother, leapt over his new Walls, and for that was kill'd by Romulus, who was vex'd at it, and said in his fury, so shall every one be served that leaps over my Walls. Thus Romulus made himself sole Governour, buit the City, and call'd it by a name derived from his own. He first of all fortified the Palatine, where he was bred, and offered Sacrifice to other Gods after the Albane manner, bult to Hercules, the Greek Heroe, he did it as Evander had formerly ordered. They tell you, that Hercules when he had kill'd Geryon, brought thither an Herd of very beautiful Oxen and Cowes, and that near the River Tiber, over which he swam and drove the Cattel before him, he being tired with his journey, lay down upon the grass, to refresh himself and them with rest and convenient Food. But having eaten and drank so much Wine as that he fell asleep, a certain Shepherd that lived there hard by, called Cacus, a very strong fellow, being taken with the beauty of the Beasts, and having a great desire to rob him of them; because he knew, that if he drove them into his Cave, their very foot-tracts would lead their Owner that way to seek for them, he took the lovely brutes each one by the tail, and drew them backwards into his Den. Hercules, awak­ing early in the Morning, servey'd his Herd, and finding part of them missing, went to the next Cave to see if perchance the tracts of them went that way, where when he saw they were all turn'd as if they came out from thence, and did not go any other way, he was ama­zed, and did not know what to do, but began to drive his Cattel forward out of that unlucky place: But afterward when some of the Cows that he was driving along, low'd, as they use to do, for lack of their fellows which were left behind, the lowing of thsoe that were shut up in the Cave, by way of answer, brought Hercules back again: Whom when Cacus en­deavoured to hinder from going to the Cave, he received a blow with his Club, of which, though he call'd upon the Shepherds to assist him, he immediately Died. Evander at that time who was banished Peloponnesus, govern'd those parts more by his Authority, than any regal Power; for he was a Man that deserved a great deal of reverence upon the score of his wonderful Learning, which was a thing wholly new to those People who understood not the Arts, but much more venerable for the supposed divinity of his Mother Carmenta, whom those Nations admir'd as a Prophetess, before the coming of Sibylla into Italy. And this same Evander being at that time startled at the concourse of the Shepherds, who trembled to tell of a strangers being guilty of a palpable Murther, when he heard the relation of the Fact, and the reason of it, and saw the habit and shape of the Man, which was somewhat larger and more august than that of ordinary mankind, he demanded of him, Who he was: And when he new his name, who was his Father and what his Country, accosted him, saying, Hail Hercules! Son of Jupiter; my Mother who was a true Prophetess told me, that thou shouldest augment the number of those that dwell in Heaven, and that an Altar should here be erected to thee, which the most wealthy Nation in the World in time to come should call Maxima [the Greatest] and Sacrifice upon it according to thy command. Hercules gave him his right hand and told him, he received the Omen, and would fulfil the Prophesie, by building and dedicating an Altar. And that was the first time that Sacrifice was made there, when he, taking a choice Heifer out of his Herd, slew it, calling the Potitij and the Pinarij (Priests of Hercules) who then were a very noble Family in those parts to assist him in performing of the ceremonies, and to partake of the feast. It so fell out, that the Potitij were then present, and that the Entrals were set before them; but the Pinarij came to the rest of the entertainment when the Entrals were eaten, and thence it became a rule, as long as the race of the Pinarij continued, that they should not eat of the holy Entrals. The Potitij, taught by Evander, were the chief Priests in that Solemnity for many Ages, till all the whole stock of the Potitij was decaied, and the ministerial function of their Family conferr'd upon publick Servants. And these holy foreign rites above all others did Romulus then undertake to perform, being even at that time a great admirer of Immortality, gained by Vertue and Courage, to which his very Destiny led him.

Having performed the holy Rites according to order, and called the multitude to council, VIII who could not be united into one body by any means, except Laws, he made several, which he supposed would be the better observed, if he made himself venerable by some ensigns or badges of Kingly power; and therefore as he appear'd more agust in his other habit, so also and most especially he did in that he chose twelve Lictors, (or Sergeants) to go with rods and axes before him. Some say he made use of that number from the number of birds that in the Augury had portended his being King. But I am willing to be of their opi­nion, who say that Apparitors or Serjeants and that sort of officers came from the Etrurians [Page 8] that were a neighbouring Nation, from whence also they derive the Sella Curulis [or Chair of State,] the Toga praetexta [a white Gown, that Children wore, guarded with purple] and this very number: and that the Etrurians had just so many, because their King being chosen out of twelve several sorts of People, each of them chose one Lictor (or Sergeant.) In the mean time the City increased in fortifications, in that they went still farther and farther with their works, more out of hopes of a multitude to come, than for the safeguard of those men they then had. And then lest the City should have been made so big to no purpose, He, ac­cording to the ancient rule of all those that ever built Cities (who when they had gathered into their walls an obscure and mean rabble of People, pretended their inhabitants were born out of the Earth) set open the Asylum, a place which is now hedg'd in with thick brambles between two Groves, and into that from the neighbouring Nations all the rabble ran, as being greedy of novelties, without distinction, or being questioned whether they were Free-men or Slaves: And that was the first step towards the greatness of his strength. When he thought himself strong enough, he prepared a Council to manage that strength, to which end he makes an hundred Senators, either because that number was sufficient, or because there were but one hundred only that could be created Patres (i. e. Fathers or grave Senators.) Now they no question, were called Patres [i. e. Fathers] out of respect and honour, and their descendants Patricij [i. e. such as were of a Senatorian Family.]

IX By this time Rome was grown so strong, that it was able to cope with any of the neighbour­ing Cities, but for want of Women, its Grandeur was like to continue no longer than a Mans age; because they neither had hopes of Children at home, nor intermarried with their Neighbours. Then by advice of the Senate Romulus sent Embassadours to the adjacent Countries, to desire an Alliance and Nuptial Engagements between his and their People, and to tell them, That Cities, like other things, rose from small beginnings, and then, that such, as their own Virtue and the Gods advance, gain to themselves great power and renown; as also, that they knew very well, not only that the Gods were assistant in the production of Rome, but likewise that no Virtue would be wanting in that Nation; wherefore they should not think it any degradation to them as Men to mingle bloud and contract an intimate rela­tion with those who were Men as well as themselves. But this Embassy was no where kindly received, so much they all despised, and fear'd so great a power that was then growing up a­mong them, not only in respect to themselves, but their posterity. Many dismissed them with this question, Whether they had opened any Asylum for Women too? for that would make their Marriages just and equal. The Roman youth took that in great dudgeon, and had a great inclination to use violence: for which that Romulus might give a good opportunity, he counterfeited himself out of humor, and ordered Games to be solemnly kept in ho­nour of Neptunus Equestris purposely, [i. e. The God of Horsemanship,] which he call'd Con­sualia. Whereupon he commanded that the adjacent Countries should have notice given them of a Show that was to be made, and with as much preparation as they possibly could, they set things out, that they might do something that was extraordinary, and answer Peoples ex­pectations. A great many people met together, not only upon that account, but likewise out of curiosity to see the new City; especially all the neighbouring People, as the Caeninenses, the Crustumini, and the Antemnates. Thither also came all the Sabines, with their Wives and Children; who being invited very hospitably from house to house, and seeing the situation, the walls and all the City so full of houses, admir'd that Rome was grown so great in so short a time. When the time for the Show was come, and their minds and eyes were all intent upon it, then by consent they made the attack; and giving the signal, the Roman youth ran up and down to ravish, or seize their Virgins, of whom great part were forced away at a ven­ture, as each man litt upon them, though some great beauties design'd for the Chiefs of the Senate were carried to their houses by inferior persons imployed for that purpose. They tell you, that one much handsomer than all the rest, was carried away by the retinue of one Ta­lassius, of whom when many people enquired to whom they were carrying her, the parties that had her in custody cried out by way of answer (lest any one should take her from them) she is going to Talassius, from whence that became a Nuptial word. The sport being all spoiled by the fear that people conceived, the sad parents of the Maids ran away as fast as they could, accusing the Romans for violating the laws of Hospitality, and calling upon that God to whose Solemnity and Games they came, and were deceived even after a religious promise of the contrary. Nor had the Maids that were taken any better hopes of themselves, or less indignation within them; but Romulus went all about and told them, that what they suffered was for the pride of their Fathers, who had denied to contract any Marriage with their neighbours, but that however they should be Married, and bear a part not only in all their fortunes, but be free of their City, and (than which nothing is more dear to Mankind) share in the procreation of Children. That they would do well to remit their fury, and resign their affections to those men whom fortune had made masters of their bodies. That many times love had afterward sprung from injuries precedent, and that they were like to have the better Husbands, inasmuch as every man endeavoured as much as possible not only to satisfie his turn, but to fulfil the desire of his Parents and Country. Besides this too, the men shew'd a great deal of kindness, whilst they excused themselves, and strove to attone for their fault by love and address, which are the best arguments to pacifie a Womans soul.

By this means the Maids minds were very much reconciled; but their Parents, in sordid habit, with tears in their eyes and great complaints, endeavored more than ever at that time, to instigate their several Cities: nor did their indignation contain it self within their own Towns only, but they flock'd from all parts to Titus Tatius, King of the Sabines; and Embassies were sent thither, in that the name of Tatius was most renowned of any in those parts. The Caeninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates, were they who were partly concerned for that injury: and Tatius with his Sabines seemed to them to make but slow progress in the Affair; wherefore those three Nations prepared for a War at their own common charge, though the Crustumini and the Antemnates were not speedy enough for the heat and fury of the Caennienses; inso­much that the Caeninenses made an inrode into the Roman Territories all alone. But as they were ravaging the Country without any controul or consideration, Romulus met them with an Army, and in a light skirmish taught them, that fury without strength is a very vain thing, scattered and routed their Army, and after that, pursued them, killed and rifled their King in the Battel; and having slain the Leader of his Enemies, took their City upon the first effort. Then bringing his Army back with Victory, he (who as he was a person that had done great exploits, so he would brag as much of them) hung up the spoils of the Enemies Ge­neral whom he had slain, and carrying them upon a Machine conveniently framed for that end, went up into the Capitol: where when he had laid them down under an Oak which the Shepherds held to be sacred, he not only presented his Gift to Jupiter, but designed the bounds of a Temple for him, giving that god a new Surname; Jupiter Feretrius, said he, I King Romulus, having been victorious, bring thee here the Arms of a King, and dedicate to thee a Temple in that place that I have in my mind just now marked out, as a Reposi­tory for rich Spoils, which all Posterity, when they have slain Kings and Generals of their Enemies, in imitation of me, shall bring hither. This is the original of that Temple which was first Consecrated at Rome. And accordingly afterwards the Gods were pleased, that neither the Founder of the Temple should spend his breath to no purpose, when he said, that posterity should bring their Spoils thither, nor that the multitude of such as were capa­ble of doing so should lessen the value of his Offering. For there were not above two such rich Prizes taken after that in so many years and so many Wars; so rare was the fortune of such an Atchievement.

Whil'st the Romans were doing thus in those parts, the Army of the Antemnates taking XI their opportunity, and having no body to resist them, made an hostile Incursion into the Roman Dominions; but a Legion of the Romans coming speedily up to them, defeated them as they were stragling about the Fields. So the Enemy was routed at the first attack and shout that the Romans gave; their Town taken, and Hirsilia, Romulus's Wife; who was tired with the importunities of the forced Maids, desired him, now that he came home in Triumph for a double Victory, That he would pardon their Parents, and take them into the City; for by that means the whole matter might be composed in Peace and Concord: which suit of hers was easily obtained. Then setting out in an expedition against Crustumini, who made War against him, he had less to do than before, because their courage was cooled by the sense they had of other peoples misadventures. Colonies were sent to both places, and many were found, who by reason of the fertility of the Soil, were willing to go and live in the Country of the Crustumini; and on the other side, many of the Parents especially, and Relations of the forced Virgins came from thence to Rome. The last War that happened was from the Sabines, and that by much the greatest: for they did nothing out of fury or heat, nor made any shew of a War before they were able actually to engage in it. And to their Counsels they added Poli­cy and stratagem also. Sp. Tarpeius was Governor of the Castle at Rome, whose Virgin daugh­ter Tatius corrupted with mony, to let his Soldiers into the Castle, as she happened one day to be going without the Walls for Water to use at a Sacrifice. But when she had let them in, they threw their Arms upon her and killed her, either out of a design, that the Castle might seem to be taken by main force, or to shew an example of what ill success all Treachery has, and that Traitors may never think themselves secure. Some make this addition to the story, That the Sabines commonly wore golden Bracelets of a great weight upon their left Arms, and stone Rings that made a glorious show; whereupon she bargained to have all that which they had in their left hands, and that instead of their golden Presents, they gave her their Buck­lers which they held in the same hand. And some again say, that she according to the com­pact of having what was in their left hands, demanded their Arms, and so seeming fraudu­lent in her request, was destroyed by her own reward.

But however the Sabines got possession of the Castle; nor did they the next day (when XII the Roman Army was set in Battalia, and fill'd all the Plain that lies between the Hill Palatine and the Capitol) come down into the Field, before the Romans (who were hurried on with fury and zeal to recover the Castle) came up on the other side. The Generals on both sides animated the Soldiers to fight: on the Sabines side, Metius Curtius, and on the Romans, Hostus Hostilius; who upon the first onset maintained the Roman cause even in an ill Post, by the strength of his courage and audacity. As soon as Hostus fell, the Roman Army gave way, and were driven as far as the Old Palace-gate; and Romulus himself being forced along by the croud of them that fled, lifting up his arms toward Heaven, cryed out, Ju­piter! [Page 10] by the command of thy Birds I laid the first Foundations of this City here on the Mount Palatine: Now the Sabines have got my Castle which they have purchased by Trea­chery, and are coming from thence hither all in Arms over the Valley that lies between us. But do thou, O Father of Gods and Men! repel the Enemy at least from this place, remove this terror from the Romans, and stop their dishonorable flight. I vow, that here I will build thee a Temple by the name of Jupiter Stator [so called, for stopping those that fled] which may be a Monument to all posterity, that by thy present aid our City was preserved. Having made this Prayer (as if he had been sensible that his Prayers were heard) he cryed out: From this place, Romans! the good and great Jupiter bids you rally and renew the Fight. Immodiately the Romans faced about, and fought as if they had been commanded by a voice from Heaven, whil'st Romulus made all the hast he could to the head of the Army. Metius Curtius, the Sabine General, ran down from the Castle and had driven the Romans the breadth of the whole Forum [or Market-place] nor was he now far from the Gate of the Palace, crying out, We have routed the perfidious Villains, cowardly, effeminate Fellows; and now they know it is quite another thing to force young Maids, than it is to engage with Men. Upon whom (as he was boasting on this wise) Romulus, with a company of brave young fellows made an attack. Metius by chance at that time fought on Horseback, and con­sequently was the easier defeated; which when the Romans had accomplished, they pursu'd him, and the other part of the Roman Army, encouraged by the example of their King, routed the Sabines. Metius, whose Horse was scared at the noise of them that pursu'd him, got into a bog, and that made the Sabines also concern'd for the danger that such a great Man was then in. But he, by the consent and advice of his own Men, whose kindness increased his resolution, made his escape; whil'st in the mean time the Romans and Sabines in a Valley be­tween two Hills renewed the Fight, but the Romans won the day.

XIII Then the Sabine Women, who were the unhappy cause of the War, with their hair about their ears, and their garments all torn, having conquered all feminine fear by their misfortunes, were so bold as to run in among the flying darts, and across between the two Armies to part them and decide the quarrel, begging and intreating on the one hand the Sabines, as Fathers; and on the other, the Romans, as Husbands; That they who were all Fathers and Sons in law would not stain themselves with blood: that they would not defile their own Offspring with parricide, the Sabines the Progeny of their Grandchildren, or the Romans that of their Chil­dren. If you are vexed at the alliance and intermarriage that is between you, turn your an­ger upon us; we are the cause of the War, and of all the wounds or slaughter that has been made either of Husbands or Parents: 'tis better for us to die, than live either Widows or Childless without one part of you. This moveth both the common Soldiers, and the Comman­ders also: and immediately there was silence and a cessation of Arms, upon which the Ge­nerals marched forth to make a League; nor did they conclude a Peace only, but made one City out of two, join'd both the Kingdoms into one, and translated the Empire wholly to Rome. Thus the City was doubled; but, as a complement to the Sabines, the Citizens were after that called Quirites, from Cures [a Town of the Sabines:] and as a Monument of that fight, they called the place where Curtius, having escaped out of a deep Fen, first stop'd his Horse upon the Strand, the Lacus Curtius [or Curtian Lake.] That Peace which so suddenly succeeded such a fatal War, made the Sabine Women much dearer to their Husbands and Pa­rents, and above all, to Romulus himself. And therefore when he divided the People into thirty Curiae [or Wards] he called those Curiae by their names. It is not said, whether those Women who gave their names to the several Wards (which were not so many, questionless, as there were Women) were chosen out upon the score of their age, the dignities of their Husbands, their own virtue, or by lot. At the same time also there were three hundred Horse raised; the Ramnenses, so called from Romulus; the Tatienses, so called from Titus Tatius, and the Luceres, the cause of whose name and original is uncertain. And from that time two Kings enjoyed that Kingdom, not only in common, but with peace and concord also.

XIV Some years after, certain Relations of King Tatius abused the Ambassadors that came from Laurentum; concerning which, the Laurentes desired to be tryed by the Law of Nations, but the kindness that King Tatius had for his Kindred, and their intreaties prevailed more with him. Wherefore he turned their punishment upon himself; for at Lavinium, when he came thither to a solemn Sacrificing, they made a riot and killed him. Which thing, Romulus, they say, took not so ill as he might have done; either because he thought Tatius an unfaithful part­ner in the Kingdom, or that he lookt upon him as justly slain. Wherefore he abstain'd from mak­ing War; but yet, to expiate for the injuries of the Ambassadors, and the death of the King, the League between those two Cities, Rome and Lavinium, was renewed. But when this unexpected Peace was made with that People, another War broke out more near at hand, even almost at their very Gates. The Fidenates thinking that a great and powerful Empire was growing too near them, took an occasion to make a War by way of prevention, before it attained to that strength which in time it was likely to have; wherefore they sent their youth all armed to ravage the Country that lies between Rome and Fidenae. Then turning to the left (for on the right hand the Tiber hindred their passage) they wasted all before them, to the great consternation and terror of the Country people, who, being put into a sudden tumult, [Page 11] by that means brought the news into the City. Romulus, surprized at it, and being much con­cerned, immediately (for a War so near at hand would not admit of any long deliberation) drew out his Army, and pitch'd his Camp a thousand paces from Fidenae. Where having left a small Guard, he marched out with all the rest of his Forces, and ordering some part of his men to make an Ambuscade in the thickets thereabout, went on himself with the greater part of his Foot and all his Horse, and (as his desire was) by a tumultuous, daring way of fighting, and riding about before their very Gates, provoked the Enemy to take notice of him; besides, that way of Fighting on Horse-back gave them less reason to wonder at that flight, which his men were to counterfeit: and so when the Horse seemed to be in a quandary, whether they should fight or run, and the Foot too gave back; the Enemy came full drive out upon them, and seeing the Roman Army make way, were so eager to press up and fol­low them, that at last they were decoy'd to the place where the Ambuscade lay. From whence the Romans started up all on a sudden and set upon the Enemies flank. But it was an addi­tion to their fear, to see the Ensigns which were left in the Garrison, move out of their Camp. Thus the Fidenates, strook with manifold dread, before Romulus and they that were with him could turn their Horses, turned their backs, and with more speed (for this was a real flight) than they followed the Romans, who a little before pretended to fly, made to the Town again: yet they did not save themselves from the Enemy; for the Romans stuck close to their back, and before they could shut their Gates, broke all together into the Town.

At the calamity of this War with the Fidenates, the minds of the Veientes were likewise XV highly provoked, as well as upon the score of Consanguinity, (for both they and the Fide­nates were Etrurians) besides that the nearness of the place, if the Roman Arms must needs be so uneasie to all their Neighbors, was a sufficient instigation: wherefore they made an excursion into the Roman Dominions, committing more havock than consisted with the rules of a just War. To which end they pitch'd no Tents, nor expected the Enemy, but carrying away what Forage they found in the Fields, returned to Veii [their City.] The Roman on the other hand, finding no Enemy in the Field, but being prepar'd and resolv'd to fight it out to the last Man, passed the Tiber. Whom when the Veientes heard of, that he had pitch'd his Camp, and was drawing up toward their City, they marched out to meet him, as choosing rather to make a Field-battel of it, than be shut up and fight from the tops of their Houses and Walls. But though they had strength, they had no Art, and therefore the Roman King overcame them with the declining strength of his old Soldiers, and pursuing them as they ran away even to their Walls, he retired from the City, because it was strong both in its for­tifications and very situation too. But as he came back, he wasted the Country, more out of revenge than desire of prey. The Veientes were tamed by that slaughter which was then made among them, as much as if they had fought a set Battel, and therefore sent Orators to Rome to desire a Peace. Whereupon they were sentenced to lose part of their Country, but had a Truce granted them for 100 years. These things were transacted in the Reign of Romulus, at home and in the Wars; of which there is nothing that contradicts the belief of his divine Original, or that divinity, which 'tis thought he after his death attained to: not his zeal for the recovery of his Grandfathers Kingdom; not his design in building the City; nor his strengthning of it by the arts of Peace and War: for from that glorious beginning, when he came to have strength enough, he was so powerful and prudent, that he preserved a Peace entire for forty years after. But he was more beloved by the common People, than the Se­nators; and the Soldiers admired him far beyond any other, of whom he had 300, called Celeres [Light-Horsemen] in his Life-guard, not only in War, but in Peace also.

After he had done all these immortal Exploits, as he was mustering his Army in the Field XVI next to the Fen called Caprae palus [the Goat-Fen] there rose such a sudden storm with claps of Thunder, and covered the King with such a thick veil of tempestuous Darkness, that the Assembly could not see him; nor was he ever seen upon Earth any more. The Roman youth (when the fright at last was over, and the troubled Sky clearing up, grew calm and serene again) seeing the Kings seat empty, though they were sufficiently perswaded by the Sena­tors that stood next him, that he was carried up from them in the Storm; yet being strucken as it were with the fear of losing a Father, for some time continued in doleful silence, though soon after a few of them began, who were seconded by all the rest, and cryed out, All hail! to Romulus, a God, born of a God, the King and Father of Rome, we all pray to him for Peace, and that he would always be ready propitiously to protect and preserve his own Progeny. There were also, I suppose, some persons at that time, who privately reported, that the King was torn in pieces by the Senators, for such a rumor went abroad, though it were but a blind story. But the other is made creditable by the admiration which they shew'd for the Man, and their pre­sent consternation. And this they say was confirmed by the contrivance of one person; for Proculus Julius, when the City was all in great concern for the loss of their King, and angry with the Senate, came into a publick Assembly, and was, they say, the Author of a heinous lie, though a matter of great consequence. Romulus, says he, (O ye Romans!) the Father of this City, came down from Heaven on a sudden this morning at break of day, and stood in my way; at which I was astonished and stood trembling before him, but begged of him, that I might see his face; no, says he, get you gone, and tell the Romans, the Gods have so [Page] ordained it, that my Rome shall be the Head of the World; wherefore let them study Mi­ [...]ary Discipline: and let them know and deliver the same to their Posterity, that no human [...]ower can withstand the Roman Arms: Having said this, says he, he fled up. 'Tis strange to tell you, what credit they gave to this mans relation, and how the grief both of the People and the Army for the loss of Romulus was mitigated, when they were once induced to believe that lie was grown Immortal.

XVII In the mean time the Senate had great differences among them, and were each of them mighty ambitious of being King: but no single person could make a party, because no one among that new People was much more eminent than another; but the controversie lay be­tween the several ranks of men. Those that were descended from the Sabines, lest they (be­cause since Tatius's death had none of them govern'd in equal dignity with Romulus) should lose the possession of the Empire, desired to have a King chosen out of their Body. The old Romans, on the other side, contemned and slighted the name of a Foreign King; but though they were divided in their Opinions, yet all of them were for having a King, having not yet had experience how sweet Liberty was. Then the Senate was afraid, lest any external force should invade the City now that it was without a Governor, the Army without a General, and many Cities round about their incensed Enemies: wherefore they thought it fit to make some body Head; but no one of them could endure the thoughts of submitting to another. The Senate therefore made up the matter among themselves, by making of ten Decuriae [or Precincts] and setting one Senator over each of them to manage all Affairs. So ten bore Rule, of which one had the Ensigns of Empire and Lictors [Serjeants] before him. Their Dominion lasted but five days, and so went round to all the House; and at that time there was an interval of Government for a year, from whence we have the word Interregnum, the space between one Kings Reign and the beginning of another. But this made the People murmur, and say, that their Slavery was multiplied, in that they now had an hundred Lords instead of one; nor did they seem to be willing any longer to have any other than a King, and him too of their own choosing. When the Senate saw that, they thought fit to offer what they must needs part with, and therefore to win upon them, they gave the People the supreme Authority, but in such a manner, that they granted no more power than they reserv'd for themselves; for they Decreed, That when the People had named a King, their choice should stand, if the Senate would agree to it; (and even to this day the same method is ob­served in the making of Laws and Magistrates, save only the animosity) but before the People had given their Voices, the Senate gave their consent at random, let the event be what it would. Then the Interrex, having called an Assembly, told them, Romans! I hope it will be to your advantage, and therefore pray choose a King; for so the Senate would have you do. And if you make choice of such a Person as is fit to be the second from Romulus, they will confirm it. This pleased the People so well, that lest they might seem to be outdone in Civility, they only ordered and required, That the Senate would Decree and Appoint one to be King of Rome.

XVIII The Justice and Religion of Numa Pompilius was at that time very famous. He lived at a Sabine Town, called Cures, and was a Person, considering the Age he lived in, very well versed in all Laws, both divine and humane. They tell you (but falsly) that Pythagoras the Samian was his Master, (because they know of no other) though it is well known that he kept a School of young studious Lads above an hundred years after, in the Reign of Servius Tullius, upon the utmost borders of all Italy about Metapontus, Heraclea and Croton. From which distant places (though he had lived in the same Age) how should the Sabines have heard of his Fame, or by what intercourse of Language could he have excited any Person in that Country to the desire of Learning? or with what safety should a single man have travelled through so many Countries of different languages and manners? I therefore suppose, that his Soul was rather naturally endued with virtuous inclinations, and instructed not so much with Foreign Arts, as by the severe and rigid discipline of the old Sabine; than which none heretofore was more free from corruption. The Senate having heard of Numa's name (though they thought it might be a means to advance the Sabines above the Romans, if they should take a King from thence, yet) there was not any one of them that durst pre­fer either himself, any one of his party, nor in fine, any Senator or Citizen before that great Man; and therefore nemine contradicente, they Decreed, That Numa Pompilius should be King. Thereupon he was sent for, and like Romulus who built the City by the admonition of an Augury, took possession of the Kingdom. For he ordered, that the Gods should be consulted concerning him; and then being led into the Castle by the Augur [or Sooth-sayer] (who, from that time, out of respect to the present circumstance, was publick and perpetu­al Priest) he sate him upon a Stone with his Face towards the South. The Augur sate on his left hand with his head covered, holding a crooked staff without any knot (which they call'd Lituus) in his right hand: and when, having taken a prospect of the City and the Country round about, he had paid his Devotion to the Gods; he marked our the several regions of the Air, from East to West, with his right side to the South, and his left to the North. After which he looked towards a certain place, which in his mind he pitch'd upon, as far as his eyes could ken. Then removing his Lituus [or Augurs staff] into his left hand, and [Page 13] putting his right hand on Numa's head, he made this Prayer; Great Father Jove! If thou thinkest fit, that this same Numa Pompilius, whose head I now have in my hand, should be King Rome; I beg of Thee, that thou wouldest shew us thy certain and manifest tokens of it within those bounds which I have marked out. When he had so done, he performed all other ceremonies belonging to his office; which being ended, Numa was declared King, and came down from the place where he sate.

Numa being thus put into the possession of the Kingdom, made it his business afresh to XIX build that new City which Romulus had founded by force of Arms, and to adorn it with Laws and moral Institutions: To which, seeing he could not make that warlike People com­ply, (for they had lost all sense of Morality and Civility, by being so long in Arms) and thinking the best way to molify them, was by disusing and taking them off from the fierce toils of War, he built a Temple to Janus at the lower end of the street called Argiletum, to be an advertisement both of Peace and War; which when it was open, might signifie the City was in Arms; and when shut, might shew they had Peace with all Nations. That Temple was twice shut after the Reign of Numa; once when Titus Manlius was Consul, at the end of the first Punick War; and a second time, after the Battel at Actium, by the Emperour Augustus Caesar, who gained a general Peace by sea and land, which the Gods have been so favourable to let us see even in this our Age. Numa having shut up this Temple, and obliged all the neighbouring Nations by Leagues and Alliances which he made with them, was now freed from all fear of foreign dangers; yet, lest his Peoples minds might grow luxurious for want of imployment, (for the continual fear of some Enemy and Military Discipline had formerly kept them within bounds) he thought Religion the best and most efficacious thing which he could introduce, to keep the then rude and unskilful multitude in awe. But, because it was not like to have any great effect on their minds, without the help of some feigned miracle or other; he pretended that he had nocturnal conversation with the Goddess Aegeria; and that by her advice, he appointed such holy rites as were most acceptable to the Gods, and ordained peculiar Priests to each particular God. And first of all, he divided the year into twelve Months, according to the course of the Moon; which (because the Moon does not make up full thirty days each Month, but there are some days wanting of a compleat year) he so rectified, by putting in some odd days, that every twentieth year the days agreeed exactly with that order and account by which they were at first computed. He also appointed which should be working-days, and which holy-days, be­cause sometimes it might be convenient to give the People liberty.

Then he created the several Priests, though he himself performed many sacred offices, XX especially such as now belong to Jupiter's Flamen or High-priest. But because in such a warlike City, he supposed there would be more Kings like Romulus, than there would be like Numa, and that they would go to the Wars in their own persons; for fear the holy Rites which the King was to perform should be omitted, he created a Priest who was to be a daily Flamen [or sacrificer] to Jupiter; adorning him with a peculiar Robe, and seating him in a royal chair of State: besides whom he made two other Flamens [or Priests] one for Mars, and the other for Romulus. He likewise chose out Virgins for Vesta; which was a Female Priesthood that came originally from Alba [an adjacent City] and out of the same Country where their Founder was born: appointing them to be continual attendants in her Temple, allotting them a stipend out of the Publick Treasury, and making them vene­rable as well as sacred, on the score of their Virginity, and other ceremonies which they were obliged to. He also chose twelve Salij [or Priests] devoted to Mars Surnamed Gra­divus, [from his stately marching to War] and gave them a painted Coat for a Badg of distinction, over which they wore a brazen Brest-plate, ordaining that they should carry those sacred Shields, called Ancilia, and go about the City singing and dancing in such a sett and solemn manner. After that, he chose Numa Martius the Son of Marcus out of the Senate, to be Pontifex [or High-Priest] and gave him a transcript of all the Holy Rites as he had designed them; that is to say, what Sacrifices should be offered, upon what days, in what Temples they were to be made, and whence Money should be had to defray the charge of them. Besides which, he put all holy things, both publick and private under the Jurisdiction of this same Pontifex [or High-Priest] that the People might have some certain person to come and advise with; lest there should happen any confusion in their religious Worship; either by neglecting the ancient Rites of their Country, or by intro­ducing such as were foreign. Nor did he intend, that this same Pontifex should instruct the People in sacred ceremonies only, but in the Rites of Burial too, and how to appease the Ghosts of men deceased: and, for the interpretation of all prodigies that happened by Thunder, or other extraordinary events, he dedicated an Altar in the mount Aventine to Jupiter Elicius, and consulted the God by Auguries, to know which were to be taken notice of, or what was to be done upon any such present occasion.

The People being turned from force and arms to consult and mind these sacred rules, XXI their thoughts were wholly taken up with this affair; and their daily devotion to the God (now that Divinity it self seemed to dwell among them) had so inflamed all their Souls with heavenly zeal, that truth and Honesty governed the City without the help of Laws, [Page 14] or fear of Punishment. And, as they themselves squared their manners according to their Kings, who was their sole Example, so likewise all the neighbouring Nations, who before that time, believed that a Camp more like than a City was founded in the midst of them, to disturb their Peace, were reduced to that modesty and civility, that they thought it a very great crime to violate such a place which was now wholly converted to the Wor­ship of the Gods. There was a Grove through the middle whereof there ran a stream out of a dark Grotto springing from a continual Fountain; whither because Numa oftentimes retir'd without any company as it were to meet his Goddess, he consecrated that Grove to the Camaenae [or Muses;] because, he pretended, they advised him at the same time when he conversed with his Wife Aegeria. He appointed Solemnities to the Goddess call'd Fides [or common Honesty] only; to whose Temple he ordered the Priests to be car­ried in a Chariot, with an arched Canopy drawn by two Horses, and that they should sacrifice with their arms covered as low as their fingers; signifying, that Faith and com­mon Honesty ought to be preserved, and that the sacred Seat of it is even in the right hand. He instituted many other Sacrifices, and consecrated many other places which the Ponti­fices [or High Priests] call Argei. But the greatest thing that ever he did was his preserving of Peace, no less than the Honour of the Kingdom all the time of his Reign. So, two Kings one after another, though in a different way, one by War, the other by Peace, advanced the Grandieur of the City. Romulus Reigned thirty seven years, and Numa forty three. Then the City was strong and well exercised in the arts both of War and Peace.

XXII Upon the death of Numa, there was another Interregnum [or space of time between the Reign of two Kings;] and then the People chose Tullus Hostilius the Grandson of Hostilius King, who had behaved himself very bravely at the Foot of the Castle, against the Sabines. To which choice of the People the Senate gave their consent. But this Man was not only unlike his Predecessour, but more warlike even than R [...]mulus himself: for, not only his age and strength but his Grandfather's glory also excited his ambition. He therefore fancying that the City grew old and lazy for want of imployment, sought all occasions to make a War. It happened at that time, that the Roman Country People pil­laged the Alban Dominions, and the Albans on the other hand, as much the Roman ter­ritories. Caius Cluilius was then Governour of Alba, and there were Ambassadours sent from both places about the same time to seek redress for mutual injuries done to each other: but Tullus had given his a charge that they should do nothing before they had executed his commands; for he knew very well, that the Alban would deny what he demanded, and so he might lawfully and plausibly proclaim War against him. The Albans were more negligent in their affairs, and Tullus's Ambassadours were very kindly treated by the King at a Feast. But whilst they staied, the Romans did not only demand back again what the Albans had taken from them; but upon their denial, declared they would make War in thirty days; all which negotiation they made Tullus acquainted with. Then Tullus gave the Alban Ambassadours audience; but they not knowing his design, at first delaied the time in making Apologies for themselves; That they should be unwilling to say any thing that might displease Tullus, but must be obedient to their Masters commands: that they came thither for redress of injuries which they had suffered, and unless they could have it, were commanded to declare War. To which Tullus replyed and said, Tell your King, that the King of the Romans takes the Gods to witness, that whichsoever of the two People shall first despise and dismiss an Embassy that comes to demand Justice, he desires that all the calamities of this War may fall upon them. Which answer of his the Albans related to their King.

XXIII Upon this, thre were very great preparations made for a War on both sides, which looked much like a Civil War, as being a quarrel almost between Fathers and their Chil­dren: for they both came of the Trojan Race, Lavinium from Troy, Alba from Lavinium, and the Romans from the Albans. But the event of the War made the quarrel less con­siderable, because they did not fight in the open field, and besides that, the houses of one City being lately destroyed, those two People were united into one. The Albans first with a great Army made an incursion into the Roman Dominions, pitching their Camp not above five thousand paces from the City, and enclosing it with a ditch, which from the name of their General, was called Cluilius's Ditch, for some ages, till, by tract of time, the name was lost together with the thing it self. In this Camp Cluilius the Alban King died, in whose stead the Albans created a Dictator, Metius Suffetius. In the mean time Tullus grew very insolent, especially upon the death of the King, and saying, That, the Gods having begun at the head, would punish the whole body of the Albans, for the unjust War which they had made, he passed by the Enemies Camp in the Night-time, and with a dreadful Army marched into the Alban Territories. This removed Metius from his Camp, who drew his men up as near to the Enemy as he could, and thence sent an Embassadour before him to tell Tullus, That it was convenient before they began the Fight, for them to have a parley; and that if he would meet him, he was well assured, that he could tell him something no less advan­tageous to the Roman, than to the Alban State: which prosser Tullus did not slight, though it was but frivolous, and therefore led his men forth into the field, where the Albans met him. When the two Armies stood in Battalia on both sides, the two Generals marched up into [Page 15] the midway between them, with some few of the Nobility attending him. Then the Alban thus began; I understand that certain injuries, and the not restoring what was demanded back, has made our King Cluilius to seem the cause of this War; nor do I doubt, O Tullus! but you pretend the same thing: but if we may speak truth, rather than what seems specious and plausible only, it is desire of Empire which at present sets two people who are allyed and Neighbours, at va­riance. Nor do I pretend to say whether it be well or ill done on either side: let him look to that, who undertakes the War; the Albans have chosen me their General in it. But this (O Tullus!) I must needs tell you, you have more reason to know how strong the Etrurians are, who border very near upon us, but are much nearer to you. They are very powerful by land, but much more by Sea; and therefore pray take notice, that when you joyn Battel, these two Armies will be in their sight only like a show or spectacle; so that when we have tired and ruined one another, they will set upon the Conquerour, as well as on the conquered. Wherefore, if the Gods have any favour for us, or we any care of our selves, at this juncture, when not content with certain liberty, we run the hazard of Empire or Slavery, let us take some course to decide the question, which of us shall govern the other, without any slaughter or bloudshed on either side. This proposal did not much displease Tullus, though he were heated both by his natural inclination and the hopes of victory. They therefore fell to consultation in the affair, and fortune herself found out an expedient.

There happened to be at that time three Brothers in each Army, whose age and strength XXIV was equal, and those were the Horatij and the Curiatij, than whose engagement against each other there is scarce any thing more famous in all antiquity: but yet even concerning a thing of that moment, men are at a loss, nor can any body certainly tell which side the Horatij were on, or which side the Curiatij. Authors are divided in their opinions, but I find most make the Horatij to be Romans, and I am very much inclined to believe they were so. The two Kings treated with these two ternaries of Brethren, that they would each fight a combat for their Country, and that that side should enjoy the Empire that got the victory. They did not at all decline it, but agreed upon the time and place. Be­fore they fought, there was a compact made between the Romans and the Albans upon these conditions, that, That People whose Citizens won the day, should govern the other in peace and quietness. Some leagues are made with different Articles, but all in the same nature. At that time this we hear was thus made, nor is there any record of any league more ancient. The Herald asked King Tullus this question: Does your Majesty command me to strike a league with the Herald of the Albans? To which the King complying, the Herald made answer and said, I demand Vervain of your Majesty. The King replyed, Take it up clean. Whereupon the Herald brought from the Castle some clean leaves of that Plant, and then asked the King, Sir, do you make me the Royal Messenger of the Roman Pe [...]ple, with all my carriages and retinue? The King answered, I do all that may be done wit [...] Justice to my self and the Roman People. The Herald's name was M. Valerius, and he made Spurius Fufius the Pater Patratus [or Chief Herald] by touching his head and his hair with Vervain (the Pater Pa­tratus was made to confirm and strengthen their Oath) and men he perfected the league in many words, and those in verse too, which are too long [...]o relate. After that, having recited the conditions, he said. Hear, (O Jupiter!) Hear thou O Herald of the Albans! and all ye People of Alba! How that all those words which I spea [...] both first and last here in publick frrom these waxed tables, without any fraud or design are to be understood, according to the plain sense of them; and that the Roman People will not first revolt from these conditions by any de­ceitful dealing, though they have gone contrary to publick advice; No, in that day, do thou, O Jupiter! so smite the Roman People, as I this day shall smite this hog; nay, do it as much more fatally as thy omnipotence is able! Having so said, he smote an hog with a flint-stone: and then the Albans, by their Dictator and their Priests, repeated their verses and their Oath.

When the league was thus made, the three Brothers on each side according to the agree­ment, XXV took up their Arms: and having admonished each other, that the Gods of their Country, their Country and their Parents, and all their fellow Citizens, whether at home or in the Army, had their eyes fixed upon their Arms and their hands; being animated both by their own natural courage, and filled with the exhortations of all the by-standers, march forth into the midst between the two Armies. The two Armies sate down on both sides before their Camps, more free from present danger than from care; for their Empire was at stake, and ventured upon the courage and fortune of those few men: wherefore, with great suspence of mind, they were very intent on that ungrateful spectacle. The Signal was given, and the three young men on each side fell fiercely to it, with a courage and fury of two great Armies: nor were they concerned, either one or t'other for their own particular danger, but publick Empire and slavery possessed their minds, and the thoughts that such would be the fortune of their Country as they themselves procured. Upon the first onset, when their Arms clash'd and their Swords glitter'd, a great dread seized all the Spectatours, for the Combat enclining to neither side, the People had almost lost their voice and breath. But soon after when they came to grappling, and shewed not only agility of body and their dexterity in handling their Arms, but bloud and wounds, two of the Romans fell down dead one over the other, having wounded the three Albans, at whose fall, the Alban Army gave a great shout for joy; which made the Roman Legions despair, and yet they were extremely [Page 16] concerned for that one single Person who was encompassed by the three Curiatij. But it so happened, that he was yet unhurt, and though being a single person, he was not able to cope with them all, yet he was strong enough for any one of them: wherefore, to divide the Combat, he pretended to fly; supposing, that they would each of them follow him as their wounds would permit. When he was got some distance from the place where the Combat began, looking back, he saw them pursue him a good way behind, but one of them, not far from him; and therefore he returned and set upon him very severely. And while the Alban Army cried out to the Curiatij to help their Brother, the Horatius had now killed his Enemy, and being victorious, made what haste he could to engage a second of them. Then the Romans with a shout like that of People who are beyond all expectation ani­mated to favour any party, encouraged their Champion; and he did all he could to make an end of the fight. Wherefore before the third who was not far off could overtake him, he dispatched the second Curiatius. And now they were upon equal terms, as being one to one, though there was no parity between them either of hope or strength; for the Ro­man body which was untouched, and the double victory which he had gained, made him fit and eager to engage in a third encounter, while the Alban who was tired with his wounds had run so far, that he could hardly crawl, and was in a manner conquered by seeing his Brethren slain before him, was exposed to a victorious Enemy; nor was that Duel any dif­ficulty at all to him. Wherefore the Roman exulting, cryed out, I have sent two of these Brethren to Hell already; and will now send the third who is the cause of this War, that the Romans may bear Rule over the Albans. With that, the Alban being scarce able to support his arms, he ran him into the Throat, and rifled him when he was down. The Romans with shouts and gratulations, received the Horatius, and their joy was so much the greater, by how much more their fears had been. Whereupon they went with very different thoughts to bury their dead; for one side was advanced to Empire, and the other side made sub­ject to Foreigners. Their Sepulchres are to be seen in the several places where each of them fell; those of the two Romans in one place nearer to Alba, and those of the three Albans toward Rome, but at a distance from each other according as they fought.

XXVI Before they went thence Metius asked Tullus, according to the league which they had made, what his commands were? To which he replyed, that all the young men should be ready in Arms; for he should make use of them, if he had occasion to make War against the Vientes: So the Armies were thence led home. Horatius marched in the head of them, carrying his triple Spoils before him, and being met near the gate called Porta Capena, by a Virgin his Sister who was betrothed to one of the Curiatij; she knowing her Lovers robe upon her Brothers shoulders, which she herself had wrought, she let loose her hair, and in a mournful tone, called out upon the name of her dead Sweet-Heart. The moan which his Sister made much moved the generous Youth, even amidst his Victories, and all that publick joy. He therefore drew his Sword, and chiding her, ran the Maid through: Get you gone (said he) with your untimely amour to your Lover; you, that have forgot your Brothers that are dead, nor care for him that is alive, but with him and them neglect your Coun­try too; and so may every Maid be served that is a Roman, and weeps for the death of an Enemy. That seemed a cruel act, both to the Senate and the People, but his fresh desert did some­what lessen the fact: yet, nevertheless he was convened before the King. The King, lest he should seem the Author of so sad and ungrateful a Judgment in the opinion of the vulgar, or, after judgment of punishment,This was the Crime call'd Per­duellio. i. e. An Act­ion done ei­ther in op­position to the Interest or Honour of the Ro­mans. called an assembly of the People, and said, I constitute two Officers called Duumviri to judg of Horatius's Crime according to Law. That Law was very severe and ran thus; Let the Duumviri judg of such facts, and if any appeal from the Duumviri, let the appeal be tryed, in which, if the Duumviri carry the cause, let the Offenders head be covered, and he hanged upon a Gallows, and let him have so many stripes either within or without the Walls. By this Law the Duumviri were created, who thought, that they thereby were obliged not to absolve even an innocent person, when they had once condemned him; and therefore one of them said to him, P. Horatius, I judg thee guilty of Enmity to thy Country: go, Officer, bind his hands. Accor­dingly the Officer came and tyed him; whereupon Horatius by the consent of Tullus, who was a favourable Interpreter of the Law, cryed out, I appeal; and so the appeal was tryed before the People. All men were concerned at that tryal, especially, when P. Horatius his Father, declared, that he thought his Daughter was justly slain; and if it had not been so, that he would have corrected his Son according to the duty and power of a Father. Then he desired them, that they would not make him whose Sons they had so lately seen to be so conspicuous for their valour, quite childless. With that the old man, embracing his Son, and pointing to the Spoils of the Curiatij, set up in that place which is now called Pila Horatia [or Horatius's Trophies] Can you (said he) O Romans, endure to see this youth whom you so lately beheld adorned with Victory and march triumphantly before you, bound, whipped and tortured under a Gallows? when even the eyes of the Albans could hardly bear so horrid a spectacle. Go, Officer, bind those hands, which not long since were armed to gain an Empire for the Roman People. Go, veil the head of him that freed this City. Hang him up; drub him even within the Walls, so it be near those Trophies and Spoils he took from the Enemy; or without the City, so it be within view [Page 17] of those Sepulchres where the Curiatij lie buried. For, whither can you lead this youth, where his own brave Actions will not rescue him from the Dishonour of such a base kind of Punishment? the People were sorry to see his Fathers tears, and that he himself should shew so little concern in all that danger; wherefore they acquitted him more out of ad­miration of his Courage, than for the justice of his cause. But, that the manifest Mur­ther might be attoned for by some means or other, 'twas ordered, that his Father should expiate his Sons guilt, by a publick expence. He therefore having performed some pro­pitiatory Sacrifices, which were afterwards transmitted to the Family of the Horatij, made a Gallows cross the way and ordered his Son to pass under it, as Soldiers do when they are sold for Slaves. And that Gallows is still kept in repair at the publick charge, even to this day, being called Sororium Tigillum [or the Gallows set up on the account of a Sister.] The Sepulchre of the Maid that was killed was built in the place where she fell, of square Stone.

But the Peace with Alba did not long continue; for the Envy of the Common People, XXVII who took it ill, that the publick fortune of their Country should be committed to three Soldiers only, corrupted the vain disposition of their Dictators; and seeing that good Counsels had not succeeded well, he endeavoured to reconcile the minds of his Country-men by ill means. To which end, as before in time of War he had desired Peace, so now in time of Peace he desired War. But, because he saw their City had much more courage than strength to declare and wage an open War, he instigated other people thereunto, reserving the treacherous part to be acted by his own Country-men, under a shew of alliance and friendship. The People of Fidenae, who were a Roman Colony, ha­ving taken advice with the Veientes, were moved to make War and take up Arms, upon condition, that the Albans would revolt to their party. When Fidenae was in open Rebellion, Tullus sent for Metius and his Army from Alba, whom he led against the Enemy: and ha­ving past the River Anien, he pitched his Camp at the meeting of the two Rivers. Be­tween that place and Fidenae the Army of the Veientes got over the Tiber, and were posted in the right wing near the River, whilest those of Fidenae stood in the left, more near to the Mountains. Tullus led his men against the Veian Enemy, and planted the Albans over against the Legion of the Fidenates. The Albans had no more courage than honesty; and therefore, not daring either to stand or move with any confidence, crept, by degrees to the Mountains. Where, when they thought themselves safe enough, they set their whole Army in array; but, being in doubt what to do, and willing to delay time, they took a great deal of pains to range their men. Their design was, which way soever Fortune should incline, that way to bend their forces. The Romans, who stood next to them, be­gan to wonder at first when they saw themselves deserted by the going off of their Allies: and immediatly, a Trooper galloping away, went and told the King, that the Albans were gone. At which Tullus was put into such a consternation, that he made twelve Salij [or Priests of Mars] and dedicated Temples to Pallor and Pavor, [i. e. to Paleness and Fear] wherewithal he chid the Trooper so loud that the Enemy might hear him, and bid him return into the Battel; telling him, They had no need to fear, in that the Alban Army had wheeled about by his order to surprize the Fidenates in their unguarded Reer. He likewise commanded the same Person to bid all the Horse advance their Javelins; which Action of theirs intercepted the sight of the Alban Army marching off, from a great part of the Roman Foot; but those who saw them, supposing it to be as they had heard the King say, fell on the more eagerly. The Enemies were terrified, for they heard what the King so loudly said: and many of the Fidenates, as being a Colony belonging to the Romans, understood Latin. Wherefore, last on a sudden they should have been blocked up by the descent of the Albans from the Hills, and hindered of regaining the Town, they turned their backs. Tullus pursued them, and having routed the wing of the Fidenates, he re­turned more fiercely upon the Veians, who were struck with a strange dread. Nor could they endure the shock; but, running hastily away, were driven to a River that was be­hind them; to which when they were come some of them shamefully threw away their Arms, and ran headlong into the water; the rest staying on the banks and doubting whether they should sly or fight, were all slain: nor was there ever, before that time, a bloudier Battel fought by the Romans.

Then the Alban Army, who had been Spectators of the Fight, was led down into XXVIII the plains; and Metius congratulated Tullus his conquest over his Enemies: in answer whereunto, Tullus spoke very kindly to Metius and told him, He hoped it would be for both their advantages, if the Alban and the Roman Camp were both united into one; wherefore he gave order it should be so, and against the next day, prepared a Sacrifice to purifie the Army. Next morning, as soon as it was day, when all things were ready, He, as the custom is, commanded both Armies to meet in one Assembly. The criers began at the end and cited the Albans first; who, being concerned at the novelty of the thing, as much as at any thing else, that they might hear what the Roman King said, stood next to him. A Roman Legion all in Arms was ordered to enclose them, and the Centurions were imployed to put their orders in execution without any delay. Then Tullus thus began; [Page 18] Romans! If ever you had reason, in any Battel before this time, first, to thank the immortal Gods and then congratulate your own valour, it was for yesterdays atchievement. For you fought, not with Enemies more than (which is the most difficult and dangerous engagement) with the treachery and perfidiousness of your Allies. For, to undeceive you, the Albans went into the Mountains without my knowledg: nor was it my command, but my stratagem and only the pre­tence of a command, which I then made use of; to the end, that neither you, who knew no­thing of your being deserted, might be discouraged from fighting, and the Enemy, supposing them­selves to be circumvented in their reer, might be terrrified and tempted to fly. But that fault which I now find, is not to be charged upon all the Albans; they followed their leader, as you also would have done, if I had been to have drawn you off to any other Post. That same Metius was the Ring-Leader in that Treachery, That Metius who was the contriver of this War, That Metius who broke the League betwixt the Romans and the Albans. Let some other hereafter dare to do the like, if I do not make him a signal example to all mankind. The Centurions stood about him, while the King went on as he began. I have a design, O ye Albans! which I hope will prove an happiness not only to the Romans in general, but to me and you also, that is, to translate all the People of Alba to Rome: to make the Commonalty free of the City, and to chuse the Noblemen into the Senate; to make them one City and one Commonwealth; to the end, that as the Alban State was heretofore divided into two People, so now it may revert into one again. At that, the Alban youth, being themselves unarmed, but surrounded with Soldiers all in Arms, were in twenty minds, though common fear compelled them to hold their tongues. Then Tullus went on; Metius Suffetius, (said he) If thou couldest learn to keep thy word and not to break Leagues, thou shouldest live and I would teach thee how to do so. But now, seeing thy disposition is incurable, do thou by thy punishment, instruct mankind to believe those things sacred, which thou hast violated. As, therefore, thou didst lately shew thy self a Neuter, and that thy mind was divided between the Fidenate and the Roman interest, so now shall thy body be. Having so said, he caused two Wagons to be placed near each other, and tyed Metius with his body distended to the bodies of them; which being done, the Horses were driven contrary ways, and carried his torn body upon each Wagon to which his limbs were fastened. The Company all turned away their eyes from such a cruel sight. That was the first and last Punishment among the Romans that was an instance of Inhumanity; for, in all others, they may very well boast, that no Nation was ever satisfied with easier penalties.

XXIX At this time there was a party of Horse already sent to Alba to bring the multitude over to Rome; and after them the Legions were carried thither to demolish the City, who, when they entered the City, there was not that tumult nor consternation as usually is in Cities that are taken, when the Gates are broken open, the Walls battered down, or a Castle stormed; and when the noise of the Enemy and the fury of the Soldiers over all the Town mingles every thing with Fire and Sword; but a sad silence and a dumb sorrow put all their minds into such a malancholy posture, that they, through fear, forgetting what they left behind and what they carried with them, not knowing what to do and enquiring of one another, stood sometimes at their doors and other whiles ran distractedly about their Houses, which that was the last time they ever were like to see. But when the clamour of the Soldiers, who bid them be gone, was very urgent upon them, they heard the crash of the Houses that were pulling down in the remotest parts of the City, and the dust that arose from places distant covered all the Air as with a Cloud, each man in hast took what he could away, being he was to march off and leave his Native home, his houshold-Gods and that habitation, where he was born and bred. And now the whole troop of these departing Inhabitants having filled the streets, the sight of each other renewed their tears out of mutual commiseration; besides the lamentable cries that werre heard, especially of the Women when they passed by the stately Temples, which were encompassed with Soldiers, and left their Gods, as it were, in captivity. The Albans having quitted their City, the Romans made all buildings both publick and private even with the ground, and one hour ruined and destroyed the work of those four hundred years that Alba had been standing. But they with-held their hands from the Temples of the Gods, because the King had so commanded.

XXX In the mean time, Rome grew out of the Ruines of Alba, and the number of the Citizens was doubled. The Mount called Coelius was added to the City, and, to draw the more Inhabitants thither, Tullus had a Palace there, and dwelt upon it from that time forward. He chose the Nobility of the Albans into the Senate, that that part also of the Commonwealth might be augmented, that is to say, the Tullij, Servitij, Quintij, Geganei, Curiatij and the Claelij, and made a Temple to the Court for that order which he himself had augmented, which was called Hostilia even to our Fathers days. And, that he might make some addition out of this new People, to the strength of every order of men, he chose ten Troops of Horse out of the Albans. He also supplied the old Legions with the same number, and likewise raised new ones. In confidence of this his strength, Tullus de­clared War against the Sabines, a Nation, at that time, more opulent than any other except the Etrurians, both for Men and Arms. There were injuries done on both sides, and Goods in vain demanded back; Tullus complained, that the Roman Merchants were [Page 19] seized on at a great Fair kept near the Temple of Feronia; the Sabines, that theirs fled first into the Grove, and were detained at Rome: which actions are said to be the cause of the War. The Sabines well remembring, not only that part of their strength was carried to Rome by Tatius, but likewise, that, of late also the Roman State was augmented by the addition of the Albans, began themselves to look out for foreign assistance. Etruria was near them, and next to the Etrurians, the Veians; from whence, through their remaining animosities, which very much inclined them to a revolt, they had a great many Voluntiers, besides that their pay also prevailed upon some Vagrants among the poor People. They had no publick assistance; for, the Veians (amongst whom it was a greater wonder than for any of the rest to do so,) kept the Truce which they had made with Romulus. When they had made very great preparations for the War on both sides, and the whole stress of the business seemed to lie in this, which of them should make the first onset; Tullus marched first into the Sabines Territories. They had a bloudy Battel, hard by a Wood called Sylva Malitiosa; where the Roman Army was very successful, not only through the strength of their Foot, but of their Horse too, which was so lately augmented. For, by the Horse, which rushed in suddenly upon them, the Sabine ranks were broken; so that, they from that time, could neither fight nor run away without confusion and great slaughter.

The Sabines being conquered, and Tullus, together with all the State of Rome, being XXXI in great glory, and advanced to great opulency, there was news brought to the King and the Senate, that upon the Mount Albanus it rained Stones; which being hard to be believed, there were certain persons sent to see that Prodigy; in whose sight there fell a shower of Stones from Heaven, in the same manner, as when the winds drive heaps of Hail to­gether upon the Earth. They likewise thought they heard a shrill voice from the top of the Grove, which bad the Albans do Sacrifice after the fashion of their own Countrey, which they had forgotten as much as if they had forsaken their Gods as well as their native soil; and, either had taken up with the Roman Rites, or, being angry with Fortune, as men in their circumstances generally are, had quitted the Worship of their Gods. The Romans also were moved by the same Prodigy, to appoint a publick Sacrifice of nine days continuance: whether by a voice from Heaven conveyed from the Mount Albanus, (for, that also is part of the tradition) or by the advice of the Soothsayers, is uncertain: but this we know, that the same solemnity continued, so that whenever they were told of the same prodigy, they sacrificed for nine days together. Not long after, there was a Plague among them; which, though it indisposed them to Military imployments, yet their Warlike King would not permit them to lay down their Arms; because, he thought, the young mens bodies were more healthy even in the Camp than at home; till he himself also languished under a lingering Distemper. Then was his furious Spirit so far tamed, as well as his body, that he, who before thought nothing less becoming a King, than to give his mind to sacred things, became on a sudden, a very Bigot to all Superstitious both great and small, and filled even the People also with his religious notions. And now, the Commonalty, desi­ring to see that state of things renewed which they had enjoyed in the Reign of Numa, be­lieved, that the only remedy that was left to recover their distempered bodies, was to make their peace and beg pardon of the Gods. They say, that the King himself having looked into the Commentaries of Numa, and there found some secret though solemn Sacrifices, made to Jupiter Elicius, performed them privately by himself: but that that Sacrifice was neither rightly prepared, nor carefully offered; and that he had not only no sign of favour shewn him from Heaven, but, that Jupiter also was enraged at his mock-Religion, and with Lightning burned Him and his House. Tullus Reigned and gained great glory in War, two and thirty years.

When Tullus was dead, the Government, as it had been customary from the foundation XXXII of the City, revolved into the Senate, and they nominated an Inter-Rex, [or one that should rule between the Death of a former, and the Inauguration of a succeeding King] who called an Assembly, in which, the People chose Ancus Martius their King, and the Senate confirmed it. Ancus Martius was the Grandson of Numa Pompilius, being the Son of his Daughter; who, as soon as he began his Reign, being mindful of his Grandfathers glory, and because the last Kings Reign, though it was very remarkable for other things, yet was deficient in one pa [...]t, and that was, either the neglect of Religion in general, or the disgrace he did it even by his pretence to it; and, supposing, it would be much the best way to perform the publick holy Rites in the same manner that Numa had ordained them, he commanded the chief Priest fairly to transcribe them out of the King's Commen­taries, and make them publick: by which means, the Citizens, who were desirous of Peace, and the neighbouring Cities too, were put in good hopes, that the King would prove of a temper and inclination much like his Grandfather. Wherefore the Latines with whom King Tullus had made a League, grew very insolent, and when the Romans demanded satisfaction for an incursion, which that People had made into their Territories, they gave them a sawcy answer; supposing, that the King of Rome would lead a slothful life, and reign only in Temples, and before the Altars. Ancus was of a middling disposition, as being mindful as well of Romulus as Numa; and, besides that he thought Peace more necessary [Page 20] in the Reign of his Grandfather, when the Romans were not only a new, but a fierce kind of People: He also thought that the leisure and ease which Numa had, himself should hardly enjoy without some inconvenience: that his patience was tried, and being tried con­temned; and that the time of Tullus's Reign was much more sutable to his affairs, than that of Numa's. But yet, seeing Numa had instituted religious Worship in time of Peace, that he might set forth the due Ceremonies of War, and that Hostility might not only be maintained but proclaimed too with some formality, he promulgated the Laws which he received from the ancient People called Aequicoli (and are now in the hands of the Heralds) by virtue whereof, such things as are unlawfully taken away are redemanded. The Embassa­dour, when he comes to the confines of their Country from whom the reprisal is designed, has his head covered; (the covering is a woollen Shash) and saies, Hear, O Jupiter! Hear, O yee Confines! (and names the Countrey, whose borders those are) and let Justice hear me. I am the publick Messenger of the Roman People, who come upon a just and a righteous account, and therefore desire I may be credited. Then he repeats his demands, and calls Jove to witness in this manner; If I require those men or those things to be delivered up to me, who am the Messen­ger of the Roman People, unjustly, and without reason, then mayst thou never suffer me to see my own Country again. These words he repeats when he passes the bounds of any Country, to whomsoever he first meets, as he enters in at a Gate, and when he is come into the Forum [or Market-place] though, with some little alteration, in the form and manner of them. If those persons whom he demands are not surrendered in three and thirty days, (for that is the usual time given) he proclaims War, in this manner; Hear, O Jupiter! and thou, O Juno! Romulus! All the Coelestial, Terrestial and Infernal Gods, give ear to what I say! I call you all to witness, that, that People (and names the People who ever they be) is unjust, and does not do righteous things. But of these things we will consult the ancient men in our own Country to know how we may gain our right. Having so done, the Messenger returns to Rome, to advise in the Affair. Whereupon, immediately, the King, in words to this purpose, consulted the Senate; concerning controversies or causes, wherein the Herald of the Roman People demanded satisfaction from the Herald of the ancient Latins, and the ancient Latins themselves, as thinking it reasonable for them to be done, decided or resolved, since nothing is yet in that case by them performed; Tell me, (said he, to the Person whose opinion he asked) what think you of it? To which the party made answer; I think, those things are to be required in a just and lawful War; that is my opinion, which I will stand by. After him, the rest were asked in order; and when the greater part of them that were present agreed in the same opinion, they usually made a War by common consent; in which the ceremony was this, that the Herald carried a Javelin with an iron head or all bloudy and burned at the end, to the confines of their Country, and in the presence of three young men at least, said these words; Whereas, the People of the ancient Latins, and the ancient Latins themselves have com­mitted several Offences against the People of Rome, and whereas, the People of Rome have commanded a War to be proclaimed against the ancient Latins, to which the Senate of Rome have thought fit to consent; for that reason, I and the People of Rome denounce and make War against the People belonging to the ancient Latins, and against the ancient Latins themselves. When he had so said, he threw his Javelin into their Confines. This was at that time the manner in which the Latins redemanded things formerly taken from them, and how they declared War; which custom their Posterity also retained.

XXXIII Ancus, having committed the care of Holy things to the Flamins, and other Priests, and raised a new Army, went to Politorium, a City of the Latins, and took it by storm; and imitating the custom of former Kings, who had augmented the Roman State, by tak­ing their Enemies into the City, brought all the multitude to Rome; where, since the an­cient Romans inhabited near the Palace, the Sabines, in the Capitol and the Castle, the Albans in the Mount called Cloelius, and the strange People in the Aventine, new comers were not long after planted there also, when Telleni and F [...]cana were taken. After that, he made War against Politorium a second time, because the Latins had taken possession of it, being at that time empty: and that was the reason, why the Romans demolished that City, lest it should be a continual receptacle of their Enemies. At last, when the War against the Latins was reduced to Medullia only, they fought there for some time upon equal terms, and the Victory was uncertain; for, the City was not only fortified with Rampiers and Walls, and strengthened with a good Guard, but they had a Camp in the plains too, and the Latin Army engaged several times, hand to hand with the Romans. At last, Ancus drew out all his forces, and first overcoming them in a pitch'd Battel, where he gained great Spoils, he returned to Rome; and then, having admitted many Thousands of the Latins into the City, he joyned the Palace to the Aventine, by appointing them to inhabit near the Temple of the Goddess called Mercia. Janiculum was also added thereunto, not for want of room, but lest that might sometime prove a refuge for the Enemies: and that he thought good to joyn to the City, not only with a Wall, but also, for the convenience of passing, with a wooden Bridg, which was then first made over the Tiber. That Ditch also called Fossa Quiritium, which is no small defence against those that come from the Plains, was the work of King Ancus. And now, the City having [Page 21] receiv'd a vast encrease, seeing, that amongst such a multitude of men, it would be hard to judg, whether private Actions were well or ill done, he built a Prison in the middle of the City, near the Forum, for a terror to their increasing boldness. Nor did the City only flourish under this King, but their Territories and Confines were enlarg'd. The Wood call'd Sylva Moesia, was taken from the Veians; their Empire was propogated even to the Sea, the City Hostia was built at the mouth of Tiber, about which Salt-pits were made, and since their great Success in War, the Temple of Jupiter Pharetrius was enlarg'd.

In the Reign of Ancus, one Lucumo, a diligent man, and one that was very wealthy, came XXXIV to Rome, out of a great desire and hope that he had of much Honour, which the Tarquinii (for there, he also, as well as they, was come of a Foreign Race) were not able to [...]btain. He was the Son of one Damaratus a Corinthian, who, flying his Country upon the A [...]count of Sedition, and coming by chance to live at Tarquinii, [a City of Etruria] had there Mar­ried a Wife, by whom he had two Sons, whose Names were Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo surviv'd his Father, and was Heir to all his Estate; but Aruns died before his Father, lea­ving his Wife big with Child. Nor did the Father long survive the Son; but not knowing that his Daughter in Law was with Child, forgot his Grand-son in his Will, and dying, left him nothing; upon which Account, the Child, born to the inheritance of no part of the Estate after his Grand-fathers Death, was, from his Poverty, call'd Egerius [i. e. the Beg­gar.] Lucumo, on the contrary, who was Heir to the whole Estate, was not only proud of his Riches, but much the more so, because he had married one Tanaquil, a Woman of Qua­lity, and one that would not easily be brought to live below her Birth. When she was Mar­ried, and saw the Etrurians despise Lucumo, as being one that was the Son of a banish'd Stran­ger, she could not bear the indignity; and therefore, forgetting her natural Love to her Country (since she saw her Husband a man of such Worth and Honour) design'd to remove from Tarquinii. For which end, Rome seem'd the fittest place; for she suppos'd, That among that new People, where all Nobility sprung on a sudden from virtuous Actions, there might be some room found for a good and a brave man: she knew, that Tatius, a Sabine, had Reign'd there; that Numa was sent for from Cures, to enjoy the Crown; and that Ancus was the Son of a Sabine Woman, and renown'd upon the Account only of his being like Numa: wherefore, she easily pre­vail'd on her Husband, as being a Person ambitious of Honour, and one to whom the City Tarquinii was Country, only by the Mothers side. They therefore pack'd up what they had, and went for Rome. It happen'd, that, when they came to Janiculum, as he was sitting with his Wife upon the Chariot, an Eagle falling gently down, with her Talons took off his Cap; and then, flying above the Chariot, with great frilling and clapping of her Wings, she, as if sent from Heaven to do him that piece of service, came again and plac'd it exact­ly on his Head; which, when she had done, she flew aloft again. Tanaquil (they say) re­ceiv'd that Augury with great joy, being a Woman well skill'd, as the Etrurians generally are, in Coelestial Prodigies: wherefore, embracing her Husband, she bad him hope for high and lofty matters; telling him, That that Bird was a Messenger from that Region of the Heavens, and from that God who there prefided: that she made a sign about the uppermost part of him; that she took up the ornament of his head, in order to restore it, by Divine Command. With these hopes and thoughts about 'em, they went into the City, and having taken an House there, gave out, that his Name was L. Tarquinius Priscus. And now, not only his being a new-comer, and his Riches made him conspicuous among the Romans, but he, likewise, advanc'd his Fortune by his Affability, Hospitality and Bounty, whereby he made all those he could his Friends: till, at last, the Fame of him was carried even into the King's Palace, and he grew, in a short time, so well known, by being very ready and liberal in the Kings service, that he became familiar at Court, and was concern'd in all publick, as well as private Coun­cils, both at home and abroad: and having been every way try'd, was, at length, by the Kings last Will and Testament, made Tutor also to his Children.

Ancus Reign'd four and twenty years, and was inferiour to none of the former Kings in XXXV the Arts or Glory of War and Peace. His Sons were now almost of Age, and therefore Tarquinius was the more urgent, that, assoon as possible, an Assembly should be call'd for the choosing of a King. Which being appointed, he, a little before the time, sent the Lads a Hunting; and himself first, not only ambitiously desir'd the Throne, but likewise (as 'tis said) had a Speech ready made to reconcile the minds of the Common People; in which he told 'em, That he desir'd no new thing, in that he was not the first (to make any man angry or wonder at him) but the third Stranger that desir'd to be King of Rome; that Tatius was chosen King, though he was not only a Stranger, but an Enemy too, and that Numa, who was unacquainted with the City, and never sought it, was voluntarily sent for by the Romans, to be their King. That he himself, ever since he was at his own disposal, came to Rome with his Wife and all his fortunes, and that he had liv'd at Rome a greater part of his time, since he was fit for pub­lick business, than in his own Country: and that he had learn'd the Roman Laws, together with their Customs, both at home and abroad, under a very Honourable Master, even King Ancus him­self. That he had always vy'd in his Allegiance and observance to the King, with all Mankind, and in his bounty towards others, with the King himself. Thus he spoke, and, because all he said was true, the Roman People unanimously chose him King. Whereupon the same ambition [Page 23] which he shew'd in suing for it, attended him when he had gain'd the Kingdom; though he were otherwise a very excellent Person. Nor was he less mindful of strengthening his own Dominion, than of augmenting the Commonwealth in general; wherefore, he chose an hundred into the Senate, who, from that time, were call'd, Patres minorum gentium [i. e. Senators of a lower rank,] and prov'd a certain Faction for the King, because, by his bounty they came into that Court. He wag'd the first War with the Latins, and took a Town of theirs by Storm, call'd Appiolae; from whence, having brought back more Spoils than was ever talk'd of in that War, he set forth Games with more Opulency and Pomp than any former Kings. The place was then first design'd, for that Circus, [or place for Exercises] which is now call'd, Circus Maximus; and Partitions were made for the Senators and Knights, where each of 'em might set forth Shews, call'd Fori. They sate and look'd upon these Shews, which were rais'd upon props of Wood twelve feet from the Ground; and the sport was Horce-Racing, and Wrestlers, especially such as were sent for out of Etru­ria. And, from that time, there were solemn Annual Games kept, call'd by the various Appellations of Ludi Romani, and Ludi Magni. By the same King also, there were places set apart, about the Forum, for private Persons to Build upon, as well as Portico's and Shops made.

XXXVI He likewise design'd to enclose the City with a Stone Wall, but the Sabine War prevented him; and that was so sudden, that the Enemy pass'd the River Anien before the Roman Army could meet and stop 'em. Thereupon, the Romans were much affrighted, and at first, while the Victory was doubtful, a great many men were kill'd on both sides. But, soon after, the Romans having put their Forces into the Enemies Camp, and gain'd some time to reinforce the War, Tarquinius, thinking that he wanted Horse-men more than any other part of his Army, resolv'd to add a new Troop to the Ramnenses, Titienses, Luceres, which Romulus had for­merly rais'd, and to leave them behind him remarkable on the account of his own Name. But, because Romulus had done that by an Augury, Accius Naevius, a famous Augur at that time, deny'd his Proposal, and said, there could be no alteration made, nor any new Troop establish­ed, unless the Birds foretold it. At that the King was much displeas'd, and cluding his Act, (as the Story goes) Come (said he) you Diviner, tell me, by your Auguries, whether that be possible to be done, that I now think of. Whereupon, when Accius had found, by the Augury, that it might, and had told the King it would certainly come to pass, I thought (said the King) that you would cut a Whetstone with a Razor: here, take 'em, and do what your Birds portend is possible: with that (they say) he presently cut the Whetstone in two. The Statue of Accius was plac'd with the head cover'd, just there where the thing was done, at the Court of Assembly, upon the very Stairs on the left hand: and (they say) that the Whetstone too was put in the same place, for a Monument to posterity of that Miracle. This is certain, that, from that time, Auguries and the Priestly Office of the Augurs were had in such Ho­nour and Esteem, that nothing was afterwards done, either in War or Peace, without their Predictions; for the Assemblies of the People, the Armies and the greatest Affairs were Dis­solv'd, Disbanded and Disappointed, when the Birds did not admit of 'em. Nor did Tar­quinius at that time make any alteration in the Troops of Horse, but only added something to their Number, so that there were one thousand three hundred Horse in three Troops. The later that were added were only call'd by the same Names, being those, that now, since they are doubled, they call the six Troops.

XXXVII This part of their Forces being augmented, they had a second Conflict with the Sabines. But, besides that the Roman Army was now increased in strength, they made use of secret Policy and Stratagem also; sending a Party of Soldiers, to burn a great heap of Wood that lay upon the Bank of Anien and throw it into the River: which being help'd on by the Wind, a great deal of the flaming Timber got hold on the Wood of the Bridg, and set it on fire. That thing not only terrified the Sabines as they were fighting, but when they were Routed, was also a stop to their Flight; and therefore many of 'em, though they scap'd the Enemy, perish'd in the River: whose floating Arms being found in the Tiber at Rome, and known, discover'd the Victory there, even almost before News could otherwise be brought of it. In that Battel, the Horse got the greatest Renown, for ('tis reported) that they, be­ing plac'd in the Wings, when the main Body of their Foot was now in a manner Defea­ted, ran in so furiously from each side, that they did not only stop the Sabine Legions who press'd so hard upon the yielding Infantry, but on a sudden also, put 'em to Flight. The Sa­bines made all the haste they could to the Mountains, of which, some few possess'd themselves; but the greatest part (as I said before) were driven into the River. Tarquinius, thinking it the best way to pursue them whil'st they were in that Consternation, having sent the Booty and Captives to Rome, and burn'd the Spoils of the Enemies (for such was his Vow to Vulcan) in a great Pile, proceeded to March his Army into the Sabine Dominions: and though the Sa­bines had had but ill success, nor could well hope for better, yet they met him with a tumultu­ary Army: and being there a second time Defeated, when they were almost utterly undone, desir'd a Peace. Collatia, and all the Country round about it, was taken from the Sabines, and Egerius, who was the Son of the King of Collatia's Brother, was left in the Garison. The People of Collatia (my Author tells me) made a Surrender, of which this was the [Page 23] form. The King ask'd 'em, Are you Embassadors and Agents sent from the People of Collatia to surrender your selves and them? We are. Are the People of Collatia in their own Disposal? They are. Do you surrender the People of Collatia, the City, their Land, their Water, their Bounds, their Temples, their Utensils, with all things Divine and Humane, into the Possession and Power of me and the Roman People? We do. Then I receive 'em.

When the Sabine War was ended, Tarquinius return'd in Triumph to Rome. After which, XXXVIII he made a War with the Antient Latins; in which, though they never came to hazard all at once, yet he, by carrying his Arms about to every single Town, extinguish'd the whole Race of the Latins. Corniculum, old Ficulnia, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia and Nomentum, were Towns that were taken either from the Antient Latins, or such as had Revolted to the Antient Latins. Then he made a Peace, and from that time, began the Works of Peace, with greater vigour than he had carry'd on the Toils of War; to the end, that his People might not be less imploy'd at home than they had been abroad. For, he not only began to encompass the City, where it was not yet Fortified, with a Stone-wall, the beginning of which Work was interrupted by the Sabine War, but he also drein'd the lower parts of the City, about the Forum, and the other Valleys that lay between the Hills, (because they could discharge the Water from those plain places) by Common-fewers, which he made from thence into the Tiber; besides that, he laid Foundations in a void space of Ground, by the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, which he had Vow'd to Build upon, in the Sabina War, because his mind did then Presage the future Glory of that place.

At that time, there was a strange and wonderful Prodigy seen in the Palace, where, as XXXIX a certain Boy, whose Name was Servius Tullius lay asleep, (they say) a great many People saw his Head all on a Flame: whereupon, there being a great shout made, at that extraor­dinary Miracle, the King was much concern'd; and when one of his Servants was going to carry Water to quench it, the Queen stop'd him; till, at last, the Tumult being over, she gave Order, the Boy should not be stirr'd, till he waked of himself; and, that, soon after, the Clouds of sleep and that Flame vanish'd together. Then Tanaquil, taking her Husband into a private place, (said she) Doest thou see this Boy, which we breed at such a mean rate? Know, that he will one day be a Lustre to our doubtful affairs, and a Guard to our afflicted Palace; wherefore, let us cherish him with all possible Indulgence, who is like to prove the Author of our great Honour, both publick and private. From that time, they began to look upon the Boy as one of their own Children, and to instruct him in those Arts, whereby ingenious Lads are raised to great Fortunes. And, indeed, that easily came to pass, which the gods were willing to have; for the Youth grew up into a very Princely Disposition: nor, at that time, when Tarquin was looking out for a Son-in-law, could any of the Roman Youth be compa­red to him in any Art; wherefore, the King gave him his Daughter in Marriage. This great Honour, upon what account soever confer'd on him, forbids us to believe that his Mother was a Slave, or, that he himself was so, when young: I am rather of their opinion, who say, that when Corniculum was taken, the Wife of Servius Tullius, a Nobleman of that City, being, at the death of her Husband big with Child, and taken notice of amongst the rest of the Captives, was preserved from Slavery upon the Account of her Birth only, by the Queen of the Romans, and was brought to Bed at Rome, in the House of Tarquinius Priscus: upon the score of which great favour, she was not only her self introduced into the familiari­ty of the Court-Ladies, but the Child also, who was bred in the Family from his Infancy, was much beloved and respected: nor was it any thing else but his Mothers fortune, who, when her Country was taken, fell into the hands of the Enemy, that made him be supposed to be Son of a Bond-woman.

About the Eight and Thirtieth year of Tarquinius's Reign, Sorvius Tullius was very much XL honour'd, not only by the King, but by the Senate and the People also. At which jun­cture, the two Sons of Ancus, who before had always resented it as a very great piece of Treachery, that they should be depriv'd of their Father's Kingdom by the fraud of their Guardian, and that a stranger should Reign at Rome, who came, not only of a foreign, but also, not so much as of an Italian race; did then conceive more indignation than ever, when they saw the Crown was not like to return to them, even after Tarquinius's Death, but that it would fall successively to a Slave: that in the same City, after almost an hundred years, since Romulus, who was the Son of a God, and now a God himself, possess'd the Throne as long as he re­mained upon earth, a servant, and the Son of a servant should enjoy it, it would be, not only a disgrace to the Roman name in general, but more particularly, to their Family, if, whilest any male Issue of King Ancus were alive, the Kingdom of Rome should be govern'd, not only by strangers, but even Slaves also: wherefore, they resolved to avert that con­tumely by the Sword. But their concern for that injury, did not only excite them more against Tarquinius himself, than it did against Servius, but also, because the King, if he survived, was like to be a more severe revenger of the Murther, they thought, if they killed Servius, that whomsoever Tarquinius chose for his Son in Law, he would make Heir of the Crown; and for that reason, laid a design against the King's life, which was this. They chose two of the sturdiest Shepherds for that purpose, both armed with Country Weapons, such as they used to carry; who, making as great a Riot as they could before [Page 24] the King's Palace, under pretence of a quarrel, caused all the King's Officers to come a­bout them: whereupon, they both appeal'd to the King, and the noise of them reaching even the inmost rooms of the Palace, they were commanded to appear before the King; where both of them, at first began to bawl and rail at each other: but being restrained by the Lictor or Officer, and commanded to speak by turns, they, at length gave over their ill Language. Then, one of them began to tell the whole story, according as they had agreed; and while the King was wholly intent to what he said, the other lifting up an Ax that he had, gave him a cut in the head, and leaving his weapon in the wound, they both ran out of doors. While those that were about Tarquinius, who was now a dying, took all the care they could of him, the Officers caught hold of one of the Ruffians that were making their escape: upon which, there was a great noise and concourse of the People, admiring what the matter was.

XLI Tanaquil, amidst the tumult, commanded the Palace Gates to be shut, and turned out all strangers; procuring, at the same time, with all industry, whatever was necessary to heal the wound, as if she had some hopes of a cure, and planting f [...]esh Guards, in case her hopes should fail her. Then, sending for Servius in all haste, and shewing him her Hus­band, who had now almost bled to death, she took him by the right hand, and desired him, that he would not suffer the death of his Father in Law to go unrevenged, nor permit her, his Mother in Law, to be a Laughing-stock to her Enemies. Servius (said she) If thou art a Man, the Kingdom is thine, and not theirs who have committed the greatest villany, by the hands of other men: take courage then, and follow the Gods, thy Leaders, who formerly pretended, that thou shouldest be a great Light to the World, by that divine fire which hovered round thy head; let that Coelestial Flame now warm thee: be thou now truly awake: even we that are strangers have reigned here: think who thou art, not where thou wast born: and, if thy Councils [...]e at a stand, by reason of this surprizing accident, follow mine. The clamour and violence of the Multitude growing almost intolerable, Tanaquil spoke to the People, from the upper part of the house, through the windows that looked into the new street, (for the King then kept his Court near the Temple of Jupiter Stator.) bidding them be of good chear; that the King was stounded with a sudden blow, but the weapon did not go very deep into his body, and that he was now come to himself again: that the bloud was washed away, the wound searched, and all things well, and that she was in good hopes, that they would see him very shortly. That, in the mean time, he ordered the People to obey Servius Tullius, who would administer justice to them, and perform all other Kingly Offices. Accordingly, Servius went forth with a Royal Robe, and the Lictors before him, and setting on the King's Tribunal, determined some Controversies, and concerning others, pretended he would consult the King. By which means, he, for some days, after the King was dead, concealing his death, and under the pretence of ex­ecuting another man's Office, confirmed his own authority. Then, upon a common lamentation, which was made in the Palace, Servius having got a good guard about him, was the first that Reigned without the consent of the People, and by the authority of the Senate only. The Sons of Ancus, when the Regicides were taken, being told that Servius was King, and lived attended with so much Grandieur, went into banishment to Suessa Pometia.

XLII Nor did Servius now seek to fortifie himself more by publick than private designs, but lest Tarquinius's Children might be so affected towards him, as Ancus's had been to Tarquinius, he married two of his Daughters to the Kings Sons, whose names were Lucius and Aruns Tarquinius: but yet, his human Counsels did no way interrupt the necessity of fate, for, the envy which he gained by being King, made all things, even among his domestick Servants, faithless and troublesom. The War with the Veians and other Etrurians (for now the Truce was out) was very opportunely taken up in order to the present Peace of the State. In that War, not only the valour, but the fortune of Tullius was very signal; for having routed a vast Army of the Enemies, and not caring whether he lost the good will either of the Senate or the People, he returned to Rome: where he from that time, began the greatest work of Peace; and, as Numa had been the Author of divine Ceremonies, so he resolved to be esteemed, in the opinion of all posterity, the Founder of those several distinctions in the City, and of those degrees betwixt man and man, that make any difference, either in Dig­nity or Fortune. For, he made a Rate or Estimate of every mans Estate, which was like to be a very convenient constitution in that great, growing Empire; by which, the duties of War and Peace might be performed, not according to the number of single persons, as before, but as every man was able: and then he made several Classes and Centuries, and such a discrimination, by that Estimate, as might be convenient, either in War or Peace.

XLIII Of those who had a thousand Pounds, or a greater Estate, he made eighty Centuries, that is to say, forty out of those persons who were called Seniores and Juniores [or the Elder and the Younger part of the Citizens;] all which were called the first, or chief Class: the Seniors, to be always ready for the preservation of the City, and the Juniors, to make War abroad. The latter were ordered to have for their Arms, an Helmet, a Sheild, Boots and a Coat of Male, all of Brass, for the defence of their Bodies: besides which, they had Darts, a Javelin and a Sword to charge the Enemy. To this Class there were added [Page 25] two Centuries of Artificers, who were to be in pay, but unarmed, and their business was, to make Engines for War. The second Class was raced between a thousand and seven hun­dred pounds; out of which, both Seniors and Juniors, there were twenty Centuries raised; whose Arms were to be a Target, instead of a Shield, and besides the Coat of Mail, all things as before. The third Class he rated at five hundred pounds, and they made up the like number of Centuries, with the same distinction of Age; nor was there any alteration made in their Arms, save only the Boots. In the fourth Class the Estimate was, two hun­dred and fifty pounds, and out of them as many Centuries made, but their Arms were chan­ged, and nothing allowed them, except a Javelin, and a picked Dart like a Spit. The fifth Class was augmented, and thirty Centuries made out of it, who carried Slings and Stones with them: among whom were numbred the Trumpeters and Pipers, distributed into three Centuries; and this Class was rated at an hundred and odd pounds. But, the rest of the Multitude were assessed at a lower rate, and therefore one Century was discharged from the Duties of War. Having thus equipped and distributed the Foot Soldiers, he raised twelve Centuries of Knights, out of the best of the City; and established six other Troops, besides those three that Romulus had raised, by the same names under which they were by Augury listed. To buy them Horses, he gave an hundred pounds out of the publick Trea­sury; and the Widows were Assessed to pay twenty pounds every year, toward the keeping of those Horses. All these Taxes were laid upon the Rich to ease the Poor. After that, he made a distinction in point of Honour; for every man had not the priviledg, (as it had been customary from Romulus downwards) promiscuously to give his Vote; but there were Degrees made in such a manner, that no one should seem to be excluded from Voting, and yet all the Power might remain in the Nobility of the City. For the Knights were first called, and then the eighty Centuries of the first Class, among whom, if there happen­ed to be any difference, which rarely fell out, those of the second Class were called, nor did they hardly ever go so low, as to descend to the meaner sort of People. Nor ought we to wonder, that this distinction, which now obtains, since the making of five and thir­ty Tribes, the number of them being doubled, does not agree with those Centuries of Juni­ors and Seniors which Servius Tullius established: for, the City being divided into four Re­gions, according to the Hills on which they dwelt, he called those Divisions Tribes, as I suppose, from the word Tribuo [i. e. to pay Scot and Lot;] for he computed, by their Estates, what every one ought to contribute to the publick Stock: but these Tribes did not at all belong to the distribution or number of the Centuries.

Having setled this Rate, which he had the sooner done, for fear of the Law, which was XLIV made against them, who gave not in the value of their Estates to the Censor, he set out an Edict, threatning Imprisonment and Death, to all the Citizens of Rome, whether Horse or Foot, who did not appear in their several Centuries at the Campus Martius [or Field of Mars,] assoon as 'twas day: where, having set all the Army in Array, and purified them by Sacrificing a Boar, a Sheep and a Bull; which was called, at that time, Conditum Lu­strum [or a set day of Purifying the People,] because he then made an end of his Assess­ments. Eighty thousands Crowns were said to be rated in that lustration of the Citizens, and Fabius Pictor, a very ancient Writer, says, Thas was the number of those that could then bear Arms. But, besides this, he thought fit to enlarge the City according to the Multitude of the Inhabitants, adding two Hills, one called Quirinalis, the other Viminalis; after which, he Augmented the Esquiliae, where he himself also dwelt, in Honour to the Place; besides which, he Inclosed the City, with a Mound, Ditches and a Wall, and extended the Bounds of the Suburbs, called, Pomerium; which, some, who look only into the obvious signification of the Word, say, is so called, as if it were post maerium, [i. e. behind the Walls] though it is rather, a place near the Wall, which, the ancient Etrurians, when they built their Cities, by Augury Consecrated within certain Bounds, where they were to Build their Walls; to the end, that neither within, any Houses might be contiguous to the Walls, as they now commonly joyn them, and likewise, that without there might be some space left, where men neither Built nor Planted. This space of ground, which it was neither lawful to dwell upon, nor cultivate, the Romans called Pomerium, not because it was post murum [i. e. be­hind the Wall,] any more, than, because, murus erat post id [i. e. the Wall was behind that,] and, as the City was enlarged so far as the Walls extended, these Consecrated Bounds reached.

The City being augmented by the extent of their Walls, and all things ready at home, XLV for the use both of War and Peace, he, lest they always should seem to gain advantage by their Arms, endeavoured with Policy to increase the Empire, and, at the same time, to add some new Ornament to the City. There was, at that time, a famous Temple Dedicated to Diana, at Ephesus, which was reported to have been Built at the common Charge of all the Cities of Asia. When Servius therefore had commended their unanimity, and magnified the gods that joyned with them, among the Nobility of the Latins, with whom he had both pub­lickly and privately, on purpose, entered into bonds of mutual Hospitality and Friendship, he often repeated the same, and, at last, persuaded the Latins to joyn with the Roman People, and Build a Temple to Diana at Rome: for they all confessed, that Rome was that Metropolis [Page 26] for which they had so often fought. And though all the Latins seemed now to neglect it, as having had such ill success so often with their Arms, yet, fortune seemed to offer her self to one of the Sabines, with a private design of recovering the Empire. There was an Heifer said to be Calv'd, belonging to a certain Yeoman in the Country of the Sabines, of a won­derful bigness, and very beautiful, (the Horns of it were fixed, for many Ages in the Porch of Dianas Temple, as a Monument of that Miracle) insomuch, that she was looked upon as a Prodigy, and the Diviners foretold, that, in that City whereof any Citizen Sacrificed that Heifer to Diana, the Empire should afterwards be established. And that Prophesie came to the hands of the chief Priest belonging to Dianas Temple. The Sabine, assoon as he thought it a fit day for Sacrifice, drove the Heifer to Rome, brought her to the Temple of Diana, and set her before the Altar. Then the Roman Priest, being moved, with the Celebrated Fame of such a great Victim, and mindful of the response, accosted the Sabine in these words: What doest thou mean, Friend? (said he) to make an impure Sacrifice to Diana? Art thou washed in the living stream? See, Tiber runs in yonder Valley. At which, the Stranger, being awed, (for he desired to do every thing according to order, that the event might answer the Pro­digy) went down immediately to the Tiber, and in the mean while, the Roman Priest Sacrificed the Heifer to Diana: which Action of his was exceeding grateful, both to the King and the City.

XLVI Servius, although by tract of time, he was now put into undoubted possession of the King­dom, yet, because he heard that young Tarquinius should sometimes say, He Reigned without the Peoples consent; having first reconciled the minds of the Multitude by dividing certain Lands that he had taken from the Enemy, among them, he ventured to refer it to the People; Whether it were their will and pleasure that he should Reign? Whereupon, he was Declared King, by a consent more Universal than any man had hardly been before him. But that did not di­minish Tarquinius's hopes of gaining the Kingdom; no, he therefore conceiv'd a greater Ani­mosity, (because he perceived, that the Peoples Property was Invaded against the will of the Senate) and thought he had a good opportunity to accuse Servius before the Fathers, and to grow great himself in that Court, being himself a young man of an hot Spirit, nor only so, but having at home a Wife called Tullia, who instigated his restless mind; for even the Ro­man Palace produced an example of Tragick wickedness, that out of hatred to the Tyranny of Kings, their Liberty might be the sooner accomplished; and that might be the last Kings Reign that was gain'd by injustice. It is not very well known, whether this Lucius Tarqui­nius was the Son or Grand-son of Tarquinius Priscus, but most Authors say, he was his Son. He had a Brother, called Aruns Tarquinius, a young man of a mild disposition; and these two, as aforesaid, had Married the two Tullias, Daughters to the King, who were likewise very different in their inclinations. It so fell out, lest two violent natures should be coupled in Marriage; through the good fortune, I suppose, of the Roman People, that the Reign of Servius might be the longer, and the Constitutions of the City in his time be made. The fiercer Tullia was mightily vexed, that she found nothing in her Husband that looked like Ambition or Audacity; wherefore, she was wholly inclin'd to the other Tarquinius, admired him, said, he was a Man, and came of Royal Blood; but despised the Sister, in that, she, by being Married, had lost the true Courage of a Woman. In a little time, the likeness of their manners, engaged them two, as it commonly happens; and their mischievous Designs were very suitable to each other; but the beginning of all confusion sprang from the Woman. For, she being accustomed to the secret conversation of another man, spared no disgrace­ful Words, either of her Husband to his Brother, or of her Sister to her Husband, but said, It had been better for her to be a Widow, and for him to have been still a Batchellor, than to be so unequally yoaked, that she her self must languish under anothers sloth: that, if the gods had given her the man whom she deserved, she should quickly have seen that Dominion in her own House, which now her Father enjoyed. With these rash words, she soon fired the young man. Aruns Tar­quinius, and Tullia the younger, when they, by almost continual Funerals, had made the Houses empty, upon their new Marriage, were joyned in Matrimony; not only with Ser­vius's allowance, but approbation too.

XLVII But then, Tullius's Age began every day to be more tedious to him, and his Reign more uneasie; for that Woman daily contrived some new Villany, nor did she suffer her Husband to rest, either night or day, lest her former Parricides should seem too little to deserve thanks: telling him, She did not lack a man who bore the Name of an Husband, nor one to whom she was a silent Slave, but she wanted one, who could think himself worthy of a Crown; who could remem­ber, that he was the Son of Tarquinius Priscus; who could be desirous rather to have, than hope for a Kingdom. If thou (said she) art that man to whom I think I am married, I may make bold to call thee, not only Husband, but King; if not, the case is now much altered for the worse, since Villany here is joyned with slothfulness. Rouze up thy self! Thou hast no need to seek for Foreign Kingdoms, from Corinth or from Tarquinii, as thy Father had, thy Houshold-gods, and those of thy Country, thy Fathers Image, the Kings Palace, the Regal Throne in that Palace, and the Name of Tarquin, creates and calls thee King: But, if this be not enough to raise thy Soul, why doest thou frustrate the expectations of the City? Why doest thou go under the Name of a young Prince? Get thee hence, to Tarquinii or Corinth; run Retrograde into thy Family, and prove more like thy Brother [Page 27] than thy Father. With these, and other taunting words, she teazed the young man, nor could she rest her self to think, that Tanaquil, who was a Foreigner, could carry on such great De­signs, as to confer two Regal Successions, upon her Husband first, and then upon her Son-in-law, and yet she, though come of Royal Blood, could be no instrument at all, either in the giving, or taking away a Crown. Tarquinius, being possess'd with this Female Fury, went about to get the Votes of the inferior Senators especially, whom he put in mind of his Fathers kindness to them, and upon that Account, desired their favour. He made the young men his friends by Mony, and then, promising great things of himself, and laying great crimes to the Kings charge, advanc'd his Credit among all People. At last, when he thought he had a fair opportunity to effect his Design, he came on a sudden, guarded with a Company of Soldiers into the Forum (at which, all People were affrighted) and there, sit­ting down, in the Kings Seat, he commanded the Senators to be summoned into Court, by the common Cryer, and to appear before their King Tarquinius; whereupon, they immedi­ately came, some being prepared for it before-hand, and others, for fear, lest their not coming, might turn to their Damage, but were astonished at the Novelty and Strangeness of the sight, and thought also, that Servius was taken off. Then Tarquinius began, with all the reviling Language that he could think on, and told them, That a Slave, and the Son of a Slave, after the death of his Father, who was basely murthered, without any Interregnum [or space between the Reign of two Kings] which had been formerly used, without any publick Assembly, without the Votes of the People, or the approbation of the Senate, but by the gift of a Woman, had been possessed of that Kingdom: and that he so Born, and so made King, being a great Patron of the basest sort of men, among which, himself is one, had, out of envy to other Peoples prosperity, taken their Lands from all the best in the City, and divided it among a pack of sordid fellows: that he had laid all the Imposts and Taxes, which were formerly paid by the whole City in general, upon the No­bility only; and that, he made a Rate or Estimate of every mans Estate, to make the fortunes of rich men only more visible to the eye of Envy, and that he might have them ready to bestow upon Beggars whenever he pleased.

As he was making this Speech, Servius came in, who, being much concerned at the XLVIII frightful News, immediately at his entrance into the Court, cryed out aloud, Tarquinius, What meanest thou? How darest thou Convene the Senate whilest I am alive, or sit in my Throne? To which, Tarquinius as briskly answered, That he was then in the Throne of his Father, and much fitter to be Heir of the Kingdom, being the Son of a King, than any Slave could be: that he had too long licentiously insulted over those, who were by right his Masters. Upon that, there was a great Shout made, by such as were favourers of both Parties, and the People thronged into the Court, where it appeared, that he was most likely to Reign that was the stronger. Then, Tarquinius, who was now forced of meer necessity, to make his last effort, being much stron­ger, both for his Age and Constitution, caught Servius by the middle, and carrying him out of the Court, threw him down Stairs to the very bottom. Then he went back into the Court, to reduce the Senate; at whose return, the Kings Officers and Retinue fled all away, and the King himself, who was almost dead, going homeward, with his Attendants, who were themselves half dead, when he came to the upper end of the Street, call'd Vicus Cy­prius, was overtaken and murthered by certain Persons whom Tarquinius had sent to pursue him. It is believed, that this was done by the advice of Tullia, because it is so like her other Villanous Actions: but, this is certain, and very well known, that she rode upon a Chari­ot into the Forum, and not at all fearing the Concourse of so many People, called her Hus­band out of the Court, being the first who saluted him by the Name of King. But he, desi­ring her to be gone out of that great Tumult, as she was going home, when she came to the upper end of the Street, called Vicus Ciprius, where the Image of Diana lately stood, as they were turning up the side of the Hill, called Clivus Virbius, to go into the Esquiliae, the Cha­rioteer stopt, as if he had been frightned, and check'd the Reins of his Horses, to shew his Lady the Body of Servius, who lay there slain in the Street. Whereupon (they tell you) of a Barbarous and Inhuman Action, which she then did, and the place it self is a Monu­ment of it; for, they call that Street, Vicus Sceleratus [i. e. Villains Street] in which, Tullia, instigated by the fury of her Sister and her Husband, drove over the Body of her Father; and that, she carried part of his Blood upon her Chariot, being her self also, contaminated and besprinkled with it, to the Houshold-gods of her and her Husband, who being displea­sed at it, the latter end of her Husbands Reign was full as mischievous as the beginning. Servius Tullius Reigned four and forty years, with such prudence, that even a good and a mo­derate Successor would have found it an hard task to have been equal to him. But this also was an addition to his Glory; that, with him, all Just and Lawful Reigns came to an end: Yet, his so mild and moderate Government, because it was in the hands of one only (some Authors say) he had a mind to lay down, had not that Domestick Villany intervened and spoiled all his Designs of setting his Country at Liberty.

Then, Lucius Tarquinius began his Reign, whose Actions gave him the Name of Superbus, XLIX because he denied his Father-in-law the Common Rites of Burial (saying,) That Romulus also was never Buried after his Death; and killed all the chief Men of the Senate, whom he thought favourers of Servius. Afterwards, being conscious that he got the Kingdom by ill [Page 28] means, and that he himself might afford an example of the like Injustice, even against him­self, he got a Guard about him; for he had no pretension to the Kingdom, besides force, in that, he Reigned, neither by Order of the People, nor Approbation of the Senate. Wherefore, his only refuge, was, since he could repose no Trust in the love of the Citi­zens, to secure his Reign by Fear: with which, that he might possess the minds of most Peo­ple, he himself, in Person, took cognizance of all Capital Causes, without any Advice or Assistance: and by that means could put to Death, Banish, or Fine People at his Pleasure; not only those whom he suspected, or hated, but even them also, from whom he could hope for nothing else but a Prey. He likewise contracted the number of the Senate espe­cially, resolving, to choose none into that Dignity, that by their being the fewer, their Order might grow the more contemptible, and they might be the less concerned that no­thing was transacted by them. For he was the first King that abrogated the old custom of consulting the Senate in all cases; and governing the Commonwealth by private Councils, he himself alone made War and Peace, Entered into and Dissolved all Leagues and Allian­ces with whomsoever he pleased, without the consent of the People and Senate. But, above all others, he made the Latins his Friends, that he might be the more secure at home, even in the strength of Foreign Allies: nor did he only engage the Chief of Hospitality and common Friendship, but in Affinity also. For he gave his Daughter in Marriage to Octa­vus Mamilius Tusculanus, who was the greatest Man among all the Latins, descended (if we may believe common Fame) from Ulysses and the Goddess Circe; by which Marriage, he obliged a great many of his Friends and Kindred.

L By this time, Tarquinius's Authority among the Latin Nobility, was very great; when, on a certain day, he ordered them to meet at a Place called, Lucus Ferentin [...]e [i. e. the Grove of Ferentina] telling them, that he had semething to say concerning publick Affairs. Accordingly, they met in a great Number, assoon as 'twas day, and Tarquinius himself in­deed observed the day, but came a little before Sun-setting only, though, all day long, there were many and various Disputes in that Assembly. Turnus Herdonius, who came from Aricia, inveighed very severely against Tarquinius who was then absent; saying, It was no wonder, that the Romans called him Tarquinius Superbus, [i. e. Tarquinius the Proud] (for so, they, now, though privately, yet generally called him) for can any thing be a greater sign of pride, than thus to slight the whole Nobility of the Latins? For him, who appointed this Assem­bly of so many Nobles, that are come so far from home, not to be here himself: that he did it to try their patience, and to find out, how much he could impose on them, if they would submit to his yoke; For who did not plainly see, that he affected Dominion over the Latins; which, if his own Citi­zens had freely offered him, or had it been entrusted to him, and not extorted by Paricide, the La­tins also ought to entrust him, (though it were very hard, even in that case, to trust a Stranger) but if his own Countrymen were weary of him (since they were Killed, Banished and undone in great Numbers,) What better things could the Latins expect? If they would take his Counsel, he would advise them to go home again and take no more of the Assembly-day, than he did, who ap­pointed it. As this Seditious and Mutinous fellow was saying this and a great deal more to the same purpose, who had, by this means, made a great Party in his own Country, in the midst of his Discourse, in came Tarquinius, which put an end to his Speech. Immediate­ly they all turned from him, to salute Tarquinius; who, when they were all silent, being ad­vised by those that were next him to excuse himself for coming at that time of the day, he told them, That he was chosen Umpire in a difference between a Father and a Son, that he staid to reconcile them, and because that business had taken up that day, he would do what he designed, the day following. To which (they say) Turnus could not forbear to reply, but told him, There was no quicker determination of any difference, than between a Father and a Son, and that it might be composed in a few words; that is to say, unless he obeyed his Father, he should come to some misfortune.

LI Turnus, having thus inveighed against the Roman King, went out of the Assembly. Which thing Tarquinius taking somewhat worse than he seemed to do, immediately contrived his Death; to the end, that he might put the Latins into the same terror, wherewith he had awed the minds of his own Citizens at home: but, because he could not conveniently be murther­ed in Publick, with any shew of Justice, he laid false Crimes to his charge, and took him off, though he were guiltless. He, by the help of certain of Aricia, who were of a contrary Fa­ction, corrupted Turnus's Servant with Mony, to let him privately put a great many Swords into his Lodging; which being done in one night, Tarquinius, a little before day, sent for the Latin Nobility, as if he were disturbed at some new thing, and told them, That his delay the day before fell out by a kind of Providence, to be both his, and their preservation: that he heard Turnus had design'd to kill him and all the chief of the People, that he might, himself, be King of the Latins: that he was to have gone about it yesterday at the Assembly, but the business was put off, because, he, who summoned them, and was the Person most aimed at, was absent. And, thence it was that he inveighed so much against him behind his back, because by his delay, that Vil­lains hopes were disappointed: that he did not doubt, if all he heard were true, but that, in the morning when they came to Council, he would be there ready with a band of Conspirators all in Arms; for, 'twas reported, that a great number of Swords were conveyed into his Lodgings: [Page 29] which, whether it were true, or no, might soon be known; and therefore he desired them, that they would go along with him to Turnus. The fierce disposition of Turnus, with the Speech that he made the day before, and Tarquinius's delay, made the thing very much suspected, for they thought, that the latter was the cause, why that Massacre was deferred; they therefore went along with him, inclined to believe what he said, but yet were resolved, to take all the rest for an idle Story, unless they found the Swords. When they came thither, the Offi­cers waked Turnus, and stood round about him; and having laid hold of his Servants, who out of love to their Master, were going to make resistance; when the Swords, which were hid, were brought forth, out of every corner of the Room, the Fact seemed clear enough, and they Fettered Turnus: whereupon, the Assembly of the Latins was immediately called in great haste, who, when they saw the Swords, were so incensed at it, that, without hea­ring him speak for himself, they contrived him a new sort of Death; that he should be thrown into the head of a River, called, Aqua Ferentina, with an Hurdle upon him, on which, Stones should be piled, and he, by that means Drowned.

After that, the Latins being again summoned to Council, Tarquinius, having praised those LII who had punished the Traitor Turnus, for his manifest Paricide, according to his Deserts; made this Speech, That he could treat with them, upon the old account, because, seeing all the Latins came originally from Alba, they were obliged by that League, whereby, all the Alban State, from the time of Tullus, together with all its dependencies, was put under the Roman Jurisdiction: but, that he thought it more for the advantage of them all, to renew that League; and that the Latins should rather enjoy the prosperity of the Romans as Partners, than always either expect, or endure that Sacking of their Cities and Devastation of their Country, which, under Ancus first, and af­terwards, in the Reign of his Father, they had suffered. The Latins were easily persuaded, though in that League the Romans had the advantage; for they say, not only that the Heads of their Nation were of the Kings Party and Opinion, but Turnus also was a fresh Example of the danger that each of them would be in, who opposed it. So, the League was re­newed, and a summons sent to the Junior Latins, That, according to that League, they should appear upon a certain day, at the Grove called, Lucus Ferentinae, all in Arms. Who, when they came, according to the Edict of the Roman King, from all Quarters, and then, lest they should have a Leader of their own, a separate Command by themselves, or peculiar Signals, he mixed the several Bands of them, with Latins and Romans together, putting a Roman between every two Latins, and so, doubling their Companies, over which he set Cen­turions of his own choosing.

But, though he were an unjust King in Peace, yet he was not an ill General in War, LIII but would have equalled the former Kings in that Art, his ill behaviour in other matters detra­cted from his perfection in that. He was the first that made War against the Volsci, for above two hundred years after his time; and took Suessa Pometia from them by Storm; where, when he had sold the Booty, for four hundred Talents of Silver and Gold, he designed so large a Model for the Temple of Jupiter, as was fit for the King of gods and men, worthy of the Ro­man Empire, and equal to the Majesty of that place; and for the Building of that Temple, he set apart all the Mony that he got in the War. After that, he was ingaged in a War, much longer than he expected, against Gabii, a Neighbouring City, which he had in vain attemp­ted to Storm, and which he at last, not like a Roman, by any means, but by Fraud and Strata­gem, Attacked, since he was beaten from the Walls thereof, so far, as, that he had no hopes even to lay Siege to it; wherefore, whilst he pretended to set aside all thoughts of a War, that he might lay the Foundations of that Temple, and other Edifices in the City, his Son Sextus, who was the youngest of three, fled away, by compact, to Gabii, complaining of his Fathers intolerable cruelty to him; telling them, that, Now he had turned all his pride, from Stran­gers, upon his own Family; that he was now grown weary, even of his own Children, and resol­ved to cause the same solitude in his own House, as he had made in the Court, lest he should leave any off-spring behind him, or any one to Inherit his Kingdom: that he, indeed had escaped his Fa­thers Darts and Swords, but, thought himself safe in no place, unless it were among the Enemies of Lucius Tarquinius. Lest they should mistake in their measures, that War still continued, which he pretended to have given over, and, that he, upon occasion would surprize them. And that, if among them, poor men that Petitioned could find no admittance, he would wander over all Lati­um; whence, if he were expelled, he would go to the Volsci, the Equi and the Hernici, 'till he came to those, who know how to protect Children, from the Cruel and Impious Punishments of their Fathers: and besides that, too, he hoped, he might find some inclination, to War, and Arms against that proud King, and his Savage People. When he, if they regarded not what he said, seemed angry at them, and resolved to go forward from thence to some other place, he was kindly entertained by the Gabines; who told him, it was no wonder, if he at last proved to his own Children, what he had always been to his Countrymen and Allies: that, he would, in time, offer violence to himself, if he wanted another subject: but, that his coming was very grateful to them, and they believed, that in a short time, the War might be transfer­red from the Gates of Gabii, to the Walls of Rome.

After that, he was admitted into their publick Councils, where, though he said, that he, LIV in other things, assented to the ancient Gabines, to whom such things were better known, [Page 30] yet, he approved of continuing the War, and said, The greatest thing he pretended to, was, that he knew the strength of both People, and that the Kings pride was really hated by all his Subjects, seeing his very Children were not able to endure it. Thus, by degrees, inciting the Gabine No­bility, once more to renew the War, he went, with the most active of their Youth, to Fo­rage the Country; and upon other Expeditions, gaining Credit by all that he said or did, so well was his Cheat contrived; 'till, at last, he was chosen General of the War, in which, the Multitude, being ignorant what his Design was, when some small Skirmishes had pas­sed, between Rome and Gabii, in which the Gabines, for the most part, had the better on it, the Gabines all, from the highest to the lowest, thought, Sextus Tarquinius was sent to them as a Blessing from the gods. And, among the Soldiers, by running upon, danger and diffi­culties, as well as munificently distributing the Booty, he was so much beloved, that his Fa­ther Tarquinius was not more powerful at Rome, than he at Gabii. Wherefore, when he saw that he had gathered strength enough for all his Designs, he sent a Messenger to his Father at Rome, to know, What he would have him do: For; at Gabii, the Gods had so order­ed it, that he alone could do what he pleased. This Messenger, (because, I suppose, he was suspected, had no express Answer; but the King, as if he were going to deliberate upon the matter, walked into his Garden, and his Sons Messenger followed him: where, walk­ing without silently along, (they say) he, with his Staff, cut off the heads of the Poppies. The Messenger being wearied with asking for, and expecting his Answer, despaired of ha­ving what he came for, and therefore, returning to Gabii, told all that he himself said, and what he saw; saying, that whether out of anger, or hatred, or natural pride, the King said ne­ver a Word. Sextus, discovering what his Father meant, and what his Commands were, even by those dumb signs, he caused the chief men of the City to be put to Death, by Ac­cusing some of them to the People, and instigating others, by their own mutual Envy. Ma­ny of them were slain publickly, though some, against whom his Accusation was not like to be so specious and plausible, were Murthered privately. Some, that were willing, fled their Country, and others were Banished, and the Goods of those that were absent, as well as of those that were put to Death, were divided. Whereupon, by the sweetness of that distribution, the share which each one received of the Booty, and upon the score of their private advantage, they lost the sense of publick misfortunes, 'till at last, the Gabine State, deprived both of Council and Power, ('tis said) was surrendred to the King of Rome, without any Bloodshed.

LV Having gotten Gabii, Tarquinius made Peace with the Aequi, and renewed his League with the Tusci. After which, he applied his mind to the Affairs of the City; whereof the first was, a design that he had to leave the Temple of Jupiter upon the Tarpeian Mount, as a Monument of his Reign and Name, for two Kings of the Tarquinian Race were enga­ged in that business, the Father, who vowed to build it, and the Son who made an end of it. And, that the whole Body of that Temple, might be free from all other Religi­ons, he resolved, to unhallow those Temples, and Chappels, which, in the War against Ro­mulus, were designed, Consecrated, and afterwards with Auguries set apart by King Tatius. When he first began this Structure, ('tis said) that the gods were concerned at it, and gave some indications of the future growth of that Empire: for, though the Birds permitted the unhallowing of all other Temples, yet, in the Temple of the god Terminus, they did not al­low it: which Omen and Augury was so interpreted, as if the god Terminus by not remo­ving out of his Place, nor leaving his holy Bounds, portended, that all things should conti­nue firm and stable. When they had received this Prediction of the perpetuity of their Empire, there was another Prodigy after that, which signified the greatness of it; and it was this: (they say) that, as they opened the Foundations of the Temple, there appeared a mans Head with an intire Face; which sight did plainly and directly portend, that that Castle should be the Head of all the World: and so likewise said the Diviners, not only such as lived in the City, but those also whom they had sent for, to that purpose, out of Etru­ria. The Kings Design encreased according to his expences, and therefore, the Plunder, taken at Pometia, which was designed for the perfecting of that Work, would scarce serve to lay the Foundation. Wherefore, I rather give credit to Fabius, who, besides that, he is the ancienter Author, says, there were forty Talents only, than to Piso, who says, there were forty thousands of Silver set apart to that use: for such a sum of Mony was not to be expe­cted out of the spoils of any one City, besides, that it exceeded the magnificence even of any, nay, even of that Foundation.

LVI Being intent to perfect this Temple, he sent for Workmen from all parts of Etruria, and did not only make use of the publick Stock, to that end, but of the common People too, for Labourers; who, though they had great additional Impositions, in point of Military Af­fairs, yet they did not grudg to build the Temples of the gods, with their own hands. But they were afterwards drawn into other Tasks, which, though they seemed less, required grea­ter pains; that is to say, to make Partitions in the Circus, [or place of Games and Exercise] and a great Common-sewer under Ground, to be a receptable for all the filth in the City: to which two Works, this new Magnificence of his could hardly find any thing to compare. The common People being exercised by these Labours, he, thinking the Multitude, if they [Page 31] were not employed, would be a burthen to the City, and being desirous to enlarge the Bounds of the Empire, by sending Colonies out of it, he sent one to Signia and Circeii, to be a future security to the City, both by Sea and Land. While he was thus employed, a terrible portent appeared to him, and that was, a Snake crawling out of a Wooden Pillar, which putting him into a fright, made him run into the Palace, but did not astonish him so much with sudden fear, as it filled his Breast with anxious thoughts. Therefore, though the Etrurian Diviners only were made use of, in case of publick Prodigies, he sent this, as being a private Wonder, to Delphos, to the most famous Oracle upon the face of the whole Earth: nor daring to commit the trust of the answer to any other, he sent his two Sons, through Lands unknown at that time, and Seas much stranger, into Greece. Their Names that went, were Titus and Aruns, who had for their Companion, Lucius Junius Brutus, Son to Tarquinia, the Kings Sister, a young man of a quite different temper, from what he seemed. He having heard that the chief men of the City were murthered by his Uncle, and that his Brother was one, resolved to give the King no occasion of fear, from any de­signs of his, nor any reason to covet his fortune, but to be safe, by being contemned, since there was little security in Law and Justice. He therefore industriously feigned himself a Fool, and permitting the King to dispose of his Person and Estate as he thought fit, he did not refuse even the Surname of Brutus; [that is, foolish or sottish] to the end, that under the covert of that Surname, his latent Soul which, once, was like to be the deliverer of the Roman People, might in due time shew it self. He therefore, at that time, being taken to Delphi, along with the Tarquinii, for a Laughing-stock, more than a Companion; ('tis said) he carried a Golden Staff, enclosed in one of Corneil-wood, which was hollowed for that purpose, as a present to Apollo, which was an Emblem of his own Ingenuity. Where, when they came, having executed their Fathers Commands, the young men were very de­sirous to know, To which of them the Roman Kingdom should fall: whereupon (they say) there came a Voice out of the bottom of the Cave, saying, He among you three shall have the chief Dominion at Rome, who gives his Mother the first kiss. The Tarquinii, to the end that Sextus, who was left at Rome, might not know the Answer, and so be deprived of the Em­pire, commanded it to be kept with all secrecy imaginable; and drew Lots among them­selves, which of them, when they came to Rome, should first kiss his Mother. But Brutus imagining that the Oracle had some other meaning, pretended to fall down by chance, and kissed the Earth; for that, he considered, was the common Mother of all men living. Then they came back to Rome, where there were very great preparations making against the Rutuli.

The Rutuli were then possessed of Ardea, being a People, who, considering that LVII Country and that Age were very rich, which was indeed the very cause of that War; for the King of Rome desired not only to enrich himself, being now Exhausted by his Mag­nificence in publick Works, but endeavoured likewise, with Spoils and Plunder, to engage the Affections of his Country-men, who, besides their insolence, were also very uneasie, and took it mighty ill, that their King should keep them so long in the servile Employ­ments of Masons and Carpenters. They tryed first to take Ardea, by a sudden Onset, but that not succeeding, Attacked the Enemies by Siege and Counter-works. In that Campaign (as it is more usual in a long than a sharp War) they had liberty enough of passing to and fro, but the Officers more than the common Soldiers. The Kings Sons and Kinsmen did often spend their time in Feasting and Treating one another, and as they were Drinking with Sextus Tarquinius, where Collatinus Tarquinius, the Son of Egerius, then also supped, there happened a Discourse concerning their Wives, upon which, each man most wonder­fully praised his own, and thence a quarrel arising, Collatinus said, It was in vain to talk, since it might easily be known, and in a short time, how much his Lucretia excelled the rest; where­fore, if you have any vigour in you, let us mount our Horses, and go see with our own eyes, what kind of Women our Wives are; and that shall be the Test, which occurs to each man upon his sud­den arrival. They were all heated with Wine, and therefore cryed, Come on, 'tis agreed; and so Galloped to Rome: whither when they came, about the edg of night, they went forward thence to Collatia; where they found Lucretia, not like the rest of the Kings Daugh­ters-in-law, whom they saw spending their time with their Equals in Banqueting and Lux­ury, but sitting late at night in the middle of her House amongst her Maids a spinning. Whereupon, Lucretia was most commended, who received her Husband and the Tarquinii very kindly, and her Husband who was the Victor in that Controversie, very courteously invited the Royal Youths to Supper: at which time, Sextus Tarquinius was seized with a lustful desire to Ravish Lucretia, being incited both by her Beauty and known Chastity; and when they had ended their Juvenile Pastimes for that Night, they returned to the Camp.

Some few days after, Sextus Tarquinius, without the privity of Collatinus, took one Com­panion LVIII only with him, and came to Collatia; where being received very kindly by them who knew nothing of his Design, when, after Supper, he was conducted into his Lodging Cham­ber, being inflamed with Love, assoon as he thought all things secure enough, and every body fast asleep, he came, with his Sword drawn, to Lucretias Bed-side, and laying his left hand upon her Breast, Lucretia (said he) hold your tongue, I am Sextus Tarquinius, and I [Page 32] have my Sword in my hand; if you speak one word you shall die. The Woman being frighted out of her sleep, and seeing Death so nigh, without any hopes of relief, Turquinius began to tell her how he loved her, to intreat her, and to mix menaces with his intreaties, and indea­voured to persuade her by all manner of means. But when he saw her obstinate, and that she could not be prevailed upon, even by the fear of Death, he added disgrace to fear, and told her, He would stab a Slave, and lay him naked by her when she was dead, so that a report should be raised, how she was killed in the very Act of such sordid Adultery. By which terror, when his prevailing Lust had overcome her obstinate Chastity, and Tarquin having conquered the honour of a Woman, was gone to Rome, Lucretia being very sad upon such a dismal oc­casion, sent the same Messenger to Rome to her Father, and to Ardea to her Husband, to de­sire them, that they would come thither each of them with a trusty friend, and that with speed too, for a grievous accident had befallen her. Sp. Lucretius came with P. Valerius the Son of Volesus, and Collatinus with L. Junius Brutus, in whose Company, as he was accidentally coming back to Rome, he was met by his Wifes Messenger. They found Lucretia sitting very pensive in her Chamber, and their coming made her break out into tears. Her Husband asked her, Art thou not well, my Dear? No, (said she) How can a Woman be well that has lost her Chastity? there are yet the signs of another man, Collatinus, in thy Bed: but my Body only is violated, and my mind guiltless, of which my Death shall be a witness: but give me your hands and your promises, that the Adulterer shall not escape unpunished. Sextus Tarquinius is the man, who like an Ene­my, instead of a Guest, the last night came Armed to my Bed, and thence forced pleasures, which, if you are men, will prove as fatal to him as me. They all, one after another, gave her their words; comforting her grieved heart, and turning the guilt from her who was compelled, upon him who was the Author of the Crime; and telling her, That her Mind, not her Body could only commit the offence, and where there was no consent, there could be no fault. Do you (said she) consider what he deserves; though I absolve my self from the Crime, I will not be free from the Punishment; nor shall any unchast Woman live to say, Lucretia was her Example. With that, she took a knife which she had got under her Garment, and stuck it into her heart, and falling forwards upon her Wound, dropt down Dead; at which her Husband and her Father set up a loud cry.

LIX Brutus, whilest they were full of grief, drew forth the bloody knife out of Lucretias Wound, and said, I swear, by this Blood, which was so chast before the King stained it, and you, ye gods, I take to witness it, that I will cut off L. Tarquinius Superbus, his wicked Wife and all his Chil­dren, with Sword, Fire, or any other violent means that I can; nor will I suffer either them, or any other, from this time forward, to be King of Rome. Then he delivered the knife to Collatinus, and after that, to Lucretius and Valerius, who wondered to see that Brutus's his disposition should be so suddenly altered: wherefore they swore, as he had done before them; and being wholly turned from Lamentation to Fu [...]y, immediately followed Brutus, who incited them to go and extirpate Kingly Government. They carried the Body of Lucretia out of the House into the Market-place; where they stirred up the People (as it usually happens) at the sight and indignity of such a strange Action, and every one complained of the Kings outrage and violence, nor did her Father's Lamentations only move them, but Brutus restraining their tears and vain complaints, persuaded them to do what became men and Romans, by taking up Arms against the common Enemy. Immediately each brisk young man came voluntarily in, ready Armed, whom the rest of the Youth soon after followed; and then, having left a sufficient Guard upon the Gates of Collatia, and planted Sentinels, so that no body could come out to tell the news of that Insurrection to the King, the rest went armed after Brutus to Rome, where when they arrived, they being in Arms, put the People into dread and tumult where­ever they went; for they seeing the chief of the City in the head of them, thought, that whatever the matter was, it was no rash Attempt. Nor did that heinous fact create less di­sturbance at Rome, than it had done at Collatia. Wherefore the People ran from all parts of the City into the Market-place, where they were no sooner come, but the Cryer summoned the People to appear before the Tribune of the Celeres, [or Light Horsemen, who were the Kings Guard, which Office Brutus at that time happened to bear.] Then he made an Ora­tion, which shewed much sense and ingenuity beyond what he to that time had pretended to, Concerning the Violence and Lust of Sextus Tarquinius, concerning the horrid Rape and miserable Death of Lucretia, concerning the loss of Tricipitinus [or Lucretius] who was more concerned and sorrowful for the cause of it, than for the Death of his Daughter. Then he inveighed against the pride of the King, together with the miseries and slavery of the People, who were even drowned, to cleanse Ditches and Common-sewers; and aggravated the matter, with this circumstance also, that the Romans, who were Conquerors of all the Nations round about them, should be made Arti­ficers and Stone-cutters, instead of Warriors. After which, he remembred the base murther of King Servius Tullius, and his Daughters cursed act of driving over her Fathers dead Body, with an invocation of the gods, that used to revenge Impiety to Parents. Having said thus, and other things much worse (I suppose) which the present Barbarity made it difficult for Writers to relate, he induced the incensed Multitude to abrogate the Kings Power, and to Banish L. Tarquinius, with his Wife and Children; whilest he himself, with the younger men that he had chosen out and Armed, as Voluntiers, went to Ardea to the Camp to raise the Army [Page 33] there against the King; leaving the Government of the City to Lucretius, who was then Prefect of it by the Kings Commission. Amidst this tumult, Tullia left her House, on whom both Men and Women heaped Curses wheresoever she went, invoking the Furies that pu­nish Children for disrepect to Parents.

When the Camp had notice of these things, the King was much concerned, and went to LX Rome to repress those Insurrections there; and therefore Brutus (who was sensible of his coming) lest he should meet him, went another way about the same time, Brutus to Ardea, and Tarquinius to Rome. The Gates were shut against Tarquinius, and his Banishment Pro­claimed; whilest the rejoycing Camp received Brutus as the Deliverer of the City, expel­ling thence the Kings Children; of whom, two followed their Father, and went into Banish­ment to Caere, a Town in Etruria. Sextus Tarquinius going to Gabii as into his own Kingdom, was killed by certain men, who had a mind to revenge the ancient quarrels, which he himself, by Slaughter and Rapine had been the Author of. L. Tarquinius Superbus Reigned five and twenty years, and the Reign of Kings of Rome, from the time the City was built, to the deli­verance of it, continued two hundred and forty four years: at which time, two Consuls were Created in the Assembly, called, Comitia Centuriata [or an Assembly wherein every man gave his suffrage vivâ voce in the Century that he belonged to,] by the Prefect of the City according to the method that Servius Tullius had prescribed, whose names were, L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus.

DECADE I. BOOK II.

I I Come now to shew you what the Roman People, who from this time were at Liberty, did both in Peace and War, together with their Annual Magistrates, and the force of their Laws, which were more powerful than any strength of Men. Which Liberty of theirs grew the more pleasant by their reflection on the pride of their last King. For the former Kings governed so, that they deserved successively to be reckoned as Founders of the several parts of that new City, which they themselves added by way of augmentation to it, for their encreasing Multitude to dwell in: nor is it to be doubted, but that same Brutus, who won so much Glory by expelling King Superbus, would have done the Publick the greatest mis­chief imaginable, if, through a too hasty desire of Liberty, he had extorted the Scepter from any of the former Kings. For what was like to come of it, if that crowd of Shepherds and Strangers that came thither from their own Countries, having gained either their Liberty, or, at least, impunity, under the refuge of an inviolable Sanctuary; and being freed from the fear of Kings, had then been moved and instigated by the Seditious Tribunes of the People? and in a strange City had begun to sow strife between the People and the Senate, before the endearments of Wives and Children and the love of that soil, to which, by Tract of time, Men grow accustomed, had united their affections. For the State of things, which was but in its infancy, would have been ruined by Discord; which yet the calm moderation of Government cherished, and by due nursing of it, brought to that pass, that they now come to their full strength, could well bear the stronger nutriment of Liberty. But you may reck­on the original of that Liberty more from the Consulships being made, and Annual Govern­ment, than that any thing was diminished from Kingly Power. For the first Consuls reteined all the Prerogatives and all the Badges of Royal State; only this one thing they were cautious of, not to have both of them Fasces [or bundles of Rods] carried before them, lest the ter­ror of the People might be doubled. Brutus, by the consent of his Colleague, had first the Fasces; and did not with more earnestness regain, than he afterwards preserved their Liberty. In the first place, he made the People more covetous of their new Liberty (lest they should afterwards be persuaded by the entreaties, or corrupted by the gifts of the late King) to swear that they would never suffer any one to Reign as King of Rome. Whereupon, that he might make the Senate stronger, by making their order more numerous, which had been lessened by those many slaughters which the King had made amongst them, he chose all the chief of the Gradus Equestris [or Knightly Order] into them, which made their number up three hundred; and thence (they say) came the custom and form of calling them into the Se­nate by distinct appellations, of Patres and Conscripti [i. e. such as had been Senators before, as that were newly chosen in,] for such, as were then Elected into the Senate, were called, Conscripti, [i. e. whose Names were written in the same Catalogue with the former.] 'Tis very strange to tell how that conduced to the Concord of the City, and to unite the Peoples affecti­ons to the Senate.

II After that, they regulated things Divine; and because some publick Holy Rites were used to be performed by the Kings themselves, lest the People should desire a King again, to satisfie them in the Name, they made a Religious Minister, called Rex Sacrificulus [or the Petit King of the Sacrifices,] but made him subject to the Pontifex, lest, his having Honour pro­portionable to his Name, might detract something from the publick Liberty, to which, they, at that time, had the greatest regard. And indeed, I cannot tell, whether by their extraordina­ry care to confirm it, even in the most inconsiderable respects, they did not exceed the bounds of prudence; for when nothing else offended them, the very Name of one of the Consuls was hateful to the whole City. For they said, That the Tarquins had been too long possessed of that Kingdom; of whom Priscus was the first, and that though after him, Servius Tullius was King, yet Tarquinius Superbus did not forget himself in the mean time, or lay down his pretensi­ons to the Crown, as if it were the right of another; but by force and ill means sought to regain it, as being the inheritance of his Family. That now, since they had expelled Superbus, the Sovereign Power remained in Collatinus [who was also a Tarquin] That the Tarquins could not endure to live a private life. That they hated the very name, inasmuch as it was dangerous to their Liberty. This kind of Discourse was spred by degrees all over the City, to try how People stood affected; and Brutus seeing the People so full of suspicion, summoned them to an As­sembly. In which, he first of all recited the Oath which the People had taken, that they would suffer no man to Reign, or be at Rome, who should endanger their Liberty. For that was to be their chiefest care, nor could any thing be contemptible that conduced thereunto. That he was unwilling to speak in the mans behalf, nor would he have spoken, unless his love to the Commonwealth had strongly induced him. That the Roman People did not believe they had intirely recovered their Liberty; because there was some of the Kings Family, and of the Kings name, not only in the City, but likewise, in supreme Authority; which they thought, was a diminution and an obstacle to their Liberty. L. Tarquinius (said he) do you voluntarily remove this fear from them. We remem­ber, we must confess, you expelled the Kings: Now therefore to perfect your kindness to the City, take hence the very name of the King; your fellow Citizens will not only deliver you what is your own, and that by my persuasion, but if you lack any thing, will very munific [...]ntly augment your Estate. Depart then as a friend, and ease the City of their jealousie, though (perchance) it be [Page 35] groundless; for they are verily persuaded, that with the Family of the Tarquins, the Government of Kings will leave this City. The Consul was at first so much surprised at that new and sud­den Proposal, that he had no power to speak. But, soon after, when he began to utter him­self, the Nobility of the City stood about him, and earnestly desired of him the same thing. But indeed all others did not much move him, till Sp. Lucretius, to whose Age and Authority he owed a deference; and who, besides that, was his Father-in-law, began to treat with him after a different manner, sometimes desiring and sometimes persuading him, that he would suffer himself to be overcome by the consent of the whole City; the Consul, fearing lest afterwards, when he was a private Man, the same things might happen to him, with loss of Goods and other Ignominy to boot, he withdrew himself from the Consulship; and having removed all his Goods to Lavinium, left the City. Brutus, by Order of the Senate, prescribed a Law to the People, that all of the Tarquinian Family should be banished; and made P. Valerius Colleague, in the Comitia Centuriata, by whose assistance, he had expelled the Kings. When every body believed that the Tarquinii were going to Levy War, it happened indeed some­what later than any body expected, but (what they did not fear) their Liberty was almost lost; through fraud and treachery. There were, among the Roman Youth, some young Men, of good Families, whose manners had been more dissolute and debauched than ordina­ry, in the time of the King, they being of the same Age and Companions with the young Tarquins, and used to live like Princes; they therefore, at that time, when all People had the same priviledges, expecting the same freedom, complained among themselves, that the Li­berty of others became their Slavery, and said, That the King was a Man, of whom you might seek for redress, in a dispute concerning right and wrong; that in him there was room for favour and kindness; that he could be angry, or pleased to pardon, as knowing the difference between a friend and an Enemy. But that the Laws were deaf, inexorable and more for the advantage of a Beggar than a Gentleman, for there is no Latitude left in them, whereby to gain a pardon, if you transgress their bounds; that it was dangerous, amidst so many errors that men are obnoxious to, for a Man to think he could live prosecuted by his own innocence. Whilest they were thus distur­bed in mind, there came Embassadors from the Kings, who made no mention of their return, but only demanded their Estate. Whose Message having been heard in the Senate, there was a Consultation held for some days concerning it; lest, if it were not returned, it might be the cause of a War, or on the other side, if it were, it might be a supply for the carrying of it on. In the mean time, the Embassadors endeavoured several ways to accomplish their De­signs, demanding the Estate only, to open view, but privately Consulting how to regain the Kingdom; and as if that were the Design, they went about to engage the affections of the noble young men. By whom their Address was kindly received, and to whom they delivered Letters from the Tarquinii, discoursing with them concerning the reception of the Royal Family into the City privately in the night time.

This affair was first committed to the Vitellii and Apulii, who were Brethren. The Sister IV of the Vitellii was married to Consul Brutus; who had by her, two Sons then of Age, called Titus and Tiberius, whom their Uncles likewise took for their Assistants in that Consult. But besides them, there were also some of the young Nobility who were conscious of the other Design, taken in, whose Names Antiquity hath obliterated. In the mean time, it having past the Vote of the Senate, that the Estate should be restored, and the Embassadors, having a just pretence for staying in the City all that time, which the Consuls had given them, to prepare Waggons for the carrying of the Kings Goods away, they spent all that in­terval in consulting with the Conspirators; and, by their importunity, at last, induced them to send Letters to the Tarquinii: for how should they otherwise believe, that in such a weighty Affair, the Embassadors did not deceive them? The Letters which they sent, a confirmation of the Embassadors Fidelity, made the thing manifest. For when, the day before the Em­bassadors were to go to the Tarquinii, they happened to sup with the Vitellii, where the Con­spirators, being all alone, had much Discourse among themselves (as is usual in such cases) concerning their new Design; a Servant over heard them, who had formerly some inkling of it, but expected that occasion, when Letters should be given to the Embassadors, which being seized on, might evince the whole matter. When he knew that they had them, he went and told the Consuls. Whereupon the Consuls going to seize the Embassadors, hushed up the whole matter without any noise; but took the greatest care of the Letters, lest they should be dropt. And though they presently imprisoned the Traytors, yet they made some small doubt, in the case of the Embassadors; for though their fault was so great, that they might be looked upon as publick Enemies, yet the Law of Nations prevailed above that consideration.

But now, the whole matter concerning the Kings Goods which they had formerly ordered V to be delivered up, was again debated in the Senate; who being incensed forbad the restoring of them, or that they should be brought out into publick view. Wherefore they were divided among the common People, that they, being, as it were, contaminated with the spoils of the Royal Family, might lose all hopes of ever having Peace with them. A piece of Land be­longing to the Tarquinii, which lay between the City and the River Tiber, was Consecrated to Mars, and afterwards called Campus Martius [i. e. Mars's Field.] It happened then (as the Report goes) that there was in that Field Wheat growing, which was ripe for the Sickle, [Page 36] but because it was not lawful to consume the fruit of that Field, a great number of men, who were set to work there, having Reaped it down, threw it, by Baskets full, into the Tiber, which was at that time but very low, (as it usually is in the middle of Summer) and therefore the heaps of Corn, being stranded, stuck upon the mud. From whence, by degrees, with other things which the River accidentally brought down to the same place, there was an Island made: to which, I suppose, there were Moles added, and Humane Art used, to make that rising Plain so strong, as to bear even Temples and Porticoes. The Kings Goods being divided among the People, the Traytors were condemned and suffered Punishment; which was the more re­markable, because the Consuls injoyned each Father to inflict it upon his Children, and him who was to have been not so much as a Spectator, fortune now made the Executioner. The Noblest young Men stood bound to a Stake, but the Consuls Children turned the eyes of all People off from the rest, as People of no note, upon themselves, and men were no more sorry for their Punishment than for the Crime by which they deserved it; but la­mented very much, that they should design in that year especially to betray their Country which was then delivered, their Father the Deliverer of it, the Consulship raised out of the Family of the Junii, the Senate, the People, with all the Gods and Men in Rome, Superbus, who though he was formerly their King, was at that time their Enemy, and in Banishment. The Consuls took their places, and the Lictors were sent to inflict the Punishment, who ha­ving stript the Offenders, and beaten them with their Rods, smote them with the Ax, whilst their Father all the while turned his face to the crowd, and shewed an eminent love to his Country, even amidst the Execution of that publick Punishment upon his own Children, When the Execution was over, (to make this a signal Example for the deterring People, on both sides, from either acting in or not discovering such wicked Practices) they gave the Informer a Reward in Mony out of the publick Treasury, besides his Liberty and the Free­dom of the City. He is said to be the first who was freed by the way of Vindicta, [i. e. lay­ing a Rod upon the Head of the Party who was to be set at Liberty] and some think also, that the Word Vindicta was derived from him, because his name was Vindicius: for after him, it was observed, that those who were so set at Liberty seemed to be received into the freedom of the City.

VI 6. These things being related, just as they were Acted, Tarquin incensed, not only with grief to think that his great hopes were all frustrated, but with hatred and anger too, and seeing that his private Designs were obstructed; thought it the best way to make an open War; and therefore went about to the Cities of Etruria, to beg their assistance; but most of all, intreated the Veians and Tarquinians, That they would not suffer one, who was extracted from themselves, and of the same Blood, to be Banished, Necessitous, and from such great Pomp, which whilst a King he lived in, to Perish (both him and those Youths his Sons) before their eyes: telling them, that other Kings were sent for from strange Countries to Reign at Rome, but that he, who by his Wars augmented the Roman Empire, while he governed, was beaten out by the wicked Conspiracy of his own Kinsmen; that they divided the Kingdom amongst them, because no one of them seemed fit to Reign alone, and made his Goods a common prey to all the People, lest any one of them should be innocent, that he was now a going to regain his Country and his Kingdom; and that he would persecute his ungrateful Country-men. Wherefore, he desired them that they would aid and assist him, to revenge even their old Quarrels too, the killing of so many Legions, and the taking away of their Land from them. These things moved the Veians, who were all very eager, at least now they had a Roman for their General, to recover their lost Honour. and make re­prisals of what had been taken from them in the Wars. Their Name and their Alliance inci­ted those of Tarquinii, to whom it seemed a glorious thing, that Men descended from their City, should be Kings of Rome. Therefore two Armies out of those two Cities marched af­ter Tarquin, to re-demand the Kingdom, and make War upon the Romans. When they came into the Roman Territories, the Consuls met the Enemy. Valerius led the Foot in a square Body, whilest Brutus went before to scout with the Horse. In like manner, the Enemies Horse marched first, Commanded by Aruns Tarquinius, the Kings Son, and the King himself came after with the Legions. Aruns, assoon as he found, by the Lictors, that the Consul was coming at a great distance, and then more nearly, and certainly knew Brutus by his face too, being inflamed with anger, That (cry'd he) is the fellow who drove us out of our Countrey: see how stately he moves, adorned with our Ensigns: assist, ye gods! who are the Revengers of Inju­ries done to Kings. With that, he spurred his Horse, and fiercely rode up to him. Brutus perceived it was at him that Aruns made; wherefore, he thought it fit, for them two, who were the Generals, to begin the Battel; and thereupon, made up with all speed to engage him. They met with such fury, that neither of them, so he did but wound his Enemy, had any regard to the preservation of his own Person; and both of them, being at the same time, by mutual thrusts through their Shields, run into their Body, so that they were fixed to each other by their two Javelins, fell down dead from their Horses. Then also began the Fight between the rest of the Horse; nor was it long before the Foot came up, and there they fought; but the Victory was doubtful, and inclined to neither side. The right Wings on both sides had the better, and the left the worst on it. The Veians, who had formerly been often Conquered by the Romans, were Routed and put to Flight; but the Tarquinians, a [Page 37] new Enemy, did not only stand their Ground, but also drave the Romans off from their Party.

This being the success of that Battel, Tarquinius and the Etrurians were seized with such VII a terror, that thinking it in vain to stay, both Armies, as well Veians as Tarquinians, march­ed in the night time to their several homes. They tell you, of Miracles that were done at the time of this Fight; such as was this, that in the dead of the next Night, there was a mighty voice heard out of the Wood, called, Sylva Arsia, and thought to be the voice of the God Sylvanus, which spake these Words; That in that Battel there were more Etrurians, by one, than Romans slain; and therefore upon the whole Account, the Romans in that Fight had the better. Thereupon, 'tis certain, the Romans marched off as Conquerors, and the Etru­rians as an Army Defeated. For assoon as it was day, and none of the Enemies appeared in sight, P. Valerius the Consul collected the spoils, and returned from thence in Triumph to Rome; where he Celebrated the Funeral of his Collegue, with as much Ceremony as he then could. But the publick sorrow was a far greater Honour to Brutus, as being remarka­ble above all other things, in that the Matrons lamented him a whole year, as he had been their Father; because he was so severe a Revenger of Lucretias violated Chastity. After that, the other Consul who survived, instead of being favoured by the People, (whose minds are always mutable) was not only envyed, but suspected and accused of a very heinous Crime; for the report went, that he was ambitious of being King, because he did not, in the first place, take another Collegue in the room of Brutus, and secondly, because he built him an House upon the top of the Mount Palatine, upon the highest part of it, called Velia; for there, upon that so well Fortified place, they were told, He would make a Castle which should be Impregnable. These Reports being generally believed by the People, gave the Consul great disturbance; and therefore having summoned the People to Council, he came into the Assem­bly with the Fasces down. That was a sight wery grateful to the Multitude, to see the Ensigns of Government lowered in respect to them, and a confession thereby made, that the Majesty and the Power of the People was greater than that of the Consul. Assoon as the People were warned to keep silence, the Consul, in a Speech to them, began to set forth the good fortune of his Collegue, that having freed his Country, he died in the bed of Honour, fighting for his Coun­try, with full blown Glory, which had not yet degenerated into envy; whilst he himself survived his Glory, to be suspected and accused, and instead of the Deliverer of his Country, was reckoned as bad as the Aquilii or the Vitellii. Will you never think (said he) you know any mans vertue so well, as not to suspect it? Could I have believed that I should be thought guilty of a desire to be King, who was the most inveterate Enemy the Kings had? Could I have believed, that though I had lived even in the Castle, in the Capitol, I should have been feared by my fellow Citizens? Does my Credit with you depend upon so small a circumstance? Is your confidence in me so slightly grounded, that you are more concerned, where I am, than what I am? The House of P. Valeri­us (O you Romans!) shall never obstruct your Liberty; but you shall have Velia still secured. I will bring my House not only down into the Plain, but I will likewise set it under the Hill, that you may dwell above me, whom you so much suspect: Let those build Houses upon Velia, who may be better trusted with your Liberty, than P. Valerius is thought to be. With that, he immediately ordered all the Materials of his House to be carried down below Velia, and built a House at the bottom of the Hill, in that place where the Temple of Victory (called by the Ancients Vicae­pota) now stands.

Thereupon they made Laws, not only to acquit the Consul from the suspicion of his being VIII ambitious to be King, that turned the Tide so much the other way, that they made him even Popular; from whence he came to be Surnamed Poplicola. But, before all others, they made the Law concerning the appealing to the People against Magistrates, and Out-lawing any Man, both in his Life and Goods, who should Conspire to make himself King. These Laws were grateful to the People, which when he had made by himself, that he alone might gain the favour of the People, he afterwards called an Assembly, to chuse himself a Collegue; Sp. Lucretius was created Consul, who being very ancient, and wanting strength to perform all the Duties of a Consul, within a few days Deceased, and M. Horatius Pulvillus was put in his place. I do not find, in some ancient Authors, that Lucretius was ever Consul, but that Horatius immediately succeeded Brutus; which, I suppose, was occasioned for that he had signalized his Consulship with no remarkable Action, and therefore it was not taken notice of. The Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol was not as yet Dedicated; wherefore, Valerius and Horatius, being Consuls, cast Lots which of them should Dedicate it; it fell to Horati­us's Lot, and in the mean time, Poplicola went to the War against the Veians. The Relati­ons of Valerius were more concerned than they ought to have been, that the Dedication of so famous a Temple should be committed to Horatius; and therefore indeavouring, by all means they could, to hinder it, and having in vain tryed other ways, they brought an ill Mes­sage to him, whilest he had his Hand upon the Post, and was Praying to the gods, that his Son was dead, wherefore, his Family being Contaminated with a dead Corps, he could nor Dedicate that Temple. Whether he had so much strength of mind as not to believe it, it is neither certainly related, nor can I well tell; but this is certain, he did not desist from what he was about when the Messenger came, save only, that he ordered the Body to be [Page 38] buried; but still held the Post, went on with his Prayers, and Dedicated the Temple. These were the Transactions, both at home and abroad, in the first year after the Kings were ex­pelled.

IX Then P. Valerius was a second time made Consul with Titus Lucretius; and now the Tar­quinii had fled to Lar. Porsena King of Clusium; where, mixing advice with entreaties, they desired him, That he would not suffer them, who were Descended from the Etrurians, of the same Blood and Name, to be put upon such necessities, and Banished: and now especially they beg­ged of him, not to let that growing custom of Deposing Kings, to go unrevenged; that Liberty it self was sweet enough, and that if Kings did not defend their Kingdoms, with as much vigour as Cities desired Liberty, all things would be levelled; the loftiest with the lowest; nor would any thing be high or eminent above others, in any City whatsoe [...]er; but Kingdoms would come to an end, which were the most glorious things, known either to the gods or men. Porsena thinking that at that time there was a King of Rome, and also that the King of Etruria was strong in his Forces, came to Rome with a dreadful Army. Nor were the Senate ever possessed with such a terror, before that time, so strong were the Clusians at that juncture, and the name of Por­sena so great. Nor did they only fear their Enemies, but even their own Citizens too, lest the Roman Commonalty, astonished with fear, should re-admit the Royal Family into the City, and accept of Peace, even with slavery. The Senate therefore, upon that occasion, were very kind to the People, taking especial care for Provisions, and sending several Per­sons, some to the Volsci, and others to Cumae, to buy Corn. The priviledg also of selling Salt, because it was dear, should be put into publick hands, and taken from private Persons; besides that, they freed the People from paying of Freight and Tribute, which they made the rich pay, who were able to bear the burthen of it. For the poor (they said) paid enough to the State, if they bred up their Children; and this Indulgence of the Senate, when the City was afterwards streightned by Siege and Famin, kept it in such Concord, that the lowest, as well as the highest, abhorred the name of King, nor was there any one from that time, who grew so popular by ill Arts, as all the Senate then was, upon the count of their good management.

X When the Enemy came up, all the Country People removed into the City, which they Fortified with strong Guards; while some part seemed sufficiently fenced with Walls, and others with the Tiber. But the Wooden Bridg did almost afford a passage to the Enemy, had it not been for one Man, whose name was Horatius Cocles; for the fortune of Rome prepared him, that day, as a Bulwark; who being by chance, then posted upon that Bridg, when he saw Janiculum taken at a sudden Attack, from whence, the Enemies ran down as fast as they could, and that the Romans left their Arms, as well as their Ranks, he stop'd them; and calling to witness both gods and men, told them, That 'twas in vain for them to fly, if their Garison were Deserted, for if they left the Bridg behind them, free for the Enemy to go over, there would soon be more of the Enemies in the Palace and the Capitol, than in Janiculum. Wherefore, he advised them, that they would break down the Bridg with fire or Sword, or any other violent means; and that he would receive the shock of the Enemy with as much vigour as one man could do. With that, he went to the end of the Bridg, and being remarkable amongst those that fled, for facing about to engage the Enemy, he astonished them to see such a Miracle of Audacity. But shame kept two Persons to be his Assistants, whose names were Sp. Lartius, and Titus Harminius, who were both descended from Noble Families, and renowned for their Atchievements. With them, he, for some time, susteined the first storm of the dan­ger, and the most tumultuous part of the Fight. But soon after, he made them also retire to a safe station, when there was but a small part of the Bridg remaining, and those who were cutting it down, recalled them. Then hurling round his baleful eyes upon the Etruri­an Commanders, one while he Challenged single Persons, and anon inveighed against all of them together; telling them, That being the Slaves of proud Kings, and negligent of their own Liberty, they came to destroy that of others. Thereupon they staid for some time, while one looked upon the other, to begin the Battel. Then shame made the Etrurian Army move; who, setting up a great shout, threw all their Darts upon one single Enemy, which he receiving in his Shield, stood stoutly to it upon the Bridg, from which they endeavoured to force him. But at that instant, the crash of the falling Bridg, and the noise that the Ro­mans made for joy that the work was done, struck such a sudden terror into the Enemies, that it restrained their violence. Then Cocles cryed out, Great Father Tiberinus! I beseech thy Deity, propitiously to receive these Arms and this Soldier into thy River. With that, being all in Armour, he leaped into the Tiber, through which, though many Darts were thrown upon him, he swam very safe over to his Party; having done an Exploit, that will be more talk­ed of than believed, by all Posterity. The City was very grateful to him for so great an Atchievement; and therefore his Statue was set up near the Comitium [or place of publick Assembly,] and he had as much Land given him as he could mark round with a Plough in one day. The Affections also of private men were very eminent amidst his publick honours, for when he was in great necessity, there was no body but gave him something towards House-keeping, though they wanted it themselves.

Porsena being repulsed in his first Attempt, and therefore changing all his measures, from XI a design of Storming, to besieging the City; when he had placed a Guard in Janiculum, himself pitched his Camp in the Plain, and upon the Banks of Tiber. He likewise sent for Ships from all parts, both as a Guard to hinder any Corn from being carried to Rome, and for the convenience of passing his Soldiers over the River in several places, to forage, as oc­casion should serve. By which means, in a short time, he so infested all the Country about Rome, that not only other things, but even all their Sheep too were driven out of the Fields into the City; neither durst any one drive them without the Gates. But this so great liber­ty was granted to the Etrurians, not so much of fear as policy. For Valerius the Consul, be­ing intent on the opportunity of surprizing a great many straglers at once, seemed negligent to revenge small injuries, because he kept himself for some greater Action. He therefore, to draw in the Foragers, commands his Soldiers, that the next day they should drive out a great many Sheep, at the Gate called Porta Esquelina, which was most remote from the Enemy, supposing, that the Enemy would come to know of it, because in that time of Siege and Famin, several faithless Slaves had fled the City. And so indeed they did, by the Infor­mation of a Renegado: upon which, a great many more of them, in hopes to have all the Prey, pass'd the River. In the mean time P. Valerius ordered Herminius, with a small Party, to make an Ambuscade, at the second Stone [i. e. two Miles off,] in the way that leads to Gabii, and Sp. Lartius, to stand with the nimble young men, at the Gate called Porta Collina, till the Enemy came by; and then to block them up, that they might not return to the River. The other Consul, Titus Lucretius, marched out at the Gate, called Porta Naevia, with some few Companies; whilest Valerius himself led a choice Party down from the Mount, called Mons Coelius, who were the first that appeared to the Enemy. Herminius, when he heard the tu­mult, made haste from his Ambuscade, and fell upon the Etrurians Rere, whilest their Van was engaged with Valerius. There was a shout set up, and returned both from the right hand and the left; that is to say, from the Gate called Porta Collina on the one side, and that called Naevia on the other. So the Foragers were slain in the middle of the Romans; being neither strong enough to cope with them, nor having any way to escape: and that was the last time that the Etrurians stragled so disorderly into the Roman Territories.

But nevertheless the Siege continued; Corn being very scarce and very dear, and Porsena XII had some hopes, that by continuing there, he should at last take the City; 'till Caius Muci­us, a Noble Youth, who thought it a disgrace that the Roman People, who though they were Slaves, while they lived under Kingly Government, yet were never Besieged in any War, nor by any Enemy; that the same People, now they were free, should be Besieged by those very Etrurians whose Armies they had so often Routed: he was incensed, and thinking that he ought to revenge that indignity, by some great and bold exploit; he first resolved, of his own accord, to force his way into the Enemies Camp: but fearing lest if he should go without the consent of the Consuls, or the knowledg of any body else, he might possibly be taken by the Roman Centinels, and be brought back as a Run-away, in which case, the present state of the City would make his Accusation the more probable; wherefore he went to the Senate: Fathers (said he) I have a mind to pass the Tiber, and get, if I can, into the Enemies Camp; not as a Robber, nor to revenge that havock which they have made amongst us; but, if the Gods will give me leave, I design to do a greater exploit. The Senators approved of his proposal, and therefore, with a Sword hidden under his Garment, he went upon his En­terprize. When he came thither, he stood in a great crowd, near to the Kings Tribunal; where, seeing the Souldiers came to receive their Pay, and that the Secretary who sate by the King in an habit very like him, was mighty busie, with the Soldiers thronging about him; he fearing to ask which was Porsena, lest, by not knowing the King, he might discover who he was; as fortune unluckily would have it, he stabbed the Secretary instead of the King. Then walking off, as far as he could make way through the affrighted Crowd, with his Bloody Weapon in his hand, the People flocked together, upon the noise of it, and the Kings Guards laying hold on him, brought him back. Then being placed before the Kings Tribunal, he, even at that time, amidst so many menaces of fortune, like one to be feared, rather than fearing any thing himself, cryed out, I am a Roman Citizen, and they call me Cai­us Mucius, wherefore, as an Enemy, I had a mind to kill my Enemy, nor do I desire to avoid my own death, any more than I did to miss killing him. 'Tis like a Roman, both to do and to suffer great things. Nor was I the only Person that bore that spleen to thee; I have a long Train behind me, of such who desire to do the same glorious Act. Wherefore, prepare thy self, if thou pleasest, against this danger, that thou mayest be ready every hour to fight for thy life; and see thou have both Arms and Men continually at the entrance of thy Palace. We, the Roman Youth, declare this War against thee. Thou needest not fear any formed Army, nor any pitched Battel, for we shall engage with thee only, and that hand to hand. At which, the King being at once enraged and frighted at the danger, commanded, in his fury, that a Fire should be made round about him, unless he would declare presently what snares those were that he had been so tedious in threatning him with; but he cryed out, Look here! to let thee see how little they value their Bodies, who have a prospect of eminent Glory, and with that, he put his right hand in­to the Fire, that was kindled for Sacrifice. Which the King seeing him burn, as if he had [Page 40] been distracted, was almost astonished at the sight, leaped from his Throne, and having commanded the young man to be removed from the Altar, cryed out, Get thee gone, for thou hast shewn more enmity to thy self than to me. I would bid thee go on and prosper in thy Courage, if that Courage stood up for my Country. Now, by the right of War, I send thee hence free, un­touched and unviolated. Then Mucius, to return his kindness, told him, Since you have such a value for Courage, that your Generosity makes me grant what your Menaces could not extort; I must tell you, That three hundred Noble young Romans of us have Conspired to attempt thy Death, in this manner. My turn was first; and the rest, as it shall fall out to be every particular mans Lot, will come one after another, 'till such time as fortune gives them a fair opportunity to de­stroy thee.

XIII Thereupon Mucius was dismissed, who was afterwards Surnamed Scaevola [or left-hand­ed] from the loss of his right hand, and Embassadors followed him, from Porsena, to Rome. For that not only the accident of the first danger, in which case, nothing had saved him ex­cept the mistake of the Assasinate; but those several Combats which he was like to be engaged in, as long as any of the Conspirators were alive, had so far moved him, that he voluntarily offered Conditions of Peace to the Romans. Among which, it was in vain that he inserted any thing concerning the restoring of the Tarquinii, though he was forced to do so, more out of complaisance to them, than that he thougnt the Romans would grant his request. He ob­tained the restoration of that Land which the Romans had taken from the Veians; and the Ro­mans lay under an absolute necessity of giving Hostages, if they would have the Garrison drawn off from Janiculum. Porsena having made a Peace upon these Conditions, led his Army from Janiculum, and Marched out of the Roman Dominions. The Senate gave Caius Mucius, upon the account of his Valour, a Field that lay beyond Tiber, which was afterwards called, Mucia prata [or Mucius's Meads.] Wherefore, seeing Valour so much esteemed, the Women too were excited to publick Acts of Courage. Cloelia, a Virgin, being one of the Hostages, when the Etrurian Camp was happily pitched not far from the Banks of Tiber, got from her Keepers, and in the head of a whole Troop of Virgins, swam over the Tiber, amidst the Darts of the Enemy, returning all her Companions safe to their Friends at Rome. Which when Porsena heard of, he was at first incensed with anger, and sent certain Envoys to Rome, to demand his Hostage Cloelia; for he did not greatly value any of the rest. Then, being wrapt with admiration, he said, Her Action out-did all the Cocles's and the Mucii; and pretended, how that if his Hostage were not delivered up, he would look upon the League as bro­ken; but if she were, he would send her home again unviolated. They kept their words on both sides, for the Romans restored the Pledg of Peace, [i. e. Cloelia and the other Virgins] according to the League; and in the Court of the Etrurian King, their Virtue was not only safe guarded, but honoured also. For the King said, he would give Cloelia, whom he so highly commended, some part of the Hostages to dispose of, and that she should chuse out whom she would of them. When they were all brought forth ('tis said) she chose such as were not yet of Age; which was not only an Act most becoming her Virginity, but also commendable in the opinion of the Hostages themselves; who must needs agree, that those Persons were most fit to be freed from the Enemy, whose tender Age made them most liable to Injuries. When the Peace was renewed, the Romans rewarded that strange Courage in a Woman, with a strange and new sort of Honour; for they set up her Statue, which was a Maid on Horseback, at the top of the Street, called Via Sacra, [i. e. the Holy way.]

XIV Now there is a Custom, very dissonant to the peaceful Retreat of that Etrurian King from the City, which was delivered down from our Ancestors, and remains amongst other Solem­nities, that when Goods are sold that were taken from an Enemy, they are proposed to Sale in the name of King Porsena. The Original of which custom must of necessity have been either derived from War, and not omitted in Peace; or have sprung from a milder source than this title pretends, of selling Goods in an Hostile manner. For the next thing that they say, is, that Porsena, when he Marched from Janiculum, left his Camp well furnished with all sorts of Provisions, which he brought from the Neighbouring fertile Fields of Etruria, and gave them freely to the Romans, the City being at that time in great want, by reason of the long Siege which they had laboured under. Wherefore (they likewise tell you) that all those Provisions were sold, (lest, if the People were admitted, they might make havock of them, as Enemies used to do) and were called the Goods of Porsena, though the title signifies rather their grateful remembrance of his kindness, than an Auction, or publick Sale of the Kings Fortune, which never was in the disposal of the Roman People. Porsena having laid down the War against Rome; lest his Army should seem to have been brought into those parts to no purpose, sent his Son Aruns with part of the Forces to Attack Aricia [a City or Latium;] which sudden Invasion did at first surprise the Aricians, but they, soon after, sending for Aid both from the Latins and from Cumae, were so far encouraged, that they resolved to fight him in a pitched Battel. Which was no sooner begun, but the Etrurians charged so briskly, that at the first effort, they routed the Aricians. The Cuman Party, using Art against Force, for some small time declined the Fight; but when the Enemy was got a good way before them, and in their full Career, faced about and set upon them in the Rere. By which means, the Etrurians, who were now almost Conquerors, were slain in the middle, between the [Page 41] Aricians in the Front, and the Cumans in the Rere: but some few of them having lost their Leader Aruns, and having no other nearer Refuge, went to Rome unarmed, both with the fortune and guise of suppliants. There they were kindly received and Quartered; and when their Wounds were cured, some of them went home, and told what kindness they had re­ceived, though many of them staid at Rome, because they found such Hospitality and Love among the Citizens, to whom there was a place assigned for them to dwell in, which they afterwards called Vicus Tuscus [or the Etrurian Street.

Then P. Lucretius and P. Valerius Poplicola were the third time made Consuls; and that XV Year, Embassadors came the last time from Porsena about restoring of Tarquin into the King­dom; to whom the Answer was, that the Senate would send Embassadors to the King, and thereupon immediately all the most Honourable Senators were dispatched away: Not but that they could have given their Answer in short, that the Royal Family should not be re-admitted; nor did they upon that account rather send chosen Senators to him, than give his Embassadors their An­swer at Rome; but they did it to make a final end of that Proposal, and that since they had mu­tually received such Obligations from each other, they might not make themselves uneasie; he by de­siring that which was against the Liberty of the Roman People, and the Romans, unless they would comply with their own Ruin, by denying his Request, to whom they were unwilling to refuse any thing. That the Roman People lived now, not under a King, but at Liberty, and were resol­ved to open their Gates rather to an Enemy than a King; for they all wished, that their Liberty and their City might be destroyed together. Wherefore, if he had a mind to preserve Rome, they desi­red him that he would suffer it to enjoy its freedom. The King, overcome with modesty, told them, Since it is so resolved and determined, I will not importune the Romans any more; nor will I frustrate the Tarquins hopes of Aid, which I cannot lend them. Let them seek another Country to spend their Exile in, whether they have occasion for War or Peace, and not break off my Alliance with you. To which words, he added deeds that were much kinder; for he restored all the Hostages that he had left, and that Land of the Veians which was taken from them, according to a League made at Janiculum; whilest, in the mean time, Tarquinius despairing to return, went into Banishment to Tusculum, to his Son-in-law Mamilius Octavius. And thus the Ro­mans made a firm Peace with Porsena.

Then M. Valerius and P. Postumius were Consuls, in whose Year there was a successful Bat­tel XVI fought against the Sabines, for which the Consuls Triumphed. But after that, the Sabines made a War with greater Preparations; wherefore in opposition to them, and lest any sudden danger might also arise from Tusculum (when, though no open signs of War appeared, yet such a thing was suspected) P. Valerius was a fourth time, and Titus Lucretius a second time made Consuls. But a Sedition arising among the Sabines, between two Factions, who were one for Peace and the other for War, brought over some part of their Forces to the Romans. For Attius Clausus, who at Rome was afterwards called Appius Claudius, being a stickler for Peace, and upon that Account, molested by those that were for a War, he not being strong enough for the adverse Faction, fled from Regillum [a Town of the Sabines,] with a great Retinue of his Creatures to Rome: where they were made free of the City, and had a piece of Land given them beyond the River Anien. The old Tribe, formerly instituted by Servius Tullius, by the addition of those new People who came out of that place, was called Tribus Claudia: and Appius being chosen into the Senate, came not long after to have the esteem and honour of the best men among them. The Consuls having Marched with a powerful Army into the Country of the Sabines, where they wasted and so destroyed the Enemies strength, that they needed not to fear any War from thence in a long time, they returned with Triumph to Rome. P. Valerius, who, by the consent of all men, was best skilled in the Arts both of War and Peace, died the next year (when Menenius Agrippa and P. Postumius were Consuls) with great Glory, but an Estate so small, that it would not defray the Charge of his Funeral; wherefore he was Buried by the Contribution of the People, and the Matrons mourned for him as they did for Brutus. In the same Year, two Latin Colonies, Pometia and Cora, Revol­ted to the Aurunci; with whom they went to War, and having Defeated a vast Army, which fiercely opposed the Consuls, at their entrance into those Confines, the whole Auruncian War was reduced to Pometia. Nor did they abstain from Slaughter more after the Battel, than in it; but there were many more slain than taken, and most of those they did take they killed. Nor did the fury of War contain it self even from the Hostages, who were three hundred in number. And this Year they two Triumphed at Rome.

The next Consuls, who were Opiter Virginius and Sp. Cassius, Attacked Pometia, first, by XVII main force, and then with Mining Galleries and other Works; against whom the Aurunci, being now instigated by an implacable hatred, more than any hopes or good opportunity they had, run forth more with Fire than Sword, filling all places with Slaughter and Flames; for having burnt the Galleries, and wounded and slain many of the Enemies, they almost killed one of the Consuls too, who, by reason of a grievous Wound that he received, fell from his Horse; but which of them it was, my Authors do not mention. Then having had such ill success, the Romans returned home and left the Consul amongst many other wounded men, with little hopes of life. But not long after, when their Wounds were Cu­red, and they had had time to recruit their Army, they made War against Pometia, not [Page 42] only with greater Animosity, but with augmented Forces too; and having mended their Vineae [or Galleries] and got the rest of their Preparations in such a readiness, that the Sol­diers were ready to scale the Walls, the Town was surrendred. But because the surrender seemed dishonourable, as if it had been taken, the Auruncian Nobles were most of them Be­headed, and the meaner sort were sold for Slaves; the Town was demolished, and the Land belonging to it sold. The Consuls Triumphed more for the revenge which they had taken, than for the greatness of the War which they had ended.

XVIII The next Year Postumus Cominius and Titus Lartius were Consuls; and that Year, at Rome, a Company of Sabine young men, having in sport and wantonness forced a company of Whores, there was a great Concourse and a Riot of People occasioned, insomuch that it almost came to a Battel, and from that small beginning, seemed very likely to run into Re­bellion. But over and above the fear of a Latin War, there was this addition also of dan­ger, that they were sure, thirty several People had Conspired against them by the instiga­tion of Octavius Mumilius. Wherefore, the City being much concerned at the apprehensi­on of these great things, they first discourse concerning the making of a Dictator, but it does not appear what Year he was made in, nor who were Consuls at that time, (for those of that Year, being of the Tarquinian Faction, as the Story likewise goes, were not thought fit to be trusted) nor who was first made Dictator. But I find in the most ancient Authors, that Titus Lartius was first Created Dictator, and Sp. Cassius Master of the Horse. Men of Consular Dignity only were concerned in the choice, for so the Law, regulating the choice of a Dictator, ordained. I am more induced to believe, that Lartius, who was a Consuls fellow, was chosen into this Office, rather than Manius Valerius, the Son of Marcus and Grandson of Volesus, who never had been Consul, and therefore was unfit to be a Mode­rator or Guide to Consuls; who if they had had a mind that a Dictator should have been chosen out of that Family, would much rather have pitched upon the Father, Marcus Vale­rius, who was a man of known virtue, and had been Consul. When therefore the Dicta­tor was first Created at Rome, and they saw the Axes carried before him, the People were much affrighted, and thereby grew very careful to obey him. For he had not, as the Con­suls, whose Power was equal, the help of any other, nor was there any Appeal from him, or any redress in any case, save from their care of doing what he ordered. The Sabines also were in great fear, when they heard that a Dictator was chosen at Rome; and that, so much the more, because they believed him Created upon their Account. Wherefore they sent Embassadors for Peace; who desiring the Dictator and the Senate to pardon the error of a company of young men, had this answer returned them, that it was possible to pardon young men, but not old ones, who raised one War out of another; but nevertheless they had a Treaty concerning Peace, which had been granted, if the Sabines had been willing to pay what the War cost them. Thereupon they declared War, but a silent Truce kept all that Year in Peace.

XIX Then Servius Sulpicius and Manius Tullus were Consuls, but did nothing worth the speak­ing of; being succecded by T. Aebutius and Cains Viturius: in whose time, Fidenae was besie­ged, Crustumeria taken, and Praeneste Revolted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor was the Latin War, which had now raged for several years, any longer carried on. Aulus Postumius the Dictator, and T. Aebutius, who was Master of the Horse, going with a great Army of Horse and Foot, to the Lake called Lacus Regillus, in the Confines of Tusculum, met a Party of the Enemies: and because they heard that the Tarquins were in the Latin Army, they were so enraged, that they must needs fall to fighting without any farther delay. By which means, that Battel was something more fierce and bloody than any of the rest. For the chief Offi­cers were there, not only to give Command, but they also Combated each other in their own Persons; nor did scarce any of the Nobility Retreat out of either Army without a Wound, ex­cept the Roman Dictator. Tarquinius Superbus, though he was now very ancient and weak, rode up very eagerly to charge Postumius, who was encouraging his men, and setting them in Rank and File at the Head of his Army. In which Engagement, Tarquinius was wounded in the side, but by the help of his own men, who came in to his Assistance, was carried safe off. In the mean time, Aebutius, Master of the Horse, Charged Octavius Mamilius in the other Wing; who was aware of his coming, and rode up briskly to him, meeting with such force, that Mamilius with his Spear ran Aebutius through the Arm, and Aebutius him into the Breast. The Latins took Mamilius into the main Body of the Army; and Aebutius, not being able to hold any Weapon with his Lame Arm, went out of the Field. The Latin Ge­neral being no way dismayed at his Wound, encouraged his men to fight; but because he saw them dejected, he sent for a Party of Banished Romans, Commanded by Lucius Tarqui­nius's Son; and they, because they fought with greater fury, upon the account of their Goods which had been taken from them, and their Country, out of which they were expelled; did for some time renew the fight.

XX When the Romans began now to Retreat from that side, M. Valerius the Brother of Pop­licola, seeing young Tarquin very brisk, and vaunting himself in the head of his Exiled Troop, was fired with Domestick Glory, and thought to make those Kings, who by their being expelled, were the honour of the Valerian Family, to add a new Ornament thereto by [Page 43] their Death; wherefore, setting spurs to his Horse, he threw a sharp Dart at Tarquinius, who retired from his furious Enemy into the midst of his men. But as Valerius was rashly Charg­ing this Party of Banished Persons, some Soldier or other came on one side of him and ran him through: whereupon, his Horse not staying, though his Rider was wounded, the Ro­man fell down to the ground, with his Shield and Spear upon his Body. Postumius, the Di­ctator, observing that such a Person was fallen, that the Banished People Charged very fierce­ly, and that his own men, being dismayed, gave way; commanded his own Troop, which he had about him as the Guard of his Body, that whomsoever of his Soldiers they should see running away, they should reckon as an Enemy: by which means, the Romans being through doubtful fear turned back from Flight, and facing the Enemy, the Army Rallied. Then the Dictator's Troop first entered the Battel; who being fresh men, and of good Courage, set upon the Banished Persons, who were now tired, and slew them. Then there arose ano­ther Conflict between the Commanders; the Latin General, when he saw the Party of the Banished Persons almost surrounded by the Roman Dictator, immediately drew forth certain Companies out of the Reserve, which lay in the Rere, into the Front of the Army, whom T. Herminius, the Lieutenant, espying as they came, Ranged in good Order, and knowing Mamilius amongst them, who was remarkable for his Garment and his Arms, he Charged up to him, with so much greater force than the Master of the Horse, who had a little before Engaged the General of the Enemies, that he not only killed Mamilius, with a Wound that he made in his side at one blow, but was himself also, whilest he Rifled the Enemies Body, run through with a Javelin; and, when he was carried as Victor into the Camp, expired up­on the first dressing of his Wound. Then the Dictator made haste up to the Horse, beseech­ing them, that, now the Foot were tired, they would alight and take their places. They com­plied with his Request, and Dismounting, made all the speed they could into the Head of the A [...]my, where they stood with their Shields in the room of the Antesignani [or such Soldiers as stoo [...] before the Colours.] Upon that, the Foot immediately recovered their Courage, when they saw the young Nobility in the same manner with themselves susteining part of the danger: and then, the Latins being Shocked, their Army was dismayed, and began to Retire. Which when the Romans saw, the Horsemen mounted again the better to pursue the Ene­my, and the Foot followed them. At that time, the Dictator omitting nothing, either Di­vine or Humane, that might be for their Assistance, and therefore, is said, to have resol­ved to Dedicate a Temple to Castor, and to have proposed rewards to such of his Soldiers, as should be the first or second that entered the Enemies Camp. Which so much animated them, that at the same instant in which they Routed the Enemy, the Romans. possessed them­selves of their Camp. This was the success of the Battel at the Lake called Lacus Regillus; from whence, the Dictator and the Master of the Horse returned with Triumph into the City.

For three Years after that, they had not either certain Peace or War. Q. Cloelius and XXI T. Lartius were Consuls; and after them A. Sempronius and M. Minucius; in whose time, a Temple was Dedicated to Saturn, and an Holy-day, called Saturnalia [or the Feast of Sa­turn] was then instituted. After that, A. Postumius and T. Virginius were made Consuls; and I find some Authors say, the Battel of the Lake Regillus was fought in this Year; as also, that A. Postumius, because his Collegue was a man not to be trusted, withdrew himself from the Consulship, being afterwards made Dictator. There are such errors in the account of time, and such difference in the series of their Magistrates, which several Authors have made, that a man cannot tell what Consuls were then in Office, nor what was done in each Year, it is so long ago; and things, as well as Authors, are so confounded. Then Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius were made Consuls; whose Year was very remarkable, for the news of Taquinius's Death. He died at Cumae, whither, after the Latins were De­feated, he fled to King Aristodemus. At that News, the Senate were very much pleased, and so were the People; but the joy of the Senate was too immoderate, and began to insult over the People, whom, till that time, they had endeavoured by all manner of means to oblige. The same Year, Signia, a Colony which King Tarquinius had Planted, was again supplied with a fresh number of Inhabitants; Rome was divided into one and twenty Tribes, and the Temple of Mercury was Dedicated upon the Ides of May, [i. e. the fifteenth.]

In the Latin War, the Romans had neither Peace nor War with the Volsci: for the Volsci rai­sed XXII Forces to send to the Latins, lest the Roman Dictator should make too much haste, and the Romans on the other side, made what haste they could, lest they should be forced to fight with the Latius and the Volsci at the same time. At which, the Consuls being enraged, led their Legions into the Country of the Volsci; who not fearing that they should be punished for their Designs, were put into a Consternation, by a War which they did not foresee. Where­fore, neglecting their Military Preparations, they gave three hundred Hostages, which were Noble mens Sons of Cora and Pometia; by which means, the Legions were drawn off with­out fighting. But not long after, the Volsci being eased of their fears, resumed their former disposition, and privately prepared, a second time, for a War; taking the Hernici into their Alliance. They also sent Ambassadors all about, to sollicite the Latins: but the Defeat which they had lately received at the Lake Regillus, possessed the Latins with such anger and hatred against any one that should persuade them to take up Arms, that they could not [Page 44] forbear laying violent hands, even upon the Embassadors themselves. Wherefore they sei­zed upon them, and carrying them to Rome, delivered them to the Consuls; by whom it was declared, that the Volsci and the Hernici were preparing for a War against the Romans. The matters being brought before the Senate, it pleased them so much, that they not only sent back to the Latins, six thousand Captives, but also referred the Debate concerning a League, which had been almost always denyed to new Magistrates. At which, the Latins mightily rejoyced, as being proud to be the Authors of Peace; and upon that account, they afterwards sent a Crown of Gold into the Capitol, for an Offering to Jupiter; with which, and the Embassadors that brought it, there came a great Multitude of those Captives that had been sent home: who, going to the Houses of them whom they had formerly served, gave them thanks for their Liberality and Kindness to them in their Calamity, making per­petual Agreements of mutual Friendship and Hospitality among them. For, before this time, the Latins were never, both publickly and privately, more nearly Allied to the Roman Empire.

XXIII But now not only the Volscian War was coming on, but the City it self also, being at variance, was all inflamed with an Intestine hatred between the Senate and the People, which happened mostly upon the account of those who were obliged to work out their Debts. For they mur­mured, that they who fought abroad for Liberty and Empire, should be Captivated and Oppress'd by their own Citizens at home; and said, that the Liberty of the People was more secure in War than in Peace, among their Enemies more than among their fellow Citizens. But that which kindled their Envy, though it increased fast enough of it self, was the signal Cala­mity of one single Person. That was an ancient man who came into the Forum, with all the marks of hardship that he had suffered under the restraint of his Creditor. His Garments were all squalid and nasty, but his Body in a much worse plight, being pale, and looking as if he were almost starved to Death. Besides which, his Beard and his Hair were grown so long, that they made him look like a Savage: yet he was known with all that Deformi­ty, and the People said, he had been a Commander, commending him also for other Mili­tary Atchievements, and commiserating him before the Rabble. He also shewed them the Scars in his Body, which were his witnesses of what honourable Fights he had engaged in. And when they asked him how he came to look so ill (a Crowd standing round about him, in manner of an Assembly) he told them, That being a Soldier in the Sabine War, the Country so Pillaged, that he not only wanted the Fruits of his Land, but his House was burnt, all his Goods Plundered from him, his Cattel driven away; and at that very Calamitous juncture, a Tribute was imposed, that made him borrow Mony: which by Usury rising to a great sum, de­prived him first of his Fathers and his Grand-fathers Estate, and then of his other fortunes; 'till at last, like a Consumption, it seized his very Body, and he was haled by his Creditor, not only in­to Slavery, but a severe Work-house and a Goal. With that, he shewed them his Back, which was all raw with the fresh marks of those stripes he had received. Which, when they saw and heard, there arose a great Clamor among them; nor did the Tumult now contein it self within the Forum [or Market-place,] but ran immediately through all the City. Whereup­on, not only those that were Bound, but such as were free too, came forth from all parts into the Streets, imploring the Assistance of the Romans their fellow Citizens. Nor was there any place that wanted a Voluntier for Sedition; but they ran in whole Troops through all the Streets, with Clamors into the Market-place; where some of the Senators that happened to be there, were in great danger of the Multitude. Nor had they escaped, if the Consuls, P. Servilius and Ap. Claudius had not come speedily in to repress the Tumult. But the Multitude turned even upon them also, and shewing their Bonds, with their other Deformities, said, Those were all that they had deserved, upbraiding them with the several services which they had done in the Wars. Which having done, they required them, with Menaces, rather than like Petition­ers, to call a Senate; and they themselves, who were resolved to be Judges and Moderators of that publick Council, stood round about the Court. Some very few of the Senators, that came that way by chance, were got about the Consuls, but the rest, fear kept not only from the Court, but from the Forum also; so that nothing could be done, because the number of the Senators was so small. With that, the Multitude thought they were derided, and put off with idle delays; and that the Senators who were absent, did not stay away by chance, or for fear, but to obstruct the present affair, yea, the Consuls themselves prevaricated; nor did they que­stion, but their miseries pleased them. And now, the very Majesty of the Consuls could hard­ly restrain the fury of the People; when being uncertain, whether by staying or coming, they should incur most danger: at length, they came into the Senate, and in a full Assem­bly, had a long Debate, not only between the Senators, but even the Consuls themselves. Appius, a man of a violent Spirit, thought the matter might be best composed by the Absolute Authority of the Consuls, and that if one or two of them were laid hold on, the rest would be quiet. But Servilius, who was more inclined to use gentle Remedies, supposed it more secure, as well as more easie, to bend, than to break their stubborn mind.

XXIV Amidst this Tumult, another far greater terror surprized them; for the Latin Horse came with a frightful Message, that the Volsci were a coming with a great Army to Attack the City. Which News (so far had Discord divided the City into two instead of one) made an im­pression upon the Senators, to what it did upon the People. For the People leaped for joy, [Page 45] and said, That the gods were come to revenge the pride of the Senators. In which, one of them confirmed another, with persuasions, Not to list themselves for the War; but to die with the whole City, rather than perish alone: to let the Senators fight and take up Arms, that they might undergo the dangers of War, who had the reward of it. In the mean time, the Senate being much concerned, and trembling for fear, as well of their own Citizens as of the Enemy, desired Servilius the Consul, who was of a more popular disposition, to free the Commonwealth from those Terrors with which it was now circumvented. Then, the Consul, having dismissed the Senate, came forth into the Assembly of the People; where he shewed them, What care the Senate had taken of the Peoples welfare; but that amidst their deliberation concerning that, which was indeed the greatest part, though but a part of the City, they were surprized with fear, upon the account of the whole Commonwealth; nor could they, when the Enemy was so near their Gates, think of any thing before a War: nor, if they should give the People any relief, would it either be­come them to refuse the taking up Arms for their Country, because they did not first receive their re­ward, or would it agree with the honour of the Senate, to be forced by fear, to remedy the Calami­ties of their fellow Citizens, so much as afterwards it would, upon their own free will. Then, by an Edict, he put an end to the Assembly, by which Edict, he commanded, That no man should keep a Roman Citizen in Bonds or Restraint, so as to hinder him from giving his Name to the Consul. That no one should take or sell the Goods of any Soldier, so long as he was in the Camp, or detein his Children or Grand-children. This Edict being Proclaimed, not only those Deb­tors who were present, immediately gave their Names, but they flocked from all private corners of the City (now that their Creditors had now Power to detein them) into the Fo­rum, to take the Military Oath. And indeed they made a great Party; nor was the Valour and Industry of any other, besides these, more eminent, in the War against the Volsci. Where­fore the Consul drew forth his Forces, and pitched his Camp at a small distance from them.

The next night, the Volsci relying upon the Roman Discord, attacked the Camp, to try XXV if any of them would come over, or betray it to them in the night time. The Sentinels per­ceived them coming, and gave notice to the Army, who were presently Alarmed, so that the Attempt of the Volsci was to no purpose. The rest of the night both sides lay still; but the next morning, assoon as 'twas morning, the Volsci having filled the Trenches, Inva­ded the Rampier. And now they were pulling down the Fortifications on every side, when the Consul (though all the Army, and the Debtors especially, called out upon him to give the Signal) delayed for some small time, to try the Soldiers Inclinations; but when he saw they were mighty eager upon it, at last, having made a sign for them to Sally forth, he sent them out with violent appetites to the Battel. The Enemies were Defeated upon the first Attack; and as they ran away, their Rere was cut in pieces as far as the Foot could follow them; but the Horse drove the frighted Creatures even to their Camp. Thereupon, the Camp it self, being surrounded with the Legions, (now that the fear had driven the Volsci from thence also) was taken and Plundered. The next day, the Legions were drawn to Suessa Pometia, whither the Enemies were fled, which Town, within a few days, was taken and given to the Soldiers as free Plunder. By that means, the needy Soldiers were in some measure recruited; and the Consul, to his great Honour, led his Victorious Army back to Rome. In his March home, the Embassadors of the Ecetrani, a People dwelling in a famous City of the Volsci, fearing their own circumstances, now that Pomotia was taken, made ap­plication to him, and had a Peace granted them, by order of the Senate; but part of their Land was taken from them.

Immediately after that, the Sabines put the Romans into some small fear, for that was a XXVI Tumult more properly than a War. News came by night into the City, that the Sabine Ar­my was come, and had Pillaged the Country as far as the River Anien, and that all the Vil­lages thereabouts were Plundered and Burnt. Upon which, A. Postumius, who had been Dictator in the Latin War, was presently sent thither with all the Horse, and Consul Servi­lius followed him with a choice Party of Foot. The Horse enclosed a great many of them as they were stragling about the Fields; nor did the Sabine Legions withstand the Body of Foot when they came up. For a great part of them being tired, not only with Marching, but with the Plunder which they had been employed in, and having filled themselves in the Villages, with good Chear and Wine, had scarce ability enough to run away. The Sabine War, therefore, being first heard of and ended in one and the same night, the next day, in great hopes of Peace with all Nations, Embassadors came to the Senate from the Aurunci, and told them, That if they did not depart out of the Dominions of the Volsci, they came to declare War against them. With those Embassadors, there came likewise an Army of the Aurunci; who, having been seen not far from Aricia, put the Romans into such a tumult, that neither the Sena­tors could give a fitting Answer to the Consul in due order, nor could the Consuls to the Em­bassadors, who came to make War; since they themselves were ready to take up Arms. Wherefore they went with a strong Army to Aricia, and not far from thence, Engaging with the Aurunci, overcame them in that one Battel.

The Auruncians being Defeated, the Roman Army, which within a few days had gotten so XXVII many Victories, expected the promise of the Consul should be performed by the Senate; but Appius, both out of his Native pride, and to falsifie his Collegues word, was as severe as possi­bly [Page 46] he could be, in giving Judgment concerning Debts; and thereupon, not only they who had before been in Prison, were delivered to their Creditors, but others also were put into the same condition. Which, as fast as any Soldier had suffered, he Appealed to Servilius, to whom they all flocked; Telling him of his promise, and upbraiding him with what each one of them had deserved in the Wars, and the Scars which they had received. They desired him to let the Senate know of it, and that he would not only assist his fellow Citizens, as Consul, but his Sol­diers, as their General. This moved the Consul, but he was forced by the necessity of the present Juncture, not to prosecute their Desires, because not only his Collegue was engaged on the other side, but all the Faction of the Nobility too; so that he, by standing Neuter, neither escaped the hatred of the People, nor won the love of the Senate, the later think­ing him effeminate and ambitious, and the former, deceitful; whereby it shortly appeared, that he was hated as much as Appius. There was a Controversie between the Consuls, which of them should Dedicate the Temple of Mercury; for the Senate had left it to the People, and Ordered, that he whom they appointed to Dedicate that Temple, should be Praefectus Annonae [or Steward of the Provisions,] regulate the Company of Merchants, and deter­min of such and such Solemnity for the Pontifex [or High Priest.] But the People com­mitted the Dedication of that Temple to M. Laetorius, the eldest Captain of their Army, not so much out of respect to him (for it was a thing very much above him) as out of disrespect to the Consuls. Thereupon Appius Claudius and the Senate grew very severe: but the People were the more encouraged, and went to work a far different way from what they first de­signed. For despairing of any relief from the Consuls and the Senate, when they saw a Debtor haled into Court, they immediately flocked together from all parts; nor could the Decree of the Consul be heard, for noise and clamour, nor when he had made his Decree, did any body obey it, but by reason of the violence which the People used, all the fear and danger was turned from Debtors upon Creditors, since, in the Consuls sight, each one of the latter was set upon by many of the former. Besides this, they were possessed with the fear of a Sabine War; in order whereunto, though there were a Levy Decreed, yet no bo­dy gave in their Names. At which, Appius was enraged and inveighed against the ambiti­on of his Collegue, who, by his popular silence, Betrayed the Commonwealth, and said, that besides his refusing to do Justice to the Creditors, he was unwilling to raise men, though the Senate had so Decreed; yet that the Commonwealth was not totally deserted, nor the Power of the Consuls so little, but that he alone would uphold the Authority and Majesty, not only of his own Place, but of the Senate too. Thereupon, as the Multitude, who behaved themselves ve­ry licentiously, stood round about the Tribunal, which they daily used to do, he ordered one notorious Ring-leader of the Sedition to be laid hold on: who, as he was haled along by the Lictors, Appealed from the Consul to the People; but the Consul would not have yiel­ded to his Appeal, (because the Judgment of the People was certain to go on his side) had not he been, with much ado, persuaded to it, more by the Counsel and Authority of the Nobility, than by the Clamer of the People: such a high spirit he had to bear and contemn the envy of the People. From that time, the mischief grew greater every day than other; not only with open Clamors, but, which was much worse, by Caballing and secret Con­sults, 'till, at last, these Consuls, whom the People hated, went out of their Office; Servi­lius beloved by neither Party, but Appius much admired by the Senate.

XXVIII Then A. Virginius and T. Veturius were made Consuls; in whose time, the People being uncertain what kind of men they would prove, had mighty Meetings; some in the Esquiliae and some in the Aventine, lest, when they came into the Forum, at any publick Assembly, they might be put to a plunge, and do things hand over head. The Consuls supposing that to be, as it really was, a very pernicious way of proceeding, acquainted the Senate with it; but when it came before them, they could not proceed in their deliberations concerning it, so regularly as they used to do, there was such a tumult and a noise in the House, when the Bill was brought in; for the Senate was very angry, that the Consuls should cast the envy of that which they ought to have executed by their own Authority, upon their House, and told them, That if there were Magistrates in the Commonwealth, there would be no Meetings at Rome, but what were publick; though now the People were dispersed and divided into a thousand Conventicles and Assemblies, some in the Esquiliae and some in the Aventine; and that one man of resolution (for that was more than a Consul) such as was Ap. Claudius, would dissolve those Meetings in a moment. The Consuls being thus chid by the Senate, desired to know what they would have them do, (for they would be as diligent and as Couragious as the Senate would have them) to which the Senate answered, That they should make a strict Levy of Sol­diers among the People, for that they grew petulent and unruly, for want of employment. Having adjourned the Senate, the Consuls went up to the Tribunal, where they called over all the younger men by their Names, but no body answered, for the Multitude standing round, in the nature of an Assembly, cryed out, They could no longer be deceived; nor should the Consuls ever have one Soldier, unless they performed their publick promise. They must give every man his Liberty, before they should force any Arms upon him, that they might fight for their Country and their fellow Citizens, not for their Lords and Masters. The Consuls saw what the Senate had enjoyned them, but discovered never a one of those who were so brisk within the Walls of [Page 47] the Court, to stand by them there, and partake of the envy which they lay under; where­fore they were like to have a cruel tug with the People. For that reason, before they tryed the extremity, they resolved once more to consult the Senate: upon which, all the younger part of the Senators ran up to the Consuls Seats, commanding them to lay down their Of­fice, and quit their Authority which they wanted Courage to maintain.

The Consuls having tryed both the Senate and the People, at last they told them, Fathers, XXIX that you may not deny our proposals, we must inform you, that there is a great tumult; and there­fore, we desire, that those who blame us most of all for our slothfulness, would be our Assistants while we make the Levy: then, since you will have it so, we will be very industrious to please each one of you. With that, they returned to the Tribunal, and ordered a certain Person, that stood there in view, to be Cited by his Name on purpose: who standing silent, with a crowd of men about him (to keep him from being seized on) the Consuls sent an Officer to him; who being repulsed, the Senators that were there assisting the Consuls, cryed out, it was a shame, and immediately ran down, from the Tribunal, to help the Officer: who being only kept off from laying hold upon the fellow who was Cited, and did not answer, the Peoples fury was all turned upon the Senators, but by the interposition of the Consuls, the Tumult was appeased; in which, there being no Weapons used, there was more noise and wrangling than there was hurt done. Upon that, the Senate was tumultuously summoned, whose Consultations were much more tumultuous; for those who were affronted by the Peo­ple, desired satisfaction, and being each of them, in a very great heat, gave their Voices, not quietly, as wise men should have done, but with Noise and Clamor. At length, when their heat was abated, the Consuls upbraided them, saying, There was as little Prudence and Sobriety in the Senate-house as in the Forum, and then they began to give their Opinions, re­gularly and in order, of which, there were three. P. Virginius did not think fit that they should be all dealt with in the same manner, but that they ought to consider such only as laid claim to the promise, which the Consul P. Servilius had made, upon the account of their having been Soldiers in the Volscian, Auruncian and Sabine Wars. T. Largius said, That was not a fit time to reward those only who had deserved well, since all the People in general were in Debt, nor could the Sedition be remedied, unless they consulted the good of all; for if the circumstances of some were better than those of others, their Discord was like rather to be heightened than allayed. Ap. Clau­dius who was naturally of a violent and fierce disposition, fomented on the one hand, by his hatred to the People, and on the other hand, by the commendations of the Senate, told them, That great disturbance arose, not from their miseries, but licentiousness; and that the People were rather too much indulged than inclined to mutiny. That the present mischief sprang from the Liberty of Appealing; for if all those who had offended might Appeal, the Consuls, instead of Authority, would have nothing but Menaces. Come then (said he) let us create a Dictator, from whom there is no Appeal; then this fury, that now puts all things into a flame, will certainly abate. Then let him, who knows that the power over his Body and Life is in one man, abuse my Officer, and violate that one mans Authority.

The Opinion of Appius was dreadful and severe, as many thought; while those again of XXX Virginius and Largius were of ill consequence, especially that of Largius, which destroyed the credit of the whole City, so that Virginius's Counsel seemed to be most moderate, and to pro­ceed in a middle way betwixt both. But through Faction and Respect to private ends, which always have done, and always will obstruct publick Councils, Appius prevailed, and had like to have been made Dictator himsell. Which, if he had, it had certainly disobliged the People, even at the most dangerous juncture, when the Volsci, the Aequi and the Sabines happened to be at the same time in Arms. But the Consuls and the graver Senators took care, that that Office which carried such absolute Authority, in its own style, should be bestowed upon a Per­son of a more gentle disposition; and therefore they chose Manius Valerius, the Son of Volesi­us. The Common People, though they saw a Dictator made in opposition to them, yet be­cause they had their Appeal granted, by a Law which his Brother made, they feared no mis­chief nor tyranny from that Family. In which Opinion, an Edict set forth by him, after he was Dictator, confirmed them, it being almost of the same tenour with that which Consul Servilius had formerly made: wherefore, supposing that they might trust, not only the man, but his Authority too, they ceased to Mutiny, and gave in their Names. By which means, there were ten Legions raised, (such an Army as they had never had before) of which, the Consuls had three apiece, and the Dictator four. Nor could the War be now deferred; for the Aequi had invaded the Latin Dominions, and Envoys sent from the Latins, desired of the Senate, That they would either send them aid, or permit them to defend themselves. Upon which, the Senate thought it more secure for them to defend the Latins, who were now naked, than to suffer them any more to take up Arms. So they sent Consul Veturius who put an end to that Ravage which the Enemy had made; while the Aequi, leaving the Plains, and rely­ing more upon the circumstance of place, than the strength of their Arms, secured them­selves upon the tops of the Mountains. In the mean time, the other Consul Marching against the Volsci, and designing to save time, provoked the Enemy to bring their Camp nea­rer and fight him, by Pillaging their Country as much as he could. Each Army stood in the Plain between their Camps, and before their out-works all in Battalia, but the Volsci [Page 48] somewhat out-did them in number. Wherefore they joyned Battel without any Order, and with Contempt. The Roman Consul, neither permitted his Army to stir, nor suffered them to hollow, but commanded them to stand to their Arms which they had fixed in the ground; but when the Enemy came up to Engage them, that then they should fall on with all their might, and Engage hand to hand with their Swords. The Volsci being tired with running and the Cla­mor they had made, came up to the Romans, who seemed astonished with fear, but when they perceived them to make opposition, and their Swords glittered before their eyes, being dismayed, they turned their backs, as if they had fallen into an Ambuscade; nor had they strength enough to run away, because they were tired with the speed they made into the Fight. The Romans, on the other hand, having stood still before, were very vigorous, and easily commanded their tired Enemies, possessed themselves of their Camp, and having pur­sued them as far as Velitrae [a City of the Volsci] pressed into the Town, both Conquerors and Conquered at the same time, where by the promiscuous slaughter of all sorts of People, there was more Blood spilt than in the Battel it self, save only, that to some few they gave Quarter, because they came unarmed and surrendred themselves.

XXXI Whilest these things were transacted in the Country of the Volsci, the Dictator Defeated, Routed and Seized the Camp of the Sabines, against whom, they had much more to do. For he, by sending in his Horse, had confounded the main Body of the Enemies Army, which they, by extending their Wings, had very irregularly Fortified by the Files within. He therefore set upon them in this Confusion, on foot; by which means, he not only, at the first Onset, took their Camp, but totally overcame them. Since the Fight at the Lake Regillus, there was never another, in those years, that was more famous than this. The Dictator was carryed in Triumph into the City, where, over and above the usual Honours, there was a place assigned in the Circus, for him and his Posterity, to see the Exercises and Games in; besides that, a Sella Curulis [i. e. a Chair of State] was set for him in the same place. The Volsci being Conquered, the Land belonging to Velitrae was taken from them, and a Colony sent thither from Rome. Not long after, they had a Battel with the Aequi, but against the Consul's will, because the place, in which he was to Attack the Enemy, was much to his disadvantage; yet, seeing the Soldiers accused him of delaying the time, as if he had a mind the Dictator should go out of his Office before they came home, and so his promises, like those of Consul Servilius's before, should signifie nothing, they forced him to lead the Ar­my at a venture up into the opposite Mountains. Which unadvised Action, through the slothful­ness of the Enemies, proved very successful; for they, before the two Armies came within a Darts cast of each other, being amazed at the audacity of the Romans, forsook their Camp, which they had pitched in the strongest parts of the Hills, and ran down into the Valleys on the other side: by which means, the Romans got not only Plunder enough, but a Victory without Bloodshed. Thus having succeeded well in their Wars against three Nations, the Senate and the People too were not unmindful of the state of affairs at home; though the Bankers had made such preparations by Bribery and other Arts, as might not only disappoint the common People, but even the Dictator himself. For Valerius, after the return of Con­sul Veterius, made it the first Debate that was in the Senate, to consider the victorious Peo­ple; and desired to know, what they would please to do with the Debtors: which Proposal of his being rejected, he told them, I do not like your proceedings, I am for Peace; and take my word for it, you will wish ere long, that the Roman People had more such Advocates as I am. For my part, I will no longer disappoint my fellow Citizens, nor be my self Dictator to no pur­pose. Our Intestine Broils and our Foreign Wars put the Commonwealth upon the necessity of having such a Magistrate as I am; and now we have made Peace abroad, we obstruct it at home: I there­fore will live rather like a private man than a Dictator, whilest this Sedition continues; and with that, going out of the Court, he quitted his Dictatorship. The People knew, the reason why he laid down his Authority, was, the indignation which he conceived upon their ac­count: wherefore, as if he had discharged his promise, (because it was not his fault that he could not perform it) they followed him to his House with Praises and Acclamations.

XXXII Thereupon the Senate were afraid, lest, if they Disbanded the Army, there might be Caballing and private Conspiracies as there were before; wherefore, although the Levy of them had been made by the Dictator, yet, because they had given their Oaths to the Con­suls, they supposed them to be obliged by it, and therefore, under pretence of the Wars be­ing renewed by the Aequi, they commanded the Legions to be drawn out of the City. By which the Sedition was augmented; and (as they say) the first thing they consulted of, was, how thay should kill the Consuls, that they might be discharged from their Oath: but being taught afterwards, that no Religious Vow can be discharged by a wicked Act, they, by the advice of one Sicinius, but without the consent of the Consuls, withdrew themselves into the Mount called Mons Sacer, on the other side the River Anien, three thousand paces from the City (for that is more commonly reported, than what Piso tells us, that they retired into the Mount Aventine) where, without any Captain, having Fortified their Camp with a Rampier and a Trench, they lay still for some days without taking any thing; except what was necessary for Food, neither molested themselves, nor disturbing any body else. The City, in the mean while, was filled with great dread, and all People were in suspence, [Page 49] through mutual fear of each other; for the common People being deserted by the Soldiers of their Rank, were afraid of the Senate, and the Senate, on the other hand, were as ap­prehensive of the Commonalty, which yet remained in the City, not knowing whether it were better to let them stay or go; but how long (said they) will the Multitude be quiet that have withdrawn themselves? what will become of us, if any Foreign War should happen in the mean time? There was no hope, they thought, but in the mutual Concord of the Citizens; and that must be purchased at any rate. They therefore agreed, to send an Agent to the People, whose name was, Menenius Agrippa, en Eloquent man, and one that the People loved, because he was Descended from a Family of Plebeians. Who, being admitted into their Camp, is reported, in that old uncouth manner of speaking, to have said nothing to them but this, Upon it time, when all the parts of man, not disagreeing, as men do now, consented in the main, but every member had its particular Opinion, and a peculiar way of Discourse, the other parts were vex­ed that they must take care and pains to provide all necessaries for the Belly, whilest that lay idle in the middle of the Body, and did nothing but enjoy its pleasure. Wherefore, they conspired that the hands should not lift the meat to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it when offered, nor the teeth chew it. By which envious method, whilest they endeavoured to famish the Belly, the members them­selves, at the same time, and the whole Body were starved. Whence it appeared, that the Belly was instrumental in the service of the whole, nor did it receive more nourishment than it supplied, in that it distributed and equally divided into the Veins that Blood made out of well digested food, whereby w [...] live and enjoy our health. Then comparing the Intestine Sedition of the Body to the Animosity of the People against the Senate, he thereby reconciled them.

Thereupon they began to Treat of Peace, and agreed upon Terms, That the People should XXXIII have certain peculiar and inviolable Magistrates to assist them against the Consuls, and that no Se­nator should be capable of that Office. So there were two Officers Created by the Title of Tri­buni Plebis [or the Tribunes of the People] whose Names were Cains Licinius and L. Albi­nus: and they chose themselves three Collegues, of which Sicinius the Author of the Sediti­on was one, but who the other two were is uncertain. Some Authors say, that there were only two Tribunes Created, in the Mons Sacer [i. e. the Holy Mount,] and that there also those Laws were made, called Leges Sacratae [i. e. Sacred Laws.] During this Sucession of the People, Sp. Cassius and Postumus Cominius began their Consulship; in whose time there was a League made with the Latins, for the Ratifying whereof, one Consul stayed at Rome, and the other was sent to the War against the Volsci, in which, he Defeated and Routed those of Antium [a City of the Volsci,] and driving them into a Town called Longula, he made himself Master of it. Then he took Polusca, another Town of the Volsci; from whence he marched and Stormed Corioli. There was at that time in the Camp, among the rest of the young Nobility, one Caius Marcius, a young man, very witty and active, who was afterwards Surnamed Coriolanus. When therefore the Volscian Legions, coming from An­tium, had set upon the Roman Army, which then sate down before Carioli, being intent up­on the Townsmen which they had blocked up, and free from any fear of a War without, and at the same time, the Enemies had made a Sally out of the Town, this Marcius was by chance upon the Guard; and he, with a choice Party of men, did not only repel the violence of those that Sallied forth, but bravely forced his way through the open Gate, and having killed all he met in the adjacent parts of the City, he took the next Fore that came to his hands, and threw it into the Houses next the Wall. Thereupon, the noise of the Townsmen, mixed with the cries of Women and Children, (which was at first designed, as it usually is for terror) encouraged the Romans, and disheartened the Volsci, to hear that their City was taken which they came to Relieve. Thus the Volsci of Antium were Routed, and the Town of Corioli taken; in which Actions, Marcius so much obscured the Consuls Fame, by his Honourable Atchievements, that unless the League made with the Latins, (by Sp. Cassius alone, in the absence of his Collegue) and graven upon a Pillar of Brass, had been a Monument of it, Posterity would never have known that Postumus Cominius ever waged War with the Volsci. The same Year Agrippa Menenius died, a man all his life-time, be­loved both by the Senate and the People: but after his death, became more dear to the People, yet he, who was the Mediator and the Umpire for Concord between his fellow Citizens, as being Embassador from the Senate to the People, and the man who brought back the Roman Commonalty into the City, wanted Mony to defray his Funeral Charges, wherefore the People buried him at their expence, Contributing every one three Farthings.

Then T. Geganius and P. Minucius were made Consuls; in whose time, though all things XXXIV were quiet abroad, and the Discord composed at home, another misfortune, much worse than all the rest, befell the City; and that was, first a Dearth of Provisions, for want of having had their Land Manured, at the time of the Peoples Secession: after which, succee­ded a Famin, like that which Towns besieged are wont to suffer. In which Calamity, the Slaves especially, and the meaner sort of People had all died, if the Consuls had not taken care to send into all parts to buy Corn; not only into Etruria, all along the Coasts, on the right hand of Ostia, but on the left hand too, through the Country of the Volsci, and down by Sea as far as Cumae: yea, they went even into Sicily also, so far did the hatred which their Neighbours bore to them, compel them to go for supplies. When they had bought Corn at [Page 50] Cumae, their Ships had an Embargo laid upon them by Aristodemus the King of that place, to make amends for the Goods of the Tarquins, to whom he was Heir. In the Country of the Volsci, and about Pometia there was none to be bought; nor only so, but the Merchants themselves were also in danger of their lives; they had Corn out of Etruria, by way of the Tiber, wherewith the People were susteined. Amidst this scarcity, they had been harrassed with very unseasonable War, had it not been for a raging Pestilence which seized upon the Volsci, whilest they were now taking up Arms. At that destructive calamity the minds of their Enemies were so dismayed, that even when that was abated, they were possessed with some terror; while the Romans augmented their Colony at Viletrae, and sent a new one in­to the Mountains to Norba, which is a Castle near Pometia. After that, when M. Minuci­us and A. Sempronius were Consuls, there was a great quantity of Corn brought out of Sici­ly; and 'twas Debated in the Senate at what rate the People should have it. Amongst whom, many were of Opinion, that then the time was come to make the People submit, and to re­cover those Priviledges, which by their Secession and Violence, had been extorted from the Senate; but M. Coriolanus, more than any other, being an Enemy to the Tribunes Power. If they (said he) will have their old allowance, and at the same rate that they had it before the Sedition, let them give back to the Senate their ancient Priviledges. Why should I see Magistrates made out of the People, or Sicinius so great and powerful, whilest I my self am a Slave and re­deemed, as it were, out of the hands of Robbers? Shall I endure these indignities any longer than I am forced to it? Shall we endure Sicinius that could not brook King Tarquin? Let him with­draw now and call the People after him, the way is open to the Sacred Mount, as well as the other Hills. Let them steal the Corn out of our Fields, as they did three years ago. Let them enjoy and make use of such Provisions, as by their fury they have made. I dare be bold to say, that they themselves will be so tamed by this Calamity, that they will rather chase to Till the Ground than take up Arms, and separating themselves, prohibit the Manuring of it. It could scare the so easily said, whether they ought to have done it or no, as it might, I suppose, have been in the power of the Senate, by making Provisions cheap, not only to remove the Pow­er of the Tribunes, but all those new inconveniences which were imposed upon them.

XXXV This Opinion seemed not only very severe to the Senate, but fury likewise almost armed the People, who said, That they were now treated with famin, like Enemies, being defrauded of their very food, and that the Corn which came from foreign Countries by meer fortune, to be their only sustenance, must now be snatched from their mouths, unless the Tribunes were delivered up in Bonds to C. Marcius; unless he wreeked his revenge upon the Bodies of the Roman People. That he was risen up to be a new Executioner to them, and to force them either to be Slaves or die. As he was going out of the Court, they had set upon him, if the Tribune had not very seasonably given him notice to appear before them such a day; for by that means their fury was supprest, since every one of them saw himself made Judg and Master of the life and death of his Enemy. Marcius, at first, heard the Tribunes Menaces with contempt, and told them, that their Office was to assist the People, not to punish their betters, in that they were the Tri­bunes of the People not of the Senate. But the People rose with that violence, that the Se­nate were forced to allow of one mans punishment, in order to avoid the present imminent danger. Nevertheless they made resistance, whatever the Tribunes could do; and used, not only each man his own, but the Authority even of the whole Order. And first, they tryed by disposing of their Clients, into such and such parts of the City, whether they could Defeat the Designs by deterring and keeping single Persons from Cabals and Consults. After which, they went all together (in which case, you may well say, all the Senators there were Guilty) beseeching the People, to deliver up to them one of their fellow Citizens, one Senator, if they would not acquit him as Innocent, under the Notion of an Offender. He not ap­pearing at the day appointed, they persevered in their fury; whereupon, he was Condemn­ed, though absent, and went as a Banished Person into the Country of the Volsci, with Me­naces to his Country, and a mind now filled with Hostility. The Volsci received him very kindly; and their kindness encreased more and more every day; which made the hatred of the Romans the more conspicuous; from whom there were sent very frequently, one while com­plaints, and other-whiles Menaces. He lived with one Attius Tullus, who was at that time the greatest man of all the Volsci, and a perpetual Enemy to the Romans. They two there­fore, the one upon the account of an old grudg, and the other for a late indignity, consulted together, how they should make a War against the Romans. But they did not think it an easie matter to persuade that People to take up Arms, since they so often had such ill success. For having lost most of their young men, very lately, by Pestilence, and in many Wars before; they supposed, that now their Spirits being broken, they must use some Art, and find out a new occasion of instigating their fury, seeing the old quarrel was now, by Tract of time, quite worn out and forgot.

XXXVI The Games called Ludi Magni were then a going to be Celebrated a new; and the reason of it was this, On the day that the Games were to be Celebrated, in the Morning, before they began, a certain Housholder had driven his Slave through the middle of the Circus, and cau­sed him to carry a small Gallows upon his neck, whilest, all the way, he was whipped along. Which notwithstanding, the Games were begun, as if that Action did not at all concern Re­ligion. [Page 51] But not long after, one Tib. Atinias, a mean Person, dreamed, that Jupiter came to him, and told him, The man that led the Dance in the Games that day, did not please him; and that if they were not magnificently renewed, the City would be in great danger, bidding him go and tell the Consuls the same. Now, though the man was not altogether void of Religi­on, yet his modesty and the Reverence he had for the Majesty of those great Officers, over­powered his fear of the Deity; besides that, he was afraid the People would jear him for it. But his delay cost him dear, for in a few days he lost his Son; of which sudden misfortune, to make the cause plain, as he lay discontented, but asleep, the same Vision appeared to him; and seemed to ask him, Whether he had Reward enough for his Contempt of a Deity. And told him, That there was a greater now at hand, unless he made haste and told the Consuls. This made a greater Impression upon him; yet still he delayed and protracted the time, 'till a grievous Disease, and a sudden feebleness seized upon him. Then the anger of the gods had sufficiently admonished him: wherefore, being tired with his past and present Calami­ties, he advised with his Neighbours, to whom, having related what he had seen and heard, and how Jupiter appeared to him so often in his sleep, together with the Menaces and the Misfortunes which he had afflicted him with; they all consented immediately that he should be carried in a Litter into the Forum, to the Consuls. By whose Order, being carried thence into the Senate-house, and having, to their great admiration, told the smae Story there, be­hold another Miracle: for he, who being Lame of all his Limbs, was carryed thither, (they say) having done his Duty, returned home a foot. Whereupon, the Senate Decreed, that the Games should be Celebrated with all the Magnificence imaginable.

Now, to those Games, there came, by the advice of Attius Tullus, a great number of th [...] XXXVII Volsci; and before they began, Tullus, according to a compact which he had made at home with Marcius, came to the Consuls, and told them, that he had something to say to them in private, which concerned the Commonwealth. The Company being removed; said he, I am unwilling to say any thing that is ill of my Country-men; nor do I come to accuse them of any thing which they have done, but to take care that they be not guilty of any Misdemeanour. I must confess, our People are much more fickle than I could wish they were. That we have found, by fre­quent blood-shed, who owe our safety, not to our own merit, but your patience, There are here now a great number of the Volsci; your Games are beginning, and the whole City will be intent upon the Shew. I remember what the young Sabines did in this City upon the like occasion. I am in great fear, lest they should do any thing that were rash or unadvised; but this I thought good (Consuls) to tell you before-hand, upon my own, as well as your account. For my part, I am resolved imme­diately to go home, lest, staying here, I be infected with the Contagion of any mans deeds or words. Having so said, he went his way. The Consuls having related the matter to the Senate, which, though it were doubtful in it self, came from a certain Author, the Person (as it is usual) moved them more than the thing, to an unnecessary Caution: they therefore made an Order, that the Volsci should depart the City; and sent their Officers to bid them all be gone be­fore night. Whereupon, the Volsci were at first possessed with great terror, and ran to their Lodgings to pack up their Goods; but, as they went away, they were very much incensed, that they should be forced to quit the City at that Festival time when the Games were Celebrated, and amidst a Concourse, as if it were, both of men and gods, like so many Villains.

As they were going, almost all in a Body, Tullus, who was got before them to the head of XXXVIII the Ferentine River, as each of them came up to him, applied himself to the chief of them, enquiring what the matter was, and seeming very angry; by which means, they listening di­ligently to what he said, which was enough (be sure) to move their spleen, he drew, not only them, but the rest of the Multitude into the Plain near the way: where, ranging them into the form of an Assembly, he made this Speech, said he, Though yon have forget the former Injuries and Massacres which the Roman People have been guilty of, with all their other abuses of­fered to the Nation of the Volsci, yet how can you bear this days affront from them who have be­gun their pastimes so much to our dishonour? Are you not sensible that they have Triumphed over you this day? and that you, by coming away, are made the scorn of all their Citizens, all strangers and neighbouring People? What do you imagin they thought, who saw you come away? or they that met you coming in such an ignominious Troop, but that our Nation is guilty of some great crime, whereby, if we were present at the Shews, we should pollute their Games? and need an expiation; for which reason, we were forced away from the Society and Convention of all good men. What then? Can we be satisfied that we live, because we made haste to come away? But indeed this is not coming, but running away. And, can you think, this City is not your Enemies, where if you had stayed but one day, you must all have died for it. In short, by this they have proclaimed a War against you, but much to the disadvantage of those that did it, if you are men. With that, they being themselves before enraged, but farther incited by what he said, went to their several homes, where each of them instigating their Neighbours, they caused the whole Nation of Volsci to Re­volt.

The Generals that were chosen for that War by universal consent, were Attius Tullus and XXXIX C. Marcius, a Banished Roman, in whom they reposed more hope than ordinary. Nor did he any ways frustrate that hope, to make it easily appear, that the Roman State was strengthened more-by their Commanders than their Army. He therefore went to Circaei, from whence he [Page 52] first drove out the Roman Colony, and delivered that City free into the hands of the Volsci: and thence, crossing over into the Road called Via Latina, took from the Romans Satricum, Longula, Rolusca and Corioli, their new Conquests. From thence he went and took Lavi­nium, Corbio, Vitellia, Trebia, Labici and Pedum; lastly, from Pedum he marched toward the City, and at the Ditches called Fossae Cluiliae, which are five thousand paces from it; having pitched his Camp, fell a pillaging the Roman Dominions. But he sent, amongst the Pilla­gers, a Party of Soldiers to save the Lands of the Patricii [or such as were of the Senatori­an Order] from being Ravaged; either, because he hate [...] the common People most, or thereby to create a Discord between the Senate and them. And so indeed it had certainly been, (the Tribunes did so much incense the People, who were themselves enraged, by ac­cusing the Nobility) had not the fear of a foreign Enemy united them in the strictest bonds of Concord; yea, though they suspected and hated one another. But this one thing only they did not like, that the Senate and the Consuls placed all their hopes in Arms; for the People desired any thing rather than War. Sp. Nautius and Sext. Furius were now Consuls; who, whilest they were calling over the Legions, and distributing their men upon the Walls, and in other places where they thought fit to set Guards and Sentinels, they were startled with the Seditious Clamor of a great Multitude, who cryed out for Peace, and then forced them to call a Senate, and to propose the sending of Embassadors to C. Marcius. The Se­nate accepted the Proposal, when they saw the People were discouraged, and sent several Agents to Marcius to Treat for Peace; but they brought back a sharp Answer, which was this, If the Volsci had their Land again, they might possibly hear of Peace; but if the Romans would enjoy the spoil of War, whilest they themselves lived at ease, he remembred what injuries his Countrymen had done him, as well as what kindness he had received from the Volsci, and there­fore would endeavour to make it appear, that Banishment did but provoke, much less subdue his Spi­rit. Soon after, the same Persons were sent a second time, but were not admitted into the Camp: whereupon (they say that) the Priests also went in their Robes, as Petitioners, to the Enemies Camp, but prevailed no more than the Embassadors had done before them.

XL Then the Matrons flocked in great numbers to Veturia, Coriolanus his Mother, and Volum­nia his Wife; though I do not find, whether that were done by publick advice, or were the effect of female fear; but this is certain, they so far prevailed, that not only Veturia, who was an ancient Woman, but Volumnia also, carrying along with her two little Boys whom she had by Marcius, went into the Enemies Camp, and defended that City by their Prayers and Tears, as Women, which they could not protect with Arms, as Men. When they came to the Camp, and Coriolanus was told, that there was a great Troop of Women come from Rome, he, who had not been concerned either at publick Majesty, in the Embassadors, or at the sight or thoughts of any Religious thing, when the Priests came, was at first much more obstinate to the Womens tears; 'till one of his Familiars, who discovered Veturia standing between her Daughter-in-law and her Grand-children, with greater shew of sorrow than any of the rest, told him, if my eyes do not deceive me, yonder's your Mother, your Wife and your Children. At which, Coriolanus was so surprized, and almost distracted, that he leaped from his Seat, and going to embrace his Mother, who was then coming toward him, she chan­ged her Prayers into Expostulations, and said, Before I admit of your embrace, let me know whether I am come to a Son, or to on Enemy: whether I am your Mother or your Captive in your Camp. Was my long life and my unhappy Age protracted only for this end, that I might see thee Banished, and after that, an Enemy? Couldest thou pillage this Country which brought thee forth and fed thee? Did not thy anger abate when thou camest into these Confines; though thou wert never so revengeful and resolute before? Did it not come into thy mind, when thou wast in fight of Rome, to say with thy self, within those Walls is my Family and Houshold-gods? My Mother, my Wife and my Children? So then, if I had never born thee, had not Rome been Attacked? If I had never had a Son, might I have died free, and in a free Country? but now I can suffer nothing that is either more dishonourable to thee, or more afflicting to me; though, let me be as miserable as I can be, I shall not long be so; all that I beg of you, is, to take care of these poor Creatures, who, if you go on, must needs expect either an untimely death, or tedious Captivity. Then his Wife and Children em­braced. him, whilest the whole Crowd of Women, by their Tears and Lamentations, both for themselves and their Country, with much ado, at last prevailed upon him. With that, embracing his Children, he dismissed them, and streight removed his Camp back from the City. Having led the Legions out of the Roman Territories, (some say) he died by the ma­licious contrivance of those that hated him for what he had done; though, others say, he di­ed by other means; and Fabius, who is the most ancient Author of them all, tells us, that he lived till he was very old; with this remark upon him, that he often used to say, when he grew Aged, 'Tis a miserable thing for an old man to be Banished. The men of Rome did not envy the Women their due commendations, so far they were from diminishing that glory, which others had won; but besides that, Built a Temple, which was Dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris [or the Fortune of Women,] to be a Monument of what they had done. After that, the Volsci and the Aequi together came again into the Roman Dominions; but the Aequi could no longer endure to have Attius Tullus for their General; wherefore, upon the Debate, whether the Volsci or the Aequi should find a General, for that Confederate Army, there happened, [Page 53] first, a Mutiny, and then a sharp Engagement: in which, the fortune of the Roman Peo­ple destroyed two Armies of their Enemies, in a Conflict which was as fatal as it was reso­lute. T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius were then Consuls, to the former of which, fell the Pro­vince U. C. 265 of the Volsci, and to the latter, that of the Hernici, who were then also in Arms; for the Hernici were that Year quite subdued, though the Volscians came off at first upon equal terms.

Then Sp. Cassius and Proculus Virginius were made Consuls, in whose time there was a XLI League made with the Hernici, and two parts of their Possessions taken from them; of which, Consul Cassius resolved to give the one half to the Latins, and the other to the common Peo­ple; to which Present, he added some part of that Land which, being publick, he found fault should be in. the possession of private men. That put many of the Senators who were themselves in possession of such Lands, into a fear, upon their own account; but besides that, they were likewise sollicitous, lest, by his Bounty, the Consul should make the Peo­ple so rich as to endanger the publick Liberty. That therefore was the first time the Lex Agraria was promulgated; concerning which, there never was afterwards any Debate, from that time to this, without great Tumults. In the mean time, the other Consul resisted the largess, by the consent of the Senate, and not against the mind of all the People, who, at first, began to take it ill that the present should be made common to their Allies as well as themselves; and then they often heard the Consul Virginius also at publick Assemblies, as if he had Prophesied, say, His Collegues bounty would be of very ill consequence; that those Lands would bring them into Slavery who received them: for by that means, he made way for Kingly Go­vernment; to what other end were their Associates and all the Latins taken in? What was the rea­son that the third part of the Land which was taken should be given to the Hernici who were so lately their Enemies? unless it were, that those People might take Cassius their General instead of Coriolanus. He therefore dissuaded the People against the Lex Agraria [i. e. the Law for Division of Lands. From that time, both the Consuls strove who should most indulge the People. Virginius said, he would agree that the Lands should be assigned, so they were as­signed to none but Romans; and Cassius, because he had been extravagant in distribution of the Lands to their Allies, whereby, he became the cheaper to the Citizens, endeavouring to reconcile them to him, another way, proposed, That the Mony which had been received for the Corn sent out of Sicily, should be repayed to the People. But that the People refused, as if it had been an earnest to make him King; for they had a natural suspicion, that every great man was ambitious of Reigning alone, and therefore, as if they had enough of every thing, they all refused his offers; who, assoon as he went out of his Office was Condemned and put to Death. Some say, that his Father was the cause of his Punishment, and that he, ha­ving examined the cause in his own House, first beat him, and then killed him; nor only so, but Consecrated his Sons Estate to Ceres, of which he set up a Monument, with this In­scription, Ex Cassiâ Familiâ Datum [i. e. Given By The Family Of The Cassii] I find, in some Authors, and that more credible, that he was tryed for Treason by the Quaestors, Cae­so Fabius and L. Valerius; and being Condemned by the Judgment of the People, that his House was publickly Demolished, which stood in the Court which now is before the Tem­ple of Tellus. But whether it were a private or a publick Judgment, Condemned he was, U. C. 267 when Ser. Cornelius and Q. Fabius were Consuls.

The fury of the People did not continue long against Cassius: the very sweetness of the XLIII Agrarian Law did naturally insinuate it self into their minds, now that the Author of it was taken off. And their desire was the more inflamed by the severity of the Senate, who, when they had Conquered the Volsci and the Aequi, that Year, defrauded the Soldiers of the Plun­der: for whatsoever was taken from the Enemies, the Consul Fabius sold, and put into the publick stock. Wherefore the Fabian Name was hateful to the People, for the last Consuls sake; yet the Senate so far prevailed, that they made Caeso Fabius Consul at the same time with U. C. 268 L. Aemilius. By which, the People were so provoked, that through a Domestick Sedition, they raised a foreign War; whereupon, their Intestine Discords were intermitted, whilest the Senate and the People, with one consent, overcame the Rebellious Volsci and the Aequi un­der the Conduct of Aemilius. But in that War more of the Enemies were slain in their Flight than in the Battel; so eagerly did the Horse pursue them. The Temple of Castor was Dedica­ted that Year upon the Ides of July, which was resolved upon in the Latin War, when Postu­mius was Dictator, whose Son Dedicated it, as being Created Duumvir for that purpose. The Peoples minds were tempted that Year also, with the sweetness of the Agrarian Law, and the Tribunes of the People signalized their popular Authority, with a popular Law. The Senate thinking the People were inclined sufficiently, of themselves, to Sedition, abhorred all lar­gesses and encouragements that might invite them to go on in their rash Actions; to which end, the Consuls were a great assistance to the Senate, in resisting the torrent of the People; by which means, that part of the Commonwealth got the upper-hand; and that, not only at present, but the next Year also they made M. Fabius, Caeso's Brother, and another Con­sul, U. C. 269 (more hateful to the People than he, as being accused by Sp. Cassius) whose Name was L. Valerius. That Year also, they had a Contest with the Tribunes; the Law was vilified, and the Authors of it, as much, who made a Present to the People to so little purpose; thereby [Page 54] the Fabian Name grew great, after three continued Consulships, which had been all spent in perpetual Contests with Tribunes: wherefore that honour remained for some time, as being well placed in that Family. Then they entered upon the War against the Veians, and the Volscians also Rebelled; but the Romans, though they had almost strength enough to make foreign Wars, abused it, by contending among themselves. In the mean time, to encrease their sollicitude, there appeared Coelestial Prodigies, which threatned both the City and Country almost every day; and the Southsayers, concerned to see the gods so angry, de­clared there was no other cause of it (though they were consulted both publickly and pri­vately, sometimes by Intrails, and otherwhiles by Birds) than that the Religious Rites were not duly performed: but notwithstanding, their fears grew to that heighth, that Oppia, a Vestal Virgin, was Condemned, and suffered for her Unchastity.

XLIII Then Q. Fabius and C. Julius wore made Consuls; in whose Year, the Discord continu­ed U. C. 270 as fierce at home, and the War was more fatal abroad. For the Aequi took up Arms, and the Veians also came in and Pillaged the Roman Dominions: which War, encreasing U. C. 271 their sollicitude, Caeso Fabius and Sp. Furius, were made Consuls. The Aequi Attacked Or­tona, a City of the Latins; and the Veians, being now loaded with spoils, threatned to take even Rome it self. Which terrors, though they ought to have restrained them, the more en­creased the Peoples Animosity; and they, though nor on their own accord, refused to go to War, as they had formerly done; for Sp. Licinius, the Tribune of the People, supposing that to be the time when the Senate must, of meer necessity, submit to the Agrarian Law, had undertaken to stop their Preparations for War. But all the envy of the Tribunes Power was thrown upon the Author of that advice; nor did the Consuls Animadvert more severe­ly upon him, than did his own Collegues; bv whole assistance, the Consuls made a Levy. By that means, there was an Army raised for two Wars at the same time; to be Comman­ded by Fabius against the Veians, and by Furius against the Aequi; in whose Country there was nothing done worth taking notice of. But Fabius had somewhat more to do with his own Countrymen, than with the Enemies; for he himself, being Consul, in his own single Per­son, supported the Commonwealth, which the Army, through their hatred to him, as much as in them lay, endeavoured to betray him. For, when the Consul, besides his other Milita­ry Acts, of which he had shewn very frequent Examples, both in preparing for, and manag­ing the War, had so drawn up his Army, that, by sending out the Horse only, he Routed the whole Forces of the Enemies; the Foot would not Pursue them as they fled; nor would they be prevailed upon, (not to say, by their Captains persuasions, whom they hated, but) even to avoid the present publick Dishonour, or the danger which might ensue, if the Enemy should take Courage and Rally, to mend their pace. No, not so much as to pursue the Ene­my in a full Body; but, without Command, they Marched back very melancholy, (you would have thought they had been Conquered) into their Camp, cursing one while then General, and another while the Horse, for the Service they had done. Nor did their General endea­vour to find out any Remedy for such a pestilent Example: such excellent Persons as he was, stand in more need of Policy to Rule their Citizens, than Skill to Conquer their Enemies. The Consul therefore returned to Rome; without having advanced his Glory upon the ac­count of the War, so much as he had provoked and exasperated the hatred of the Soldiers against him. Yet notwithstanding, the Senate so far prevailed, that the Consulship remain­ed U. C. 272 in the Fabian Family; for M. Fabius was chosen Consul, and his Collegue was Cn. Manlius.

XLIV And this Year also, there was a Tribune who stood up very much for the Agrarian Law. His Name was Tib. Pontificius; who, as though Sp. Licinius had had good success, trod in the same steps, and, for some small time, obstructed the Levy. Whereupon, the Senate being again disturbed, Ap. Claudius told them, That the Tribunes Power, which was overcome the Year before, was then also, by good fortune, subdued; and by example, was for ever like so to be: for they found, that it fell even by its own weight. For there would never be wanting some one or other, who would be ambitious to baffle his Collegue, and oblige the Nobility to promote the publick good. That several of the Tribunes, if several were necessary, would be ready to assist the Consuls, though only one were sufficient, in opposition even to all the rest; only, he would have the Consuls, and all the chief Senators to do their utmost endeavour, to oblige and reconcile, if not all, at least, some part of the Tribunes, to the Commonwealth and themselves. The Senate being thus advised by Appius, spoke very courteously to the Tribunes; and all the Consular Party, according to the private relation they had to each of them, obteined so far, partly by Kind­ness, and partly by Authority, to make the Tribunes Power conduce to the publick welfare; and, by that means, the Consuls, by the help of four Tribunes, in opposition to one, who was an obstructor of Publick good, made their Levy. When they had so done, they March­ed to the Veian War, to which, there came Auxiliaries from all parts of Etruria, not so much out of Love to the Veians, as that they were in hopes the Roman State would be Dissolved by Intestine Discords. For the chief men in all Councils, through all the Nations of Etru­ria, were mightily concerned, That the Power of Rome was like to be everlasting, unless they fell out among themselves; for that was the only Poyson, that the only Bane to Opulent Cities, which made great Empires mortal. That the Romans had long endured that mischief, partly by the wis­dom [Page 55] of the Senate, and partly by the patience of the People; but that they were now reduced to an extremity; for they were become two Cities out of one; of which, each Party had their peculiar Magistrates, and peculiar Laws. That they used first of all to quarrel at their Levies of Soldiers, and yet obeyed their Generals in the War; for, in whatsoever state the City was, while the Mili­tary Discipline continued, they might be restrained: but now, their ill custom of not obeying their Magistrates, had followed the Roman Soldiers even into their Camp: and that in the very last War, when the Army was in Battalia, at the very time of the Fight, the Victory was, even by their own consent, delivered up to the Conquered Aequi: their Ensigns were Deserted, their Gen [...]ral left in the Field, and they returned to the Camp without his Order. And now, they might be sure, if they would wake good use of that opportunity, Rome might be Conquered, even with its own Soldiers: they had nothing more to do, than to declare and wake a shew of War; for the fates and the gods would do the rest for them. These hopes armed the Etrurians, who had been Conquered and Conquerors at several times, in many Battels.

The Roman Consuls, on the other hand, were afraid of nothing else, save their own XLV Strength and their own Arms; for they were deterred by the memory of that ill Example in the late War, from joyning Battel upon such circumstances, where two Armies were to be feared at the same time. Wherefore, they kept themselves within their Camp, not wil­ling to run such an hazard, and considering, That time, perchance, might soften their furious temper, and heal their minds. In the mean time, the Veians and the Etrurians made so much the more speed, provoking them to fight, first, by riding up to their Camp, and Challeng­ing them forth; and last of all, since that would do no good, Inveighing one while against the Consuls, and another while against the Army; and telling them, That their pretence of Intestine Discord, was but a cloak which they had found out for their fear; and that the Consuls did not so much distrust the good Will of their Soldiers, as they did their Courage: that it was a new kind of Sedition, which could be carried on with silence and sitting still, amongst a Camp of Arm­ed Men: besides which, they upbraided them, by saying what they could, either true or false, con­cerning the Novelty of their Nation, and its Original. As they made this noise, just under the Rampire and the Gates of the Camp, the Consuls indeed were well enough able to bear it, but the rude Multitude, whose Breasts were filled, sometimes with indignation, and anon with shame, were now also grown averse to their Intestine feuds. They were unwilling their Enemies should go unrevenged, yet at the same time they wished no good success either to the Senate or the Consuls, but their minds were divided between Domestick and Foreign Animosities; 'till at last the Foreign heats prevailed, for that the Enemy did so proudly and insolently Inveigh against them; wherefore, thronging to the Generals Tent, they desired they might begin the Fight, and beg of him to give the Signal. The Consuls, as if they would deliberate of it, laid their heads together, and had a great deal of Discourse with one another. They had a mind to fight, but yet thought fit to conceal and stisle their inclina­tions for some time, that by their seeming aversion and delays, the Soldiers, who were al­ready incited, might grow the more eager. For that reason, they made this answer, That what the Soldiers desired was unseasonable; nor was it yet convenient to fight: that they would con­tinue in their Camp; besides which, they made an Order, That no man should stir; and if any one did, they would look upon him as an Enemy. Being thus dismissed, they believed the Consuls had no intentions to fight, but were themselves thereby the more enflamed to be at it. And then the Enemies also came with much more insolence than before, assoon as they under­stood that the Consuls would not fight; for they supposed they might insult with all the freedom imaginable; that the Soldiers were not trusted with their own Arms; that the business would break out into the extremity of Sedition, and that they should see an end of the Roman Government. In confidence whereof, they ran to the Gates of the Camp, through which, they threw in their taunts and reproaches upon the Romans, and could hardly forbear to Attack it. In the mean time, the Romans, who could no longer endure the Contumely, ran from all parts of the Camp to the Consuls, whom they applied themselves to, not sneakingly, as before, by their Captains, but with loud Clamours, and in a full Body. The matter was now ripe for Acti­on, yet they still made delays; whilest Fabius, seeing the Tumult increase, and having his Collegues consent, who was afraid of a Mutiny, commanded silence, and said, I know, Cn. Manlius! these men can get the Victory, but they themselves have kept me from knowing whether they will or no: wherefore I am resolved, not to give the signal, unless they swear they will return Conquerors from the Battel. The Army have deceived a Roman Consul once already, when they were in the Field, but they will never disappoint the gods. There was one M. Flavoleius, a Cen­turion [or Captain] who among the rest of the superior Officers was very importunate, and told him, M. Fabius! I will come a Conqueror from this Fight; desiring, if he did not, that Jupiter, Mars, and all the other gods, might show the effects of their wrath upon him. After whom, the whole Army took the same Oath; which when they had done, the signal being given, they armed themselves, and marched into the Field, full both of indignation and hopes, bidding the Etrurians now revile them, or let them see the man that durst say such a word as they had lately done. Indeed the Courage of them all in general, both Senate and People, was very conspicuous that day. But the Fabian Name, and the Fabian Family, was most re­markable: who proposed in that Fight to reconcile the People, who were by many Civil Broils so much exasperated: and thereupon they set the Army in Array.

XLVI Nor did the Veians and the Etrurians refuse the offer; for they were pretty confident, that the Romans would not fight with them, any more than they had done with the Aequi: yea, that they ought not to despair (now that the Enemy was so incensed, and in such doubtful circumstances) of accomplishing some greater end. But it fell out quite contrary; for the Romans never came into the Field with greater Resolution, than at that time; so far had the reproaches of their Foes, and the d [...]lay of the Consuls exasperated their Spirits. The Etru­rians had hardly time enough to Marshal their men, before the Romans, upon the first effort, threw down their Javelins in haste, rather than Darted them at the Enemy, and the Fight came to handy-strokes with their Swords, wherein Mars is most destructive. Among the Nobility, the Fabian Family made an eminent show, and gave a very good example for the rest to follow: one of whom, called Quint. Fabius (who had been Consul three years be­fore) being in the Front of the Army, Attacked the Body of the Veians; but being unwary and amidst a crowd of his Enemies, was run through the Breast by a Tuscan, who was no less vigorous than skilful: so that when the Weapon was drawn out of his Body, he sunk down and died of that Wound. Both the Armies were sensible of the fall of that great man, and that caused the Roman Army to retire: 'till M. Fabius, the Consul, leapt over the Corps, as it lay along, and holding his Shield against them, cryed out, Was this what you sware, fellow-soldiers? That you would return with flight to your Camp? Are you more afraid of such contemptible Foes, than you are of Jupiter and Mars, by whom you sware? I am resolved, though I took no Oath, either to return a Conqueror, or fighting to fall by you, dear Q. Fabius. With that Caeso Fabius, who had been Consul the year before, replied, Do you think, Brother, to prevail upon them to fight by using such words as those? The gods, by whom they have sworn, will make them do it: but let us inflame their minds, as it becomes men of Honour, as befits the Fabian Name, rather by fighting our selves, than by exhorting them thereunto. Which he had no sooner said, but the two Fabii fell furiously upon the Enemies Van, and with them drew on the whole Army.

XLVII By this means, the Battel being renewed in one side, the Consul, Cn. Manlius, was as in­dustrious in the other Wing to encourage his men: who were almost in the same condition. For as in the other Wing the Soldiers cheerfully followed Q. Fabius, so they did in this the Consul Cn. Manlius, who was now as it were in pursuit of the routed Enemy. But when being grievously wounded he retired out of the Fight, they supposing him to be slain, gave way, and had quitted the Field, if the other Consul (coming briskly up to them with some Troops of Horse, and crying out, His Collegue was yet alive, and that he had routed the other Wing,) had not kept up their drooping spirits. Manlius also to reinforce the Battel appeared before them: and then the Soldiers, seeing both the Consuls present, were mightily encoura­ged; whilest at the same time the Enemy was very indiscreet, in that, relying upon their Mul­titudes, they drew off their Reserves and sent them to Attack the Roman Camp. Into which having made an irruption without much ado, they spent more time in looking after the Plun­der, than in opposing the Enemy; so that the Roman Triarii [old, and stout Soldiers that were placed in the Rere] who could not withstand their first Shock, sending Messengers to the Consuls with advice how the case stood, returned in a full Body to the Praetorium [or Generals Tent] and on their own accord themselves renewed the Fight: besides that Con­sul Manlius also returning to the Camp, set a Guard upon each Gate thereof to block the Enemy up. Which desperate circumstance enflamed the Tuscans more with rage, than au­dacity: for having ran to all places, where-ever they had hopes of getting out, but still to no purpose; a Party of young men among them made up to the Consul himself, who was at that time remarkable for his Armour, which he wore: and though their first Darts were re­ceived by those that stood about him, yet afterward their force became insupportable; the Consul had a mortal Wound, of which he presently died, and all the men about him were defeated. Whereupon the Tuscans grew much bolder, whilest the Romans were in a con­sternation over all the Camp; nor had they ever recovered themselves, had not some of the Officers, who took away the Consuls Body, opened a Gate and made way for the Foe; who thereby breaking out, and going in confusion away, fell into the hands of the other Con­sul, who was Victorious, and were a second time by him not only many of them killed, but the rest put to flight. By this means the Romans got a glorious Victory, though it was obscured and clouded with the death of two such great men. For which reason, the Consul, when the Senate ordered him to Triumph; and said, That if an Army could Triumph without their General, they would readily suffer it for the extraordinary service done in that Battel, made an­swer, That he (seeing his Family was all in tears for the death of Q. Fabius his Brother, and the Commonwealth partly destitute, as having lost one of her Consuls) now that he was forced to Mourn both upon a publick and a private account too, would not accept of the Lawrel. Which refusal of his was more honourable than any Triumph that ever was made; so much is glory some­times advanced by being seasonably contemned. Then he led the two Funeral Pomps of his Brother and the Consul, one after another; and made both the Funeral Orations, in which, by giving them their due commendations, he gained a very great share of Elogy himself; remembring well, what he had resolved on in the beginning of his Consulship, which was, to reconcile the People; and distributing the maimed Soldiers among the Sena­tors [Page 57] for their Cure. The Fabii had a great many allotted to them; nor had any more care taken of them: from whence the Fabii grew popular, but that by no other Arts than what were consistent with publick good.

Then Caeso Fabius being made Consul with T. Virginius, as well by the consent of the XLVIII People as of the Senate, concerned himself neither in Wars nor Levies of Men, or any U. C. 273 other Affair, before he had done his endeavour (now that there was some hopes of an ac­commodation) assoon as possible to unite the People with the Senate. For which reason, in the beginning of his Year, before there was any Tribune to stand up for the Agrarian Law, he thought fit that the Senate should make their present, and give the People the Land taken from their Enemies, in equal portions; for it was reason and justice that they should enjoy it, by whose blood and sweat it was purchased. The Senate slighted the proposal; and some of them com­plained, That through too much glory that once vivid Soul of Caeso was grown luxuriant and effe­minate: but after that time there were no more factions in the City. In the mean while the Latins were teazed with the Incursions of the Aequi; against whom Caeso was sent with an Ar­my and plundered all their Country; whilst they themselves fled into their Towns, and were secured within the Walls; nor was there any memorable Battel then fought. But the Veians slew a great many Romans through the inadvertency of the other Consul; and the whole Army had perished, if Caeso Fabius had not come in time to relieve them. From that time they had neither Peace nor War with the Veians; but were to one another like so many Robbers. The Veians one while gave ground before the Roman Legions, and removed into their City; but then again, when they saw the Legions drawn off, made incursions into the Roman Territo­ries; by which means, War and Quietness did interchangeably succeed each other: nor could the dispute be either omitted or made an end of. Besides, other Wars either at the present lay upon them (as from the Aequi and the Volsci, who were never quiet any longer than they smarted for some late Conflict) or it was manifest, that the Sabines, who were always their Enemies, would shortly rise against them, together with the whole Country of Etruria. But the Veians, who were their more constant, than vexatious Foes, disturbed them more by con­tumely than any danger, which they apprehended; because they could not be either at any time neglected, nor would they give them leave to turn their Arms upon any other People. Whereupon the Fabian Family went to the Senate; before whom the Consul spake in behalf of the rest: The War, said he, (grave Fathers!) against the Veians, lacks a constant rather than a great supply, as you your selves can tell. Do you therefore take care of other Wars, and com­mit this against them to the Conduct of the Fabii: we'll promise you, the Roman honour shall be se­cure, being resolved to carry on that War at the peculiar cost and expence of our own Family. Nor shall the Commonwealth be concerned either in raising or paying the Soldiers. The Senate gave them hearty thanks; and the Consul going out of the Court with a company of Fabii fol­lowing him (who stood at the door to hear what the Senate determined) returned home: and then the Souldiers, being first ordered to come the next day to the Consuls House, went to their several Houses.

This news ran through the whole City, who extolled the Fabii up to the skies; That one Fa­mily XLIX should undertake the burden of the whole City; that the Veian War was become a private concern, and menaged by private Arms; that if there were two more Families in the City of the same strength, let the Volsci and the Aequi demand what they would, all the neighbouring Nations might be subdued, whilst the Roman People were at ease. The next day the Fabii armed them­selves and met where they were ordered. The Consul coming forth into his Portal in a Mili­tary habit, saw all his Family in Battalia: and being received into the midst of them, com­manded the Ensigns to move: nor did there ever any Army either less in number, or more renowned and admired, march through the City. For they were three hundred and six of them, all Patricians, and of the same Family, each one of which was fit to make a General upon any occasion, even in the opinion of the grave Senate; and these men went with the united forces of their Family, protesting, they would be a plague to the Veians; but after them there followed a great number, which was made up partly of their friends and acquaintance, (who proposed to themselves no ordinary matters; no hopes, nor cares, but the most glorious things imaginable) and partly of such as were concerned for the publick good, standing amazed to see them, and bidding them go on with courage; go on with success; and make the issue of it equal to their enterprize; then they might hope for Consulships and Triumphs with all other rewards and honours that were in their disposal. As they passed by the Capi­tol, the Castle, and other Temples, they made their supplications to all the gods, that they either saw or thought of; to prosper that Army with good success, and bring them back to their Parents as well as to their Country, with speed and safety. But they prayed to no pur­pose; for going out at that unlucky Gate, called Porta Carmentalis, near the Temple of Ja­nus (which stands on the right hand of it) they came to the River Cremera, where they thought fit to make a Garrison. At that time L. Aemilius and C. Servilius were made Con­suls. U. C. 274 And as long as the Plunder lasted, the Fabii were not only strong enough to defend their Garrison, but also secured the whole Country that borders upon Etruria, with ease to themselves, but annoyance to the Enemy, having free ingress into both Confines. After that there was some respit between their Ravages; in which time, the Veians, with an Ar­my [Page 58] that they got out of Etruria, attacked the Garrison of Cremera; and the Roman Legions led by the Consul L. Aemilius fought hand to hand with the Etrurians in a pitched Battel: though the Veians had scarce time enough to marshal their men; by reason that, upon the first motion, whilst the Army advanced after the Ensigns, and were setling their Body of Reserves, a wing of Roman Horse came suddenly upon them, and deprived them not only of conveniency to begin the Fight, but even of ranging their Forces. Whereupon, being routed and driven back as far as the Saxa Rubra [or, red Rocks] where their Camp was, they humbly petitioned for Peace; but repented of it, through their innate levity, before the Garrison of the Romans marched from Cremera.

L The Veians had another Conflict with the Fabii, without any greater preparations than be­fore: nor did they only make Incursions into the Country, with sudden Inroads, but several times fought in the Plains, and at a small distance from each other: in which Battels, one Family of Romans won many Victories from the richest City in Etruria, as things then stood. That seemed at first very severe and dishonourable in the opinion of the Veians; and thence arose their design of laying an Ambuscade for their proud Foes: besides that, they were very glad to see the Fabii grow so audacious and insolent by their success. For which reason also they drove Sheep into their way sometimes, as if it had been by chance, when they were plundering the Country; nor only so, but the Country People ran away and let the Land lie waste, whilst the supplies that were sent to hinder such Devastations, fled back again more out of a pretended than any real fear. By this time, the Fabii so far con [...]emned the Enemy, that they thought themselves not only invincible, but irresistable at any ti [...]e or in any place. Which hopes of theirs was such an encouragement to them, that whe [...] [...] saw a slock of Sheep at a great distance from Cremera, they ran towards them (though [...]e Enemy appeared here and there in many places) and having, t [...]o [...]h inadvertency, passed the place where the Ambuscade was planted, they straggled fro [...] each other to catch the Sheep, that being frighted (as in such a case they use to be) were dispersed over all the Fields; till on the sud­den, the Enemy rose up and opposed them on every side. Whereupon the noise set up quite round the Plains, at first surprized them, and then the Darts, which flew upon them from all parts; and the Etrurians gathering into a Body, the [...] were so hedged in with, that as the Ene­my came on, they were forced to draw themselves into a narrower compass: which made them appear very few, and the Etrurians, very many, now that their Ranks were reduced to their close Order. Then quitting their design of engaging the whole Army, they made to­ward one place only, and forced their way by putting themselves into a posture called Cuneus [i. e. the form of a Wedg.] The way that they took led gradually up an Hill; where they at first stopt; but soon after, having taken breath there, and recovered themselves from the fright they were put into, they drove back the pursuers. By which means, though they were few, they might, with the advantage of the place, have gotten the Victory, had not the Veians gone round the Hill and come up to the very top: for by that contrivance the Enemy became a second time too hard for them. Whereupon the Fabii were every man of them slain, and their Garrison taken. It is certain, that three hundred and six of them then died; nor was there any more of the Fabian Family left, save one young Lad, to be a strong support to the Roman People (who were or might be in dubious circumstances) upon many future occasions as well at home as in the Wars.

LI When this slaughter happened among the Fabii, C. Horatius and T. Menenius were Con­suls. U. C. 275 Of which two, Menenius was presently sent against the Tuscans, who were now proud of their Victory: but he also had bad success, and the Enemies possessed themselves of Ju­niculum: nor had the City scaped a Siege (for the Etrurians having passed the Tiber had made all provisions scarce, as well as brought a War upon them) if the Consul Horatius had not been recalled out of the Country of the Volsci. Yea, so near did that War approach their very Walls, that they fought first upon equal terms near the Temple of Hope, and a second time by the Gate called Porta Collina. Where though the Romans had but little the better of it, yet that Contest made the Soldiers more fit for future Action, because they thereby re­covered their former Courage. Then A. Virginius and Sp. Servilius were created Consuls: U. C. 276 and the Veians after their late Defeat came no more to a pitched Battel, though they rava­ged the Country, and made havock of the Roman Territories even from Janiculum it self; nor were either the Cattel or the Country People secure from their violence. But they were taken by the same Stratagem, whereby they had taken the Fabii; for following the flocks of Sheep, which were driven forth on purpose to invite them that way, they ran headlong into a great Ambuscade, who made a greater slaughter of them. Yea, that was such a pro­vocation to them, as caused a farther destruction among them; for passing the Tiber in the night time, they attacked the Camp of Consul Servilius, from whence being repelled with great loss of men, they with much ado retired into Janiculum. With that the Consul also immediately passed the Tiber, and pitching his Camp under Janiculum, the next day, early in the morning, being flushed with the success of the day before, but more because he want­ed Provisions (which made him too precipitate in his Designs) he hastily led his Men up Janiculum to the Enemies Camp; from whence being beaten with more dishonour, than he the day before had routed the Enemy, himself and his men were preserved by the inter­position [Page 59] of his Collegue; whilst the Etrurians were all slain between the two Armies, as they were running away from both of them. Thus was the Veian War made an end of by a suc­cessful piece of rashness.

Now therefore when the City was at peace, the provisions grew again more plentiful, not LII only upon the account of Corn that was brought out of Campania, but inasmuch as every one, being now no longer in fear of a Famin, produced the stock that they had formerly concealed. Whereupon they enjoyed such store and ease, that they began again to grow wanton, and for lack of mischief at home, to seek it abroad. The Tribunes began to infest the People with their poyson, which was, the Agrarian Law, inciting them against the Senate who opposed it; and not only against them all in general, but against single Persons too. Q. Considius and Genutius were the promoters of the Agrarian Law and gave T. Menenius warning to appear and make his defence on such a day; whose crime was, that he had lost the Garrison of Cremera, though his Post, when Consul, was not far from thence. Him therefore they ruined, though the Senate stood up in his behalf as much as they had done for Coriolanus; yea, though his Father Agrippa's name was not yet forgotten. But the Tribunes were pretty moderate in the mulct they laid upon him; for when he was convicted, they imposed no greater fine upon him than 34 pounds. Yet even that proved his death; for they say, he could not bear the disgrace and dissatisfaction of it, but died with grief. After whose death there was another accused, and that was Sp. Ser­vilius U. C. 277 (assoon as he quitted the Consulship) when C. Nautius and P. Valerius were Consuls; being summoned to his Tryal in the beginning of their Year by C. Caeticius and T. Statius, who were then Tribunes: but he did not (like Menenius) oppose the Tribunes fury, either with intreaties of his own or the Senate, but with great confidence in his own innocence and integrity: whose crime was the Battel he fought with the Tuscans at Janiculum. But he being a man of a stout spirit, behaved himself at that time, in his own case, as he had done formerly in publick danger; and baffling not only the Tribunes, but the People also by an Oration that he made, wherein he upbraided them with the Condemnation and Death of Me­nenius, (whose Father was formerly the restorer of the People, who by his means obteined those very Laws and Magistrates, which made them then so insolent) by his courage esca­ped the danger. Virginius also his Collegue, being brought as a Witness against him, did him some service by speaking in his commendation; but the Judgment against Menenius was most to his advantage; so much were the minds of the People changed.

By this time their Domestick feuds were over; but there arose another Veian War, in LIII which the Sabines also joyned their Forces. Whereupon P. Valerius, being then Consul, and having mustered up the Auxiliaries of the Latins and the Hernici, was sent with an Army against the Veii, and streightway attacked the Sabine Camp, which lay before the Walls of their Allies: by which he put them into such a fright, that whilst they ran confusedly in se­veral small Companies to repel the Enemy, he took that Gate where he first made the As­sault. After which there happened, within the Bulwark, rather a Massacre than a Battel. From whence the noise got even into the City, as if Veii had been taken; and the Veians who took up their Arms in great consternation of mind, went, part of them to relieve the Sabines, whilst the rest with all their might attacked the Romans, as they were endeavouring to possess themselves of the Camp. By which means the Romans were for some small time diverted and disturbed from their attempt; but soon after facing about to both Enemies they made resistance, and their Horse being sent in by the Consul utterly routed the Tuscans; so that in the same hour two Armies, consisting of two most powerful and very great Nations, were overcome. In the mean time, while these things passed at Veii, the Volsci and the Aequi had pitched their Camp in the Latin Territories, where they ravaged all the Country: whom though the Latins of themselves, with the sole assistance of the Hernici, and without any Com­mander, or aid from the Romans, had forced to Decamp, and had got a vast Booty, besides their own Goods again, yet C. Nautius the Consul was sent from Rome to fight against the Volsci. They were not pleased, I suppose, that their Allies should wage War upon their own strength and their own head, without a Roman General or Roman Auxiliaries; where­fore they omitted no kind either of calamity or contumely against the Volsci; but all would not provoke them to fight a set Battel.

Then L. Furius and C. Manlius were Consuls: the latter whereof had the Veians for his Pro­vince: LIV but he did not fight them, because, upon their Petition, they had a Truce granted for U. C. 278 forty years, with an order for Corn and Money. But their Peace abroad was straight attended with discord at home; for the people were mad through the instigation of the Tribunes, who stood up for the Agrarian Law. In opposition whereunto, the Consuls not at all dismay­ed either at the condemnation of Menenius, or the danger which Servilius was in, made great resistance; for which Genucius the Tribune accused them when they went out of their office. After them, L. Aemilius and Opiter Virginius were Consuls; though I find in some Annals, U. C. 279 Vopiscus Julius named as Consul, instead of Virginius. But this year (whoever were the Con­suls) Furius and Manlius went about to the people in sordid habits like guilty persons (though not to the People more than to the younger part of the Senators) persuading and advising them, To abstein from Honours and the administration or menagement of publick affairs; Ensigns of Magistra­cy. nor to think the Fasces, the Pretexta, and the Sella Curalis any other than the pomp of a Funeral: that [Page 60] men who were cloathed with the badges of Authority were like Beasts crowned for Sacrifice: but if the Consulship were so inviting a Dignity, let them consider that at that very time it was enslaved and oppressed by the power of the Tribunes; to whose command a Consul must pay as much obedi­ence as if he were their Servant: and if he stirred, gave any respect to the Senate, or believed there was any thing but the People in the whole Commonwealth, he must propose to himself the banishment of C. Marcius, or the Condemnation and Death of Menenius. The Senate being incensed with this Discourse of his, consulted, not publickly, but in private, where few could know their Designs: and having resolved whether the Parties accused should be rescued by fair or vio­lent means, they agreed upon the most severe methods; nor did they lack such as would joyn with them in their bold attempt. Wherefore upon the day appointed for Judgment, when the People stood in the Forum in full expectation of it, they wondered at first why the Tribune did not come into the Assembly; and after that, growing more jealous by his de­lay, believed he was deterred by the Nobility, and complained that the publick Interest was deserted and betrayed: 'till at last, those that attended at the Tribunes House Door, brought word that he was found dead at home. Which when the whole Assembly had notice of, they were dispersed several ways, like an Army when their General's slain. But the Tri­bunes were most affrighted, as being admonished by the death of their Collegue, that the sacred Laws had now no force at all. Nor did the Senate behave themselves with due mo­deration in their joy, but were all of them so far from repenting of what was done, that they would fain have been thought altogether guiltless, and publickly declared, That the power of the Tribunes ought to be retrenched by any ill means.

LV Upon this Victory, which was of very bad example, the Tribunes being in a fright, the Consuls ordered a Levy, and made it without any intercession at all. At which the Peo­ple grew very angry, though more upon the account of the Tribunes silence, than the Con­suls Commands; saying, Their Liberty was quite lost, that they were now in their former condi­tion, and that the Tribunes power was now dead and buried at the same time with Genutius: that they must contrive some other way to oppose the Senate; and that could not be done by any likelyer method than for the People, since they had no other help left to defend themselves: that the Consuls had four and twenty Lictors [or Serjeants] and those all Commoners: that nothing could be more contemptible or weak, if any one would contemn them; and that each man made such things great and terrible by his own apprehension of them. When they had instigated each other on this wise, there was a Lictor sent from the Consuls to one Volero Publilius a Commoner, for that ha­ving been a Captain, he said, he ought not to be made a private Sentinel. Volero therefore ap­pealed to the Tribunes; but having no body to take his part, the Consuls ordered him to be stript, and the Rods made ready. To whom Volero cryed out, I appeal to the People: see­ing the Tribunes had rather see a Roman Citizen whipt before their faces, than be themselves mur­thered by you in their beds. But the lowder he bawled, so much the more severe was the Li­ctor to him. Whereupon Volero, being himself very strong, and with the assistance of some friends that he called to aid him, having repelled the Lictor, whilst the enraged multitude that were concerned upon their own score made a great noise, got into the thickest of the crowd, still crying out, I appeal to, and implore the patronage of the People! aid me, my fellow-citizens! aid me, my fellow-soldiers! 'tis in vain to exspect the Tribunes, who themselves lack your assistance. With which the People were so much incited, that they prepared as for a Battel; for they thought themselves in great danger, and that nothing, in which they had either a publick or private Interest, would from that time be secure from violence. The Consuls having exposed themselves to this mighty Tempest, were quickly persuaded, that Majesty and Authority can never be safe without strength: for their Lictors were abused, the Fasces [or Rods] broken, and they driven out of the Forum into the Senate-house, being uncertain how far Volero would pursue his Victory. But when the tumult was allayed, and they had ordered the Senate to be called, they complained of the injuries they had received, the violence of the Commons, and Volero's audacity. Upon which occasion having said many sharp things, at last the Seniors carried it, who did not think fit to oppose the Senats anger against the temerity of the Common People.

LVI For this reason, the People had so great a love for Volero, that they chose him Tribune for the next Year, in which L. Pinarius and P. Furius were Consuls. But, contrary to all mens expectations, who believed he would permit the Tribunes to teaze the Consuls of the last Year, he preferred the publick good before his own private injury, and saying not one word against the Consuls, brought in a Bill before the People, for the chusing of Plebeian Magi­strates in the Assembly, called, Comitia Tributa [i. e. an Assembly of the several Tribes of Rome.] Which though it was a matter of great moment, because it lookt very well at first view, was passed; whereby the Senate were deprived of all the power which formerly they had of make­ing who they pleased Tribunes by the Votes of their Clients. Which action, though it were very grateful to the People, the Senate opposed with all their might; but the Consuls and the Nobility being not able to persuade any one of the Tribunes (which was their only way to make resistance) to interpose in the affair; yet notwithstanding, the case being very impor­tant U. C. 281 in it self, was protracted with great debates for a whole Year together. Then the Peo­ple chose Volero Tribune again: upon which, the Senate, supposing that they must fight for it, [Page 61] made Ap. Claudius, the Son of Appius (whom for his Fathers sake the People so much ha­ted) Consul; and T. Quintius was his Collegue. In the very beginning of whose Year they treated first of all concerning Volero's Law: of which as he was the Inventor, so al [...]o was Lae­torius, his Collegue, not only a later but a more earnest asserter of it. For his great glory that he had got in the Wars made him undaunted and bold, for that there was scarce one man of that age who was more active than he. He therefore, whilst Volero talked of nothing but his Law, refraining from Invectives against both the Consuls, began to accuse Appius, who came of a proud Generation, that were extremely cruel to the Roman People; but stri­ving to prove that the Senate had chosen, not a Consul, but an Executioner to vex and butcher the People, his tongue could not utter what he had in his heart; wherefore for want of more words, he told them, Romans! because I cannot tell any thing so easily, as I can perform what I say, come hither to morrow; and I will either die in your sight, or have the Law passed. The next day the Tribunes took possession of the Temple; whilst the Consuls and the No­bility assembled to obstruct the Law. Laetorius ordered all those to be put out who had no Voices; though the young Noble-men stood still, and would not stir though the Officer spoke to them: for which reason, Laetorius commanded some of them to be laid hold on. But the Consul Appius said, a Tribune had nothing to do with any one but a Commoner; for he was not a Magistrate in respect to the People in general, but only to the common People; nor could he lawfully command any one to depart, according to the ancient usage; because the form and method was, to say; Romans! if you think fit, depart hence. It was easie for him by talking of Law, with contempt, to put Laetorius into a great huff: and so he did; whereupon the Tribune, enflamed with anger, sent a Messenger to the Consul, and the Consul a Lictor to him, say­ing, that he was a private Person, without any Authority, without any Office: at which time, the Tribune had been very roughly dealt withal, had not the whole Assembly risen up in his defence against the Consul, and a concourse happened of the affrighted multitude, who ran into the Forum from all parts of the City. Yet Appius by his resolution endured the Storm: though they had certainly engaged in a bloody Battel, if the other Consul, Quintius, who had imployed several Consular men to get his Collegue by force (if they could not by any other means) out of the Forum, had not mollisied the tumultuous People with fair and gentle words; if he had not desired the Tribunes to dismiss the Assembly; to give them time to cool; and told him, that time would nor diminish their strength, but would add policy to their strength; for the Senate would in time be at the disposal of the People, and the Consuls in the power of the Senate.

With much ado Quintius appeased the People, but the Senate had more trouble with the LVII other Consul: 'till at last, when the assembly of the People was dismissed, the Consuls called a Senate; in which, now that fear and anger had mutually changed their minds, the longer time they had to deliberate, the farther they were from quarrelling; so that they gave Quinti­us thanks, for that by his means the discord was composed: desiring of Appius, that he would not wish the Consular Authority to be any greater than it might well be in a peaceful City: for whilst the Tribunes and the Consuls each of them would draw all things to themselves, there was no strength left between them; that the Commonwealth was distracted and torn apieces by its Magistrates, it being inquired more in whose hands it was, than whether it were secure. Appius, on the other hand, protested before God and man, that the Commonwealth was betrayed and deserted through fear: that the Consuls were not wanting to the Senate, but the Senate to the Consuls: and that they submitted to Laws more grievous, than those that were made in the Sacred Mount. But being overcome by the consent of the Senate he said no more; so that the Law was passed whilst he and his Party held their tongues.

That was the first time that the Tribunes were Created in an Assembly called Comitia Tri­buta: LVIII and had three added to their number, being but two before, as Piso tells us; who also sets down their names, which were Cn. Sicinius, L. Numitorius, M. Duillus, Sp. Joilius, and L. Mecilius. In the time of this Sedition at Rome, a War broke out from the Volsci and the Aequi, who had ravaged all the Country; to the end, that if the People should separate themselves, they might come to them for refuge; and then having composed their affairs return back again. Whereupon Ap. Claudius was sent against the Volsci and Quintius against the Aequi. In which expedition, Appius was as fierce as ever he used to be at home; nay, so much the freer, because he was delivered from the controul of the Tribunes; and hated the People more than his Father ever did, because he saw himself out-done by them; and that the Law was passed, which other former Consuls had obstructed with less endeavours, though the Senate never had so great hopes of it from them as from him, who was the only man that stemmed the Tide of the Tribunes power. This rage and indignation that he was now possessed with, incited his furious mind to vex the Army with severe Commands; who had imbibed such an animosity, that it was utterly impossible to tame them. They did all things lazily, idly, negligently, and doggedly; nor did either shame or fear restrain them. For if he had a mind to have the Army march faster, they would go as slow as they could; if he stood by and encouraged them to take pains in any thing, they would all presently abate of their for­mer industry; hang down their heads before him, and curse him to themselves as he walk­ed by; insomuch that his soul, which had formerly always been an unconquered Enemy to [Page 62] the People, was sometimes moved. For having tryed all ways of severity to no purpose, as being unable to do any good of the Soldiers, he said, The Centurions had corrupted the Army, calling the Tribunes, many times (as a jeer to them) Plebeians and Voleroes.

LIX The Volsci had intelligence of all they did; and were so much the eagerer to fight, be­cause they hoped the Roman Army would have the same quarrel against Appius, as they had against Consul Fabius. But they were much more violent against Appius than they had been against Fabius: for they did not only refuse to Conquer, as the Fabian Army did, but chose to be Conquerors. For being led forth into the Field, they shamefully ran away toward their Camp, nor did they stand still, before they saw the Volscians within their Out-works and a dreadful slaughter of their Rere. Then they were forced to fight, in order to remove their victorious Foe from their Rampire: but it appeared plain enough, that the Roman Sol­diers had a mind not only to have their Camp taken, but some of them rejoyced in the slaughter and ignominy of their Countrymen. At which notwithstanding Appius was so stout as not to be any way discouraged, but, more than that, having a mind to be some­what sharp upon them, he called an Assembly: at which the Military Officers and Tribunes came about him, and advised him, not to make tryal of such a kind of power, as consisted wholly in the consent of those that should obey it; that the Soldiers in general said, they would not go to the Assembly; and that they were heard very frequently to desire, that the Camp were removed out of the Volscian Territories: that their Victorious Enemy was very lately almost at their Gates and within their Bulwark; and that at this time they did not only suspect a great mischief to hang over them, but had a manifest prospect of it before their eyes. At last being overcome (seeing the Soldiers got nothing there but only the delay of their punishment) dismissing the Assembly and having given order for their March the day following, he gave the signal for it by break of day. Assoon as the Army was drawn out of the Camp, the Volsci, who were excited by the same signal, fell upon the hindmost; from whom the tumult being propagated even to the Van, put the Ensigns and the Ranks into such a fear and disorder, that they could neither hear what was commanded, nor be put into any convenient posture: nor were any of them mindful of ought, except flight; wherefore they ran away over the dead Bodies and Arms that lay in their way in such confusion and so far, that the Enemy desisted from following them, before the Romans stood still. At length having mustered up the Soldiers which were left, after that disorderly escape, the Consul, who had followed and recalled them, but all in vain, pitched his Camp in a quiet Country, and having called an Assembly, inveighed very justly against the Army who betrayed all the rules of Military Discipline, and deserted their Colours, asking each of them, where the Ensigns were, and where their Armies were? be­cause the Soldiers were disarmed and the Standard-bearers had lost the Colours. Besides which he likewise whipt and beheaded several Centurions and others that had left their stations: and the rest of the Multitude were every tenth man of them chosen out by lot for Punishment.

LX On the contrary, in the Country of the Aequi, the Consul and the Soldiers strove who should oblige each other most; for Quintius was not only of a milder disposition, but the un­happy severity of his Collegue made him the more pleased with himself. Whereupon the Aequi, seeing this Army and their General agreed so well together, durst not engage them, but suffered the Enemy to Ravage and Plunder all their Country: nor was there a greater booty taken thence in any former War: which was all given to the Soldiers; together with commendations, which please them well as rewards. The Army therefore came home, not only better satisfied with their General, but, for his sake, with the Senate too, and said, The Senate had given them a Father, but to the other Army a Master. But this Year, which was spent in the various fortune of War, and fatal discord both at home and abroad, was most remark­able for the Comitia Tributa: though that business was more valuable for the Victory that they got when they had once engaged in the quarrel, than for the use they made of it: for there was more of the Assemblies dignity taken off by removing the Senators out of it, than there was strength added to the People or diminished from the Senate.

LXI The next was a more turbulent Year, in which L. Valerius and Tib. Aemilius were Consuls, U. C. 282 not only upon the account of the difference between the several Ranks of Romans concern­ing the Agrarian Law, but also by reason of the Tryal of Appius Claudius; who being a re­solute Enemy to that Law, and undertaking to vindicate the possessors of publick Lands, as if he had been a third Consul, was summoned to appear upon such a day before M. Duilius and Cn. Sicinius. Nor was there ever any man accused before the People, whom the Vul­gar so much hated, not only upon his own, but also upon his Fathers account. The Senate on the other hand were scarce ever before so much concerned, That the defender of the Senate, and the asserter of their Honour, who was always an Enemy to the tumults caused by the Tribunes and the Commonalty, and had exceeded his bounds only in one contest, should be exposed to the fury of the rabble. But Appius himself, who was one of those Senators, valued not either the Tribunes, the People, or his Accusation: nor could the menaces of the populace, or the in­treaties of the Senate ever induce him, not only to change his Cloaths, and go about to beg the favour of the People, but he would not soften or remit so much even as his usual manner of speaking, when he was to make his defence before them. No, he look'd just as before, with the same resolution, and the same Spirit in discourse; insomuch, that most part of the [Page 63] People feared Appius as much when he was upon his Tryal, as they had done when he was Consul. He therefore at that time pleaded for himself with the same vehemence as he was always used to do when he accused another; astonishing both the Tribunes and the People so much by his constancy, that they themselves of their own accord gave him a farther day of Tryal, and even then put it off again too. To which time though it were not very long, yet before the day came, he died of a Distemper: whose praises whilst the Tribunes of the Peo­ple endeavoured to hinder, the People would not endure that the death of such a great Man should be unattended with that solemnity: wherefore they heard his Funeral Commendati­ons when he was dead, with as much satisfaction, as they had his Accusation when he was alive, and waited upon his Corps in great numbers.

The same Year Valerius the Consul going with an Army into the Country of the Aequi, LXII since he could not tempt the Enemy to fight, was going to attack their Camp; but was hundred by a mighty Tempest of Hail and Thunder: though that which afterward increa­sed his admiration, was, that when they were going to Retreat, the Heavens were all calm and serene as before; so that it seemed an heinous crime again to attempt the taking of that Camp which was, as it were, defended by some God. By this means, all the fury of the War turned into Plundering of the Country; whilst the other Consul Aemilius made War in the Sabine Dominions, whose Country was all laid waste, because the Enemy kept within their Walls. But after that, the Sabines being provoked, by seeing, not only their Villages, but even the Towns, where there were a great many Inhabitants, burnt down, went out to meet the Ravagers, but going off with no great success, the next day pitched their Camp at a more secure Post: which was enough to make the Consul think, he might give the Ene­my over for Conquered, and therefore he Marched off though the War was not yet made an end of.

Whilst these Wars continued, there being still animosities at home, T. Numitius Priscus, LXIII and A. Virginius were made Consuls. And now the People seemed no longer able to en­dure U. C. 283 the delay of the Agrarian Law, but prepared all the force they possibly could; yet ha­ving notice that the Volsci were near at hand, by the smoak which arose from the burnt Vil­lage, and the flight of the Country People, the Sedition, which was now just ripe and rea­dy to break forth, was thereby repressed. The Consuls were forced out of the Temple from the Senate into the Field, who, by drawing all the Youth out of the City, made the rest of the People the more quiet. And the Enemies did nothing else, but, having put the Romans i [...]o a vain fright, made haste away. Numicius went toward Antium against the Volsci, and V [...]rginius against the Aequi: where having like to have received a great slaughter by an Am­bus [...]a [...]e, the Courage of the Soldiers recovered what the negligence of the Consul had lost. But they used better Con [...]uct against the Volsci; who were defeated in the first Battel, and driven into Antium, a ve [...]y rich City (as things then stood;) which the Consul, not daring to Attack, he took from the Antians another Town called Ceno, not near so rich as Antium. In the mean time, whilst the Aequi and the Volsci imployed the Roman Armies, the Sabines came and Plundered their Country even as far as the Gates of the City: though in a few days after they received from the two Armies (who were led into their Confines by both the enraged Consuls together) more damage than they had done.

In the end of this Year, they had some Peace, but it was, as it always used to be, disturbed LXIV by a Contest between the Senate and the People. For the People being disgusted would not come to the Consula Assembly; wherefore the Consuls, whose Names were T. Quintius and U. C. 284 Q. Servilius, we [...]e chosen by the Sen [...]te and their Clients: whose Year was very like the pre­cedent, Seditious in the beginning, but quieted by a Foreign War. For the Sabines marching over the Crustumine Plains with all speed, and having made a great slaughter, as well as burnt several places about the River Anien, were beaten back almost from the Gate, called, Porta Cellina, and the very Walls, but notwithstanding drove away before them great numbers of Men and Cattel. Whom Servilius the Consul pursuing with a powerful Army, could not in­deed come to engage their Forces in a convenient place, but plundered their Country to that degree, that he left nothing untouched by his Arms, and having taken a great Booty, march­ed back again. Among the Volsci too they behaved themselves very well, not only through the Conduct of their Leader, but the industry of the Soldiers too. For there at first they fought upon a Plain, receiving great hurt on both sides, with much blood-shed; and the Romans, whose small number made them the more sensible of their loss, had given way, had not the Consul with a seasonable lie (crying out, That the Enemy fled on one side) animated the Men; who from thence took Courage, and by thinking themselves Victorious, gained the Victory. The Consul fearing, lest he, by pressing too hard upon the Enemy, might renew the Fight, retreated: and for some days after there was a tacit kind of Truce on both sides. In which time, there came a vast multitude of People from all quarters of the Volsci and the Aequi into the Camp, not doubting, but that the Romans, if they knew of it, would march off in the night time: wherefore about the third Watch they came to attack the Camp. Quintius ha­ving appeased the tumult that their sudden fear had caused, and commanded the rest of the Soldiers to lie still in their Tents, drew forth a Party of the Hernici for a Guard before the Camp, giving orders to the Cornicines [such as blew a Military Horn or Cornet] and the [Page 64] Trumpeters to mount themselves upon Horses and sound before the Rampire, so as to keep the Enemy in suspence 'till Morning: by which means, the remaining part of the night, all things were quiet in the Camp, insomuch that the Romans had also sleep enough to refresh them. This shew of armed Foot, whom they thought not only more than they really were, but Romans too, together with the neighing of the Horses, which having strange Riders, and being hared by the great noise about their Ears, grew very skittish, kept the Volsci in expectation, when the Army would set upon them.

LXV As soon as it was day, the Romans, being refreshed with sleep, were drawn out into the Field, where upon the first effort they defeated the Volsci, who were tired with watching and standing all night in their Arms: though the Enemy indeed rather gave way, than was bea­ten off: because upon their backs there were Hills, to which all but their Front might very safely retreat. The Consul when he came to that disadvantageous place, made his Army stand, though the Soldiers could hardly be stopt, but cryed out, and begged of him, That he would let them pursue their defeated Foes; whilst the Horse came about him, and being more resolute, cryed out, That they would go before the Ensigns. So that whilst the Consul delayed the time, relying indeed upon his Soldiers Courage, but being very diffident as to the place, they all cryed out, they would go, and so they did; for fixing their Javelins in the ground, to make themselves the lighter to climb the Hills, they ran up. The Volsci at their first approach threw Darts and kicked Stones that lay in their way, down upon them as they came up, whereby they forced them downward. Insomuch that the Romans left Wing had given out, if the Consul, by chiding their rashness, and their sloth at the same time had not dispelled their fear, and made them ashamed to retire. Wherefore they stopt, but were at first very obstinate, though afterwards (as much as their strength would permit them to do against an Enemy that stood upon higher ground) they began to move of their own accord, and renewing the clamour, marched up toward the Enemy: against whom they made another extraordinary effort, and overcame the difficulty of the place, so that they were got well nigh to the top of the Hill, when the Enemy turned their Backs; who run­ning away as fast as they could, both they that fled and they that pursued arrived at the Camp in almost one and the same Body: and in that confusion the Camp was taken. Those of the Volsci, that could escape, went to Antium; whither the Roman Army was likewise led; and that City within a few days surrendred, without any new violence from the besie­gers, but because the Volsci since that late unhappy Fight, and the loss of their Camp, had lost their Courage too.

DECADE I. BOOK III.

WHEN Antium was taken, Tib. Aemilius and Q. Fabius were made Consuls; that I fame Fabius, who was the only Person remaining of all that Family who were slain U. C. 285 at Cremera. Aemilius already in his former Consulship had been the occasion of dividing the Land among the People: wherefore in this his second Consulate also, the Agrarians were in Goods of that Law: and the Tribunes, who had often attempted to carry it in op­position to the Consuls, were now very ready to do so again, especially seeing they had one Consul on their side toward the obtaining of their ends. The Consul likewise continued of the same opinion; whilst the Possessors, and a great part of the Senate, complaining, That one of the heads of the City concerned himself in matters belonging to the Tribunes, and made him­self popular by giving what belonged to other men, cast all the envy of the thing off from the Tribunes upon the Consuls: whereupon there had arisen a great commotion, had not Fabius reconciled them by advice which was not disliked of either side; and that was this, he told them, That by the Conduct and good management of T. Quintius there was a pretty quantity of Land the last Year taken from the Volsci. That Antium was near at hand, being an oppor­tune City, and near the Sea, to which they might send a Colony, and the People by that means go into the Country without any complaints from the possessors of such Lands as had been formerly taken from the Enemies; so that then the City would be at Peace. This advice of his pleased them: and with that they made a sort of Officers called Triumviri, whose names were T. Quintius, A. Virginius, and P. Furius, to divide the Lands; all People, that woul [...] have any share, being ordered to give in their Names. But plenty (as it always does) soon made them loath what they before so much desired; wherefore so few of them gave in their Names, that to fill up the number, there were some of the Volsci added to them; whilst the remaining Multitude chose rather to demand the Land at Rome, than take Possession of it in another place. The Aequi Petitioned Q. Fabius (who was come into their Country with an Army) for Peace, but made it void themselves by a sudden Incursion into the Latin Dominions.

Q. Servilius the Year following, being Consul with Sp. Posthumius, was sent against the II Aequi and pitched his Camp in the Latin Territories; where he was forced to stay because U. C. 286 his Army was sick. This War was protracted to the third Year, whilst Q. Fabius and T. Quintius were Consuls: and that Province was allotted to Fabius out of course, because he U. C. 287 when he was Victorious against them, had granted the Aequi a Peace. He therefore going with great assurance, that the very fame of his Name would make the Aequi submit, sent Embassadors to the Council of that Nation, to tell them, That Q. Fabius the Consul said, that he brought Peace from the Aequi to Rome, but that he now came from Rome with a War against them, the same right hand being now armed, that he had formerly given them as a confirmation of friendship; whose perfidiousness and perjury was the cause of it, the gods were now witnesses, and would be by and by revengers: yet he, be it how it would be, could still wish, that the Aequi would rather comply of their own accord, than undergo the hardships of War: if they repented, they should have free access to his experienced clemency; but if they went on in their perjury, they were like to make War in opposition to the gods more than their Enemies. Which Message was so far from ha­ving any effect upon them, that the Embassadors had like to have been abused; and an Army was sent into Algidum [a Town of the Aequi] against the Romans. Of which when News was brought to Rome, the indignity of the thing more than the danger brought the other Con­sul out of the City: so that two Consular Armies came to meet the Enemy in such order, as that they could joyn Battel at the same instant. But it being almost night, one of the Ene­mies cryed out; This, Romans! is more out of ostentation than any design you have to fight; you set your Army in Battalia, when night is coming on; but we shall need more day-light to make an end of the dispute which we are like to have: to morrow, at Sun-rising, come again into the Field, and you shall have your fill of fighting, ne'r fear it. At which words, the Soldiers being incen­sed (whilst they were led back into their Camp 'till the next day) thought the night would be very long, ere they should come to fight, and therefore refreshed themselves with meat and sleep. The next day, assoon as it was light, the Roman Army was ready somewhat sooner than the Enemy; but at last the Aequi too marched forth. The Battel was vehe­ment on both sides, for that the Romans fought out of anger and hatred, whilst the Aequi being conscious of the danger they were in by what they had done, and despairing of any future favour, were thereby induced to attempt and try the utmost that they could. Yet the Aequi were not able to withstand the Roman Forces: and therefore being defeated, they fled into their own Confines, where being still averse to Peace, the bold Multitude began to blame their Leaders, For running the hazard of a pitched Battel, wherein the Romans so far out-did them. Saying, That the Aequi were better skilled in Devastations and Incursions; and that many stragling Parties did more execution with them, than a vast Body of one formed Army.

They therefore leaving a Garrison in their Camp, went out with such a tumult into the III Roman Dominions, that they created a terror even in the very City. And that which put them into a greater fright, was, that they could imagin nothing less, than that the Enemy whom they had Conquered, and besieged almost in their very Camp, would remember to Plunder the Country: wherefore the fearful Country folks ran into the Gates, and magni­fying [Page 66] not only the ravage or the small Bands of those who committed it, but even all things else by their vain fear, cryed out, That the Armies and Legions of the Enemies were come upon them, and were advancing in a full Career toward the City. From these the next took the uncertain Story, and made a worse of it to others; insomuch that the tumult and cla­mour of this Alarm was very little different from the consternation that a City is usually in upon its being taken. It happened then that Consul Quintius was come back from Algidum to Rome: which was a remedy for their fear. For he having appeased the uproar, and chid them for fearing a Conquered Foe, set a Guard upon the Gates: and then calling a Senate, after he had by their Authority ordered a Cessation of all Judicial proceedings, he went to defend their Confines, leaving Q. Servilius Prefect of the City; but found not the Enemy in the Country. The matter was very well managed by the other Consul, who setting upon the Enemy (in the way, which he knew they would come) whilst they were loaded with the Booty, and consequently more uneasie in their March, he made their prey their ruin. For there were but few of the Enemies who escaped the Ambuscade, besides that all the spoils were re-taken by the Romans. By which means Q. returning to the City put an end to the Justitium [or Intermission of Justice] which lasted but four days. After that there was a Tax made, and a Lustrum [or time to take a view of the Citizens] appointed by Quintius. In which the Poll-Bill came to an hundred twenty four thousand, two hundred and fifteen Sestercies, without reckoning Orphans, and the like. From that time there was nothing which was memorable done in the Country of the Aequi, but they retire into their Towns, permitting all they had to be burned and laid waste; and the Consul, when he had gone over all their Country several times with an Army that Pillaged each part of it, returned to Rome with great applause, and equal spoils.

IV Then A. Posthumius Albus and Sp. Furius Fusus were Consuls: the latter of whose Names, U. C. 288 some write, Furius Fusius; which I take notice of to you, that Readers may not think there is any difference in the man, though there be in the name. There was no doubt of it, but one of these Consuls would make War against the Aequi: wherefore the Aequi desired aid of the Volsci of Ecetra: which they being ready to afford (so much did these Cities always strive to shew their hatred to the Romans) there were mighty Preparations made for the War. This the Hernici perceived, and told the Romans before-hand, that the Ecetranes had Revolted to the Aequi. The Colony of Antium was also suspected; for that a vast number of men, when that City was taken, fled thence to the Aequi; who, as long as the Aequian War lasted, were the keenest Soldiers. But afterward when the Aequi were driven into their Towns, that Multitude getting away came back to Antium, where of their own accord they persuaded the Inhabitants of that place, who were already disaffected, to Revolt from the Romans. But be­fore the thing was brought to an head, the Senate having information, that such a defection was intended, gave order to the Consuls, to send for the chief men of that Colony to Rome, and ask them, What the matter was? Who coming thither very chearfully, and being introduced by the Consuls to the Senate, made such replies to what was asked of them, that they were dismissed more suspected than they came. Whereupon there was no doubt of a War: and in order thereunto, Sp. Furius, one of the Consuls (to whom that Province fell) going into the Country of the Aequi, found the Enemy Pillaging the Hernici: and being ignorant what Multitudes they had (for he never saw them all together) he rashly engaged with them though his Army was too weak. For which reason, upon the first onset being Defeated, he retired into his Camp; though that was not the end of his danger; for all the next night and the day after his Camp was so beset and attacked, that they could not so much as send a Messenger thence to Rome. In the mean while the Hernici sent word, That they had very ill fortune, and that the Consul together with the whole Army was besieged; which strook such a terror into the Senate, that (in an order of Senate, the form of which always shews an absolute necessity for it) they ordered Postumius the other Consul, To take care, that the Commonwealth received no detriment. For they thought best for him to stay at Rome, in order to raise what men he could for the War; but to send T. Quintius in the nature of a Proconsul to relieve the Camp with an Army of Allies; for the filling up whereof they had commanded the Hernici, the La­tins, and the Colony of Antium to supply Quintius with some sudden Auxiliaries, which in those days they called Milites Subitarii, i. e. Soldiers levied at short warning.

V In those days they made many motions, and many attempts to and fro, because the Ene­my being more in number, began in many respects to disable the Roman Forces, who were not strong enough for all occasions. Wherefore they attacked the Camp, and at the same time sent part of their Army to spoil the Roman Territories; yea, if fortune favoured them, to make an Attempt upon the very City it self. For which reason, L. Valerius was left to Guard the City, and Consul Postumius sent to repress the Devastations of the Country. Nor was there any care or pains omitted in any case: for there were Watches in the City, Guards at the Gates, and Sentinels upon the Walls, besides that all process of Justice (which in so great an hurry was but necessary) was for some days intermitted. In the mean time, Furius the Consul, who was in his Camp, having at first lain still and endured the Siege, Sallied out up­on the Enemy at the Gate called Porta Decumana, before they were aware of him; but though he could have pursued them, yet he stopt for fear, lest any Attempt might be made upon the [Page 67] other side of the Camp. Yet Furius, the Lieutenant (who was the Consuls Brother) went after them something too far; nor did he observe (so eager he was in the pursuit) that either the Romans retreated, or that the Enemies came upon him in the Reer: by which means being intercepted by the Foe, though he made many attempts to force his way back to the Camp, he was slain, but behaved himself very bravely before he fell. The Consul also, hearing that his Brother was so circumvented faced about to the Fight, but whilst he engaged in the midst of the Enemies more rashly than wisely, receiving a wound, was very hardly saved by some that stood about him; which accident not only much discouraged his men, but made the Enemy more eager; for being animated by the death of the Lieutenant, and the wound that the Consul had received, they could not be by any means withstood; so that the Romans, being forced back into their Camp, were again Besieged, as being infe­rior to the Enemy both in hope and strength. At which time their Empire it self had been in danger, if T. Quintius had not come up with the foreign Forces, the Hernican and the La­tin Army. For he, whilst the Aequi were intent upon the Roman Camp, and shewing the Lieutenants Head with insolence and ostentation, set upon their Reer; whilst those in the Camp, upon a signal by him given at a great distance, sallyed out at the same time, and with him circumvented a great number of the Enemies. In the mean time there was a less slaughter, but the flight was more tumultuous of the Aequi in the Roman Territories; upon whom, as they stragled about to Pillage those parts, Postumius made an Attack in se­veral places, where he had planted Garrisons: whereupon those wanderers running away in a confusion, fell into the hands of Quintius who was Victorious, and coming home with the wounded Consul. Then the Consuls Army revenged the Consuls wound, with the death of the Lieutenant and the rest of their fellow Soldiers in a remarkable Battel: for there were great losses on both sides at that time; insomuch that it is hard to say exactly, how many fought, or fell, it is so long ago since the thing was done. Yet Antias Valerius pretends to give us a true account, that there fell in the Hernican Fields, of Romans five thousand and three hundred; that of the Pillagers, belonging to the Aequi, that ravaged the Roman Confines, there were two thousand four hundred slain by A. Postumius; but that the rest of the Plunderers, who fell into the hands of Quintius were not taken off in numbers near so great. After that, says he, there were cut off four thousand, and (to shew how exactly he could tell you) two hundred and thirty. Then they returned to Rome, and the Justitium was remitted. At which time the Heavens seemed to be all on a flame, with several Co­mets, and other strange sights appeared either to the eyes or the apprehensions of the affright­ed People. For the averting of which terrors, there were three Feriae [or Holy days] ap­pointed together; during which, all the Temples were filled with crouds of Men and Wo­men, imploring the mercy of the gods. Then the Hernican and Latin Forces were sent home again by the Senate, after they had received thanks for their industrious service in the War. But the thousand men of Antium, because they came too late, when the Battel was over, were dismissed with little less than ignominy.

After that they called a publick Assembly, and made L. Aebutius with P. Servilius Consuls; VI who entered upon their Office the first day of August, as the beginning of the Year at that time U. C. 289 was computed. That was a grievous season, and it chanced to be a Pestilent Year both to City and Country; nor to the Men more than their Cattel. But the fear of being Plundered increased the violence of the Disease, by their taking of Sheep and the like, as well as Coun­try People into the City. For the mixture and conflux of all sorts of Animals, did not only annoy the Citizens with unusual smells, but the Country folks too were crouded up into little huts, where the heat and watching was very offensive to them; yea, the friendly Offices that they were fain to do each other, together with the Contagion it self, promoted the Distemper all over the Town. When they were in this condition, and hardly able to endure their pre­sent calamities, the Hernici sent Embassadors in haste to tell them, That the Aequi and the Vol­sci, having united their Forces, had encamped in their Country, and by that means had pillaged all their Confines. But besides that the thinness of the Senate was an argument to their Allies that the City was afflicted with a Plague, they went away with a very sad answer, That the Hernici might joyn with the Latins and defend themselves; for that the City of Rome was, through the sudden anger of the gods, depopulated by a Disease: not but that, if that calamity should by any means be removed, they would assist their Allies, as they had done the Year before and at all other times. The Embassadors thereupon departed, carrying back a sadder Message than they brought, in that they were to carry on that War by themselves only, which when they were supported even with the strength of Rome, they were hardly able to sustein. But the Enemy made no great stay in the Hernican Territories; for they Marched on thence into the Roman Dominions, which lay deserted even without the injuries of War [now that the Inhabitants were all fled into the City.] Where seeing they met with no body, no, not so much as without Arms; but passed through all the Country, which was not only unguarded, but untilled too, without any interruption, they came to the third Stone [i. e. three Miles from Rome] in the Road called Via Gabina. In the mean time Consul Aebutius was dead, nor had his Collegue Servilius any great hopes of recovering: besides that many of the Nobility, the greater part of the Senate, and almost all that were of a fit age to make Soldiers, were now [Page 68] infected, insomuch that they were not only disabled for Foreign Expeditions, such as the case at that exigence required, but had hardly men enough to supply even their quiet Gar­risons. For the Senators themselves as many as were able, did Duty on the Watches like common Soldiers; whilst one of the Aediles of the People went the rounds, and lookt after other things; to whom also the chief Administration of Affairs and the Sovereign Power of the Consuls was devolved.

VII But the gods who were the Guardians of the City and its good fortune together, defen­ded all they had, though they were now, as it were, without an head and without strength: which gave the Volsci and the Aequi the hearts rather of Robbers than of Enemies. For they had little hopes not only of making Rome their own, but even of coming so much as up to the Walls of it, (seeing the Houses a great way off, and the high Hills, whereby they were mightily discouraged) that setting up a general murmur through their whole Camp, and crying, Why did they stay and lose time in a desart wast Country, amidst a rot of Cattel and Men too, without any hopes of Plunder, when they might go into fresh Quarters near Tusculum, where all things were to be had in abundance? They took up their Ensigns immediately, and March­ed cross the Country through the Lavinian Fields to the Tusculan Hills; for thither all the force and stress of the War was now translated. In the mean while the Hernici and the Latins, being moved, not only with pity but shame too, that they should neither oppose a common Enemy, that came against Rome with such a destroying Army, nor lend any aid to their Besieged Allies, went with a joynt Army toward Rome: where seeing they could not meet with the Enemy, they followed the directions of Passengers, and the tracts of their feet, 'till they met them coming down from Tusculanum into the Albane Vale. But there they had much the worst of it; nor was their constancy to their Allies successful to them at that time. Mean while there was as great a Mortality at Rome by the Pestilence, as there was in the War of their Allies by the Sword: and then died the Consul, who lived alone 'till that time; besides other famous men, as M. Valerius, T. Virginius Rutilus, the Augurs, and Ser. Sulpici­us, who was chief Curio [like an Arch-Deacon to a Company of Parish Priests,] besides that, the Distemper raged far and near among all People of mean Quality: insomuch that the Senate, being destitute of human assistance, made all the People apply themselves to the gods in publick acts of Devotion; commanding them to go with their Wives and Children, and make their supplications to Heaven for mercy and pardon. They therefore being called forth by publick Authority to do what each mans Calamities force him to, filled all the Temples; where Mothers lying prostrate on the ground, and brushing the Pavement with their hair, implored the mitigation of Heavens wrath, and prayed that the Plague might cease.

Then by degrees, whether they had obteined Pardon of the gods, or forasmuch as the un­seasonable time of the Year was over, their Bodies being pretty well discharged of their Di­stempers, began to be more healthful; and therefore applying their minds to publick affairs, when several Interregnums [that is, the Intervals of five days, when there was no chief Ma­gistrate in the City] were passed, P. Valerius Publicola, the third day of his Interregnum made two Consuls, whose Names were L. Lucretius Tricipitinus and T. Veturius [or, it may be, Ve­tusius] Geminus; who entered upon their Consulship upon the 9th of August, when the City was now in good health, and able not only to defend it self from an Enemy, but of it self al­so to wage a War. When therefore the Hernici brought them Intelligence, That the Enemy was come down into their Confines, they straightway promised them assistance, and raised two Armies under the Command of the Consuls. Veturius was sent against the Volsci to make an offensive War against them; whilst Tricipitinus being set to repress the Devastations of their associated Contries, went no farther than the Country of the Hernici. Veturius routed and defeated the Enemy in the very first Battel; but the Army of Pillagers got away and esca­ped Lucretius, whilst he continued in the Country of the Hernici, being led over the Pre­nestine Mountains; whence being sent down into the Plains, they wasted the Fields of Prene­ste and Gabii. From Gabii they turned their course toward the Tusculan Hills; putting the City of Rome also into a great fright, more for the surprise, than that they were not strong enough to make their defence. Q. Fabius was then Governour of the City, who arming the young men, and setting Guards at all convenient Passes, made all secure and quiet. Where­fore the Enemy, though they Plundered all places, durst not approach the City; but wheel­ing about in order to their return homeward, as they got farther from the City, were more negligent of themselves, and by that means fell into the hands of Lucretius, who, having sent out Scouts before to secure his Marches, was ready and very desirous to have a brush with him. The Romans therefore coming upon them with minds prepared (which put them into a sudden fright) though they were somewhat fewer, defeated and put to flight a vast Multitude; whom they encompassed in hollow Valleys, whereinto they had driven them, and out of which there was no easie passage. There the name of the Volsci was almost extinguished; for I find in some Annals, that there were slain in the Battel and the Pursuit thirteen thousand, four hundred and seventy Men; a thousand two and fifty taken Prisoners; and twenty seven En­signs of War brought away: in which though there be some addition made to the number, yet 'tis certain, the slaughter was very great. The Consul having got the Victory returned to his Camp with great spoils: whereupon the two Consuls united their Camps, whilst the Volsci [Page 69] and the Aequi also joyned their forces into one Army. That was the third fight in that Year; in which the same fortune gave the Romans the Victory, who having routed the Ene­my took their Camp too.

Thus the Roman Commonwealth was restored to its former state; and the success of the IX War strait caused new commotions in the City. C. Terentillus Arsa was that Year Tribune of the People, who supposing he had a good opportunity, now that the Consuls were absent, to promote the Interest of the Tribunes, made it his business for some days to rail before the People at the pride of the Senate; but most especially at the Power of the Consuls, as excessive and intolerable in a free City: For it was only a less odious name, the thing it self be­ing, if it were possible, more Tyrannical than that of Kings; in that they now had two Sovereigns instead of one, with immoderate and boundless Authority: who being themselves free and unconfin­ed, turned all fear of Laws, and all sorts of Punishment, upon the People. Which Power of theirs, lest it should be eternal, he would put forth a Law, that five Men should be chosen to make Laws concerning the Power of the Consuls: that the Consul should use no more Authority over the People, than they allowed him; nor should they esteem their own will and pleasure as a Law. Which Law being promulgated, the Senate feared that, in the absence of the Consuls, they might be for­ced to submit, and therefore Q. Fabius, the Prefect of the City, called an Assembly of them: in which he inveighed so bitterly against the design and the preferrer of that Law, that, if both the Consuls had stood by the Tribune, they could not have expressed more menaces or terror than he did: for he told him, He had laid an Ambuscade, and taking his opportunity, attacked the Commonwealth: if the angry gods had sent them such an one, as he was, the last Year, amidst the Plague and the War, they never should have seen an end of their Calamities. When both the Consuls were dead, and the City lay languishing in a confusion, he would make Laws to abrogate the Power of the Consuls; and for the same reason would be General of the Aequi and the Volsci, when they should come to attack the City. For Heavens sake, what might not he already do? He might call the Consuls to account, if they had behaved themselves Arbitrarily or cruelly to any Citizen; and accuse them even before those who had been injured. But indeed he did not make the Power of the Consuls so odious and intolerable as he did that of the Tribunes; which after it had been reconciled to the Senate, was by him again reduced into its old mischievous circumstances; nor die he, for his part, desire him not to persist as he had begun. But as for you, said Fabius, the rest of the Tribunes, we entreat you, that you would first of all consider that your Power was designed for the aid of each single Man, not for the ruin of all in general; that you were created Tribunes of the People, not Enemies to the Senate: to us 'tis a sad thing, and it will prove invidious to you, that the Commonwealth, which is now deserted, should be invaded. You will not diminish your own priviledges, but the odium that will otherwise attend you. Persuade your Collegue to defer the whole matter 'till the Consuls come home. The very Aequi and the Volsci themselves, when the two Consuls died last Year of the Plague, did not oppress or attack us with a Cruel and a Tyrannical War. Then the Tribunes treated with Terentillus, and thereupon the matter being only deferred to all appea­rance, but really quite stifled, he sent immediately for the Consuls.

Lucretius therefore returned home with vast spoils, but greater Glory: yet augmented that X too at his arrival, by laying down all his Booty in the Campus Martius, that for three days to­gether every one might come and take what he knew to be his own; and the remaining part, which had no owners, was sold. For which the Consul deserved a Triumph by general con­sent; though that was deferred, because the Tribune at that time was stickling to pass the Law; which the Consul thought a matter of greater moment. That therefore was banded for some days both in the Senate and before the People; 'till at the last the Tribune gave way to the Authority of the Consul and desisted. Then all due honour was paid to the General and the Army: for he Triumphed upon the score of the Volsci and the Aequi, being attended by the Legions. The other Consul was allowed a less honourable sort of Triumph, called Ovation, in which he was to come into the City without the Soldiers. The Year following, the Lex Terentilla (or Terentillus's Law] being again preferred by the whole Collegue of Tri­bunes, gave some disturbance to the new Consuls, who were P. Volumnius, and Ser. Sulpitius. U. C. 291 In whose time the Heavens seemed to be on fire, and there was a great Earthquake; besides that it was now believed, an Heiser spoke, to which there was no credit given the Year before. Among other Prodigies also it rained flesh, which shower, they say, a great flock of Birds came and partly carried it away, before it fell to the ground; whilst what escaped them lay scattered for some days without any alteration in th [...] smell of it. Whereupon the Sybils Books were consulted by the Duumviri [who had the keeping of them] out of which were foretold the danger that should happen from the coming of strangers into the City, lest any violence or slaughter should be committed in the chief parts thereof: and among other things it was advised, that they should abstein from Sedition: This the Tribunes said was done on purpose to hinder their Law from being passed, and a great bustle there was. Mean while behold (to bring each Year about in the same course) the Hernici brought them intelligence, That the Volsci and the Aequi, though very much disabled, were fitting out their Armies again: that their head Quar­ters was at Antium: that at Ecetra the Antian Colony held publick Councils, that being the chief place of meeting, where all their great Designs for the War were laid. When this news was told in the Senate, they presently ordered a Levy to be made; the Consuls being commanded to [Page 70] share the management of the War between them: the one to have the Volsci, and the other the Aequi, for his Province. With that the Tribunes cryed out in the Forum, That the Volsci­an War was a story of their own contriving; that the Hernici were always ready to assist them in such lies; and that now the Liberty of Rome was not so much endangered by any foreign force, as eluded by art; for the Aequi and the Volsci, who were almost utterly ruined and destroyed, could not possibly be thought at that time of day to make a voluntary War: that they sought for new Ene­mies: that a faithful neighbouring Colony was scandalized: that the Antians who were innocent, had the War proclaimed against them, though it were really intended against the People of Rome, whom they would load with Arms, and turn them headlong, in that posture, out of the City; re­venging; themselves of the Tribunes by the exile and expulsion of the Citizens. By this means (that they might see the design of it) the Law would be evaluated; unless they took great care, whilst they had power enough, whilst they were at home and continued Romans, not to be put out of pos­session of the City, lest they should be made slaves. If they had courage, they could not want assi­stance: for that the Tribunes were all of opinion, there was no cause of fear from without, nor any danger at all; and that the gods took care, the Year before, that they might safely defend their Li­berty. Thus the Tribunes.

XI On the other side the Consuls, sitting at some little distance, made the Levy in their sight. Wherefore the Tribunes ran to them, with all the Assembly at their heels; and upon that, af­ter some few were cited or called (for an experiment, as it were, what they would do) a Tumult presently arose: in which, whomsoever the Lictor, by order of the Consul, laid hold of, the Tribune commanded him to let go. Nor was there any equity or reason in what they did, but each of them strove to gain their ends by force, upon the confidence they had in their own strength. As therefore the Tribunes behaved themselves in obstructing the Levy, so did the Senators in impeding their Law, which was proposed every Comitial or Assembly day. The beginning of the quarrel was, when the Tribunes had ordered the Peo­ple to depart, that the Senators would not stir. But indeed there were scarce any of the Seniors there: because in that case there was not so much occasion for advice and manage­ment, as for temerity and boldness. The Consuls also were very cautious, lest in such a confusion they might bring any dishonour upon their dignity. Among the rest there was one Caeso Quintius, a brisk young Man, not only upon the account of his Birth, but his bulk and strength of Body: to which endowments from the gods, he himself had also ad [...]ed ma­ny warlike Ornaments, together with Eloquence upon civil occasions; insomuch that no Man was reckoned more nimble either of his tongue or hands through the whole City. He therefore standing amidst the throng of Senators, much higher than the rest, as if he had born all Consulates and Dictatorships in his sole voice and strength, alone susteined the shock of the Tribunes, and all the popular Storms. For by his Conduct the Tribunes were often beaten out of the Forum, and the People routed. Whomsoever he met, he sent away with some punishment and stript: insomuch, that if that were the way of proceeding, all the World might see the Law was at an end. Mean time, though all the other Tribunes were much affrighted, A. Virginius, one of the Collegues, gave Caeso warning to appear on such a day to be tryed for his Life: by which he rather enflamed than terrified that furious Man: for he upon that account was the more industrious to hinder the Law, to vex the People, and persecute the Tribunes, as it were, with a just War. The Accuser let him run on, that by his Crimes he might increase the flame and fewel of envy; preferring the Law in the mean time, not so much out of any hopes he had to carry it, as to provoke Caeso's rashness. Thereupon many things that were said and done by the young men unadvisedly, were laid to the charge of Caeso only: yet notwithstanding the Law was put off. Then A. Virginius oft-times asked the People; Are you satisfied now, Romans! that you cannot have Caeso to continue one of your fellow Citizens, and at the same time obtain the Law that you desire? But what do I talk of a Law? He withstands their Liberty, out-doing all the Tarquins in Pride and Tyranny: stay 'till you see him made Dictator or Consul, whom now you see, though he be a private Person, already reigning in his own strength and audacity. Many of the hearers assen­ted to him, and, complaining that they were abused, incited the Tribune to go through with what he had undertaken.

XII And now the Day of Tryal was come; when all men generally believed their Liberty de­pended upon the Condemnation of Caeso; who being at last forced to it went about to de­sire the Peoples favour, though with much regret of mind, attended by his Relations and the best men in the City. T. Quintius Capitolinus, who had been three times Consul, rela­ting many honourable things of himself and his Family, affirmed, That there never was either in the Quintian Family, or the whole City of Rome so great a Wit or a Person of such early Cou­rage. That he was his Soldier first of all, and that he saw him oftentimes engage the Enemy. Sp. Furius said, That Quintius Capitolinus sent Caeso to him to relieve and assist him when he was in great danger (which he did) and that there never was any man before, by whose means the Commonwealth was more supported. L. Lucretius, who had been Consul the Year before, shining with fresh glory, was pleased to let Caeso partake in his praises, by remembring the Eights, recounting the noble exploits which they had done sometimes in Skirmishes, and other-whiles in pitched Battels: persuading and telling them, He was a brave Youth, full fraught [Page 71] with all the gifts both of nature and fortune, and would be the greatest support of any City, where­ever he came, though he wished to be a Citizen of Rome rather than of any other place. As to what was offensive in him (his heat and audacity) age daily took off that; and what was lacking in him (prudence) was every day increasing; his vices growing old, and his virtues coming to ma­turity: wherefore they ought to let such a great Man live in their City 'till he was an old Man. Among the rest, his Father L. Quintius, Surnamed Cincinnatus, though he did not think fit to repeat his Commendations, lest that might heap more envy upon him, begging Pardon for his error, and youthful carriage, desired them, that they would pardon his Son for his sake, who had never offended any Man living either by word or action. But some of them would not hear his intreaties, either out of modesty or fear, whilst others complaining, that they and theirs were mulcted and abused by him, gave him a cross answer, and resolved to go on with the Tryal.

But there was one crime, besides the common envy of the People, that lay very hard up­on XIII him: and that was, that M. Volscius Fictor, who some years before had been Tribune of the People, came in as a Witness against him; That he, not long after the Plague was in the City, came and caught the young Men playing their mad pranks in the street, called Subura: [where the Whores dwelt] that there a Quarrel arose, and his elder Brother, who was not yet very well recovered of his Distemper, was knocked down by Caeso, who hit him such a blow with his fist, that he lay for dead: whereupon they carried him home, and thought he thereby got his bane. But he could not prosecute Caeso for the Fact, because of the Consuls that had been for some years last past. When Volscius declared this, the People were so netled, that they had like to have murther­ed Caeso upon the place: but Virginius ordered him to be laid hold on and put in Prison; whilst in the mean time the Patricians opposed force with force. T. Quintius cryed out, Whereas they had given warning of a Capital Tryal, the Man they designed so soon to pass Sentence upon, ought not to be so roughly used, before he was Convicted, or had spoken for himself. The Tribune on the other hand said, He would not punish a Person uncondemned, but yet he would keep him in Bonds 'till the day of Tryal, that the Roman People might fairly revenge themselves of him for killing one of their Fellow Citizens. Nevertheless the Tribunes being appealed to all together thought fit to mitigate the rigour of their Authority by a moderate Decree between the two extremes; so they ordered him not to be put in Prison: yet that he should appear at the day appointed, and if he did not, should engage to pay so much mony to the People: though they had some dispute what the sum should be, and therefore referred it to the Senate: he remaining in Cu­stody whilst they were consulted. They therefore ordered him to give Bail (one of whom they bound in a Recognizance of 3000 l.) but how many should be bound for him was left to the Tribunes; who pitching upon ten, the Accuser let him go upon their security. He was the first that ever gave publick Bail. When by this means he was dismissed out of the Forum, the next night, without the knowledg of the Consuls, he banished himself into Tuscany. Wherefore upon the day of Tryal, when they excused or essoigned him, by saying, he had fled his Country and was gone into Banishment, the rest of the Tribunes being Appealed to, though Virginius called it, dismissed the Council. But the Mony was cruelly exacted from his Father; insomuch, that when all he had was sold to raise it, he was fain to live beyond the Tiber for some time, like one Exiled, in a pitiful little Cottage.

This Tryal and the Law being promulged, found the City something to do; for they were XIV not engaged in any Foreign War. When therefore the Tribunes, like Conquerors (now that the Senate was so terrified by the Banishment of Caeso) supposed the Law was as good as passed, and that all the Seniors of the Senate had withdrawn themselves from publick business; the Juniors (especially all that were Caeso's friends) were more incensed against the People, so far they were from abating in their animosities: but that which proved their greatest advan­tage was, that they kept their passion within bounds. For when, after Caeso's Banishment, the Law was first proposed, though they were ready prepared with an Army of Clients, yet they attacked the Tribunes (assoon as, by offering any violence to them, they gave them cause) in such a manner, that never an one of them gained more credit or envy by it: but the People complained, They had got a thousand Caesoes instead of one. Though upon other days, when the Tribunes did not stickle for their Law, there were no Men more civil and quiet than those Juniors were; for they would speak kindly and familiarly to the Commonal­ty, invite them to their Houses, be in the Forum, and permit the Tribunes to hold other As­semblies without any disturbance; nor ever look stern or be rough with any Man either in publick or private, save when they talked of that Law: for in other cases those young Men were popular enough. Nor did the Tribunes manage other matters only without any distur­bance, but being also continued for the Year following, had not so much as an ill word given them, so far were the young Senators from offering any violence to them. For their main design was to sooth and win upon the People so much as to reconcile them: and by those Arts the Law was eluded for a whole Year.

Then C. Claudius, the Son Appius, and P. Valerius Poplicola being made Consuls, found XV the City much quiter than it had been: nor had the new Year brought forth any new ac­cident; U. C. 292 for the City was wholly taken up with the thoughts of preferring and the fear of passing that Law. But the more the Junior Senators insinuated themselves into the People, [Page 72] so much the more industrious the Tribunes were to make the People suspect them, saving, There was a Conspiracy among them; for Caeso was at Rome; and that they designed to kill the Tribunes and murther the People: that the Senior Senators employed the Juniors to extirpate the Power of the Tribunes out of the Commonwealth; and to reduce the City into the same f [...]m as it was of before they possessed themselves of the Holy Mount. Besides this, they were afraid of that constant and almost annual War from the Aequi and the Volsci; though in the mean time another new mischief, more near at hand, surprized them. Four thousand five hundred banished Men and Slaves, possessed themselves of the Castle and Capitol in the night time, under the Command of Ap. Herdonius, a Sabine: who caused all those in the Castle, that would not enter into the Conspiracy and take up Arms, as they had done, to be immedi­ately slain: whilst the rest being scared, ran headlong amidst the tumult down into the Fo­rum: from whom you could hear no words but these, To your Arms, and, There are Enemies come into the City. Thereupon the Consuls were afraid as much to Arm the People, as to let them continue without Arms; being uncertain what sudden misfortune, whether Foreign or Domestick, from the Peoples animosities, or villany of their Slaves, had invaded the Ci­ty. They strove indeed to appease the tumults, but by so doing sometimes the more increa­sed them: for the fearful consternated Multitude would not be ruled by reason. However they distributed Arms; though not to every body, but to such a number only, as that they might have (since it was not known how strong the Enemy were) a sufficient reserve if occasion were. Which having done, they spent the rest of the night in setting of Guards and Sentinels at all convenient places in the City, not knowing either what Country­men or what number the Enemy were. But the next morning discovered both the Foe, and the General of them: and Ap. Herdonius tempted all the Slaves out of the Capitol to take their freedom; saying, He undertook the cause of every poor Man that was in misery; to restore such as had been injuriously Banished, to their own Country again, and take off the heavy yoke of Slavery: that he would rather the People of Rome would do it for him; but if there were no hopes from them, he would try and instigate the Volsci and the Aequi with all extremity.

XVI The thing appeared much plainer to the Senate and the Consuls than to any body else: but besides what was related to them, they were afraid lest that might be a design of the Veians or the Sabines, with an intention, that now they had got so many Men into the City, the Sabine and Etrurian Legions should straight come up: and likewise, that their eternal Enemies, the Volsci and Aequi, might now come, not as before, to ravage their Country, but even to the City, which was now in part taken. Mean while there were many and various fears among them; but among others, the apprehensions they had of their Slaves was the greatest; lest they should each of them have an Enemy in his own House, whom it was neither safe to trust, nor by shewing their diffidence to put him upon doing what he saw they suspected. At this juncture it was scarce possible to make them agree: for at that time, when so many mischiefs sprung up so much exceeding any former ones, no one feared the Tribunes or the People. But that seemed a small inconvenience, which always proceeded from a cessation of other evils, and then to be removed by Foreign fears; but indeed, that thing alone was a great addition to their miseries; for the Tribunes were in such a fury, that they said, It was not a War, but the vain fansie of a War, that was pretended to have taken up its Quarters in the Capitol, to avert the Peoples minds from any thoughts of their Law: that the Friends and Clients of the Patricians, if they should find by the passing of that Law, that they had rioted to no purpose, would go away more silent than they came: Whereupon they called a Council to prefer the Law, having per­suaded the People from taking up of Arms. In the mean time the Consuls also summoned a Senate, from whence the Tribunes discovered greater terror, than that which the Enemy by coming in the night time had strook into them.

XVII When the news was brought, that the Men had laid down their Arms and were departed from their stations, P. Valerius (whilst his Collegue held the Senate) ran out of the Court, and into the Temple to the Tribunes, saying, Tribunes! What's the meaning of this? Do you intend to oveturn the Commonwealth by the Conduct and encouragement of Ap. Herdonius? Has he been so happy in corrupting you, who could not prevail upon your Slaves? When your Enemies are over your heads, would you lay down your Arms and make Laws? Then turning to the Mul­titude; If you, Romans! said he, have no care either of the City or your selves; yet you fear the gods of your Country, who are now taken by your Enemies. Jupiter, the Good and Great, Ju­no, the Queen of Heaven, Minerva, and other gods and goddesses are besieged: and a Camp of Slaves are now in possession of your publick Deities. Does this look like a well regulated City in your eyes? There are a vast number of Enemies, not only within the Walls, but also in the Castle above the Forum, and the Senate House: yet at the same time there is an Assembly in the Forum, and another in the Senate House; where each one gives his opinion as gravely and as deliberately as if this was a time of the greatest leisure; whilst other Citizens are giving their Votes in other cases. Instead whereof, is it not more fitting that all the Senate and the People, the Consuls, the Tribunes, together with all the gods and men should take up Arms, and run into the Capitol, to deliver and rescue that most august House of the Good and Great Jupiter from violence? Father Romulus! do thou infuse that Courage into thy Race, whereby thou formerly recoveredst this Castle from these same People, when they had taken it with Gold: bid them go that way which then, their Captain, and [Page 73] thy Army went. Lo I, the Consul, (as far as a mortal Man can go in the steps of a God) will first follow thee. Then the end of his Speech was; That he intended to take up Arms, and expected all the People of Rome to do the same. If any one obstructed the doing of it, whoever he was, or wheresoever (whether in the Capitol, or the Forum) he should take him at that time for an Enemy of the Consuls Power, of the priviledg [...] of the Tribunes, and one that had forgotten the sa­cred Laws. If therefore the Tribunes, who had forbidden People to take up Arms against Ap. Her­donius, should command them to do the same against P. Valerius the Consul, he should make bold to do the same by them, as the first of his Family did by the Kings. Thereupon they seemed to be reduced to the last extremity, and the Enemy was like to have the satisfaction of seeing Rome in an uproar, for the Law could not be passed, nor the Consul go into the Capitol; though the night put an end to their contentions, and the Tribunes for that reason gave out, as fearing the Consuls strength. When therefore the heads of the Sedition were remo­ved, the Senators went about to the People, and mixing with their Assemblies, talked to them in such language as was at that time most seasonable, admonishing them, To take care what danger they brought the Commonwealth into: and telling them, the Controversie was not between the Senate and the People, but that the Senate, the People, the Castle, the Temples of their gods, with all religious things, both publick and private, were betrayed and given up at once into the hands of the Enemy. Whilst these things passed in the Forum, in order to appease the Sedition, the C [...]suls, in the mean time, lest the Sabine, or the Veian Army should stir, went and Po­sted themselves about the Gates and the Walls of the City.

The same night also there was news brought to Tusculum, that the Castle was taken, the XVIII Capitol seized, and the City in a tumult, L. Mamilius being then Dictator of that place. He therefore calling a Senate, and bringing in the Messengers, was strongly of opinion, That they ought not to stay 'till Embassadors came from Rome to desire assistance; for that the danger it self, the jeopardy that they were in, who worshiped the same gods, and the Religious Obligation of their Leagues required that from them: nor would the gods ever give them the like opportunity of obliging so Puissant, and so near and dear a City. Whereupon they agreed to send Auxiliaries, and forthwith put all their young Men in Arms; who coming to Rome at break of day, ap­peared a far off like Enemies, as if the Aequi and the Volsci had been coming. But when the vain fright was over, they were received into the City in a full Body, and marched down into the Forum: where P. Valerius, having left his Collegue to Guard the Gates, was now a Marshalling his Army. For the Authority of that Man had won the Commonalty, for­asmuch as he assured them. When he had recovered the Capitol, and quieted the City, if they would let him learn, what treachery the Tribunes palliated under the pretence of passing their Law; that he should remember his forefathers, his Surname, whereby it appeared, that he had the care of serving the People committed and derived down to him from his Ancestors, and would not obstruct the Peo­ples designs. Whe [...]efore they following him as their Captain, (though the Tribunes were much against it, but all in vain) drew up upon the side of the Capitol Hill. To them al­so was added the Tusculan Legion: and there, between the Allies and the Citizens, was a contest who should have the honour of regaining the Castle, both Generals encouraging their Men as much as they could. Then the Enemy began to tremble, nor could they trust in any thing, besides the strength of the place: amidst whose fears the Romans fell upon them, as the Allies also did. And they had forced their way into the Porch of the Temple, when P. Valerius standing in the Van, and animating his Men to the Battel, was slain. P. Vo­lumnius, a Consuls fellow, saw him fall; and therefore, commanding some of his Soldiers to cover the Body, ran up to supply the Consuls place. But the Army did not know (so hot and intent they were upon the fight) what great misfortune had befallen them; yea, they got the Victory before they were sensible that they fought without their General. Ma­ny of the Banished Persons defiled the Temple with their Blood, and many were taken alive; but Herdonius was killed: and so the Capitol was recovered. The Captives were pu­nished according to their quality, as every one was either a Freeman or a Slave; the Tus­culans had thanks for their pains; the Capitol was purged and lustrated [or Consecrated by Sacrifices] and the People, 'tis said, threw Mony into the Consuls House in order to bury him with the greater Pomp and Solemnity.

They having by this means appeased the City, the Tribunes being very urgent with the XIX Senate, to perform what P. Valerius had promised, importuned Claudius to discharge the Ghost of his Collegue of all imputations of fraud, and to suffer them to treat about their Law. To which the Consul replyed, He would not permit them to debate concerning the Law, before he had chosen himself a new C [...]llegue. Wherefore these contentions continued 'till the very time of that Assembly in which the new Consul was to be elected. So in the Month December, by the great endeavours of the Senate, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, the Father of Caeso, was created Consul, and to begin his Office immediately from that time. At which the People were much disheartened, being to have a Consul who was an angry Man, very powerful in the favour of the Senate, in his own Courage, and three Sons that he had; who were each one of them as stout as Caeso, but far beyond him in Prudence and Conduct, whenever the case required it. He therefore, when he entered upon the Office, was as vehement in his reproofs the Senate, as in his Invectives against the People, saying, That their sloth was the [Page 74] occasion why the Tribunes reigned so perpetually in their calumnies, and other crimes, not as in a Commonwealth of the Romans, but as it sometimes happens in a dissolute Family. That with his Son Caeso, all virtue, constancy, and other glories that usually adorn young Men either in Peace or War, were Banished and Expelled out of Rome: whilst the Tribunes, those prating seditious fellows, who were the Seminaries of all Discord, being twice or thrice together put into the same Office, through their ill Acts lived with all the licentiousness of Kings. Aulus Virginius, said he, for not being in the Capitol, deserved as much punishment as Ap. Herdonius: nay, more indeed, if we consider the thing aright. For Herdonius, if he did nothing else, by confessing himself an Enemy, did as good as give you notice and advice to Arm your selves: but this Man, by denying that there was any Enemy to fight withall, deprived you of those Arms, exposed you naked to your Slaves and Banished Persons: and could you draw your Men up the Capitol Hill (which deference I speak to C. Claudius, and the memory of P. Valerius, who is dead) before you had removed that Enemy out of the Forum? I am ashamed to appear before either gods or men; when I consider, that at the same time that the Foe was in the Castle, and the Ca­pitol; so that the Leader of Slaves and Banditti, having prophaned all things and places took up his Quarters in great Joves Temples, the People of Tusculum should be Armed be­fore those of Rome; it being a question, whether L. Mamilius the Tusculan General, or P. Va­lerius and C. Claudius the Consuls delivered this City. For we, who heretofore would not suffer the Latins so much as to touch any Arms even in their own cause, and when the Ene­my was in your Country, had now our selves (if the Latins had not prevented it) been ta­ken and utterly destroyed. Is this, ye Tribunes! to aid the People? To expose them na­ked to the Enemies cruelty? I'll warrant you, if any Man, though the meanest of the Peo­ple (whom you have made your peculiar Province, apart, as it were, from the rest of the Commonwealth) if any Man, I say, of that Quality should tell you his House was attacked by his Servants all in Arms, you would think fit to assist him. Was Jupiter then, that good and great God, when hedged about with Armed Slaves and Banditti, worth no Mans help? Or do those men desire to be accounted sacred, to whom the gods themselves are neither sa­cred nor holy? Do you, who have broken all Laws both Divine and Humane, pretend to say, you'll make a Law this Year? No, if you do, that day on which I was created Consul, the Commonwealth was put into a much worse condition than when Consul P. Valerius died. But, Romans, said he, at present, my Collegue and I design, the first thing we do, to lead the Legions against the Aequi and the Volsci; for I cannot tell by what Decree of Fate, we find the gods more propitious to us in War than Peace: and what danger we should be in from those People, if they knew the Capitol was besieged 'tis better for us to guess by what's past, than make an experiment of it.

XX The Consuls Speech excited the People, and the Senate were thereby so incouraged, that they thought the Commonwealth restored to its former state. The other Consul was a warmer assistant to him than he was an author of the whole enterprize; and though he freely suffer­ed his Collegue to be the first actor in such a weighty affair, yet he also did what became him as a Consul. Then the Tribunes jeering him, as though he had spoken very foolishly, went on, and asked, How the Consuls would draw forth their Army, when no Man would suffer them to make a Levy? We, said Quintius, have no need to make a Levy; for when P. Valerius put the People in Arms to retake the Capitol, they all swore they would rendezvous at the Consuls command, and would not depart without his Order: wherefore we require you all, that took such an Oath, to come to morrow Armed to the Lake Regillus. Then the Tribunes began to cavil; and would fain have discharged the People from their Religious Obligation; saying, that Quintius was but a private Person at that time when they were bound by that Oath. But People did not then slight the gods so much, as now adays they do: nor did every Man make his Oath and the Laws comply with his Inclinations by a Sophistical Interpretation of them, but rather accom­modated his own actions to them. The Tribunes therefore, having no hopes to hinder the expedition, began to consult how they might defer it: and that so much the more, because it was reported, That the Augurs were ordered to attend at the Lake Regillus; and that a certain place was hallowed, where they might treat with the People in a solemn and a Religious manner: that whatsoever at Rome had been preferred as a Law, by the Power of the Tribunes, should be abrogated in the Assembly there: that all People would comply with the Consuls; there being no Ap­peal to be brought above a thousand paces from the City: and that the Tribunes, if they came thither, must be subject to the Command of the Consuls, like other Romans. These things frighted them; but that which terrified them most, was, that Quintius often said, He would not hold a Con­sular Assembly; the City was not troubled with such a Distemper, as that the usual Remedies would heal it: the Commonwealth had need of a Dictator, that whosoever gave any disturbance to the City, might know a Dictatorship admitted of no Appeal.

XXI The Senate was in the Capitol; and thither the Tribunes came with the dissatisfied Com­monalty; who, with great clamors implored sometimes the Patronage of the Consuls, and otherwhiles that of the Senate. But they prevailed not upon the Consuls, before the Tribunes promised that they would be ruled by the Senate. Whereupon the Consul declaring the de­sires of the Tribunes and the People, there was a Decree made to this purpose: That the Tri­bunes should not propose the making of any Law that Year, nor should the Consuls lead the Army out [Page 75] of the City: and for the rest, the Senate thought, it was against the Interest of the Commonwealth for those Magistrates to be continued, or the same Tribunes chosen again for the next Year. The Consuls were governed by the Senate, but the same Tribunes were continued though the Consuls withstood it. Wherefore the Senate also, being unwilling to be outdone by the Peo­ple, made L. Quintius Consul for the next Year again. Nor was there any thing that whole Year which the Consul said more vehement than this: Can I wonder, grave Fathers! if your Authority be slighted by the People? You your selves make light of it; for you, because the People have broken a Decree of Senate by continuing of Magistrates, your selves do the same thing, lest you should come behind them in folly and imprudence: as though it were an argument of more Power in a City, to be guilty of more levity, and take a greater freedom than ordinary: for indeed it is a more light and foolish action to abrogate our own Decrees than those of others. You, Fathers! imitate the unthinking rabble: and you who should give others good example, will rather offend by your pattern than make them do well by yours; whilst I am resolved, for fear of imitating the Tribunes, I will not be declared Consul contrary to a Decree of Senate. I likewise advise you, Caius Claudius! that you also restrain the People of Rome in this particular; and as for me, assure your self, I will take it so kindly, that I will not think my Honour impaired by you, but my Glory for refusing Honour augmented; besides, that the envy, which by the continuation of it would accrue, will be the less. Thereupon they both put forth an Edict; That no Man should chuse L. Quintius Consul; if any did, they would not give any heed to such a Vote.

Then Q. Fabius Vibulanus and L. Cornelius Maluginensis (the former a third time) were XXII made Consuls. In whose Year there was a Poll: but it was repugnant to their Religion, see­ing that the Capitol was taken, and the Consul slain, to make a Lustration. When there­fore Q. Fabius and L. Cornelius were Consuls, there were Commotions in the very beginning of their Year, for the Tribunes incited the People; the Latins and the Hernici brought news of a great War from the Volsci and the Aequi: that the Volscian Legions were already at Antium: which Colony they were in great fear would Revolt: upon which score the Tribunes with much ado consented to the War. Then the Consuls divided the Provinces between them: Fabius being ordered to lead the Legions to Antium, and Cornelius to stay as a Guard to Rome, lest any part of the Enemies (according to the custom of the Aequi) should come to pil­lage the Country. The Hernici and the Latins were ordered to supply their Quota of Men by vertue of a League; and the Army was two parts of it Allies, and the third Romans. The Allies therefore being come at the day appointed, the Consul pitched his Camp without the Gate called Porta Capena: where having purged the Army, he went to Antium, near which he sate down not far from the Enemy. There seeing the Volsci, because the Army was not yet come from the Aequi durst not fight, but were making Provisions to secure themselves within their Bulwark, the next day Fabius formed, not one mixt Army of Romans and Al­lies together, but three separate ones of the several People, of which he commanded the middlemost consisting of the Roman Legions. Then he ordered them all to observe the com­mon signal, that the Allies too might fall on, and come off again at the same time, if a Re­treat were sounded; placing the Ho [...]se to the Reerward of each Body. Thus having put himself into this triple posture he surrounded the Camp, and being very sharp upon them on all sides, the Volsci were not able to sustein the shock, and therefore we [...]e forced down from their Bulwark. By which means getting over the Fortifications, he drave the fearful crowd, who were bent all one way, out of the Camp: and so, as they were making all speed to get away, the Horse, who could not well climb over the Mounds, but were spectators only of what was done, having gotten them in a spacious Plain, enjoyed a share of the Victory by killing the affrighted Enemies. For there was a great slaughter of those that fled both in the Camp and without the Works too: but the Plunder was more, because the Enemy could hardly take away with them so much as their Arms, and the whole Army had been utterly destroyed, if the Woods had not proved a refuge to them in their flight.

Whilst these things passed at Antium, the Aequi in the mean while, having sent the flower XXIII of their Youth before them, surprized the Castle of Tusculum in the night time; sitting down with the rest of their Army not far from the Walls of the Town, with design to breadthen and dissipate the Enemies Forces. Which news being told at Rome, and coming from thence to the Camp at Antium, made the Romans as much concerned as if the Capitol had been said to have been taken; not only because the Tusculans had deserved well of them so late­ly, but also for the very resemblance of the danger which seemed to challenge their assistance. Fabius therefore omitting all things else, conveyed the Booty as fast as possible out of the Camp to Antium: where having left a small Guard, he made all the haste he could with his Army to Tusculum; who were permitted to carry nothing along with them, save only their Arms, and what Bread or Meat they had ready dressed; though in the mean time Consul Cornelius sent them Provisions from Rome. So for some Months they were engaged at Tus­culum; before which Place the Consul with part of his Army attacked the Camp of the Aequi, but gave the other part to the Tusculans to regain their Castle withall; for he could never get into that by force. But at length Famin made the Enemy remove from thence: whereby being reduced to extreme necessity, they were all sold by the Tusculans for Slaves, disarmed, and naked: whom, as they were ignominiously flying home, the Roman Consul [Page 76] overtook in Algidum, and killed every Man. Being now Victorious, he pitched his Camp at Columen (a Towns name) where he received his Men again: and the other Consul when the Enemy was now beaten from the Walls of Rome, and the danger over, went himself also from Rome. So the Consuls going two several ways into the Enemies Confines, did the Volsci on the one hand, and the Aequi on the other, a great deal of mischief. The same Year also, I find in many Authors, that the Antians Revolted; but that L. Cornelius managed that War, and took the Town, I dare not affirm, because there is no mention of it among the more an­cient Authors.

XXIV When this War was ended, another at home with the Tribunes put the Senate in a fright; for they cryed out, It was a cheat to keep the Army abroad so, and nothing but a trick to hinder their Law from passing: yet for all that they would go through with what they had undertaken. But notwithstanding, P. Lucretius, Prefect of the City, prevailed so far, that the Tribunes complaints were deferred 'till the coming of the Consuls: about which time, there arose also a new cause of Commotion. A. Cornelius and Q. Servilius being Questors, had appointed a day to Try Volscius, for that, without doubt, he was a false Witness against Caeso; there being very good evidence to prove not only, that Volscius's Brother was never seen abroad after he once fell sick, but also, that he never recovered of his Distemper, but having languished under it for many Months, at last died of the same: nor was Caeso ever seen at Rome all that time, in which Volscius had sworn he was there: for several of his fellow Soldiers came in and testified, He was with them all the while in the Wars without any furlow: which if Vol­scius denyed, there were a great many who privately offered him to name an impartial Judg. When therefore he refused to go to his Tryal, all those circumstances agreeing together, made Vol­scius's Condemnation as certain as that of Caeso against whom he had been a Witness. But the Tribunes put off the Tryal, by saying, They would not suffer the Questors to call an Assem­bly for the Trying of a Criminal, unless they had another first about their Law: so both Causes were deferred 'till the arrival of the Consuls. Who when they came in Triumph with their Victorious Army into the City, many People believed, because there was no talk of the Law, that the Tribunes were disheartened. But they (it being now the latter end of their Year) desiring to be a fourth time chosen Tribunes, turned the dispute concerning the Law into a debate about Assemblies. In which though the Consuls were as hot against the continuation of the Tribuneship, as if the Law to diminish their Power had been preferred, yet the Tri­bunes carried it. The same Year the Aequi had a Peace granted them upon their Petition: and the Poll, which began the Year before, was now made an end of, that Lustrum [or surveying of the People] being the tenth from the time that the City was first Built. The Rate laid upon the Citizens came to one hundred thirty two thousand four hundred and nine Sesterces. In that Year the Consule gained great honour both at home and abroad, in that they not only made Peace with their Enemies, and reduced the City, though not to a perfect Concord, yet into such a state, that it was less mutinous than before.

XXV Then L. Minutius and C. Nautius, being made Consuls, undertook the two omitted Causes U. C. 294 of the precedent Year. In which the Consuls strove as much to obstruct the Law, as the Tri­bunes to hinder the Tryal of Volscius: but the Power and Authority of the new Questors was now greater. For that Year M. Valerius, the Son of Valerius, and Grandson of Volesus, was Questor with T. Quintius Capitolinus, who had been thrice Consul: and he, because he saw Caeso, a Noble Youth, was utterly lost both to the Quintian Family, and the Commonwealth, was justly very zealous to persecute the false Witness, who had not suffered the innocent Man so much as to make his own defence. When Virginius on the other side was most importunate of all the Tribunes to pass the Law; the Consuls had two Months given them to consider of it, that when they had shewn the People the Cheat which was designed in it, they might then safely permit them to Vote: and this interval, which was allowed, made all things quiet in the City. But the Aequi did not suffer them to be long at rest; for they b [...]oke the League which they made the Year before with the Romans, and chose Gracchus Cluilius, who was the greatest Man at that time among them, their, General. Under whose Command they came into the Lavican and then into the Tusculan Fields in an Hostile manner, and having loaded them­selves with Plunder, pitched their Camp in Algidum. To which Camp Q. Fabius, P. Volum­nius, and A. Posthumius came as Embassadors from Rome, to complain of the injuries they had done, and to demand their Goods back again according to the League: but the General of the Aequi bid them tell their Message from the Roman Senate to the Oak, and he would mind something else in the mean time (Now that was a great Oak that grew over his Tent, and made it very shady.) Then one of the Embassadors, as he was going away, cryed out, Let this sa­cred Oak, and all the gods take notice that you have broken the League; for which reason, I beseech them not only to hear our present complaints, but to assist our Arms also, when we shall revenge the violation of Laws at once both Divine and Humane. When the Embassadors came back to Rome, the Senate ordered one of the Consuls to lead their Army against Gracchus into Algidum; in­joyning the other to Pillage the Confines of the Aequi. In the mean time the Tribunes, as they used to do, endeavoured to hinder the Levy; and it may be they totally obstructed it, had not a fresh terror surprized them.

There came a vast number of Sabines, who Plundered all the Country even almost to the XXVI very Walls of the City; the Fields being all Ravaged, and the City put into a fright. Then the common People were glad to take up Arms, though the Tribunes were never so much against it; and two great Armies were raised; whereof Nautius led the one against the Sabines; and having pitched his Camp at Eretum, with small Parties, and inroads made for the most part in the night time, did so much damage to the Sabines Country, that compared to that the Roman Territories seemed as it were untouched. In the mean time Minucius had neither the same Fortune, nor Courage to carry on the War; for having pitched his Camp not far from the Enemy, he kept within it for fear, though he had received no very great loss of Men. Which when the Enemy perceived, their boldness was augmented (as it usually happens) by another Mans fear; and therefore having attacked his Camp in the night time, against which they found that open force did little good, the next day they enclosed it quite round with Counter­works: which before they had blocked up all the Passes, five Troopers, sent out through the Enemies Guards, carryed news to Rome, That the Consul and his Army were Besieged. Than which nothing could have happened so surprizing or unlooked for: wherefore they were in such a fear and trembling condition, as if the Enemy had Besieged the City, not the Camp; They therefore sent for Consul Nautius, who being little able to help them, they had a mind to make a Dictator, who might recover them out of their present evil circumstances: and so by general consent L. Quintius Cincinnatus was pitched upon to be the Man. 'Tis pleasant to hear some Men talk, who contemn all things belonging to Mankind in comparison to riches, nor think any Man deserves honour, or can be brave, who has not a great deal of Mony; when at the same time, L. Quintius, the sole hope of the Roman Government, himself manu­red a Field of four Acres (called Prata Quintia) beyond the Tiber, over against that place, where now the Dock is. Where being found by the Embassadors either making a Ditch with a Spade in his hand, or a Plowing, or about some other Country work; after they had salu­ted him, and he returned their Complement, being desired by them (for his own good, they hoped, as well as that of the Commonwealth) to put on his Gown and hear what the Senates Message to him was, he stared upon them, and asking, Whether all things were well? bad his Wife Racilia fetch his Gown with all speed out of their Cottage; with which being Cloath­ed, he wiped off the dust and sweat from his face and went forth to them. Whereupon they saluted him as Dictator, wishing him Joy of the Office; told him he was sent for into the City, and what a fright the Army was in. There was a Boat prepared for him at the publick charge, and when he came over the River, his three Sons met him, together with other Re­lations and Friends of his, and the major part of the Senate; with which Retinue being attended, and with the Lictors before him, he was carryed to his House, where there was a great concourse of the People. But they were not at all pleased to see Quintius, because he had born too many great Offices, and was a very vehement Man in his Place. That night there­fore they sate up 'till morning.

The next day the Dictator coming into the Forum before it was light, made L. Tarquitius, XXVII a Man of Patrician Birth, Magister Equitum [Master of the Horse] who though he had been a Foot Soldier because he was poor, yet was accounted the best Warriour of all the young Men in Rome. Then coming to the Assembly with the Master of the Horse, he or­dered an intermission of Judicial proceedings, commanded all the Shops in the whole City to be shut up, and forbad the doing of any private business. After which, He required all that were fit for Military Service to come with Arms, Provisions for five days, and twelve Palli­sadoes a Man before Sun-setting, into the Campus Martius: and those who were not fit for War he ordered to Prepare and Cook the Meat for the neighbouring Soldiers, whilst he got himself ready and looked out for his Pallisadoes. This made the young men run about to look for Stakes, which they took where-ever they found them: for no Man was to hinder, but immediately they were all ready according to the Dictators Order. Then having put the Army into such a posture, that it was as ready for fighting as marching (if occasion had been) the Dicta­tor himself led the Legions, and the Master of the Horse his Horse. Both Armies were en­couraged according to the nature of their circumstances; being desired, to make haste, for the affair required their speed, that they might come to the Enemy in the night: and being told that the Roman Consul and Army was Besieged, having been so for these three days; and that it was uncertain what each day or night might produce: that the greatest and most momentous affairs de­pended many times upon a minute: wherewithal they cryed out, Make haste Ensign, and march on Sold [...]ers! which words the Army also, in complaisance to their Commanders, repeated. So at midnight they came to Algidum, and there perceiving the Enemy was pretty near, set up their Standard.

Then the Dictator (as well as he could see in the night time) riding round to view the XXVIII Situation and form of their Camp, Commanded the Tribunes of the Soldiers, To order all the Baggage to be carried into one place, and then that the Soldiers should return with their Arms and Pallisadoes into their Ranks; which was accordingly done. And then, in the same po­sture as he Travelled, he drew all his Army in a long Train round the Enemies Camp, com­manding them all to hollow when he gave the signal: which when they had done, that each Man should make a Trench before himself, and set up his Pallisado. Whereupon when the Di­ctator [Page 78] gave the word, the signal was given; the Soldiers did as they were bidden, and a great noise rung all round the Enemies; nay, going beyond the Enemies Camp, it went as far as the Consuls, in which it created not only great fear but as much joy also. For the Romans thought it was the clamour of their Countrymen, and congratula [...]g each other that they had aid so near, straight scared the Enemy from their Guards and Watches. The Consul there­fore told them, They must not delay time; for that noise signified not only the approach of their friends, but that they had begun the attack, and that it would be very strange if they were not then attempting the outside of the Enemies Camp: wherefore he bad his Men stand to their Arms and f [...]l­low him. The Battel began in the night, the Dictators Legions giving notice by their cla­mour, that they on that side also put the Foe in great jeopardy. By this time the Aequi endea­voured to hinder the Romans from making of works quite round them, but the Enemy within having made an effort, they were forced to turn their Arms from those who were raising Works without, to those that were fighting on the inside, lest they should make an eruption through the middle of their Camp; by which means, the Dictator had time all night to perfect his Design. They fought therefore with the Consul 'till day; but assoon as it was light, being blocked up round by the Dictator, could hardly sustein the shock of one Army. Then the Quintian Forces, who immediately after they had done their Work, took up their Arms again, invaded the Bulwark, and began a new Fight, whilst the former continued as hot as before. Whereupon the Aequi being sore pressed on both sides, betook them, instead of fighting, to praying, and begged of the Dictator on the one side, and of the Consul on the other, That they would not place the Victory in the slaughter of their men, but let them go thence without their Arms. But they were ordered to go from the Consul to the Dictator, who being inraged, imposed this ignominy upon them, That he would have Gracchus, and all their chief Officers brought to him bound; and that they should quit the Town of Corbio: for he did not stand in need of Aequian blood; but they might depart; though they should be publickly sold, to let the World see, their Na­tion was utterly subdued and vanquished. The manner of selling their Prisone [...]s of War, was by setting up three Spears, two or them erected; and the third across, like a Gallows, under which [which was called Jugum] the Dictator made the Aequi pass.

XXIX Having taken the Enemies Camp, which was full of all sorts of Provisions (for he sent them forth naked) he gave all the Booty to his own Soldiers only, and blamed the Consuls Army as well as himself, saying, You shall go without the spoils of that Enemy, to whom you had like to have been your selves a prey: and thou, L. Minucius! 'till thou hast the Soul and Courage of a Consul, shalt be only a Lieutenant in these Legions. So Lucius quitted his Consulship, and stayed with the Army according to the Dictators Order. But nevertheless the excellent Con­duct of the Dictator so far obliged them to obedience, that the Army being more mindful of his kindness, than of the ignominy which he laid upon them, not only agreed to give him a Golden Crown of a pound weight, but when he Marched away, saluted him by the name of Patron. When he came to Rome, Q. Fabius, then Prefect of the City, having called a Senate, gave order that Quintius, with his Army, should enter the City with Triumph: the chief Officers of the Enemies being led before his Chariot, their Military Ensigns carried before him; and the Army following laden with spoils. At which time, they say, there were Feasts prepared before every House, and those that partook thereof followed his Cha­riot with Songs of Triumph and solemn Sports, like Men that are at merry makings. The same day also, L. Mamilius Tusculanus was made free of the City by gene al consent and ap­probation: and the Dictator had then laid down his Office, if it had not been for the As­sembly in which M. Volscius the false Witness was to be Tryed, which the Tribunes were not­able to hinder, for fear of the Dictator. Volscius being condemned, went and lived in Ba­nishment at Lanuvium; and Quintius the sixteenth day after he was made Dictator, for six Months withdrew himself from that Dignity. In which time Consul Nautius fought very bravely against the Sabines at Eretum; where besides the pillaging of their Country, the Sa­bines received a great loss of Men. Q. Fabius was made Successor to Minucius and sent into Algidum; and in the end of that Year the Tribunes began to talk of their Law: but because the two Armies were absent, though the Senate so far prevailed, that no Law should be pro­posed before the People, yet the Commons were so powerful as to Create the same Tribunes again the fifth time. They say, there were Wolves seen in the Capitol chased by Dogs; for which Prodigy, the Capitol was lustrated [i. e. purged by Sacrifice:] and these are the transactions of that Year.

XXX The next Consuls were Q. Minucius and C. Horatius Pulvillus: in the beginning of whose U. C. 295 Year, though they had Peace abroad, yet at home Seditions sprung from the same Tribunes and the same Law: which had proceeded much farther (so hot their fury was) had not the news come, as it were designedly, that the Garrison at Corbi was lost by an Assault of the Aequi, made in the night time. Thereupon the Consuls called a Senate, in which they were ordered to raise an Army with all speed, and lead it into Algidum. By which means they laid aside their Debate concerning the Law, and raised a new contest touching the Levy: in which the Power of the Consuls was out-done by the assistance of the Tribunes, besides ano­ther fear which then also came upon them: For it was reported, That an Army of Sabines was come down into the Roman Territories for Plunder, and were advancing from thence toward the [Page 79] City. Which dreadful Message so scared them, that the Tribunes permitted the Soldiers to be raised, though not without this condition; That seeing they themselves had been fooled for five years together, and that would be but a small security to the People, there should be ten Tribunes made for the time to come. To which, necessity compelled the Senate to agree: only with this exception, or proviso, That they should never chuse the same Tribunes twice together. Where­fore the Tribunes (lest that, as well as other things, should be made void after the War was over) immediately called an Assembly; and in the thirty sixth Year from the time, that the first Tribunes of the People were made, chose ten Tribunes: two out of each Classis; and so they ordained them to be afterward elected. Then having made their Levy, Minucius went against the Sabines, but found not the Enemy; whilst Horatius engaged the Aequi in Algidum, who, having slain all the Garison at Corbio, had now taken Ortona also: There he killed a great many Men, and drove the Enemy not only out of Algidum, but from Cor­bio and Ortona also, the former of which places he likewise demolished for betraying the Garison.

Then M. Valerius and Sp. Virginius were made Consuls: in whose time there was Peace XXXI both at home and abroad, but they wanted Provisions by reason of the illness of their Waters. U. C. 296 There was a Law made for dividing the Aventine Mount among the People; and the same U. C. 297 Tribunes were chosen again; who, the Year following, when T. Romilius and C. Veturius were Consuls, extolled their Law in all their Assembles, and said, They were ashamed of their num­ber, which was augmented to no purpose, if that affair must lye in their two years continuance, as it had done all the five years before. But whilst they were so busie in these matters, there came sad news from Tusculum, That the Aequi were in the Country about that place. Whereupon the late merit of that People made the Romans ashamed to defer their assistance; and therefore both the Consuls being sent with the Army found the Enemy posted in Algidum. There then they fell on fighting, and having killed above 7000 of the Enemies, put the rest to flight, and got a great Booty; which, because the Treasury was exhausted, the Consuls sold. But that made the Army hate them, and gave the Tribunes an occasion to accuse them before the People. Wherefore, when they went out of their Office, in the time that Sp. Tarpeius, and A. Haterius were Consuls, were summoned to their Tryal, Romilius by C. Claudius Cicero, U. C. 298 Tribune of the People, and Veturius by L. Alienus, Aedile of the People, and both of them condemned, to the great grief of the Senate, Romilius in 6750, and Veturius in 1125 pounds. But this Calamity of these former Consuls did not make the following Consuls any thing slacker in their Duty: but they said, They might indeed be condemned as those two had been, yet the People and the Tribunes could not pass their Law. Then throwing aside the Law, which had been so long talked of, the Tribunes applied themselves to the Senate with more civili­ty, and told them, That they would at last put an end to all their Debates; and if the Plebeian Laws displeased them, desired they would suffer such Law-makers to be chosen out of the People and the Senate too, as might equally study the benefit and liberty of both sides. The Senate did not contemn the Proposal, but said, No Man should propose a Law, unless he were a Senator. So then, having agreed of Laws, their only difference was about a Law-giver. Wherefore they sent Embassadors to Athens, whose names were Sp. Posthumius Albus, A Manlius, and P. Sulpitius Camerinus, commanding them to Transcribe the famous Laws of Solon, and to observe the Institutions, Customs and Manners of other Grecian Cities.

This Year was quiet from all foreign Wars, but the next, in which P. Horatius and Sext. U. C. 299 Quintilius were Consuls, was much more peaceable in that the Tribunes were all the time silent. But that was occasioned first by their expectation of the Embassadors that were gone to Athens, and of the Foreign Laws which they should bring back; and afterward by two extraordinary Calamities which befell them, that is to say, a Famin and a Pestilence, which was fatal both to Man and Beast, the Fields being laid waste, the City exhausted with dai­ly Funerals, and many great Families in Mourning. To which you may add, that the Fla­men Quirinalis [i. e. the chief Priest concerned in Sacrifices to Romulus] whose name was Ser. Cornelius, was dead, and the Augur C. Horatius Pulvillus too, into whose place the other Augurs chose C. Veturius, so much the rather, for that he had been Condemned by the Peo­ple: At which time Consul Quintilius was also dead, and four Tribunes of the People; for that Year was defiled by a great Mortality, though they were free from disturbance by any Enemy. Then C. Menenius, and P. Sestius Capitolinus were Consuls; in whose time though U. C. 300 there was not any Foreign War, yet there were stirs at home. And now the Embassadors were come back with the Attick Laws; which made the Tribunes the more urgent to have Laws drawn up. In order whereunto, they thought fit to make a sort of Officers called Decemviri without any Appeal, and so, as there should be no other Magistrate that Year. In that the doing of which, whether the Commons should be permitted to have any share was for some time disputed; but at last it was wholly referred to the Senate, provided they should not abrogate the Icilian Law concerning the Mount Aventine, or any of the sacred Laws, touching the Authority of the Tribunes.

In the three hundred and first Year therefore after the Building of Rome, the form of their XXXIII Government was again altered, the Sovereign Power being translated from Consuls to De­cemviri, U. C. 301 as it had been formerly from Kings to Consuls. But this change was less signal, be­cause [Page 80] not lasting. For the joyful beginning of that Magistracy was too luxuriant, and there­fore it fell the sooner to decay; insomuch that the People desired, The Name and Authority of Consuls might be given to two persons again. But then the Decemviri were Created, whose names were Ap. Claudius, T. Genutius, P. Sestius, S. Veturius, C. Julius A. Manlius, Serv. Sulpicius, P. Horatius, T. Romilius, and Sp. Postumius. Of whom Claudius and Genutius were made amends for the Honour of Consulship, which that Year they were designed to have had by this other honourable Office, and so likewise was Sestius, one of the Consuls the Year be­fore, for having referred that matter to the Senate against his Collegues consent. Next to whom were the three Embassadors that went to Athens, but that, not only to reward them with Honour for their long Embassy, but because the Romans believed, they being well skil­led in Foreign Laws would be Men wery useful in making of new ones. As for the rest, they only filled up the number: of whom they say, That they were very old Men, and chosen last, that they might not too pertly thwart the Orders or Proposals of the others. But the command of the whole Magistracy was in Appius only, through the favour of the People: for he had so changed his disposition, that he was grown a very Poplicola [i. e. a Courter of the People] all on the sudden, and mighty ambitious of popular applause, instead of being (what he once was) a violent and severe Persecutor of them. Every tenth day they each of them in their turns administred Justice to the People: on which day he who was the chief Justice for that time had twelve Lictors [or Serjeants] and the other nine of his Collegues had each of them one under Officer, called Accensus, to attend him. But there was an exact agreement be­tween themselves (which might sometimes prove disadvantageous to private Persons) though the highest equity in respect of others at the same time. To shew their moderation, 'twill be enough if I give you but this one example of it. Though they were Created without Appeal; yet when a dead Corps, that was buried in the House of one P. Sestius, a Patrician, was found out, and brought forth into the publick Assembly, C. Julius, being the Decemvir in that case, which was as manifest as heinous, appointed Sestius a day for Tryal, and was his Accuser be­fore the People, though he himself was the lawful Judg of it; foregoing his own right, and making an addition to the Peoples Liberty, by what he diminished from the Authority of his own Office.

XXXIV This way of adminishing Justice so incorruptly, as from an Oracle, both rich and poor took great notice of; and then they applied themselves to making of Laws: in which af­fair having raised the Peoples expectation to a pitch, by shewing them the ten Tables, they summoned the Commons to an Assembly; where wishing all happiness and prosperity to the Commonwealth, themselves, and their Children, they bad them go and read the Laws proposed; for they (as much as ten Men were capable to do) had made such Laws as were equitable and agreeable both to the highest and the lowest rank of Men: but they knew the understanding and advice of the People might make some addition to them. Wherefore they desired them to weigh every part of them, and to discourse with one another about it, producing their Reasons for what was too much or too little in any case. For the Roman People should have such Laws, as the general consent of all the People might not seem to have passed, when they were preferred so much, as to have pre­ferred them. When therefore the People had conferred concerning each Article of those Laws, and found them correct enough, they were confirmed in the Assembly, called Co­mitia Centuriata, by the Name of the Laws of the ten Tables; being to this day even amidst such an heap of other Laws, which have been made one upon another, the fountain of all publick and private Justice. But then there was a rumour spread abroad, That there were two Tables wanting; which if they were added, the Body, as it were, of the whole Roman Law would be compleat. Which expectation, when the day of the Assembly drew nigh, made them have a mind to make the same Decemviri again. For the People, besides that they hated the name of Consuls as much as that of Kings, did not so much as seek after the Tribunes assistance, because the Decemviri allowed one another to hear any great Cause over again, as if they had granted an Appeal.

XXXV But when the Assembly for chusing of the Decemviri was appointed to be holden 27 days after, there arose such a general ambition among Men, that the very Heads of the City (for fear, I suppose, lest if they should not take it, some mean unworthy fellows would get the possession of that great Honour and Authority) went about to beg Votes, and humbly sued for Honour, which they themselves with all their industry impugned, from that People, with whom they had before contended. Now therefore his dignity being in danger, his being at that Age, and having enjoyed such Honours, so netled Ap. Claudius, that you could not tell whether you ought to have reckoned him among the Decemviri or the Candidates; for he sometimes look'd more like to one that stood for, than one that bore an Office: being used to accuse the Nobility, but extoll even the slightest and meanest of the Candidates, and running into the Forum through the midst of the Duilians and Icilians, to recommend himself by them to the People: 'till such time as his Collegues, who at that time extremely devoted to him, turn­ing their eyes upon him, admired what his design was, and thought there was no sincerity in him; for they said, His courtesie could not be without some end, in him especially who was a person of so much pride: that he submitted and debased himself too much, and that to converse so much with private Persons was not the part of a Man who was hastening to quit an Office, as of [Page 81] one that sought out means to continue it. But yet not daring to withstand his ambition with open force, they endeavoured to defeat him by a seeming compliance and respect: for they consented to put him, though he was the youngest of them, upon holding the Assembly. But their design was, to hinder him from chusing himself, which besides the Tribunes of the People (who in that shewed a very ill example) no man had ever done. Whereupon he, in good time, he hoped, declaring, that he was to hold the Assembly, made that his opportunity which they intended as an obstruction: and having at the meeting degraded the two Quin­tii (Capitolinus and Cincinnatus) with his Uncle C. Claudius, a most constant defender of the Nobility, besides some others of the best Citizens, created Decemviri much inferior to them, of which himself was the first: which action all good Men so disapproved, that they did not believe he would have dared to do it. With him were chosen M. Cornelius Maluginensis, U. C. 302 M. Sergius, L. Minucius, Q. Fabius Vibulanus, Q. Paetilius, T. Antonius Merenda, Caeso Duilius, Sp. Oppius Cornicen, and Man. Rabuleius.

That was the last time that Appius took upon him the guise of another Man; beginning XXXVI from thence forward to live like himself, and to make his new Collegues even before they were got into their places, conform to his own manners. In order whereunto they met every day where no body was by to hear them; and there being inspired with tyrannical designs, which they in secret hatched, they now began to shew their pride, being very seldom accessible, and difficult to be spoken withall, 'till they brought the matter to bearing upon the Ides of May, which at that time was the solemn time for Magistrates to enter upon their Offices. They therefore at the beginning of that Magistracy made the first day of their Honour very signal by the denunciation of great terror to the People: for whereas the former Decemviri had al­ways used to have the Fasces singly, and that Ensign of Sovereignty went round to them all in their turns, they presently appeared each one with twelve Fasces [i. e. bundles of Rods with Axes in the middle of them] an hundred and twenty Lictors filling the Forum, with Rods and Axes bound up in them. Nor would they keep their Axes at home [but shew them publick­ly] since they were chosen without Appeal. Insomuch that they look'd like so many Kings; which multiplied the fears not only of the meanest sort of Men, but even the best of the Senate, who thought they had a mind to find some pretence and occasion for slaughter; so that if any one either of the Senators or the People spoke but a word concerning Liberty, the Rods and Axes might be made ready for a terror to others. For besides that the People had no security, now that their Appeal was taken away, they had by consent abolished that practice also of refer­ring matters, for a second hearing, to one another: though the former Decemviri had per­mitted the Judgments by them given to be corrected by their Collegues: yea, had referred some things to the People, of which they themselves were the proper Judges. Wherefore for some time all People were possessed with equal fears; which by degrees were all concentred in the Commons. For they medled not with the Senators, but were very extravagant and cruel in their designs against the meaner sort of Men. Nor did they at all consider the cause, but the Man; but such Magistrates, as set up favour in the room of equity. For they contri­ved their determinations at home, and only pronounced them in the Forum. If any one ap­pealed to a Collegue, he went away from him, that he came to, repenting that he had not stood to the Decree of the former. There was also a report (though no body knew the Au­thor of it) that they had not only conspired to do great mischief at the present, but had made a private agreement and sworn to it among themselves, that they would not hold any publick Assemblies; but would make themselves a perpetual Decemvirate by keeping that power in their hands which they were then possessed of.

Thereupon the Commons began to look into the Senators faces, to see if they could find XXXVII any hopes of Liberty from them, whom they had so much feared would be the Authors of their Slavery, as to reduce the Commonwealth into its present state. But the chief of the Senate all hated both the Decemviri and the People; and though they did not approve of what was done, yet they thought the Commons deserved it; nor would they assist such Men, as running headlong after Liberty had met with slavery instead on't. Yea, they did heap upon them all the injuries they could, to the end, that through the uneasiness of their pre­sent condition, they might be brought at length to desire two Consuls and the former state of things again. By this time the great part of the Year was gone, and two Tables of Laws were added to the ten, set up the Year before: nor was there any thing now remaining, if those Laws were once confirmed, to make that Magistracy necessary in the Commonwealth, and People expected, that an Assembly should be suddenly held for the creating of two Con­suls. But the Commons chief care was, how they should restore the Power of the Tribunes, that fence of Liberty, which had been so long broken down; whilst in the mean time there was no talk of any Assembly, and the Decemviri, who at first were attended by none but such as favoured the Tribunes (because that was popular and grateful to the Commons) had gotten a Retinue of Patrician Youths about them, who stood in Troops all round the Tribunals. These Men committed what violence they pleased upon the Persons and Estates of the Commons; since fortune (whatsoever they desired) was of the stronger side. Now therefore they absteined not even from corporal punishments; some being beaten with the Rods, and others beheaded with the Ax; which cruelty lest it should seem undeserving, the [Page 82] Estates of them that suffered were made to follow their possessors punishment. By which re­ward the young Nobility being corrupted, would not only not resist the Tyranny of the De­cemviri, but also publickly shewed, that they desired to enjoy their own licentious humour, more than the Liberty of the People.

XXXVIII The Ides of May were now come, but no new Magistrates being chosen, those same Per­sons (though private Men, and not Decemviri) usurping as much authority as ever they did, came forth into the publick with all the Ensigns of Honour. That look'd so like a Kingly Government, that the People lamented the loss of their Liberty which they were never like to regain; for they neither had any present view or future prospect of one to vindicate them. Nor did they only despond among themselves, but began to be contemned by their Neigh­bours also, who could not endure to see those People Govern, who themselves had lost their Liberty. Wherefore the Sabines made an incursion into the Roman Territories with a great Army; and having pillaged the Country far and near (from whence they had driven great numbers of Men and Beasts without any molestation) they mustered up their stragling For­ces, and pitched their Camp at Eretum: placing all their hopes in the discord at Rome, which they supposed would be a stop to any new Levies. Whereupon not only Messengers, but the Country folks themselves running about the City possessed the People with fear: the De­cemviri consulted what they had best do, whilst Fortune also added new terror to their du­bious circumstances, who between the hatred of the Senate and the People were already de­stitute of any means to help themselves. For the Aequi pitched their Camp on the other side in Algidum; from whence, Embassadors out of Tusculum came, and brought news, that they made excursions and plundered the Tusculan Fields, desiring the Romans to assist them. But such a fear seized upon the Decemviri, that seeing two Enemies lay round the City, they were forced to consult the Senate. Wherefore they ordered the Senators to be sum­moned, though they were not ignorant what a storm of env [...] was coming upon them; sup­posing, That the Senate would lay all the guilt of the Countries being pillaged, and the imminent dangers in which the City was, at their door; and that then the Senate would attempt to abolish their Magistracy, if they did not unanimously resist it, and by being severe upon some few bold men pre­vent the endeavours of others. When the Cryers voice was heard in the Forum, calling the Senate into the Court to the Decemviri, it was so strange a thing (for the [...] had long inter­mitted the custom of consulting the Senate) that the People wondered, what the matter was, or how they came to resume a thing which they had so long left off; saying, they might thank their Enemies, and even War it self, that any old custom was restored which had been usual in that once free City. Wherefore they began to look all about the Forum for Senators, but finding very few, they look'd toward the Senate-house, in which they saw none but the Decemviri (for the Decemviri themselves knew that their Authority was generally hated, and the Peo­ple thought the Senators did not meet, because no private Persons (as the Decemvi [...] then were) had Power to summon them;) wherefore they took this for a good opportunity to attempt the recovering of their Liberty, if the People should accompany the Senate, and as the Senators, though summoned, did not appear, so the People should withstand the Levy. Thus the People muttered: whilst there was hardly e're a Senator in the Forum, and but very few in the City; for the [...] were so disgusted at the management of affairs that the [...] were gone into the Coun­try; minding their own business only, but neglecting the publick; and thinking themselves so far out of harms way, as they could get from the conversation or sight of such T [...]ranni­cal Masters. They therefore not coming according to the Summons, the Decemviri sent their Officers all about to their several Houses, not only to distrain upon their Goods, but to enquire, Whether they staid away on purpose? But they brought answer back, That the Se­nators were in the Country. With which the Decemviri were better pleased, than if they had been at home, and refused to obey their Authority. Wherefore they ordered, that they should be all sent for, and appointed a Senate the day following: which being more numerous than was exspected, the People thought their Liberty was betrayed by the Senators, for that they appeared at the Summons of such Persons (who being out of Office, were no more, nor had no more Power than private Men, unless they used violence) as though they had cal­led them thither by Legal Authority.

XXXIX But though they came pretty readily into the Court, we hear they did not so easily sub­mit in giving their opinions there. For 'tis reported that L. Valerius Potitus, after Ap. Clau­dius had spoken, and before their opinions were desired, asking leave to say somewhat of the Commonwealth, the Decemviri with menaces forbad him; whereupon protesting he would go forth to the People, he went and raised a Tumult. M. Horatius Barbatus too was as fierce, they say, as he; calling them ten Tarquins, and putting them in mind that the Kings were banished by the Valerii and Horatii. Not that Men were then aweary of the Name of King (for it was a Title fit for Jove himself, and a stile given not only to Romulus the founder of their City, but to all the succeeding Kings, being yet also solemnly reteined among the Priests) but it was the pride and violence of a King which they hated. If then such vices were not tolerable either in their pre­sent King, or the Son of that King, who can brook them in so many private Men? Let them take heed, lest by forbidding Men to speak freely in the Senate-house they provoked them to make a noise when they were out of it. Nor could he see any reason, why he, though a private Man, might [Page 83] not as well assemble the People, as they the Senate. Whenever they pleased they might try how much harder it was to vindicate their Liberty, than for them to desire a continuation of their unjust Do­minion. They talk of a Sabine War, as if there could be any War more fatal to the Roman Peo­ple, than what they waged with them; who though they were made on purpose to establish Laws, had left no Law in the City: having abolished all Assemblies, annual Magistrates, and the turns of Governing, which was the only means to make all People equally free, yea, though they were pri­vate Men, had the Ensigns and Authority of Kings. There had been formerly, after the Kings were expelled, Magistrates made out of the Patricians, and after that (when the People separated themselves into the sacred Mount) out of the People too; desiring to know, which Order they were of. Of the People? What did they do with the Peoples advice or consent? Of the Nobility? Why had they not had a Senate then almost this whole Year; and now they had one, forbad any Man to speak in behalf of the Commonwealth? He therefore admonished them not to plaoe too much hopes in other folks fears; for Men now thought they suffered more than they feared.

Horatius having made this bold Speech, the Decemviri could not tell whether they should XL be angry or pleased, nor what would become of the business, 'till at last C. Claudius, who was Uncle to Appius the Decemvir, made a Speech more like a Petition, than an invective, or reprimend, desiring him, for his Brothers and Appius's Fathers sake, to remember that civil Society in which he was born, rather than that cursed League which he had made with his Col­legues: that he desired he would so do much more upon his own account than that of the publick. For the Commonwealth would have right done it, if not by Men of violence, at least by some body even against their wills: but that great quarrels commonly arise from great disputes, of which he dreaded the event. Now though the Decemviri forbad any Man to speak of any thing but what they had proposed, yet they could not in modesty interrupt Claudius; wherefore he made an end of his Speech, and told them he was of opinion, That no Decree of Senate ought then to be made. Which saying of his, all Men interpreted, as if he had look'd upon the Decemviri as private persons: for upon that score many Consular Men subscribed to what he declared. But there was another opinion amongst them, which though it seemed somewhat harsher, had less force in it; by which it was advised, that the Senators should meet and make an Interrex. For those that were of that opinion, by applying themselves to the Court in such a manner, acknowledg­ed some kind of authority in those that called that Senate, whereas the other party, who would have no Decree made at that time, had made them only private persons. By this means the Cause of the Decemviri growing weak, L. Cornelius Maluginensis, Brother to M. Cornelius the Decem­vir, being reserved, of all the Consular Men, on purpose to speak last, pretended a great concernment for the War, and took occasion thereby to defend his Brother and all his Col­legues; saying, He wondred how it should happen, that they who had sought after the Decemvirate so earnestly themselves, should either alone, or more than any others, oppose the Decemviri? Or how it came to pass, that though for so many months when the City was at quiet, no Man made any que­stion, whether they were legal Magistrates that had the sovereign Power in their hands, they should now engage in Civil Quarrels, when their Enemies were almost at their Gates; unless perhaps they thought, amidst such disturbances, it might not so well be discerned what they did. But he thought it not fair or just for any Man, now when their minds should be imployed with greater matters, to make any other thing the ground of delay to such a weighty affair. For his part he would agree, that whereas Valerius and Horatius pretended the Decemviri were out of their Office before the Ides of May, the Senate, when the Wars were over, and the Commonwealth at rest, should debate of it: and that even now Appius Claudius should so prepare himself as to give an account of that As­sembly, which he, being a Decemvir himself, held for the creating of the Decemviri; and should put it to the question, whether they were created for one year only, or for so long time 'till what Laws were lacking should be passed. But he thought best at present to omit all other things except the War: concerning which, if common same was false, and not only other Messengers, but even the Tusculan Embassadors also brought them wrong intelligence, they should send out Scouts, to find the certainty, and bring a true relation of it. But if they believed the Messengers and the Embassadors, they ought to make a Levy assoon as they could: and the Decemviri to lead the Armies where­ever they pleased, without any other cause to obstruct them.

The Junior Senators so over-voted the rest of the House as to make them comply with this XLI advice. Therefore Valerius and Horatius rising up again more vehement than before, cry­ed out, They would have leave to speak touching the Commonwealth; that they would speak to the People, if the Faction would not let them do so there: for no private persons could hinder them either in the Senate-house, or any other Assembly; nor would they yield to such imaginary Authority. Then Appius, supposing that their Power was like to be ruined, if they did not resist the violence of those Men with equal audacity, cryed out, It had been better for you to have spoken to the business in hand; and to Valerius, who said, He would not hold his tongue for any private per­son, he commanded a Lictor to go and seize him. Upon which Valerius, at the door of the Senate-house, calling the Romans to witness of what he had done, L. Cornelius took Ap­pius in his Arms, and though he did not consult the good of him which he seemed to save, decided the contest: so that Valerius, by Cornelius's means, had leave to say what he would. But his Liberty reaching no farther than words, the Decemviri had their ends. The Con­sular Men also and the Seniors, by reason of that remaining grudg they had to the Tribunes [Page 84] Power, which they thought the People were more in love with than the Authority of the Consuls, were even better pleased afterward that the Decemviri should go out of their Of­fice voluntarily, than that the People should rise again through hatred to them. For if the matter were gently managed, so as to put the Consuls into their former state without popu­lar noise and tumult, the People might possibly (either by the interposition of Wars, or mo­deration of the Consuls in their Office) be brought to forget the Tribunes. So then the Se­nate agreed to make a Levy; and the Juniors, seeing the Power of the Decemviri was with­out Appeal, answered to their Names. When therefore the Legions were raised, the De­cemviri chose among themselves fit Persons to go into the War, and to Command the Ar­my. The chief of the Decemviri were Q. Fabius and Ap. Claudius: but the War seemed grea­ter at home than abroad. They therefore thought that Appius's violence was more fit to ap­pease the City Tumults; and that Fabius, though a Person of no great constancy in good Actions, was very skillful in Military Affairs. For the Decemviri and his Collegue had so altered this Man, who had been formerly very famous for his Conduct both in Peace and War, that he chose rather to be like Appius than himself. To him therefore they commit­ted the management of the War against the Sabines, making Man. Rabuleius, and Q. Peti­lius his Collegues; whilst M. Cornelius, with L. Minucius, T. Antonius, Caeso Duilius and M. Sergius, was sent into Algidum; Sp. Oppius being, by general consent, left assistant to Ap. Claudius in the Government and Defence of the City.

XLII But the Commonwealth was managed no better in the Wars than it was at home: though the Commanders only fault was, that they had made themselves odious to their fellow Citi­zens; but the rest of the blame lay all upon the Soldiers: who to hinder any thing f [...]om being ever done prosperously under the Conduct of the Decemviri, permitted them to be ove [...]come, though to their own as well as their Leaders dishonour. So they were routed not only by the Sabines at Eretum, but by the Aequi in Algidum. Whereupon making hast from Eretum in the night time they pitched their Camp on a rising ground more near the City, between Fidenae and Crustumenia: to which place seeing the Enemies pursued them, they never engaged in a fair Battel, bu [...] de [...]ended themselves by the Situation of the place, and with a Bullwark, not by their Courage or Arms. But their offence in Algidum was far greater, and so was their slaughter too: besides that, they lost their Camp also, with all their Baggage, and ran away to Tusculum, where they hoped (nor failed they then of their expectation) to live by the kindness and mercy of those old friends they had there. In the mean time such dreadful news was brought to Rome, That laying aside their hatred to the Decemviri, the Senate thought fit to set Watches all about the City: commanding all that could bear Arms to secure the Walls, and stand in Garisons be­fore the Gates. Nor only so, but they ordered Arms and supplies to be sent to Tusculum; and that the Decemviri should go from the Castle of Tusculum into a Camp: that the other Camp should be transferred from Fidenae into the Sabine Territories; and that, by a voluntary At­tack upon them, the Enemies should be deterred from making any attempt upon the City.

XLIII To the slaughter received from the Enemy, the Decemviri added two horrid Exploits, the one in the Wars, and the other at home. The first of which was this: There was one L. Siccius in the Country of the Sabines, who, through the hatred which he bore to the De­cemviri, having talked privately with the common Soldiers about creating Tribunes, and of a secession or departure of the People, was sent before as a Scout to view the place where they should incamp; the Soldiers that were sent along with him, being commanded, when they came to a convenient place, to murther him. But they did not do it without some kind of re­taliation: for many of the Ruffians fell before him as he made resistance; for he defended himself, though surrounded by them, with a Courage proportionable to the mighty strength of his Body. The rest came and brought news to the Camp, that Siccius was surprized, but lost his life very manfully, and that some of the other Soldiers died with him. They believed the Messengers, and sent a Party to bury those who were slain, by permission of the De­cemviri: who when they saw ne'r a Body there rifled, but Siccius lying in the middle, Arm­ed, with all their Bodies turned toward him, and no body or footsteps of any Enemy that either was there or gone away, they concluded he was certainly killed by their own Soldi­ers, and so brought back the Corps. Whereupon the Camp was filled with envy, and would have had the Body of Siccius straight carried to Rome, had not the Decemviri made haste to prepare a Military Funeral for him at the publick expence. So he was buried with great lamentations among the Soldiers, and the Decemviri were very ill spoken of among the vul­gar People.

XLIV This was attended with another crime in the City which was occasioned by lust: being no less fatal in the event, than that, which for the Rape and death of Lucretia, had expel­led the Tarquins out of the City and Kingdom: so that the Decemviri did not only come to the same end, as the Kings had done, but the cause also of their losing their Authority was the very same. Ap. Claudius was instigated by Lust to ravish an ordinary Plebeian Damsel; whose Father, L. Virginius, was a Captain in Algidum; being a Man of a good life both at home and in the War, nor were his Wife and Children less vertuous. This Virginius had espoused his Daughter to one L. Icilius, a favourer of the Tribunes, who was a keen Man, [Page 85] and very well known to be a great stickler for the People [...] I [...]terest. Appius therefore being inflamed with Love, endeavoured to win this Maid (who was at Womans estate, and very Beautiful) by mony and fair promises; but when he saw he [...] every way guarded with modesty and chastity, applied his mind to cruel and outragious violence. He imployed and suborned M. Claudius, a Client of his, to challenge her for his Slave, and not to yield to any who should re­quire she might be free 'till the Tryal of her Liberty was over: for he thought; that now her Fa­ther was absent, he had the better opportunity to do her wrong. Whereupon, as the Maid was coming into the Forum (where in Shops were petit Schools) the Decemvirs servant laid his lustful hands upon her, saying, She was the Daughter of his Bondwoman, and herself a Slave; and commanding her to follow him, or he'd drag her away by force. The poor Girl being ama­zed at the surprize, her Nurse cryed out, and desired the People to assist her, which made a great concourse about them. By which means the crowd, who knew her Father Virginius and her Lover Icilius to be very popular Men, were upon their account, and the indignity offered to her, ready to help the Virgin. So she was rescued from his violence; but he told them, They need not make a tumult; he would take a more legal course, and not use force. He therefore warned her to appear before the Magistrate, whilst those that were present, advised her to follow him. When they came before Appius, the Plaintiff tells the story to the Judg (who knew it all before, as being himself the contriver of it,) That she was born in his House, and thence by stealth conveyed to the House of Virginius, whose Wife brought her up as her own Child: that he could prove, and would prove it by Virginius's own Confession, who was most concerned in that injury: but that, in the mean time, it was but just a Servant, as she was, should go along with her Master. To which the Girls Advocates made answer, and said, That Virginius was absent in the service of the Commonwealth, but would be there in two days, if he had notice of the affair: that it was unreasonable there should be any dispute concerning his Children in his absence; wherefore they desired the whole matter might be put off 'till his return: that he would suffer her to have her freedom (according to a Law, which he himself had made) 'till the Tryal were over, and not let a Maid of her Age undergo the hazard of her good Name, before that of her Liberty.

Then Appius told them in a Preface to his Decree, That very Law, which Virginius's friends XLV brought to back their request, declared how much he favoured Liberty: but that would not be a sure guard for Liberty, where the cause was altered and varied by difference of cases and persons. For to those persons, who were to be made free, because any Man may sue, what they said was Law; but in the case of that Maid, who was in her Fathers custody, there was no body else, to whom the Master of her could resign his possession: wherefore he thought fit that her Father should be sent for, though in the mean time he that challenged her should not lose his right, but should take the Girl home with him, upon security, to bring her again into Court, when he came, who was her pretended Fa­ther. Against this unjust Decree there were many who murmured, but ne'r an one of them durst sa [...] a word; 'till P. Numitorius the Girls Uncle, and her Lover Icilius came in: for whom the crowd made way; but just as the Multitude were thinking that by the Interposition of Ici­lius they might be able to thwart Appius, the Lictor cryed out, He has Decreed it, and with that put by Icilius, who was very loud upon the point. Whereupon, though his nature was very mild, he was inflamed by that indignity, and said, Appius! You should remove me hence with a Dagger, that you may have that kept private which you would fain conceal. Know, I am to mar­ry this Maid, who is to be my chast Wife. Wherefore call all your own Lictors, and those of your Collegues too, about you, and bid them make ready your Rods and Axes, yet Icilius's Sweet­heart shall not tarry any where without her Fathers Doors. No, though you have taken away the Tribunes aid, and their Appeal from the People of Rome (which were the two forts, whereby to defend our Liberty) it does not follow that your Lust must tyrannize over our Children, and our Wives too. Exert your malice upon our backs and necks, but let our Chastity at least be secure. If she suffer any violence, I will conjure the Romans, as she is my Spouse, Virginius the Soldi­ers, as she is his Daughter, and all of us implore both Gods and Men to vindicate her quarrel; nor shalt thou ever repeat that Decree without first killing of me. I desire thee, Appius, to con­sider well what thou art going to do: And let Virginius, when he comes, take care what he does concerning his Daughter: only let him know this, that if he does not vindicate her, he must get her another Husband. But in the mean time I'll lose my life in asserting my Mistrisses Liberty, rather than my honour by deserting her.

With that the Multitude was much incensed, and a tumult like to arise; but the Lictors XLVI stood about Icilius, and so it proceeded no farther than hard words: upon which Appius began and said, Virginius was not defended by Icilius, but a turbulent Man, who even at that time had a great desire to be a Tribune, sought an occasion to move Sedition: though he'd give him no reason at that time. Yet, that he might know, he did not refrain upon the score of his petulance, but for the sake of Virginius (who was absent) out of respect to the name of a Father, and the care he had to preserve every ones Liberty, though he would not pass sentence that day, nor make any Decree, but would desire of M. Claudius, to quit his right in some measure, and let the Girl be vindicated next day, yet if her Father did not then appear, he assured Icilius, and others like him, that his Law should not want an asserter, nor a Decemvirs constancy. Not that he would call together his Collegues Lictors to correct the Authors of sedition, but would be content with his own. Wherefore [Page 86] the time of Tryal being put off, and the Girls Advocates being gone away, they thought good first of all, that Icilius's Brother, and Numitorius's Son, two active young Lads, should go imme­diately and fetch Virginius with all speed out of the Camp: for thereupon depended the Girls Life, that the vindicator of the injury done to her, should be present in Court next day, at the time appointed. They therefore went as they were ordered, and being on Horseback Galloped the sooner to carry Virginius the news. In the mean time, he that challenged the Girl, being very urgent to have Security for her appearance (which Icilius said he was seeking as fast as he could, as being mighty industrious to delay the time 'till the Messengers were got to the Camp) the Mul­titude all round him held up their hands, and thereby shewed, they were ready each man of them to be security for Icilius. To whom he replied, I thank you; to morrow I'll make use of you, at present I have Security enough. So Virginia was vindicated by the Security which her Relati­ons gave. Appius having staid there some little time, lest he should seem to have sate upon that account only, and seeing that all the People neglected their own affairs out of the care and concern they had upon them for that single Damsel, (so that no Body applied themselves to him) he went home, and wrote to his Collegues in the Camp, That they should not give Virginius any furlow [or leave to come away from his Colours] but, more than that, to keep him in safe Custody. Which wicked advice was, as it ought to have been, too late: for Virginius ha­ving got leave, was come away at the first Watch [about the edg of night] and the Letter for his detainment came to no purpose the next morning.

XLVII Assoon as it was day, the whole City stood in the Forum, full of expectation, 'till Virgi­nius, clad in sordid Apparel, [as Mourners use to be] led his Daughter (who was in the like attire) down into the Forum, being accompanied with several Matrons, and a great number of Advocates. There going about to get the Peoples savour, he did not beg of them, but challenged their assistance as his due: saying, That he stood every day in the Army for their Wives and Children; nor was there any other Man that had more strenuous and brisk actions to brag of. What good did it do him, though the City were safe, if his Children must suffer all the extremities of captivity? Thus he went about talking to the People, as if he had been, in a manner, at a publick Assembly. Icilius also said the like; but the Women that went along with them moved the People much more with their silent tears than they did with all they said. Against all which Appius was very obstinate (so great is the force of madness rather than love) and went up into the Tribunal: where the Plaintiff beginning to complain, that he was hindered by popular ambition from having justice done him the day before; before either he could make an end of his request, or Virginius be admitted to speak, Appius prevented and interrupted them. What he said before his Decree (though perchance old Authors have told us true enough, yet) because I find nothing probable to be said in the case of such an unworthy Decree, I think fit to give you that which is certain just barely as it lies, That he Decreed she should be a slave. Whereupon all People were at first amazed with admiration to see so heinous a thing done: but then were for some time silent. After which, as M. Claudius amidst all the Matrons went to seize the Maid, being received with a lamentable moan which they made, Virginius offering to strike Appius, told him, I have betrothed my Daughter to Icilius, not to thee; and have bred her up to make a Wife, not a Whore on. Wouldst thou, like Beasts, make use promiscuously of any bedfellow? I cannot tell, whether these People can endure it, but I hope they will not that have Arms about them. With that he that challenged the Maid being repelled by the crowd of Women and Advocates that stood about her, the Cryer commanded silence.

XLVIII Then the Decemvir, having his mind abandoned to lust, said, He could prove, not only by Icilius's railing, and Virginius's violence, whereof the Roman People were his witness, but by cer­tain evidence also, that there were Cabals in the City all night long for raising of Sedition. For which reason he, who knew their Design, came thither attended with Men in Arms; not to hurt any Man, that was quiet, but by his Authority to restrain such as disturbed the Peace of the City: there­fore it had been better for them to have been quiet. Go, Lictor! said he, put by the crowd, and make way for the Master to seize his Slave. Assoon as he had so said (with a thundring voice and full of rage) the Multitude removed of their own accord, and the deserted Maid stood there as a prey to injustice. Then Virginius seeing he had no manner of assistance by him, said, I beseech you, Appius! first to pardon a Fathers grief, if I have said any thing too severe a­gainst thee: and then, suffer the nurse, here in the presence of the Maid, to inquire what the mat­ter really is: to the end, that if I am falsly called her Father, I may go hence the better satisfied. Having obtained leave, he led his Daughter and the Nurse near to the Temple of Cloa­cina by the Shops, which are now called, The new ones, and there snatching a knife from a Butcher, cryed out, Thus, Daughter! (since I can do it no other way) do I vindicate thy Liber­ty: and with that he stabbed her; looking back toward the Tribunal, and saying, Appius! with this blood I destine thee to Death. Thereupon a great uproar being made at the sight of such an horrid act, Appius was moved, and commanded Virginius to be laid hold on; but he with his Sword made way whereever he went, 'till he, and the Multitude also that followed him, came to the Camp. In the mean time Icilius and Numitorius taking up the dead Body, shewed it to the People, deploring Appius's Injustice, the Girls unhappy Beauty, and the necessi­ty of her Fathers doing what he did: Whilst the Matrons that followed cryed out, Was that [Page 87] the consequence of getting Children? Was that the reward of Chastity? With other expostulations, which in such a case female sorrow the more it drowns their weak reason, with the greater aggravation suggests. But the Men, and especially Icilius, were wholly taken up in exclaim­ing, that the Tribunes Power, and the Appeal to the People, were taken away, besides other publick abuses.

The Multitude was stirred up, partly by the heinousness of the Fact, and partly through XLIX hopes of having then an opportunity to recover their Liberty. Appius gave order one while that Icilius should be called, another while, that if he would not come willingly, he should be dragged thither; and at last, seeing the Serjeants could not get to him, he himself, with a company of Patrician young Men, going through the crowd, commanded him to be car­ried to Prison. But at this time there were about Icilius, not only the Multitude, but the Leaders of the Multitude also, L. Valerius, and M. Horatius; who, repelling the Lictor, told him, If he were come to take him upon a legal account, they would vindicate Icilius from any pri­vate person: and if he endeavoured to take him by force, there were those, that would be hard enough for him. Hence arose a great squabble, the Lictor setting upon Valerius and Horatius, whilst the Multitude broke his Fasces [i. e. Rods] all to pieces. Appius therefore went up into the Assembly; Horatius and Valerius followed him, and them the Assembly would hearken to, though they bawled when Appius spoke. And now Valerius with Authority commanded the Lictors to depart from that private Man; insomuch that Appius, whose heart was broken, being in fear of his life, got into an House near the Forum, unknown to his Adversaries, with his head covered. Then Sp. Oppius, to assist his Collegue, came furiously into the Fo­rum on the other side; but saw the Government overcome by strength. Whereupon advi­sing with several People, and agreeing to every thing they said, he was afraid, though he had many to back him, when he ordered a Senate to be called. Which Action, because great part of the Senators seemed to dislike the Acts of the Decemviri, appeased the Multi­tude out of hopes which they had that in that Senate their Power would come to an end. The Senate also thought fit not only to avoid provoking the Multitude, but much more to provide, lest Virginius's arrival should cause any commotion in the Army. Wherefore some of the Junior Senators were sent to the Camp, which was at that time on the Mountain Ve­cilius, to tell the Decemviri, That they must do their utmost to keep the Soldiers from mutinying; among whom, Virginius caused a greater disturbance than he had left behind him in the City. For besides, that he was seen to come with a Party of almost four hundred Men, who, moved by the indignity of his misfortune, had made themselves his Companions, the knife was also naked in his hand, and himself all sprinkled with Blood, which made the whole Camp stare upon him; and the sight of so many Roman Gowns in the Camp made the Multitude of Ci­tizens seem somewhat more than they were. When they asked him, What the matter was? he cryed, and for a good while said never a word, but after the crowd of those that flocked about him stood still, and silence was commanded, he told them all things in order as they were transacted. Which having done, he held up his hands, and begged of his fellow Sol­diers, That they would not impute that to him which was Ap. Claudius's crime, nor hate him as a Murderer of his own Children. That his Daughter was more dear to him than his life, if she could have lived to enjoy her Liberty and preserve her Chastity: But when he saw her dragged like a Slave to be made a Whore on, he thought it better for him to lose his Child by death than by disgrace. That he through his mercy to her was fallen into a shew of cruelty; nor would he have survived his Daughter, unless he had been in hopes, by the help of his fellow Soldiers to revenge her Death. They also he knew, had Daughters and Wives; nor was the lust of Ap. Claudius extinguished by his Daugh­ters death, but that the more he escaped punishment, the more extravagant he would be. That by another Mans calamity they were taught to provide against the like injury. As for his part, his Wife was dead; his Daughter, because she could live no longer in Chastity, died a miserable, but an honest death: wherefore Appius's lust had now no temptation in his house. That he would vindicate his own Body from any other violence which he could offer, with the same Courage that he did that of his Daughter. Let other men look to themselves and their Children. As Virginius raved out to this purpose, the Multitude answered him with shouts, and said, They would not be wanting either to revenge his grief, or vindicate their own Liberty. Upon which the Citi­zens that were mixt in the crowd of Soldiers, complaining to the same effect, and telling them how much worse things would have look'd if they had seen them, than they were re­presented; affirming also, that Rome was in a tumult, and that there was news brought of Ap­pius's being almost killed and gone into Banishment, they persuaded them to make an Alarm, to take up the Ensigns, and march toward Rome. The Decemviri being startled at what they saw, as well as that which they had done at Rome, ran to the several parts of the Camp, to ap­pease the tumults. Where though they proceeded with all mildness, they had no answer but this, that if any of them pretended to Government, they [i. e. the Soldiers] were Men and in Arms. So they went into the City with a full body, and sate down upon the Aventine; from whence, as the People came that way, they exhorted them to retrieve their Liberty, and make new Tribunes of the People: nor was there any other angry word heard. Sp. Oppius called a Senate; in which they did not think fit to proceed roughly, for that they themselves had given the occasion for that Sedition: but they sent three Embassadors, who were Consu­lar [Page 88] Men, viz. Sp. Tarpeius, C. Julius and P. Sulpicius, to ask them in the name of the Senate, By whose Order they left their Camp? or what they meant by posting themselves upon the Aventine? and turning the War from their Enemies, to invade their own Country? To which they wanted not an answer, but only some body to give it; as having yet no certain Leader, nor daring singly to expose themselves to envy. Only this the Multitude said all together, if they would send L. Valerius and M. Horatius to them, they would give them their answer.

LI The Embassadors being dismissed, Virginius told the Soldiers, They had wavered in a busi­ness of some consequence just before, because the Multitude was without an Head: for their answer was made, though not to their disadvantage, yet more by chance than any unanimous design of theirs. Wherefore he would have them make ten Officers, who should govern in Chief, and in a Military stile, be called the Tribunes of the Soldiers. Whereupon that Honour being first offered to him, he replied, Reserve this your good opinion of me 'till I and you are in better circumstances. My Daughter will not let any Honour be agreeable to me as long as I live, nor is it convenient, whilst the Commonwealth is thus disturbed, for them to govern you, who are themselves most obnoxious to envy. If you have any occasion for me, I'll serve you nevertheless though I am a private person. So they made ten Tribunes Military. Nor did the Army in the Sabine Country he still: for there also Icilius and Numitorius had persuaded them to a Revolt from the Decemviri; the death of Siccius being remembred with as much abhorrence, as the late news of Virginias be­ing so basely attempted, was heard. Icilius, when he heard that there were Tribunes of the Soldiers made in the Aventine, lest the Assemblies in the City should follow the exam­ple of the Soldiers, and chuse the same Men Tribunes of the People, he (who was well versed in popular affairs, and had a mind to that Dignity) himself also, before he went to the City, took care to have the like number chosen among his Soldiers, with the same Au­thority. After that, they enter the City at the Gate Collina with their Colours Displayed, and marched in a full Body through the middle of the City up to the Aventine. Where joyn­ing the other Army, they imployed the twenty Tribunes of the Soldiers, to chuse two out of themselves, who should have sovereign Authority. They therefore chose M. Oppius and Sex. Manilius. In the mean time the Senate being concerned for the publick, though they sate every day, spent more time in wrangling, than sober consultations. The Murther of Sic­cius, Appius's lust, and the dishonours of the War were laid upon the Decemviri; though 'twas at last resolved, that Valerius and Horatius should go into the Aventine. But that they refused to do, unless the Decemviri would lay down the Ensigns of that Magistracy, which they should have quitted an Year before. At which the Decemviri complaining, that they were affronted, said, They would lay down that Authority, 'till they had established those Laws, upon the account of which they were first made.

LII The People having notice by M. Duilius, who had been Tribune of the People, that by reason of their daily contentions, there was nothing done, they removed out of the Aven­tine into the sacred Mount; Duilius affirming to them, That no care would sink into the Senators hearts, before they saw the City deserted: that the sacred Mount would put them in mind of the Peoples constancy; and then they would know, that unless their Power were restored, there could be no hopes of Peace. Thereupon they marched along the Way called Via Momentana (but at that time Ficulnensis) and pitched their Camp in the sacred Mount, following the example of their Fathers modesty, and doing no hurt. The People too all followed the Army, nor did any stay behind whose age would give them leave to go. Yea, the Wives and Children al­so went along, demanding of their Husbands and Fathers in a most miserable accent, Who they would leave with them in that City; in which neither Chastity nor Liberty was secure, and free from violence. Now therefore since at Rome an uncouth solitude had made the City look like a Desart, and that in the Forum there was no body but a few old Men (for even that too ap­peared like a forsaken place, now that the Senators were all summoned into their House) a great many more besides Horatius and Valerius cried out, What is it, Grave Fathers! that you stay for? Will you let all things decay and come to ruin, because the Decemviri will not comply? Pray tell me, you Decemviri! what is that Authority, that you are so obstinate in asserting? You will ere long talk Law to the Houses and Walls. Are not you ashamed that there should be as many Lictors of yours seen in the Forum as of Citizens and others? What will you do if an Enemy come to the City? What if the Commons, when they see us unconcerned at their departure, should come all in Arms? Will you not lay down your Authority upon the account of the City? I am sure we must have Tribunes of the People, or have no People at all. We shall sooner want Patrician Magistrates, than they Plebeians. They forced our Fathers to make that new sort of Magistrates which they had never had any experience of, much less will they now endure the lack of them, since they are pleased with the sweetness of their administration: especially seeing that we our selves give them cause even from our management of things to think they want assistance. These kind of Speeches being cast forth from all parts of the House, and the Decemviri out-voted, they declared, They would be, since the Senate would have it so, at the disposal of that Court; desiring and admonishing them only this, that they would have a care they did not expose them to envy; nor would cause the People by tasting their blood to long for that of the Senators.

LIII Then Valerius and Horatius being sent to recall the People by what means they thought fit, and to compose all differences, were likewise ordered to take care that the Decemviri might [Page 89] be secure from the rage and violence of the Multitude. They therefore going were recei­ved by the People with great joy into the Camp; as being their undoubted Deliverers both in the beginning of the Commotion and in the issue of it: upon which account they had thanks given them. Then Icilius made a Speech before the Multitude, and again, when they came to treat of the Conditions, (the Embassadors asking what the Peoples demands were) he having contrived the matter before the arrival of the Embassadors, said, they de­sired that they might have reason to put more trust in the equitable management of affairs, than in their Arms: For they demanded the Tribuneship and the Appeal again, which had been the great aids of the People before the Decemviri were created; and to let the World know the truth of it, had stirred up the Soldiers or the People to regain their Liberty by a secession. Only their De­mand touching the punishment of the Decemviri was very cruel: For they desired to have them surrendred up into their own hands, and threatned, they would burn them a [...]ve. To which the Embassadors answered: That which you demanded like sober Men, was so reasonable that we could have granted it on our own accords; for those things were only guards for their own Liberty, not a License to offend others. But we must rather pardon than indulge your passion; because, out of hatred to cruelty you run into it; and even before your selves are well free, would be lording it over your Adversaries. Will our City never be quiet from punishments, which either the Senate in­flict upon the People, or the People upon them? You want a Shield more than a Sword: he is a good Citizen enough, that lives without doing or suffering any wrong. If ever you grow dreadful, 'twill be when you have recovered your Magistrates, and your Laws, so that the power is all in your hands; then you may determine of our lives and fortunes according to the nature of each case; but at present I think it sufficient for you to redemand your Liberty.

Whereupon the Multitude all cryed out, they might do what they pleased, the Embassa­dors LIV replying, They would return very speedily with all things perfected. So when they came and told the Senate what the People said; the other Decemviri, seeing there was men­tion of their punishment (as they expected there should have been) did not at all refuse to comply But Appius, a Man of a cruel disposition, and extraordinary envious, measuring the hatred of others toward him by his toward them, said, Fortune favours no sluggard. Now I see the contest against us was deferred 'till our Adversaries were Armed: our Blood must be sacri­ficed to envy. Were it not for that, I should not care how soon I quitted the Decemvirate. Then there was a Decree of Senate made; That the Decemviri should quit their Office assoon as possi­ble; that Q. Furius the High-Priest should create Tribunes of the People; and that the secession of the Soldiers and the Commons should not turn to any Mans disadvantage. These Orders of Se­nate being passed, and the Senate dismissed, the Decemviri came forth into the Assembly, and publickly laid down their Office to the great joy of all the People. This news was carri­ed to the Commons, all the Men that were left in the City attending upon the Embassadors, who were met by another glad Multitude out of the Camp; both of then congratulating each other for the Liberty and Concord which was restored to their City. Then the Embassa­dors in an Assembly made this Speech. For the good, happiness and prosperity of your selves and the Commonwealth, return into your Country, to your Houshold-gods, your Wives and Children: and since you have lived here with that modesty, as not to injure any Mans estate to supply even the ne­cessities of such a Multitude, carry the modesty with you into the City: go into the Aventine, from whence you came: in that happy place, where you laid the first foundations of your Liberty, you shall make Tribunes of the People: the High-Priest will be ready to hold the Assembly. To which they lowdly and cheerfully gave their assent, approving all that he said. With that they faced about with their Ensigns, and marching toward Rome, vied in joy with all they met. But though they were in Arms, they went silent through the City into the Aventine, where the High Priest immediately calling an Assembly, they created Tribunes; of which the first of all was A. Virginius, then L. Icilius, and P. Numitorius, the Uncle of Virginia, who were the cause of the secession. Then C. Sicinius descended from him, who is reported to have been the first Tribune of the People made in the sacred Mount: and M. Duilius, who had been an honou­rable Tribuneship before the Decemviri were created, nor had been wanting to the People in their Conflicts with the Decemviri. Then out of hope more than for any desert, they elected M. Titinnius, M. Pomponius, C. Apronius, P. Villius, and C. Oppius. At his entrance into the Of­fice, L. Icilius immediately preferred a Bill to the People, and they agreed to it, That the se­cession from the Decemviri should turn to no Mans disadvantage. And then M. Duilius got another passed for creating of Consuls with Liberty of Appeal; all this being done by a Council of the People in the Prata Flaminia, now called Circus Flaminius [i. e. a place for Exerci­ses.]

Then L. Valerius and M. Horatius were created Consuls by an Interrex [one that Govern­ed LV when there was no chief Magistrate] who immediately from that time began their Of­fice: U. C. 304 whose Consulate, though it were managed without any injury to the Senate, yet, be­ing popular, gave offence. For whatsoever was done in favour of the Peoples Liberty they thought diminished their Power. First of all; when it was as it were a Moot point, Whe­ther the Senate should be obliged by any order of the People, they made a Law in the Comitia Cen­turiata, That what the Commons established in their Tribes, should bind all the People: by which Law they gave a keen Weapon to the Tribunes. After which they not only restored, but [Page 90] also for the future fortified another Consular Law about Appeals (which was the sole guard to their Liberty, but had been overthrown and evacuated by the Power of the Decemviri) by passing a new Act; That no Man should make any Magistrate without Appeal; or if he did, it should be lawful to kill him; nor should the killing of him be counted a Capital Crime. When they had thus fortified the Commons, on the one hand with Liberty of Appeal, and on the other with the aid of the Tribunes, they made the Tribunes also Holy or Inviolable (which was a thing almost quite forgotten) by renewing of some very ancient Ceremonies. Nor did they make them so only in a Religious sense only, but in point of Law too; ordaining, That whosoever should offer any injury to the Tribunes, Aediles, Judges, or Decemviri [for so the Tribunes here are called from their number] should be reckoned a publick Enemy, whom any one might kill, and his Goods be sold at the Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera. By which Law the Learned say no Man is made Holy or Inviolable; but that he who hurts any of them, is ordained to be lookt upon asSacrum. cursed. Therefore an Aedile may be seized, and carried away by a Superior Magistrate; which though it be not legally done (for it is hurting him, who by this Law is not to be injured) yet it is an argument, that an Aedile is not reck­oned Holy or Inviolable: but, they say, that the Tribunes are Inviolable by an old Oath and Obligation that the Commons were under, when they first created that Authority. There have been some, who have said, that by this same Horatian Law provision was made for the Judges and Praetors also, because they were created with the same Ceremonies as the Consuls: for they called a Consul, Judex, i. e. a Judg. Which Interpretation is easily con­futed, because in those days it was not yet the custom to call a Consul, Judg, but Praetor. These then were the Consular Laws. But it was ordained also by the same Consuls; That the Acts of the Senate should be carried to the Temple of Ceres, to be kept by the Aedile of the People: they being formerly suppressed and vitiated at the pleasure of the Consuls. Then M. Duilius, a Tribune of the People, preferred a Bill, and the Commons passed it, That, whoever left the People without Tribunes, or created a Magistrate without Appeal, should be whipt with the Rods, and then beheaded with the Axes. All these things, though they were done against the Patricians minds, yet they did not oppose them; because there was no severity yet used against any one particular Man.

LVI By this means, having laid the foundation both of the Tribunes Power and the Peoples Liberty, the Tribunes supposing it to be now both safe and seasonable to set upon single Persons, made Virginius the first Accuser, and Appius the Party accused. When therefore Virginius had summoned Appius, and Appius was come amidst a throng of Patrician young Blades into the Forum, all People presently called to mind his Tyrannical Autho [...]ity, seeing him with his Myrmidons about him. Then Virginius. Oratory, said he, was invented in matters doubtful: wherefore I will neither spend time in accusing him, from whose cruelty you were fain by your Arms to vindicate your selves; nor will I suffer him to add impudence to his other crimes, by making any defence. Now therefore, Appius Claudius! for all that thou hast so nesariously and impiously done these two years following, I give thee thanks. Only for one crime, when thou wert Judg, and wouldst not let my Daughter vindicate her Liberty, I cannot pardon but command thee to be carried to Goal, unless thou clear thy self. Appius had no hopes to rely upon either in the aid of the Tribunes, or in the judgment of the People; yet he appealed to the Tribunes, and, though no body cared for it, being seized by an Officer, cried out, Provoco, i. e. I Appeal: so that the same voice being heard to vindicate Libe [...]ty, which had refused all legal proceedings in order to it before, caused a deep silence. But soon after, when every one muttered to himself, That there were gods at last come into the World, who did not neglect Man­kind; that Pride and Cruelty at length suffered, though late, not slight penalties; that he appeal­ed, who had taken away all Appeals; that he implored the Peoples aid, who had disanulled all the rights of the People; and that he was dragged into fetters, wanting the priviledges of Li­berty, who had adjudged a free-born Maid to Slavery; they over-heard Appius's voice amidst the murmur of the Assembly, begging the assistance and favour of the Roman People, and commemorating the deserts of his Ancestors upon the Commonwealths account both in Peace and War; saying, That his was an unhappy zeal for the Commons of Rome, in that he quitted the Consulate to the great displeasure of the Senate to make righteous Laws; Laws, which though they were still in force, the maker of them must be dragged to Goal. But he hoped to shew what good or hurt he had done, when he had leave to speak for himself. At present, he desired that, according to the common usage of the City, and as he was a Roman, he might have a day given him to make his defence, and see what the People of Rome would please to determine of it. For he did not fear the malice of any body so much, as to have no hopes in the equity and mercy of his fellow Citizens. But if he must be dragged to Prison without being heard, he would again Appeal to the Tribunes, and admonish them not to imitate those they hate. And if the Tribunes owned them­selves under the same obligation to evacuate all Appeals, as they said the Decemviri conspired to do, he said, he appealed to the People, begging the benefit of those Laws concerning Appeals, that were made by the Consuls and Tribunes too that very year. For who should Appeal, if he might not, who was uncondemned, nor had yet pleaded for himself? What ordinary Plebeian fellow could have any security from the Laws, if Appius Claudius had none? He therefore was like to be an argument, whether Dominion or Liberty were asserted by their new Laws; as also, whether the priviledg of [Page 91] an Appeal in opposition to the injustice of Magistrates were only written for vain shew and ostenta­tion, or really passed into a Law and allowed.

On the other side Virginius said, that Ap. Claudius, above all others, was unacquainted LVII with all Laws, and a stranger to all civil, human obligations: Let the People look back to his Tribunal, which was the Fort and Castle of all wickedness: where that perpetual Decemvir, who was an Enemy to the fortunes, Bodies and Blood of his fellow Citizens, threatning all People with Rods and Axes; a contemner of Gods as well as Men, and guarded with a company of Execution­ers instead of Lictors, having now turned his mind fron rapine and slaughter to Lust, gave an in­genious Virgin (in sight of all the Romans, as if she had been a Captive of War) out of her Fa­thers embraces, into the hands of a Client of his, who was his Valet de Chambre: where by his cruel Decree, and denying of common Justice, he had armed the hand of a Father against his Daugh­ter: where he ordered the Lover and Uncle of the Maid, who took away the dead Body, to be drag­ged to Prison, being more concerned that his base design was interrupted, than that the Damsel was killed. That he built a Prison, and was wont to call it, The common People of Romes dwel­ling House. Wherefore, as often as he Appealed, he would as often refer it to any competent Judg, Whether he did not deny his Daughter the ordinary process for asserting her Liberty; and if he would not accept of that proffer, he ordered him to be carried to Goal as a condemned person. Now as no body disapproved of what Virginius said or did, so there was a strange commotion in Peoples minds, when he was cast into the Prison, the Commons themselves being of opinion, that seeing they could punish so great a Man, their Liberty was grown too excessive. But the Tri­bune gave him a longer day of hearing. At this juncture there came to Rome Embassadors from the Latins and the Hernici, to congratulate the concord between the Senate and the Com­mons, bringing an Offering to great Jupiter in the Capitol, which was a Golden Crown of a small weight; according to their ability in those days, when Religious Duties were perform­ed with Piety more than Magnificence. They likewise informed the Romans, that the Aequi and the Volsci were preparing for War as fast as they could. Wherefore the Consuls being or­dered to divide the Provinces between them, the Sabines fell to Horatius's, and the Aequi and Volsci to Valerius's lot. When therefore they had given notice of a Levy to be made for those Wars, the People encouraged it so much, that not only young Men, but even a great many old Soldiers came in and gave their names as Voluntiers: so that the Army was much the stronger, not only in numbers, but also in the sort of Soldiers, since the Veteranes were ming­led among them. But before they marched out of the City, they set up in publick the De­cemviral Laws, called the Laws of the twelve Tables, all cut in Brass: though some say the Aediles did this by order of the Tribunes.

C. Claudius, who hated the Villany of the Decemviri, and was above all an Enemy to the LVIII pride of his Brothers Son, had retired to Regillum the ancient Country of his Family; but now, though very old, came back to deprecate his dangers, whose vices he had shunn'd; and going through the Forum in a sordid habit, with his Kinsfolks and Clients about him, begged the fa­vour of the People; intreating them, That they would not lay such a blot upon the Claudian Family, as to think any of them deserved a Goal and Fetters: nor let a Man, whose Image would be honourable to all posterity; a contriver and maker of the Roman Laws, lie bound among Thieves and Robbers. That they would turn away their minds a little while from wrath, and consider the case; and rather pardon one Claudius, when so many begged for it, than out of hatred to one, slight the prayers of so many. He himself did the very same thing out of respect to the name and family; for he was not friends with the person, whose misfortunes he notwithstanding would fain relieve. That by their courage they had regained their Liberty, and that by their clemency the concord of all orders among them might be established. Hereupon there were some whom he moved more by his piety and regard to the honour of his Family, than upon the score of him for whom he pleaded. But Virginius desired them, That they would rather pity him and his Daughter; and would not hear the Petitions of the Claudian Family, who were Tyrants to the Commons, but those of three Tribunes, nearly allied to Virginia; who, as they were created to aid the People, so now on the other hand implored that Peoples favour and assistance. The tears seem the most just; and therefore Appius, having no hopes left him, before the day of his Tryal came, killed himself. Then Sp. Oppius, being the next object of envy, was seized by P. Numitorius, because he was in the City when his Collegue gave that unjust Judgment in the case of Virginia. But the in­jury done by Oppius brought upon him more envy, than what he did not hinder: for there was a witness produced, who, though he had been extraordinarily in seven and twenty several Campaigns, and eight times extraordinarily rewarded with gifts that he had then about him, shewed his back all torn with the Rods, and desired nothing, but that if Oppius could say he was in any fault, he should, though a private Man, inflict all the cruelty upon him that he had done before. So Oppius also was carried to Prison, and before the day of Tryal put an end to his days. The Tribunes confiscated the Goods both of Claudius and Oppius too; whose Collegues went into Banishment, their Estates being disposed of in the same manner. Then Claudius, who challenged Virginia as his Slave, being condemned on the day appointed, had the extre­mity of his Sentence taken off even by Virginius himself, and went to Tibur, where he lived in Banishment. So that the Soul of Virginia (more happy when she was dead than being yet alive) having wandred through so many Families for revenge, at length, when no criminal was left, enjoyed its rest.

LIX Upon this the Senate was possessed with great fears; for the Tribunes look'd very like the Decemviri, 'till M. Duilius, a Tribune of the People, giving a gentle and wholesome check to their extravagant power, said, We have had enough of Liberty, and taken sufficient revenge of our Enemies: wherefore, this Year, I will not hereafter suffer any Man either to be sum­moned to Justice, nor put in Prison: for besides that I am not willing to repeat old faults, that have been long obliterated, since even new ones have been expiated by the punishment of the Decemviri; the perpetual care of both the Consuls also in the defence of your Liberty, engages there shall be nothing done that may require the Tribunes aid. At first this moderation of the Tribunes removed the Senates fears, though it increased the Consuls envy; that they should be so much the Peo­ples creatures, that a Plebeian Magistrate should sooner take care of the Senates life and li­berty, than a Patrician: and that their Enemies should sooner be a weary of punishing them, than they should obviate such licentious proceedings: besides that there were many Men who said the Senate were very Cowards in agreeing to such Laws as they made, nor did any body question, but, in that troublesom state of the Commonwealth, they did it meerly to com­ply with the times.

LX The Consuls having composed all affairs in the City, and laid a foundation for the Go­vernment of the Commons, went into their several Provinces. Of whom Valerius design­edly kept off the War in Algidum against the united Forces of both the Aequi and the Volsci; whereas, if he had committed the event to fortune immediately, I question, whether that Battel (considering what thoughts the Romans as well as their Enemies had of the Decem­virates unhappy Conduct) might not have been much to their disadvantage. He therefore kept his Army in a Camp a thousand paces from the Enemy; whilst they stood ready in Battalia between their two Camps. From whence though they challenged the Romans to fight, there was no one that made them any answer. At last the Aequi and the Volsci be­ing tired with standing, and vain expectation of the fight; believing that the Romans did as good as yield the Victory, went part of them into the Country of the Hernici, and part a­mong the Latins to forage; leaving in their Camp a Garrison only rather than Men enough to engage the Enemy. Which when the Consul perceived, he returned the terror which they before had infused into his Men, and setting his Army in Battalia attacked the Foe. Who being conscious what numbers of their Forces were absent, and therefore declining the Fight, made the Romans presently far more brisk than before, insomuch that they look'd up­on the Enemies (now that they trembled and lay within their Bulwark) to be already Con­quered. But when they had stood ready for the Battel all day, in the night they retreated; and the Romans being full of hopes made much of themselves; whilst the Enemy, who were not half so merry, sent Messengers all about with speed to recall the foragers. Accordingly the Messengers went, and came straightway back with the Soldiers from all adjacent places; but the more remote straglers could not be found. Assoon as it was day, the Romans march­ed out of their Camp, designing to invade the Enemies Bulwark, if they would not give them an opportunity to fight. So therefore, when the day was pretty far spent, seeing the Enemy did not stir, the Consul gave command to begin the Attack. But when the Army began to move, the Aequi and the Volsci being filled with indignation, that two Victorious Armies should defend themselves with a Rampire, rather than their own Courage and Arms, petitioned their Leaders also, and had the signal of Battel given them. And now some part of them were got out at the Gates; whilst others followed in Rank and File, when the Roman Consul, before the Enemies Army was all in Array, began the fight. So that attacking them before they were all come forth, or those that were, well ranged, he set upon a floating crowd of fearful Men, that look'd to and fro upon one another (like People amazed) being yet more scared and disturbed with the clamour and violence of the congress. At first therefore the Enemy retired; but afterward, when they had recovered their Courage, and their Comman­ders asked them, What? would they yield to those they had conquered? they renewed the fight.

LXI The Consul on the other side, bad the Romans remember, that they were then engaged as freemen, in their first Battel for the free City of Rome; being like to Conquer for themselves, and not to be, when Conquerors, a prey to the Decemviri. That they did fight now under the Conduct of Appius, but Consul Valerius, who was descended foom those that freed the Roman People, he himself also being their deliverer, desiring them, that they would make it appear, it was the Generals not the Soldiers faults they did not get the Victory in former Battels. And telling them, that it was degenerous to shew more Courage against their fellow Citizens than against their Enemies, or to fear servitude more at home than abroad. That Virginia was the only Person whose Chastity was in danger in times of Peace; and that Appius was the only Citizen whose lust was then dangerous; but if the fortune of War should then incline to the Enemy, all their Children were in danger from so many thousand foes. That he would not forebode what Jupiter, and their great Father Mars would never suffer to befall a City built by such a Heavenly Commission. Then he admonished them of the Aventine and the sacred Mount, with exhortations, that, where they some few months past procured their Liberty, thither they would carry back their Government invi­olate; and shew, that the Romans had the same inclinations now since the Decemviri were expel­led, as they had before the creation of them; nor was the Roman Courage diminished, though their Laws were pruned. Having said thus among the Foot, he ran to the Horse, and said, Con­rage, [Page 93] brave Youths! do you endeavour to out-do the Foot as much as you excel them in honour and quality. The Foot at the first onset removed the Foe; do you ride in and drive them out of the Field. They cannot sustein the shock; for even now they tarry here for a show, rather than make any resi­stance. With that they spurred on their Horses, and riding up with a full career to the Ene­my, whom the Foot had already put into disorder, broke through their Ranks quite to the Reer; where part of them wheeling about in the plain Field, kept a great many of the Ene­mies, who were flying away, from getting into their Camp, and deterred those that would have rode by them. In the mean time the Foot, the Consul himself, and all the stress of the War was turned upon the Enemies Camp; which being taken with great slaughter, the Ro­mans had a far greater booty. The fame of this Battel was carried not only into the City, but also into the Sabines Country to the other Army. Whereupon there was indeed great joy in the City, but glory in the Camp inflamed the Soldiers minds with mutual emulation. For Horatius by exercising them with excursions and light skirmishes, had made them so expert, that they trusted in their own Courage and Conduct more than they remembred the disgrace which they received under the Command of the Decemviri, and those small Rencounters had advanced them to the highest pitch of hopes. Yet the Sabines did not stick, as being fleshed with success the Year before, to provoke and urge them with these questions; Why they ran forward and backward in such small numbers, to spend time, like so many Robbers? di­viding the glory of one pitched Battel into so many little velitations and bickerings? Would they set to it with all the Forces they had, and hazard all at once?

Which when the Romans heard, though they had armed themselves with sufficient resoluti­on LXII before-hand, were all inflamed with the indignity: that the other Army was like just then to return into the City with Victory, but that the Enemy insulted over them with contumelies, and disdainful language: yet when should they be, if they then were not, fit to engage the Enemy? When the Consul perceived that the Soldiers murmured thus in the Camp, he called an Assembly, and told them, I suppose, fellow Soldiers, you have heard how the business was car­ried in Algidum; where the Army was such as the Army of a free People ought to be, and the Victory was gained by the Conduct of my Collegue, and the Courage of his Soldiers. As for my part, fellow Soldiers, I am resolved to take such measures as you shall think good. The War may be very well protrac [...]ed, and yet, at the same time, soon made an end of. If you will have it protracted, I'll do (what I have done hitherto) my daily endeavour by good Discipline to augment your hopes and raise your Courage; but if you have enough of that already, and be minded to fight it out present­ly, come on, give a shout like what you use to make when you are going to Battel, as a testimo­ny of your willingness and Courage. Thereupon they having set up a mighty shout with great alacrity, he told them, He would comply with their desires (to good purpose he hoped) and would lead them next day into the Field: the remainder of the day being spent in preparing their Arms. The next day, assoon as the Sabines saw that the Romans were setting their Men in Array, they also, greedy of coming to it, marched forth: and the Fight was as between two Armies that were very confident in themselves, the one upon account of the standing and perpetual honour that they had won, and the other, as being proud of a late Victory. But the Sabines added policy also to their strength; for though they had evened the Front of their Army, and so adjusted it that all their Forces seemed to be therein comprised, they reserved two thousand over and above, to make an impression upon the left Wing of the Romans in the time of the flight. Which supernumerary forces whilst they flanked that Wing, and almost surrounded it, about six hundred Horse out of two Legions dismounted, and running into the head of their own Men, as they were giving back, at the same time charged the Enemy. By which means the danger being first made pretty equal, they put the Foot to the blush; who were ashamed to see the Horse fight in their own and another capacity too, and that the Foot was not comparable to the Horse even when they fought upon the ground.

Then they went to their post again from whence they came; and in an instant the fight LXIII was not only renewed, but the Sabines Wing also gave way. The Horse that were mixt among the Foot, betook themselves to their Horses; and then riding over to the other side, to tell their Party how they had got the day, at the same time briskly attacked the Foe, who was now ve [...] much dismayed, seeing their strongest Wing was routed: nor was there any party in that Battel whose Courage was more signal than that of these Horsemen. Mean while the Consul was very careful and active, praising the Valiant, and chiding any that he saw back­ward in the Fight: and the Soldiers when corrected, did the part of brave fellows. For some were as much excited by shame, as others by commendations. Then giving another shout, they all fell on with might and main from every side, and force the Enemy to give ground; nor could the Roman force be from that time susteined. Whereupon the Sabines being routed, and made to fly all over the Fields, left their Camp a prey to the Enemy. There the Romans recovered not their Allies Goods, as they had done in Algidum, but their own, which they had lost by the Devastation of their Country. Now though in this case two Victories were gained in two several Fights, yet the Senate very unworthily Decreed that there should be supplications for the Consuls upon one day only. But the People met in great numbers and went to Prayers a second day, though without any order; and this accidental popular sup­plication drew full as much company together, as that which was publickly injoyned. The [Page 94] Consuls out of design came the same two days to the City, and called forth the Senate in­to the Campus Martius; where talking of things that they had done, the chief of the Sena­tors complained, That they called a Senate among the Soldiers on purpose to scare them. Where­fore the Consuls, to avoid all objections, called them thence into the prata Flaminia [Mea­dows so called] where now stands the Temple of Apollo (they then called it Circus Apolli­naris) where when they were denied a Triumph by the almost unanimous consent of the House, L. Icilius, Tribune of the People, preferred a Bill to the People touching the Con­suls Triumphing. Many as they came forth were dissuaded, especially when C. Claudius cried out, The Consuls would Triumph over the Senate not their Enemies: and that they desired thanks for their private desert toward the Tribune, not honour upon the account of their Courage. That the People never medled before in the business of Triumphs; but that the Senate were always the proper Judges when and why that Honour was to be granted. That even the Kings themselves did not di­minish the Authority of that highest Order. That it was not fit the Tribunes should arrogate so much to their Authority, as not to suffer any publick Determinations. For the only way to make the City truly free, and the Laws just and equal, was for every Order to observe and stick to their own Pri­viledges and their own Authority. But notwithstanding what he said, and all that the rest of the Senior Senators added to the same purpose all the Tribes accepted of L. Icilius's propo­sal; and that was the first time that ever any one Triumphed by order of the People with­out the approbation of the Senate.

LXIV This Victory of the Tribunes and the People turned to an almost fatal Luxury; there be­ing a Conspiracy among the Tribunes to chuse the same Tribunes again; and to make their own ambition the less conspicuous, they would continue the Consuls also in their Office. But they blamed the Senats unanimity, in that they generally consented in what would wrong the People and disparage the Consuls: What, said they, would have become of us, since the Laws are not yet confirmed, if the Consuls had set upon the new Tribunes by your Factions? For they would not always have Valerius's and Horatius's for Consuls, who would prefer the Peoples liberty before their own welfare. It fell out very opportunely at that time, that M. Duilius, a prudent Man, who saw envy hanging over their heads if they continued in their Office, was President of the Assembly: who denying that he would have respect to any of the old Tribunes, (so that his Collegues were very urgent with him to put the Tribes upon voting for it, or let them manage the Assembly, and that he would hold Assemblies rather according to Law, than the pleasure of the Senate) and having raised a Debate, sent for the Consuls, and asked them, what they U. C. 305 designed to do in that Consular Assembly; to which they answered, They would create new Consuls. Whereupon he, finding he had those to back his popular opinion, who themselves were no popular Men, he walked along with them to the Assembly. Where the Consuls ap­pearing before the People, and being asked, If the Roman People remembring the Liberty which by their means they recovered at home, and in respect to their Military performance abroad, should make them Consuls again, what they would do? were still of the same opinion: Duilius therefore commending the Consuls for persevering to the last in sentiments different from those of the Decemviri, proceeded to hold the Assembly. In which having made five Tribunes of the People, and seeing that there were more Candidates that stood for the Office, than could be regularly Voted for by the Tribes, he dismissed the Council. Nor did he call them any more upon that score, because, he said, he had satisfied the Law, which ordained that the Tribunes should not be stinted to any certain number, but that those, who were first created, might take in what Collegues they pleased; and repeated the Bill that was preferred in that case, where­in it was said, If I design to make ten Tribunes of the People, and there are fewer this day cho­sen; these shall have power to take in their own Collegues, who shall be as legal Tribunes of the People, as those whom you the Commonalty shall this day create. Duilius having presevered, even to the last, in denying, that the Commonwealth could have 15 Tribunes, (insomuch that he fru­strated the ambition of his Collegues) was equally caressed both by the Senate and the Com­mons, and laid down his Office.

LXV The new Tribunes in the choice of their Collegues submitted to the will of the Senate, and U. C. 306 chose two Patricians of Consular rank; to wit, Sp. Tarpeius and A. Haterius. The Consuls that were created were Lar. Herminius and T. Virginius Caelimontanus, who being no greater fa­vourers of either the Senate or the People, enjoyed their ease both at home and abroad. L. Tre­bonius a Tribune of the People, who was no friend to the Senate, because, he said, he was deceived by them, and betrayed by his Collegues in the choice of the Tribunes, preferred a Bill, that whoever went about to Petition the Roman People for the making of Tribunes, should not exceed the number of ten; and bore his Tribuneship so, as that he continually inveighed against U. C. 307 the Senate, for which reason he was Surnamed Asper [Rough.] Then M. Geganius Mace­rinus and C. Julius were made Consuls, who appeased the differences between the Tribunes and the young Nobility, without diminishing either the Power of the one, or the Honour of the other, and keeping the People in fear of a Levy for a War against the Volsci and the Aequi cleared the City from all Seditions. They said, that if the City were quiet all things else would be so abroad, for that by their civil Discords they increased the insolence of Foreigners; by which means, their care of Peace in general became the cause of intestine Unity at home. But the one order of Men was always vexatious to the others modesty; for the young Noble [Page 95] Senators began to molest the quiet Commons. Whereupon though the Tribunes were assi­stant to the meaner sort, it did at first but little good. Yea, they themselves were soon after abused, especially in their last Months, by the Nobility, when all their strength began to lan­guish; and the Commons thought they might repose some hopes in the Tribuneship, if they had Tribunes like Icilius; for they had only Titular Tribunes the last ten Years. On the other hand, the Senior Senators, as they were of opinion that their young Men were too fierce, so they desired, that if any excess were to be made, it might rather appear in the Courage of their Party than their Adversaries: so hard it is to preserve a moderation in the defence of Li­berty; whilst every Man, pretending to wish that all things were adjusted, extols himself so far as to depress another; and by taking too great care that others may not live in fear, makes himself dreadful; so that we throw an injury which we keep off from our selves upon another, as if it were necessary either to do or suffer it.

Then T. Quintius Capitolinus (the fourth time) and Agrippa Furius being made Consuls, LXVI had no Sedition at home or War abroad; though both were like to befall them. For now U. C. 308 no longer could the Discord of the People be repressed, the Tribunes and the Commons too being incited against the Senate, and new heats every day arising in their Assemblies upon the account of a certain Nobleman being summoned to his Tryal. At the first noise of which, as it were by a signal, the Aequi and the Volsci were Alarmed, besides that their Leaders, who were desirous of a Plunder, persuaded them that the Levy which was ordered to be made two years before could not be had, now that the Commons resisted the Authority of the Senate; for that reason there were no Armies sent against them; that the manner of making War was dissolved by their licentiousness, nor did they look upon Rome as their common Country: that whatsoever quarrels or feuds they had with Foreigners, were all turned upon themselves, and that those Wolves of Rome being blinded with intestine rage gave them a good occasion to destroy them. They therefore joyning their Forces together, first ravaged the Latin Territories; where, since they met with no opposition, they followed their exulting Leaders even to the Walls of Rome, pillaging all the Country 'till they came near the Gate called Porta Esquili­na, to shew the City what havock they made in despight of them. From whence when they were returned without molestation, but with a vast Booty, in a Body back to Corbio. Quintius the Consul called the People to an Assembly, where, I am told, he spoke to this purpose.

LXIX There hardly ever was any popular Speech of a Tribune more welcome to the People, than this of that grave Consul at that time. The young Men also, who amidst such fears, used to make the refusal of a War the sharpest Weapon against the Senators, were inclined to take up Arms; for the Country People running into Town, out of the Fields, where they were spoil­ed and wounded, and relating things more barbarous than what appeared to the Citizens eyes, put all the City in a rage. When he came into the Senate, all Peoples eyes were turned upon Quintius, whom they look'd upon as the only preserver of the Roman Honour, the Senior Se­nators saying, That his Oration became the dignity of a Consul, and was worthy of his so many former Consulates, as of all his whole life, that had been full of Honours often received, but oftner deserved. That other Consuls either betrayed the Dignity of the Senate to please the Commons, or by being too rough in the defence of their rights, provoked the People to be more obstinate by endeavouring to subdue at that rate. That T. Quintius's Oration had a special regard not only to the Majesty of the Senate, but to the concord of the several ranks and the present juncture of affairs. Wherefore they desired him and his Collegue to undertake the management of the Commonwealth: and that the Tribunes would joyn unanimously with the Consuls to remove the War from their City Walls, and make the People in those doubtful circumstances obedient to the Senate: yea, they said their common Country called on the Tribunes and implored their aid, now that the Fields were all laid waste, and the Ci­ty almost besieged. Whereupon by general consent they ordered and made a Levy: and the Consuls having declared in the Assembly, That that was not a time to try Causes, but that all the younger sort of Men must be the next day assoon as 'twas light in the Campus Martius: that they would find a time when the War was over to hear their excuses who did not give in their names, and that he should be punished as a Deserter of the publick Interest whose reason they did [Page 97] not approve of; all the Youth came thither next day; the Cohorts or Regiments chose their Centurions; two Senators being set to command in chief over every Regiment. And all this I am informed was done so soon, that the Ensigns which were brought out of the Treasury by the Questors that very day into the Field, were carried thence as they marched away, by ten of the Clock: and the new Army who had only some few Regiments of old Voluntiers a­mong them, lay the same day ten miles from the City. The next day brought them within sight of the Foe; near to whose Camp they pitched theirs, at a place called Corbio. The third day, the Romans being enraged, and the Enemy, who had so often rebelled, being conscious of a fault for which they despaired of being pardoned, they made no more ado, but engaged each other.

Now in the Roman Army, though the two Consuls had equal Commissions, Agrippa re­signed LXX all his Power (which is the best course in the management of great affairs) to his Collegue. For which condescension of his, Quintius was very kind to him, and advising with him as well as commending of him, made him equal with himself. In the Field Quin­tius commanded the right Wing and Agrippa the left, whilst Sp. Postumius Albus the Lieute­nant led the main Body, the other Lieutenant called Serv. Sulpicius, being made Captain of the Horse. The Foot in the right Wing fought bravely, and the Volsci made a very brisk resistance. But Ser. Sulpicius broke through the middle of the Enemies with his Horse; from whence though he could have retreated to his own Party, before the Enemy could compose their disordered Ranks, yet he thought it better for him to fall upon the Reer of them, by which means he had in a moment dissipated the whole Body, had not the Volscian and Aequi­an Horse given him a diversion for some time with the same sort of fighting that he used. Whereupon Sulpicius cried out, It was no time for his Men to dally, for that they were circum­vented, and divided from the rest of the Army, and in great danger to be lost, unless they charged with all the violence and resolution imaginable. It was not enough for them to rout the Foe, but they must kill both them and their Horses, for fear they should return into the Battel, and renew the fight: nor could they resist that force, which had made the main Body of their Army give way. They heard very well and minded what he said; insomuch that at one charge they defeat­ed the whole Body of Horse, and killed a great many, whom and their Horses they ran through with their Javelins: and that was the end of the Horse engagement. Then setting upon the Foot, they sent the news of what they had done to the Consuls, who by this time had got the better of it; which when they heard, it put new Courage into the Conquering Romans as much as it dejected and disheartned the retiring Aequi. They were first over-powered in the main Body, where the Horse that had been sent that way before had disor­dered their Ranks: and then the left Wing began to yield to Consul Quintius; but they had much ado with the right. Agrippa being in that Post, who was a very strong and stout Man, and seeing they had better success in all parts of the Battel, than where he stood, took the Ensigns from the Bearers of them, and carrying them up toward the Foe, threw some in­to the middle of them: the fear of which ignominy so incited his Soldiers that they ran up­on the Enemy, and the Victory was by that means equal on all hands. Then there came a Messenger from Quintius, to tell them, That he was victorious and just entering into the Enemies Camp; but that he would not break in, before he knew that they in the left Wing had gotten the better: that if Agrippa had routed the Enemy there, he would have him march up and joyn him, so that the whole Army might enjoy the Booty all together. Agrippa being also Victorious, came with mutual congratulations to his Conquering Collegue and the Enemies Camp; which there being but few to defend, and those too in a moment overcome, they broke into the Works without any trouble; and led their Army back again, not only laden with vast spoils, but having also recovered the things which they had lost by the Plunder of their Country. I do not find that they either desired, or that the Senate offered them any Triumph. Nor is there any cause assigned why they neglected, or did not hope for such honour, but as far as I can guess at such a distance of time, seeing that Senate had denied a Triumph to the Consuls Valerius and Horatius, who besides the Aequi and the Volsci had the honour of making an end of the Sabine War, these Consuls were ashamed to desire a Triumph for do­ing only half so much as those: for fear lest if they had obtained their request, the Senate might have seemed to have had more respect for persons than to their deserts.

But this honourable Victory gained over their Enemies, was attended by a very unjust and LXXI unworthy Judgment, which the People of Rome gave concerning the Confines of their Allies. Those of Aricia and Ardea having fought several times for a piece of Ground that was in dis­pute between them, and being tired with so much slaughter on both sides, made the Roman People Umpire in the Controversie. When they came to plead the Cause, and the Magi­strates had assigned a Council of the People to hear, it was argued with great eagerness: but when the Witnesses were produced, the Tribes called over, and the People just going to give their Votes, one P. Scaptius an old Commoner stood up, and said, If I may speak, Con­suls! touching the Commonwealth, I will not suffer the People to err in this affair. But when the Consuls said he ought not to be heard, as being an idle fellow, and ordered him to be taken away (whilst he cried out all the while that the publick Cause was betrayed) he appealed to the Tribunes. The Tribunes, as they are for the most part more ruled by the Multitude than [Page 98] they rule them, permitted Scaptius, for the sake of the Commons, who were greedy of hear­ing him, to say what he would. Then he began, That he was 84 years of Age, and had been a Soldier in that very place, which was then under dispute, not only when he was a young fellow, but in twenty several Battels, of which the last was when they engaged at Corioli: by which means he could tell them of a thing, which though obliterated by tract of time, was still fixed in his memo­ry; to wit, that the ground in question did belong formerly to Corioli, which being taken, it became the publick possession of the Roman People by right of War. That he admired how the Aricians and the Ardeans should hope to hinder the Roman People (whom, instead of Lords, they had made Judges of it) from enjoying that tract of Ground, which they had never any right to whilst Corioli was in prosperity. That he had but a little time longer to live; yet could not forbear, even now he was so old, to vindicate with his tongue (the only weapon he had left) that Land, which, when a Soldier, he had done his best with his Arms to take: and therefore that he advised the People by all means, not to desert their own Cause through any disadvantageous modesty.

LXXII The Consuls observing that Scaptius was heard, not only with silence, but assent also, took both the Gods and Men to witness, that he had put the People upon doing a very great piece of inju­stice. Wherefore they sent for the chief of the Senate; with whom they went about to the Tribunes, and desired them, That they would not do a thing which was so very evil in it self, and would be of far worse example; for Judges to make themselves parties in the Cause, especially since, though it were lawful in them so to do, they ought to have a care of their Interest in this case; for they were not like to gain half so much by seizing the Land, as they would lose by alienating the minds of their Allies from them by the injury; the loss of their reputation and credit being above any value. Would they suffer the Embassadors to carry that news back with them to Aricia and Ardea? Would they let the World know it? their Allies hear of it? their Enemies be acquainted with it? With what grief would the for­mer, and with what joy the latter, receive such tidings? Could they think that the neigh­bouring Nations would lay the fault upon Scaptius an old talkative Assembly Man? That the Scaptian Family would be honoured with an Image upon this score: that the Roman People ought to bear the Name and Character of an Informer, or one that intercepts anothers right: for who, that were Judg even in a private case, would adjudg the thing in controversie to himself. No, Scaptius himself, though he had out-lived all shame, would not do it. Thus did the Consuls and the Senators cry out; but covetousness and Scaptius the Author of it were more prevailing: so the Tribes being called, adjudged the Land to be the publick possession of the Roman People. And doubtless so it had been very justly determined to be, if others had been Judges of the Case: but now the dishonour of their Judgment is not at all lessened by the goodness of their Cause, or justice of their Pretensions: nor did it appear worse, or more se­vere to the Aricians and Ardeans than to the Roman Senate. The remaining part of that Year was free from all disturbances either at home or abroad.

DECADE I. BOOK IV.

I AFTER them succeeded M. Genutius and P. Curtius, whose Consulship was full of distur­bances U. C. 309 both at home and abroad. For in the beginning of that Year C. Canuleius a Tri­bune of the People, promulgated a Bill touching the Marriage of the Senate and of the Com­mons: by which the Senators thought their blood would be stained, and the priviledges of [Page 99] their Families confounded. Besides which, the mention that was first made cautiously and privately by the Tribunes, about having one of the Consuls chosen out of the Commons, proceeded at last so far, that nine of the Tribunes promulgated a Bill, That the People should have Power to make Consuls either out of the Senators, or the Commons, as they pleased. Which if it passed, they supposed, that the Sovereign Power would not only be communicated to Men of the meanest quality, but rather quite removed from the Nobility to the Populace. The Senators therefore were glad to hear, that the Ardeans revolted upon the score of their Land which was taken away by the late Judgment; as also that the Veians had wasted the Roman Borders, and that the Aequi and the Volsci were offended that Verrugo was fortified: so much did they prefer even an unhappy War before ignominious Peace. Wherefore making more of these things than they really were, to the end that the Tribunes mouths might be stop­ped amidst the noise of so many Wars, they ordered a Levy to be made, and other prepa­rations for the War, with all speed; yea, with more expedition, if it were possible, than when T. Quintius was Consul. Then C. Canuleius declaring briefly in the Senate, That the Consuls endeavoured to little purpose to divert the People by fears from the thoughts of new Laws; for they should never make any Levy as long as he lived, before the Commons had established what he and his Collegues had promulgated, immediately called an Assembly.

At the same time the Consuls incited the Senate against the Tribune, and the Tribune II the People against the Consuls. The Consuls said, The fury of the Tribunes was now no lon­ger sufferable: it was come to the extremity; that there was more of a War at home than abroad; nor did that come to pass, more by default of the People than the Senate, or of the Tribunes than the Consuls. That whatsoever was attended with a reward in the City, that still encreased most: that by that means Men were made good both in Peace and War: that at Rome the reward of Sedition was the greatest; for that brought a general and a particular Honour to every Man concerned in it. That they would remember what Dignity they had received, as Senators, from their Fathers, and then consider, what they were they were like to leave to their posterity; whether they should be able to boast, as the Commons could, that they had increased and amplified their Authority. He therefore told them, there would be no end on't, as long as the Authors of Sedition were made as honourable as their designs successful. What great alterations did C. Canuleius attempt? a confusion in Fami­lies, and in all auspicies both publick and private; lest there should any thing remain that were free from mixture or corruption: that all discriminations being removed, no man may know either himself or his relations: for what other end could promiscuous Marriages have, but to make the Senate and the Commons mix with each other almost as Beasts do? so that he that is born shall not know of what blood he is, or what holy Rites he ought to perform, but be half Senator and half Plebeian, divided, as it were, in his very nature. They did not see, that all things both Divine and Human were like to be put into disorder: That now the disturbers of the People were aiming at the Consulate; and first of all had attempted, in words at least, to make one of the Consuls be cho­sen out of the Commons: but now desired, that the People might chuse the Consuls out of the Sena­tors or the Commons, as they thought fit: and every seditious person would be sure to make them out of the Populace. That then they should have Canulciuses and Iciliuses made Consuls; but Jupiter forbid, that the Sovereign Power should fall into such hands: and that he would die a thousand deaths rather than they should permit so dishonourable a thing to be done. He was sure, that if their Ancestors had foreseen, that by granting what they did, they should have made the People not more tractable toward them, but so much the rougher, and still craving one thing after another without any reason or equity, they would have undergone any hazard whatsoever, rather than have suffered those Laws to be imposed upon them. Because they then granted the People a power to chuse Tri­bunes, must it be granted a second time? That there could be no end of their disturbances, 'till either the Senators or the People were removed out of that City; either this Order or that Magi­stracy must away, and it were better late than never to obviate their boldness and temerity. Are such Men to be endured who first of all sowing discord cause a War with our Neighbour Nations, and then hinder the City from taking up Arms, and defending it self against those Enemies whom they have raised? yea, when they themselves have as good as sent for an Enemy, that they should not suffer an Army to be Levied against him? But that Canuleius should dare to declare in the Se­nate, that unless that House would receive his Laws, as if he were a Conqueror, he would obstruct the Levy; What is this else but to threaten that he would betray his Country? that he would suffer it to be attacked and taken? What courage will such a declaration put (not into the Roman People, but) into the Volsci, the Aequi, and the Veians? Will not they hope, that under the Conduct of Ca­nuleius, they shall scale the Castle and the Capitol, if the Tribunes who have bereft the Senate of all its rights and authority, take from them their Courage and Resolution too? But nevertheless that the Consuls were ready to engage against the enormities of their fellow Citizens, sooner than against the Arms of their Enemies.

Whilst these things were hotly debated in the Senate, Canuleius spoke for his own Laws, and III against the Consuls, to this effect:

Then the Consuls also coming into the Assembly, the business was altered from long ha­rangues VI to wrangling; so that when the Tribune asked, Why a Plebeian might not be made a Consul? the Consul replied, though truly, perhaps, yet not so seasonably for the present pur­pose; Because no Plebeian had any thing to do with the auspicies: and that therefore the Decem­viri took away the priviledg of marrying where the People pleased, lest the auspicies should be confounded by an uncertain breed of Men. At that the People were much enraged, that they should be denied the use of auspicies, as if they had been hated by the gods: nor was there any end of their contentions (the Commons having got a vehement Tribune on their side, whom they themselves also endeavoured to out-vie in resolution) 'till the Senators were over-power'd, and fain to submit to the making of the Law touching intermarriages: for by that means they thought the Tribunes would either totally lay down the Controversie concerning Plebei­an Consuls, or defer it 'till the War was over, and that the People, being content in the mean time with marrying into Patrician Families, would be ready for the Levy. But now since Canuleius was grown so great by having overcome the Senate, and in the favour of the Peo­ple, the other Tribunes were as eager to engage in the same quarrel, and contended very stifly for the passing of their Bill: insomuch that though the noise of a War increased every day, they obstructed the Levy. The Consuls therefore, seeing they could do nothing in the Senate, now that the Tribunes interposed, had Cabals of the Nobility at home: wherein it was evident, that they must give up their Victory either to the Enemy or the People. Va­lerius and Horatius were the only two, who were not at those Consults. C. Claudius's opini­on armed the Consuls against the Tribunes: but the several judgments of the Quintii, Cin­cinnatus and Capitolinus were mighty averse from slaughter, or violating those Officers whom by a League made with the People they had accepted of as sacred. By these consultations the business was brought to that pass, that they would suffer Tribunes Military with Consu­lar Authority to be promiscuously made out of the Senators and the Commons: though no­thing should be altered in the choice of Consuls: with which the Tribunes and the People too were all content. Thereupon an Assembly was appointed for the chusing of three Tri­bunes, who should be of Consular Authority: which was no sooner done, but all those Per­sons, who had either said or done any thing tending to Sedition, (especially such as were of the Tribunes Party) began to run about the Forum and beg Peoples Votes, as Candidates for the new Office. In which affair, though the Patricians first despaired, seeing the People were so provoked, of gaining that Honour, and secondly thought it below them to bear any Office in Partnership with the Commons, yet at length being forced to it they did apply themselves to the Nobility; lest they might seem to quit the possession of the Common­wealth. But the Result of that Assembly demonstrated, that Mens minds are very different, [Page 102] when they contend for Liberty or Honour, from what they are when they have laid aside all animosities and freed themselves from prejudice: for the People chose all the Tribunes out of the Patricians, being content with that respect which had before been shewn to Plebeians. Where can you find, at this day, that moderation, equity and heighth of mind in one single Man, that then was in all the People together?

VII In the Year 310. after the Building of Rome, the Tribunes of the Soldiers first entered U. C. 310 upon their Office in the room of Consuls, their names being A. Sempronius, L. Attilius, and T. Caecilius, in whose time Concord at home procured Peace abroad also. There are some that say, these three Tribunes were created upon necessity; for that the Veians as well as the Aequi and the Volsci made War against the Romans, at the same time that the Ardeans Re­volted from them; and so two Consuls were not able to manage so many Wars (without any mention of a Law being promulgated for the chusing of Consuls out of the Commons) and likewise that they had both the Authority and Ensigns of Consuls. But yet the Power of that Magistracy was not of long continuance; for the third Month after they entered up­on their Office, they, by the Augurs Decree, as if they had been irregularly made, laid down their Honour; and the reason was, because C. Curiatius, who was President of the Assem­ly, had not taken the Tent as he ought to have done. Then Embassadors came from the Ardeans to Rome, making such a complaint concerning the injury done them, that if they had redress in that point, it was manifest they would, upon the restoration of their Land, stand to their League, and continue in friendship with the Romans. But the Senate told them, The judgment of the People could not be rescinded by the Senate, not only because they had no right or example so to do, but also upon the score of preserving that Concord which now was be­tween the several ranks of Men. If the Ardeans would stay 'till they had an opportunity, and would leave the method of redressing that injury to the Senate, they should not, in time, repent that they had checked their passion; but should also be convinced, that the Senate took as much care to prevent any injury [...]at might be done to them, as to repair it when it was offered. So the Embassadors, tel­ling the Senate they would relate the whole matter to their Masters at Ardea, were kindly dismissed. Then the Patricians, seeing the Commonwealth was without a chief Magistrate, met, and created an Interrex: before whom the Debate, whether they should chuse Consuls or Tribunes Military, lasted for several days. The Interrex and the Senate contended for a Consular Assembly; but the Tribunes of the People, and the People, would needs have an Assembly for the chusing of Tribunes Military. At last the Senate carried it, because not only the People, who were resolved to confer either one or the other Honour upon Pa­tricians, would strive no longer to no purpose; but the heads also of the Commons were most desirous of such an Assembly, in which they should not be at all regarded, thn where they might be pass'd by as unworthy: yea, the Tribunes of the People too would stickle no more in complaisance to the Nobility. Thereupon T. Quintius Barbatus the Interrex created two Consuls, whose names were L. Papirius Mugilanus, and L. Sempronius Atratinus. In whose time the League was renewed with the Ardeans: and upon them there is this remark, that their names who were Consuls that Year, are not found either in the ancient Annals or in the Books of the Magistrates: of which I suppose the reason to be, because the Tribunes Military governed at the beginning of the Year, and therefore the names of these Consuls, who were made in their room, were omitted, as if those Tribunes had continued the whole Year round. But Licinius Macer tells us that they were to be found in the Ardean League, and in the Linnen Books which lay in the Temple of Juno Moneta. In their time also, though so many terrors appeared from the neighbouring Countries, there was Peace both abroad and at home.

VIII This Year (whether it had Tribunes only or Consuls also put in the room of those Tri­bunes) U. C. 311 was attended by another, in which the Consuls names were well known, being M. Geganius Macerinus a second time, and T. Quintius Capitolinus a fifth time. This Yeas was likewise the beginning of the Censorship; a thing, which though it sprang from a small ori­ginal, yet afterward increased to such a degree, that the regulation of Manners and Disci­pline among the Romans was subject to it; the Senate and the Centuries of Knights, the Power distinguishing between decency and undecency was within the jurisdiction of that Ma­gistrate; yea, the ordering of all places both publick and private, and the Customs or Tri­bute of the Roman People were at the disposal and in the hands of that Officer. Now the first reason, why Censors were made, was, because the People having been Unpolled, or Rated for so many Years, that business could neither be deferred, nor had the Consuls leisure to mind it, they had so many Wars to provide against. Thereupon the Senate said, It being a troublesome business, and unbefitting the Dignity of a Consul, it ought to have a Magi­strate peculiar to it; who should have Clerks under him, together with the keeping and making the Tables of Rates, as well as power to prescribe the form of every particular Mans Pole. The Se­nators gladly received the proposal, though it was a small matter, because it increased the number of Patrician Magistrates in the Commonwealth: supposing also, I suppose, (what afterward came to pass) that in a short time the riches of those that should bear that Of­fice, would make an addition of State and Majesty to the honour it self. The Tribunes also (considering the present circumstances) look'd upon it to be necessary rather than a [Page 103] specious piece of service, and therefore, lest they should seem to thwart the Senate in such small things, were willing to comply. Since therefore this dignity was slighted by the chief of the City, the People Voted, that Papirius and Sempronius, whose Consulate occasioned some dispute, should make up their Year in that Office of Censorship; being called Censores, à cen­sendo [i. e. from Taxing the People, &c.]

Whilst these things were transacted at Rome, Embassadors came from Ardea, desiring the IX Romans for old Alliance-sake, and the late League renewed between them, to send aid to their City which was almost ruined: for they could not enjoy that Peace which they had wisely preserved with the Roman People, for their intestine broils, the original of which, is said to be the dif­ference between several Factions, which always have been, and still will prove more fatal to many People than Foreign Wars, than Famin or Diseases, or any other thing, that men ascribe to the wrath of Heaven, as the most deplorable of all publick calamities. Two young Men made love to a Damsel of the Plebeian rank, who was very beautiful: the one of them being of the same quality with her, and relying upon his Guardians, who themselves also were of the same condition: the other, being a Nobleman, was taken with nothing but her beauty only. Him therefore the Nobility assisted so far, that both the Rivals came a Wooing to her at the same time. But the Noble Youth prevailed upon the judgment of her Mother, who had a mind to have her Daughter married into a great Family: whilst the Guardians stickled all they could for their Pupil; being in that also mindful of their priviledges, as Ple­beians. At length, seeing the matter could not be determined within those Walls, they went to Law about it: where when the Mother and the Guardians had been heard, the Magistrates gave it as their opinions, that the Mother might dispose of her Daughter in Marriage as she pleased. But force was above Law; for the Guardians complaining openly in the Market-place, among People of their own Quality and Party, of the injustice of the Decree, got a Band together, and forced the Maid out of her Mothers House: against whom a stronger company of Noble Youths rising up in Arms followed the young Man, who was much con­cerned at the indignity, and occasioned a fierce encounter. In which the populace having the worst on it, went, nothing like the Roman Commonalty, out of the City Armed, and having possessed themselves of a certain Hill, made excursions into the Lands belonging to the Nobility with Fire and Sword: yea, they prepared to Besiege the City also, and the rich Citizens that had been concerned on neither side, calling out all the Mechanicks, in hopes of Plunder, to assist them. And now the face of War and Slaughter appeared in all its shapes, the City being as it were infected with the madness of two young fellows, that con­tended for a fatal Marriage through the ruin of their Country. Each Party had but a small force either at home or abroad; wherefore the Noble Men sent to the Romans to come and relieve their Besieged City, whilst the Commonalty instigated the Volsci to help them in the taking of Ardea. The Volsci came first under the Conduct of Cluilius, and made a Rampire against the Enemies Walls. Which being told at Rome, immediately M. Geganius, the Consul marching forth with an Army, pitched his Camp three thousand paces from the Enemy, and being it was late in the day, bid his Soldiers refresh themselves. After which, about the fourth Watch he marched forth; and the Work which he began was carried on with such speed, that at Sun-rising the Volsci saw themselves enclosed by the Romans with a stronger Bulwark than that which they had made against the City: the Consul having also made a Line of Communication up to the Wall of Ardea, whereby his friends might come to him out of the Town.

The Volscian General who had to that day maintained his Men not with Provisions pre­pared X before-hand, but with Forage and Plunder that he took out of the Country for his pre­sent occasion; seeing himself encompassed on a sudden with such a Mound, and being un­provided of all necessaries, desired the Consul to let him speak with him, and told him, That if the Romans came to raise that Siege, he would draw the Volscians off from thence; to which the Consul answered, That those who were Conquered ought to take, not to make Conditions of Peace; nor should the Volscians go away as they came to oppose the Allies of Rome, at their own pleasure: but he commanded them to surrender their General, lay down their Arms, confess them­selves Conquered, and obey his Commands: otherwise both those that went away, and those that stayed there too should find him such an Enemy as would rather carry back to Rome a Victory over the Volsci, than an unfaithful Peace. The Volscians therefore put little trust in their Arms, and having found that all other means were quite cut off, engaged, besides other inconve­niencies, in a place which was very incommodious to fight in, and worse to run away from: by which means, being killed on every side, they turned from fighting to praying; and ha­ving delivered up their General, together with their Arms, underwent the disgraceful cere­mony of being made Captives of War by going under a Gallows made of three Javelins, and then with one Garment on their backs were dismissed, after they had suffered so much igno­miny, and lost so many of their Men. And soon after, as they sate down together not far from the City Tusculum, being unarmed, they were set upon and suffered for an old grudg between them and the Tusculans, insomuch that there were hardly two Men left to carry the news of their slaughter. The Roman Consul in the mean time composed the Ardean Sediti­on, Beheading the Ringleaders of it, and Confiscating their Goods into the publick Trea­sury [Page 104] of that City. Then the Ardeans were of opinion that the Romans had made them full sa­tisfaction for the injury which was done them in the judgment concerning the Land; but the Senate thought they ought to do something more still to obliterate the remembrance of such a publick piece of avarice. The Consul therefore came back with Triumph into the City, Clu­ilius the Volscian General being led before his Chariot, and the spoils too carried before, of which he had disarmed the Enemies Forces, when he made them pass under the Jujum or Gal­lows. Mean while Quintius in his Gown (which is not easie) equalled the Glory of his Collegues in Arms. For he took such care at home to preserve Concord, by moderating the Laws in respect both to the highest and the lowest, that the Senate thought him a severe Consul, and the Commons believed him mild enough. He likewise gained more upon the Tribunes by his Gravity and Authority, than by contending with them. In fine, five Con­sulships managed all after the same rate, and all his life having been spent in the affairs be­longing to the Consuls made him full as venerable as the Dignity he bore: for which rea­son there was no talk of the Tribunes Military in the time of these Consuls.

XI The next Year they chose for Consuls M. Fabius Vibulanus, and Postumus Aebutius Corni­cen; U. C. 312 who considering they succeeded two such Men that had gained so much honour by their Conduct both at home and abroad (but especially, that their Year was very memorable a­mong their Neighbours, whether Allies or Enemies, for the great care that they had taken to relieve the Ardeans in their necessity) they endeavoured so much the more studiously to raze the memory of that infamous Judgment out of the minds of Men, by making an Or­der of Senate. That seeing the City of Ardea was reduced by their intestine tumults to a small num­ber, there should a Colony be sent thither as a Guard against the Volscians. This was set up in Tables publickly, to conceal the design they had of rescinding the Judgment from the Peo­ple and the Tribunes. For they had agreed, that a far greater number of the old Rutilian Colony, than of the Romans, should be taken in, and that no Lands should be divided among them, but what had been taken away by that infamous Judgment, of which no one Clod should be assigned to any Roman, before all the Rutulians were served. Thus their Land came again into the hands of the Ardeans. The three that were appointed to carry the Co­lony to Ardea, were Agrippa Menenius, T. Claelius Siculus, and M. Ebucius Aelua; who, ha­ving offended the People in acting so much against their minds, when they assigned that Land to their Allies, which the Romans had judged to be their own; and having likewise disobliged the chief Senators in not shewing any extraordinary respect to e're an one of them, were fain to stay in that Colony, which could testifie for their Integrity and Justice, to a­void vexatious Accusations at Rome, where the Tribunes had appointed a Day for their Tryal.

XII There was Peace both at home and abroad all this and the following Year, in which C. U. C. 313 F. Pacilus, and M. Papirius Crassus were Consuls. Then the Games which the Decemviri, in the time of the Peoples secession from the Senate, had designed, were performed. Peti­lius sought to move sedition, but in vain; for though when he was Tribune of the People, he declared the very same things again, he could not only not get the Consuls to leave the matter, touching the division of Lands among the Commons, to the Senate; but besides that, when he had with much ado obtained that the Senate might be Consulted, whether they would have any Assemblies for Consuls or Tribunes, there was an Order made for the chusing of Consuls: so that they slighted the Tribunes menaces, when he threatened to hinder the Levy; for their Neighbours being all at quiet, there was no need of War or any Preparations for U. C. 314 it. But after this calm season of Affairs, there came an Year (in which Proculus Geganius Macerinus, and L. Menenius Lanatus were Consuls) remarkable for many sorts of death and dangers; for Seditions, Famin, and the Peoples receiving almost the yoke of Kingly Go­vernment upon their necks through the sweetness of a bounteous largess made among them: There wanted only a Foreign, with which if they had been oppressed, they could hardly have withstood, though all the gods in Heaven had taken part with them. Their Cala­mities began with a Famin (whether the Year was unseasonable, or that the People, allu­red with the pleasure of being at Assemblies and in the City, had neglected the manuring of their Land, I know not; for both causes are assigned) for which the Senate accused the Commons as slothful, and the Tribunes of the People blamed sometimes the knavery and sometimes the negligence of the Consuls. At last the Commons prevailed, with the Senates consent too, that L. Minucius should be made Prefect of the Provisions, who was more like­ly to be successful in that Office as to the preservation of his Liberty, than diligent in his busi­ness: though at last he was much beloved and honoured (as he deserved) for the Provisions which he raised. He therefore, after many Embassies had been sent round about to the neighbouring Nations, both by Sea and Land, but all in vain (save that some small quantity of Corn was brought out of Etruria) having got no considerable quantity of Provisions toge­ther, and being reduced to an extremity, did, by compelling People to produce their Corn, and sell what remained above enough for a Month; as likewise by defrauding Servants of some part of their days allowance, accusing and exposing the Corn-Merchants to the fury of the People, rather discover than relieve their want, many of the Common People being now with­out all hopes, rather than live in Torment, threw themselves headlong into the Tiber.

Then Sp. Maelius, a very rich Man, of the Knightly Order, as the City then was, began XIII a business, which though it were to publick advantage, was of very ill example, and a worse design. For he having bought Corn in Etruria with his own Mony, by means of his Acquain­tance and Clients (which very thing, I believe, was the cause why they could not buy Provi­sions at the publick Charge) began to make largesses of it among the People; whom he drew after him wherever he went, with much more vanity and pride than became a private Person; they being pleased with his gifts, for which they promised him, through their favour, he should be Consul. But he, as Mans mind is never satisfied with what Fortune promises, was ambiti­ous of higher things, that were not to be allowed of; and therefore, seeing the Consulship must be wrested from the Senators, began to consult of his being King: for that he thought was the only reward that could requite all that trouble and pains, which he must undergo be­fore he attained even to a Consulship. And now the Consular Assembly was at hand; which, since his designs were not yet ripe for execution, destroyed his enterprise. For T. Quintius U. C. 315 Capitolinus was the sixth time made Consul, who was a Person very unlikely to favour one that would make any innovation; and his Collegue was Agrippa Menenius, Surnamed Lanatus; L. Minucius being Prefect of the Provisions: who whether he were newly created again, or at first made for an uncertain time, as long as occasion required is not known, there being no evidence of it, but his name, as Prefect, put in the Linnen Books among the Magistrates both Years. This Minucius taking the same care of the Commonwealth, as Maelius privately had undertaken to do, since there were the same sort of Men in both their Houses, discovering the matter, told the Senate, That there were Arms carried into Maelius's House, and that he had Meetings at home, which without doubt were Consults how to gain a Crown: that the time for execu­tion was not yet come, but all things else were agreed on. That the Tribunes also were bribed to betray their Liberty; as likewise that the several Commissions were given to those that should head the Mul­titude. That he came to tell them somewhat later, than was consistent with their safety, lest he should have informed them of what he did not know to be certainly true. Which when they heard, the chief of the Senate did not only chide the last Years Consuls for suffering such largesses or conventions of the People to be in any private House, but blamed the new Consuls also, for tarrying 'till the Prefect of the Provisions came and informed the Senate of a thing so weighty, which might require a Consul, not only for its detector, but revenger too. Then T. Quintius told them, The Consuls were not at all to blame; who being bound up by Laws that were made concerning Liberty of Appeal in order to dissolve Authority, had not so much strength in their Office as they had Courage to revenge that audacious attempt according to the heinousness of it: that would require not only a stout Man, but also one that were free and disengaged from the fetters of Law. Wherefore he would make L. Quintius Dictator; for he had a soul equal to that great Au­thority. Thereupon when they all approved of the proposal, Quintius at first refused it; and asked them, What they meant to expose such an old Man as he was to so much difficulty and dan­ger? But soon after, when they all around him cried out, that there was more Policy and Courage too in that old Soul of his than in all the rest that were there; commending him as he deserved, whilst the Consul continued of the same mind, Cincinnatus having made his supplication to the gods, that his old Age might not prove either a damage, or dishonour to the Commonwealth in such dangerous circumstances, was declared Dictator by the Consul; and made C. Servilius Ahala Magister of the Horse.

The next day having planted Guards in several places, he came down into the Forum, XIV where the People stared upon him as a new and wonderful sight: the Maelians, and their Leader, saw the force of that great Authority designed against them: those that knew no­thing of a design to make Maelius King, asked, What Tumults, what sudden War required a Dictator, or Quintius to be Governour of the Commonwealth when he was above eighty years of Age; whilst in the mean time Servilius, Master of the Horse, being sent to Maelius by the Dictator, told him, The Dictator would speak with you: to which he in a fear replying, What would he have with me? Servilius answered, You must make your defence against Minuci­us, who hath accused you before the Senate. Whereupon Maelius retired into the crowd of his followers, and first, looking about him, was very unwilling to move; but at last the Appa­ritor [or Serjeant] dragging him along by the Order of the Master of the Horse, he was rescued by those that stood about him, and running away, implored the favour of the Roman People: saying, He was oppressed by consent of the Senate, for having been kind to the Commonal­ty; and desiring, that they would assist him now in his last extremity, nor suffer him to be murder­ed before their eyes. As he bawled out to this effect, Ahala Servilius overtook him and slew him: by which means, being bespattered with the blood of the Party slain, and guarded with a Company of Patrician young Men, he carried the news to the Dictator; that Maeli­us, who when he was summoned to come before him, had repelled the Serjeant and raised the Multitude upon them, had what he deserved: upon which the Dictator said, Go and prosper, C. Servilius! in thy Courage, now thou hast freed the Commonwealth.

Thereupon seeing the Multitude in a Tumult, because they were divided in their opi­nions XV of the matter, he ordered an Assembly to be called, in which he told them, That Maelius was justly slain, though he were not guilty of a Design to be King, for not coming to the Dictator when the Master of the Horse called him; for he was then sitting to hear the Cause; which [Page 106] when he had examined, Maelius should have had as much favour as the case would have born. That he who made what resistance he could rather than submit to the Law, was restrained by vi­olence; nor ought a Magistrate to have dealt with him like a fellow Citizen, who though he were born among a free People, among Laws and Priviledges, in a City, from whence he knew all Kings were banished; and where, the same Year, the Sons of a Kings Sister, and of the Consul that de­livered his Country, were Beheaded with an Ax for a Plot in which they were known to be enga­ged, for bringing in of the Kings again: a City, from whence Collatinus Tarquinius the Con­sul, out of hatred to the name, was forced to quit his Office, and go into banishment: a City, in which Sp. Cassius suffered after some Years for a design he had to be King: a City, in which of late the Decemviri were amerced in all their Estates, and punished with Exile or Death for their King­ly pride. He, I say, should not have been dealt with like a fellow Citizen, that would hope, as Sp. Maelius did, to make himself King. And pray what a Man is he? that he should aspire to Dominion without any Nobility of birth, any honours or deserts. For though the Claudii and the Cassii were high-minded, they had the Consulships, the Decemvirates, and other honours of their Ancestors and the splendor of their Families to brag of, so that it was no fault in them. But that Sp. Maelius, who should rather wish, than hope, to be Tribune of the People, who was only a rich Corn-Merchant should hope to buy the Liberty of his fellow Citizens for two pounds of Wheat apiece, or should think that by giving them a meals Meat he could wheedle a People into slavery, who had conquered all their neighbour Nations; or that the City should suffer him to be King, whom they could scarce find in their hearts to make a Senator, and to have all the Ensigns of State and all that Pow­er which Romulus their Founder, who was descended from the gods, but now was one of their num­ber, had, was not more wicked than monstrous. Nor was it enough that he atoned f [...]r it with his blood, except his House too were demolished, in which so much madness was conceived; and his Goods, that were infected with the Design of their being the price of a Kingdom, all confiscated. Wherefore he ordered the Questors to sell those Goods, and put them into the publick Trea­sury.

XVI Then he commanded his House, that the place where it stood might be a monument of the frustration of his wicked purpose, to be immediately Demolished; and the space was called Aequimelium. L. Minucius was honoured with a figure of a Golden Bull, without the Gate called Porta Trigemina; nor were the People unwilling to have it so, because he divided Maelius's Corn amongst them at an As [i. e. a Bushel.] I find in some Authors, that this same Minucius went over from the Senate to the People, being made the eleventh Tribune of the Commons, and appeased the Sedition caused by the death of Maelius. But it is scarce credible, that the Senate suffered the number of the Tribunes to be augmented; or that such an example should be introduced by a Patrician especially. Nor is it likely that the People ever obtained such a Priviledg, or so much as stickled for it. But, above all, it is plainly confuted by a Law that pass'd some few years before; That the Tribunes should not have the power to take in any Collegue above their just number. Q. Caecilius, Q. Junius, and Sext. Titinnius were the sole Persons of all the College of Tribunes, that did not favour the Law touching Minucius's honour, but accused, one while Minucius, and another while Ser­vilius, before the People, complaining perpetually of the foul murder of Maelius. By which means they brought it to pass, that an Assembly should be held for the chusing of Tribunes Military rather than Consuls; not doubting but, since there were six to be chosen (for that was now their legal number) some Plebeians, that should profess themselves revengers of Maelius's death, would be elected. The Commons though, that Year, they were disturbed with many and various Commotions, created no more than three Tribunes with power Con­sular; U. C. 316 among whom was L. Quintius, Cincinnatus's Son; from the envy of whose Dictator­ship they sought an occasion to raise a Tumult: but Mamercus Aemilius, a Man of great Quality, was chosen before Quintius, and L. Junius was the third.

XVII In the time of their Magistracy, Fidenae, a Roman Colony, revolted to Lar. Tolumnius King of the Veians, and to the Veians. But there was a worse offence added to that Re­volt. For by the command of Tolumnius, they killed C. Fulcinius, C. Julius Tullus, Sp. Nau­tius, and L. Roscius, the Roman Embassadors, that came to know the reason of their new de­signs. Some extenuate the Kings fault, and say, that as he threw a lucky Cast at Dice, his doubtful words, being taken by the Fidenians as though he had meant they should kill them, was the cause of their Death. But that is incredible; that when the Fidenates, his new Allies, came to him to consult about a Murder that was like to break the Law of Nations, his mind should not be off from his Game: nor that afterwards he should be concerned for the fact. It is more likely, that the People of Fidenae had a mind to be so engaged by that action, that be­ing conscious of its heinousness, they might never after hope for any friendship from the Ro­mans. The Embassadors, who were slain at Fidenae, had their Statues set up publickly in the Rostra. And now a bloody Fight drew nigh, in which they were to engage with the Veians and the Fidenates, who, besides their being two neighbour Nations, occasioned a War by such an horrid Act: wherefore the People and their Tribunes being at quiet, that publick affairs U. C. 317 might be the better managed, there was nothing said to the contrary, but that M. Geganius Macerinus (a third time) and L. Sergius Fidenas, should be made Consuls; of which the la­ter, I suppose, took his Surname of Fidenas from the War which he then waged. For he was [Page 107] the first that fought on this side the River Anien with any success against the King of the Vei­ans; but he did not obtain a bloodless Victory. Wherefore the Romans were more grieved for the Citizens they had lost, than they rejoyced at the Defeat of their Enemies: and the Senate, as in a case of extremity, ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be proclaimed Dictator. Who was no sooner made, but he created L. Quintius Cincinnatus (a Youth very worthy of such a Fa­ther) who had been of the College the last Year, when they were Tribunes Military toge­ther, with power Consular. To the Levy which the Consuls made were added the old Cen­turions, who had experience in Warlike affairs, and the number of those that were lost in the late Battel made up. The Dictator commanded Quintius Capitolinus and M. Fabius Vibu­lanus to follow him as Lieutenants. As therefore he had greater authority than ordinary, so the Man was equal to his Commission; for he drove the Enemy out of the Roman Territories beyond Anien, where they took possession of the Hills betwixt that and Fidenae, removing their Camp backward: nor did they descend into the Plains, before the Faliscan Legions came to their assistance: and then at length the Etrurians Camp was pitched before the Walls of Fidenae. In the mean time the Roman Dictator sate down not far from thence at the meeting of the two Rivers upon the Banks of them both, and raising his Out-works as fast and as far as he could to defend himself for the present, the next day, led his Army into the Field.

There were several opinions among the Enemies. The Faliscans, being a great way from XVIII Home, very uneasie in a Campaign, and confident in their own strength, desired to en­gage: but the Veians and the Fidenates thought best to protract the War. Tolumnius there­fore though he was better pleased with the sentiments of his own Countrymen, yet lest the Faliscans should undergo too much hardship, declared, He would fight the next day. The Di­ctato [...] and the Romans were the more encouraged, when they saw the Enemy declined the Battel; and the day following, when the Soldiers murmured among themselves, and said, that they would attack their Camp and City, if the Enemy would not come out to fight, both the Armies marched forth into the Plain between their two Camps. The Veians abounding in numbers, sent a Party round the Mountains to attack the Roman Camp in the time of the Battel. The Army of those three Nations stood in such order, that the Veians were in the right Wing, the Faliscans in the left, and the Fidenians in the middle. On the other side the Dictator with his right Wing engaged the Falisci, and Capitolinus Quintius with the left Wing, the Veians; whilst the Master of the Horse marched with his Cavalry against the main Bo­dy. For some small time there was silence and quiet; the Etrurians resolving not to joyn Bat­tel, unless they were compelled to it, whilst the Dictator look'd back to the Castle at Rome, to observe when the Augurs, by the flying of the Birds, thought fit to give the appointed sig­nal: which assoon as he beheld, he sent the Horse out first with a shout against the Enemy. Then the Foot marched after and fought very smartly; insomuch that the Etrurian Legions were not able in any part to sustein the shock of the Romans. Their Horse made the least re­sistance, and amongst them all the King himself, who was by far the stoutest Man they had, riding up to the Romans in a full Career, prolonged the Fight.

There was at that time among the Horsemen a certain Tribune, named A. Cornelius Cossus, XIX a very handsome shaped Man, and of equal Courage and Strength, who being mindful of his noble Birth and Family (which he made much more renowned among Posterity) and seeing the Roman Troops very hard put to it by Tolumnius, which way soever he bent his Forces, no sooner discovered him, as he flew in a Kingly Habit to and fro over the whole Army, but he cried out, Is this the breaker of Human Leagues, and the violater of the Law of Nations? I'll pre­sently make him a Sacrifice (if the gods will permit any thing here on earth to be sacred) to the Ghosts of our Embassadors. With that setting spurs to his Horse, and riding full Tilt at him, he with his Spear dismounted him; but so, that Tolumnius, leaning on his Javelin, lit upon his feet: from whence rising up to strike at Cossus again, he knock'd him down with his Buckler, and repeating his strokes upon him, with his Spear stuck the King to the Ground. Then ha­ving rifled his Body, cut off his head and got it upon the point of his Spear, to shew his Victo­ry over him, he routed the Enemy with pure terror which they were in to see their King slain: and by that means also the Horse were defeated, who alone had made the Victory doubtful. The Dictator in the mean time pursuing the routed Legions, drove them into their Camp, where he slew them. A great many of the Fidenates, being acquainted with the Country, fled into the Mountains; whilst Cossus with the Horse, passing over the Tiber, carried a vast Booty with him to the City. But in the midst of the Fight they had another Engagement on the back of their Camp with part of the Enemies Forces whom Tolumnius, as I said before, had sent round the Hills. There Fabius Vibulanus at first defended the Rampire with a Com­pany of Men whom he planted all round it: but whilst the Enemy was intent upon that part, going out at the right-hand Gate of the Camp with a Party of Triarii [commonly the best Soldiers the Romans had] he so surprized them, that they were all in a fright; and though the slaughter was less, because they were fewer, yet they ran away with as much consternation as the rest did out of the Field.

Having had such such great success upon all occasions, the Dictator, by order of the Senate XX and consent of the People, returned Triumphant into the City. But that which made the greatest show of all the Triumph was Cossus's carrying the rich spoils of the King whom he [Page 108] had slain: whilst the Soldiers sung extemporary Verses of their own making to his praise, comparing him even to Romulus. Those spoils he fixed with great solemnity as an Offering in the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, (near the spoils of Romulus, which were the first that were called Spolia Opima [i. e. rich spoils] and the only ones at that time there) turning the eyes of the People from the Dictators Chariot upon himself, and being almost the only person that enjoyed the benefit of that day. The Dictator offered a Crown of Gold of a pound weight, made out of the publick stock, by the Peoples Order, to Jupiter in the Capitol. Now in this affair, having followed all Authors that have written before me, I have told you, that A. Cornelius Cossus a Tribune of the Soldiers, was he that brought the second rich spoils into the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. But besides, that those are properly called rich spoils, which one General takes from another, nor do we call any one a General, but him under whose Conduct a War is managed, the title it self, inscribed upon the spoils, convin­ces both them and me, that Consul Cossus took them. And since I heard Augustus Caesar himself, who was the Builder or restorer of all the Temples in the City, when he went in­to the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which he repaired, (it being ready to fall down for age) read the same thing, which was written upon a Linnen Breast-plate, I thought it almost sa­criledg to rob Cossus of such a witness of his spoils as Caesar, the Rebuilder of that very Tem­ple was. But if there be any mistake in the case, because not only the ancient Annals, but the Magistrates Linnen Books, laid up in the Temple of Moneta, which Macer Licinius quotes, make A. Cornelius Cossus to be Consul seven Years after with T. Quintius Pennus, yet mine is the common received opinion. But for a farther argument, that such a famous Fight cannot be transferred to that Year, we know, that about the time that A. Cornelius was Con­sul, there was no Wars for almost three Years together, besides that there happened a Pe­stilence, and great scarcity of Fruits: insomuch that some Annals, to shew the fatality of that time, give us nothing but the names of the Consuls: and the third Year from Cossus's Consulship, he is said to have been Tribune of the Soldiers with power Consular. That the same Year also he was Master of the Horse, and in that Dignity fought another famous Battel on Horseback: in which I leave every one to their own free conjecture. But in this case I am apt to think Men will take the freedom to question the truth of any thing if they make a doubt of it; when the Warrior himself laying the fresh spoils in the Holy-place, and looking in the face of almost Jupiter himself, and Romulus, such venerable witness of his false Title, wrote himself A. Cornelius Cossus, the Consul.

XXI When M. Cornelius Maluginensis, and L. Papirius Crassus were Consuls, there were Armies U. C. 318 led into the Veian and the Faliscan Territories: from whence they drove great numbers of Men and Cattel, but found no Enemy in all the Country, never had any occasion of fight­ing, nor attacked any of their Towns, because the Plague was in them. At the same time there were Seditions attempted at home, but not accomplished, by Sp. Maelius, Tribune of the People, who thinking he could make some bustle upon the score of his Name, had not only summoned Minucius to his Tryal, but likewise preferred a Bill for the Confiscation of the Goods of Servilius Ahala: saying, that Maelius was falsly accused by Minucius, and that Servi­lius had killed a Citizen uncondemned: but the People slighted what he said more than they did himself. In the mean time, though they were much concerned for the sickness which grew very fatal among them, as likewise for those terrible Sights and Prodigies which appeared; but most of all for that they were told the Houses in the Country tumbled down with fre­quent Earthquakes. Wherefore the People, with the Duumviri going before them, made U. C. 319 publick Obsecrations to the gods. But the next Year, when C. Julius (a second time) and L. Virginius were Consuls, being much more Pestilential, made such a Desert of the City as well as the Fields, that (not to say, that no body went a foraging out of the Roman Confines, or that the Senate and People were careless of their Warlike affairs) the Fidenates on their own accord, who at first had secured themselves either in some Town, the Mountains, or within their Walls, came down to Plunder the Roman Territories. From whence sending for the Veian Army (for the Faliscans could not be persuaded to renew the War, either by the Mortality among the Romans, or the intreaties of their Allies) those two Nations crossed the Anien, and set up their Standards not far from the Gate Collina. Thereupon they trembled as much in the City as in the Country: wherefore Julius the Consul planted all their Forces up­on the Rampire and Walls; whilst Virginius consulted the Senate in the Temple of Quirinus: where they thought fit to make A. Servilius Dictator, whose Surname, some say, was Priscus, and others, Structus. But Virginius staying 'till he had consulted his Collegue, had his permis­sion, and declared Servilius Dictator in the night, and he made Postumus Aebutius Elua his Master of the Horse.

XXII Then the Dictator commanded all the People to be, assoon as it was day, without the Gate Collina: and accordingly all that were able to bear Arms appeared: whereupon the Ensigns were brought out of the Treasury to the Dictator. Which being done, the Enemy betook them­selves into higher places, into which the Dictator with his Army followed them, and not far from Nomentum, joyning Battel, routed the Etrurian Legions; whom he drove thence into the City Fidenae, and surrounded that City with a Bulwark. But the Town was so high and well Fortified, that it could not be so much as scaled, nor was there any hardship felt all the [Page 109] time of the Siege: because they had Corn not only enough to supply their necessities, but to spare also, their store was so great, which they had formerly laid in. So therefore having no hopes of taking by Storm, or forcing it by Famin to surrender, the Dictator began in places which, being adjacent, he was acquainted with, and on the back part of the City which was most neglected, as being naturally Impregnable, to dig a Mine into the Castle. About which, when he had set his Miners to work, he himself approaching the Walls in several very distant places, with his Army divided into four parts, to succeed each other in the Fight, by keeping the Enemy imployed upon the Walls continually night and day, gave them no leisure to be sensible of his design; 'till having digged from his Camp quite through the Hill, they had made a way streight up into the Castle; insomuch that whilst the Etrurians were apprehen­sive of vain threats instead of certain danger, the noise of the Enemy above their heads show'd that the City was taken. That Year C. Furius Pacilus, and M. Geganius Macerinus being Cen­sors, approved of the Villa Publica [a Place railed in and made convenient for publick uses] in the Campus Martius, and the Pole of the People was then first managed in that place.

I find in Macer Licinius that the same Consuls, to wit, C. Julius (a third time) and Virgi­nius XXIII (a second time) were made again the Year following. But Valerius Antias, and Q. Tu­bero U. C. 320 say that Marcus Manlius, and Q. Sulpitius were Consuls for that Year; and yet though they differ so much in their account, both Tubero and Macer acknowledg the Linnen Books to be their Authors for what they say: nor does either of them deny but that old Authors say there were Tribunes of the Soldiers that Year. Licinius questions not the Authority of the Linnen Books, though Tubero makes some doubt; granting that among other things that time has made uncertain, this may be one. The People of Etruria were in a great fright after the taking of Fidenae; nor did the Veians only dread the like misfortune, but the Faliscans too, when they considered that they had joyned with them in the War, though when they first re­belled they were not with them. Wherefore when those two Cities, sending Embassadors round about to all the two and twenty Nations of Etruria, had desired of them, that there might be a convention of all Etruria at the Temple of Voltumna, the Senate, seeing a great storm, as it were, acoming, ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be again declared Dictator: by whom A. Postumius Tubertus was made Master of the Horse: and the preparations for that War were so much the greater, by how much there was more danger to be feared from all Etruria, than from those two Nations only.

But that affair was something easier than any body expected. Wherefore when the Mer­chants XXIV brought news, That the Veians were denied any aid, and told, that seeing they had begun a War on their own heads, they might end it with their own Forces, and not seek partners in their adversity, with whom they had not communicated the blessings of their prosperity; the Dictator, for fear he should have been created to no purpose, now that the occasion of gaining glory in War was taken away, desiring to do something even in Peace, that might be a Monu­ment of his Dictatorship, endeavoured to lessen the Censorship, either because he thought their power too great, or that he was offended, not so much at the greatness of their ho­nour, as at the length of their continuance in the Office. He therefore calling an Assem­bly, told them, The gods had undertaken to manage the affairs of the Commonwealth abroad, and keep all things safe: that he, as for what was to be done within the Walls, would consult the Liber­ty of the Roman People. And the best way to preserve that, was, not to suffer great Offices to be long in one Magistrates hands; but to bound that with time, to which the Law had set no bounds. That other Magistrates were annual, but that the Censorship was of five years continuance: that it was hard for the People to live so many years, a great part of their life, obnoxious to the same per­sons; wherefore he would make a Law, that the Censorship should not last above a Year and half. Accordingly, the next day, with general consent of the People he pass'd the Law: and then told them, Romans! that you may see I don't at all fansie Offices of long continuance, I at this in­stant lay down my Dictatorship. Whereupon having quitted his own Office, and limited that of others, he was attended to his House with great applause and favour of the People. The Censors taking it ill, turned him out of his Tribe, for having diminished a Magistracy of the Roman People, and setting a rate upon him of eight times as much as he ought to pay, made him only a Tributary to the State. Which thing they say he bore with great courage, as considering the cause of his disgrace, more than the disgrace it self: and that the chief of the Senate, though they had desired before to have the Censors powers restrained, did now much more approve of it, being offended to see such an example of their severity: for each of them foresaw he might be longer and oftner subject to the Censors, than he should bear the Office. But the People were so inraged, that no body, save Mamercus, could have kept them from laying violent hands upon the Censors.

The Tribunes of the People, by their daily assemblies, obstructing the Consular Conven­tion, XXV so that the matter was almost reduced to an Interregnum, they at last prevailed to have Tribunes of the Soldiers chosen with Consular Authority. But they had not what they desi­red (though they carried the day) which was, to have a Plebeian chosen; for they were all Patricians, and their names were M. Fabius Vibulanus, M. Foslius, L. Sergius Fidenas. That U. C. 321 Year a Pestilence kept them from minding any thing else; and a Temple was vowed to Apollo for the recovery of the People; the Duumviri doing many things prescribed in their [Page 110] Books, to appease the wrath of the gods, and turn the Plague away from the People. But for all that they could do, there was a great Mortality in the City and Country both of Men and Cattel: Yea, they feared a Famin too, for want of Men to Till the Land, and therefore sent into Etruria, Pometia, to Cumae, and at last even into Sicily for Corn. In the mean time there was no talk of any Consular Assembly: but there were Tribunes of the Soldiers made U. C. 322 with Consular Authority, and all Patricians, whose names were L. Pinarius Mamercus, L. Fu­rius Medullinus, and Sp. Postumius Albus. That Year the force of the Disease was abated, nor was there any danger of their wanting Corn, they had so much before-hand. Mean while there was a Council held among the Aequi and the Volsci, and in Etruria, at the Temple of Voltumna, concerning a War. But there they put off the business for a Year, and made a De­cree, That no Council should be held before such a time: whilst the Veians to no purpose com­plained, That the same fortune attended Veii, by which Fidenae was destroyed. Whilst this was done, the heads of the Commons at Rome, having long waited in hopes of greater honour, (but all to no end) whilst there was peace abroad, they began to call Conventions into the Houses of the Tribunes of the People. And there making secret Cabals, they complained, That the People so despised them, that though for so many Years there had been Tribunes of the Soldiers made with Consular Authority, no Plebeian was ever yet admitted to that Honour. That their Ancestors indeed were very provident in taking care, that no Patrician should ever be a Plebeian Magistrate, or else the Tribunes of the People had been most commonly Patricians; so despicable were they even in the sight of their own Party, nor contemned less by the Commons than by the Senate. Thereup­on some began to acquit the People, and lay the blame upon the Senate; That by their am­bition and ill arts it was, that the Peoples way to honour was blocked up: if the People could but once be rid of their intreaties, mixt with menaces, they would bethink themselves and Vote for Com­moners; and having the assistance of the Tribunes, would vindicate the Authority of the Commons. Then it was thought fit, in order to the taking away all canvassing for Offices, that the Tri­bunes of the People should promulgate a Law, That no Man should make his Garment whiter than ordinary, when he went to get Votes: which Law, though it now may seem a small matter, and scarce worth serious consideration, yet then inflamed the Senate and the People to a very great degree. At last the Tribunes got the day and past their Law: and it appeared very plainly, when their minds were provoked, that the People would for the future favour their own Party. Wherefore, lest they should be totally free to do what they pleased, there was an Order of Senate made, for the holding of a Consular Assembly. At which juncture there was a sudden tumult in the City, caused by the news which the Latins and the Hernicans brought from the Aequi and the Volsci.

XXVI Thereupon T. Quintius, the Son of Lucius, Surnamed Cincinnatus, (and Pennus too) and U. C. 323 C. Julius Mento were created Consuls; nor was the terror of the War any longer deferred. By a sacred Law, which with those People is of greatest force for the raising of Soldiers, they having made a Levy, two mighty Armies marched forth and met in Algidum; where the Aequi and the Volsci fortified their Camps apart from each other; their Generals being at that time more industrious than ever before they had been, not only to defend, but to exer­cise their Men: which put the Romans into a greater fear. Then the Senate ordered a Di­ctator to be made; because those Nations, though they had been often Conquered, yet still rebelled again with greater spirit than ever before: besides that some part of the Roman Youth was taken off by the sickness; but, above all, the private quarrel between the two Consuls, and their thwarting of each other in all their Counsels, increased their dread. There are, who say, these Consuls had but ill success in a Battel in Algidum, and that that was the reason why a Dictator was created. But this is manifest, that though they disagreed in other things, they consented even against the will of the Senate in this one thing, that they would not make a Dictator; 'till one thing coming still more terrible after another, and yet the Consuls would not submit to the Senate, Q. Servilius Priscus, one who had bore the greatest Offices with extraordinary applause, applying himself to the Tribunes, said, You, Tribunes of the People! since things are come to such an extremity, the Senate Appeals to; that you, in such a dangerous case as the Commonwealth is now in, would force the Consuls by your Authority to create a Dictator. Which when he had said, the Tribunes thinking they had gotten a good occa­sion to augment their Power, withdrew; and soon after, in the name of the College, de­clared, It was their pleasure, that the Consuls should submit to the Senate; and if they any longer opposed the Will of that most honourable Order, they would command them to be carried to Goal. The Consuls chose rather to be out-done by the Tribunes, than by the Senate, saying, That the Sovereign Authority was betrayed by the Senators, and the Consulship put in subjection to the Power of the Tribunes: seeing that now the Consuls might be compelled by Power of the Tribunes, and (than which, what has any private Person more to fear?) be carried to Goal too. It fell to T. Quintius's lot (for the Collegues could not agree upon it very well) to name the Dictator, and accordingly he declared A. Postumius Tubertus, his Father-in-law, a very severe Gover­nour, Dictator; by whom L. Julius was created Master of the Horse. At the same time also, there was a stop put to all Judicial proceeding; nor was there any thing done all over the City, but what was in order to preparations for the War. The hearing of their defence that did not take up Arms, was deferred 'till the War was over: but indeed so ready all Peo­ple [Page 111] were, that even those who might possibly have been excused gave in their names; and when the Latins and the Hernici were ordered to bring in their Quota: they both very readi­ly obeyed the Dictator.

All this was done with great celerity: and C. Julius the Consul being left to Guard the XXVII City, with L. Julius, Master of the Horse, who staid to provide with all speed for their pre­sent necessities in the Camp; the Dictator, with A. Cornelius the High-Priest going before him, vowed to Celebrate the Ludi Magni [or great Games, Celebrated not above once in an Age] upon the score of that War: and then marching out of the City, and having divi­ded the Army between himself and Quintius the Consul, came up to the Enemy. As there­fore they saw the Foe had two Camps at a small distance from each other, they likewise a­bout a thousand paces from the Enemy (the Dictator nearer to Tusculum, and the Consul nearer to Lanuvium) pitched their Camps. So four Armies and as many entrenchments had the Plain before them, in the middle, which was wide enough not only to make little excursions for skirmishing, but even to set their whole Armies on both sides in Battalia. Nor were they, seeing their Camps were opposite to each other; at any time disengaged from those little Rencounters; the Dictator being very willing, that his Men, by trying the Ene­mies strength in such light bickerings, might be able to tell him, what hopes they had of the general Victory. Wherefore the Enemy despairing of any success in a pitched Battel, at­tacked the Consuls Camp in the night time, and put the whole affair to the hazard of a doubtful event. Whereupon the sudden shout which they made alarmed not only the Con­suls Sentinels, and consequently the whole Army, but awaked the Dictator also, who was then asleep. The Consul, though he were so surprized, wanted neither Courage nor Con­duct; setting part of his Men to guard the Gates, and the rest round about the Rampire. In the other Camp, where the Dictator was, the tumult being less, made them the more care­ful of their business. Wherefore they immediately sent reliefs to the Consuls Camp, under the Command of Sp. Postumius Albus, a Lieutenant, whilst the Dictator himself marched a little about to a place most remote from the noise, that he might attack the Enemy in their Rere, before they were aware of his coming. When he went away, he left Q. Sulpicius, a Lieutenant, Master of the Camp, and M. Fabius, another Lieutenant, to Command the Horse, bidding him not to stir before day, because he knew the Horses were hard to be ma­naged in such Nocturnal Conflicts. In short, he did and said all things that an active and a prudent General in such a case ought either to say or do. But that was an extraordinary instance of his Courage and Conduct, and a thing for which he was highly to be commen­ded, that he on his own accord sent M. Geganius with a choice Party to attack the Enemies Camp, from whence, as his Scouts brought word, they were marched with the greater part of their Men. So that Geganius setting upon them, whilst they were intent upon the event of that danger which others were in, and neglected their own safety, took their Camp be­fore the Enemy well knew themselves to be attacked. Then, as they had agreed, he gave the sign by making a great smoak; which when the Dictator saw, he cried out, The Ene­mies Camp's taken; and commanded the news to be told through all the Army.

By this time it was day-light and all things were visible; so that Fabius with his Horse XXVIII Charged up to them, and the Consul made a Sally out of his Camp upon the trembling Foe: whilst the Dictator, on the other side, giving Battel to the Body of Reserves, and the mid­dle part of the Army, opposed the Enemy (who were in great distraction upon such diffe­rent clamours and sudden hurly-burlies) on all sides with his Victorious Horse and Foot. By which means, being now environed in the middle, they had every Man of them suffered for their Rebellion, had not Messius Vechius, a Volscian, more famous for his Actions than his Birth, when his Countrymen were now putting themselves into a circular posture, crying out with a loud voice, asked them, What? will you stand here to be pelted by your Enemies with­out making any defence, or being revenged of them? Why then have you any Arms? or why were you the aggressors in this War? Are you tumultuous in Peace, and slothful in War? What can you hope for whilst you stand here? Do you think some God will protect you, and snatch you hence? No, you must make your way with your Swords, as you see me do before you. Courage then; all you that intend to see your own Houses, your Parents, or your Wives and Children any more, come along with me. 'Tis not a Wall or a Bulwark but armed Men that can oppose armed Men. You are equal to the Enemy in Courage, but in the necessity of your present cricumstances, which is the last and greatest Weapon you have, you far out-do them. When he had said this, and did as he said, they set up another shout and followed him; making an Attack upon that side where Postumi­us Albus was with his Party: and indeed they made him, though he had then the better of it, give ground, 'till such time as the Dictator came up to assist his retiring friends: and that turned all the Fight the other way. The fortune of the Enemy depended upon one single Man, which was Messius, though there were many wounds on both sides, and a great ma­ny Men killed. Nor did the Roman General now fight without some loss of blood; but though Postumius, and he only, having his head broke with a stone, went out of the Field, yet the Dictator, for all he was wounded in the Arm▪ nor Fabius, though he was almost nailed to his Horse with a thrust through his Thigh, nor the Consul, though his Arm was cut off, would not stir out of so hazardous a Battel.

XXIX But Messius made such an effort through the slaughtered Enemy, with a company of stout young Men about him, that he got into the Volscian Camp, which was not yet taken; and thither therefore the whole Army bent their Forces. The Consul pursuing them even to the Rampire, attacked both that and the very Camp it self: whilst the Dictator came up with his Men on the other side. Nor was their storming of the Camp less smart than the Fight had been: and they say the Consul also flung an Ensign over within the Rampire, to make the Soldiers more eager to scale it: and that the first effort was made to regain their Ensign. Mean while the Dictator having broke through the Bulwark, was fighting within the Camp: whereupon the Enemies, most of them, threw down their Arms and surrender'd themselves, being all, except Senators, (now that they and their Camp were taken) sold. Part of the Booty was given to the Latins and the Hernicans, according as every Man knew what was his own: the rest the Dictator made publick sale of: and having left the Consul to Command in the Camp, he coming with Triumph into the City laid down his Dictatorship. Those Authors make the memory of his famous Dictatorship very grievous, who say, that he beheaded his Son for leaving his Post, and fighting without Orders, though he came off with Victory. But I am not apt to believe it, (though among so many Opinions I may if I will) and my reason is, because such severities are called Imperia Manliana, not Postumia­na [i. e. Manlius's, not Postumius's Commands] and to be sure, he that was the first Author of such a barbarous example, would have the proverbial remark upon his cruelty. Manlius was also Surnamed Imperiosus, whilst Postumius was not distinguished by any infamous title. Mean while C. Julius the Consul Dedicated the Temple of Apollo in his Collegues absence, without casting Lots for it: which Quintius took very ill, and when he had disbanded the Army, returning into the City, complained of it in the Senate, but to no purpose. In this Year which was so signal for great Actions, there happened a business which at that time seemed not at all to concern the Roman State, and that was, that the Carthaginians, who were in time to be such mortal Enemies to them, then first sent over an Army into Sicily to as­sist one of the Factions of the Sicilians who were then seditiously up in Arms.

XXX The Tribunes of the People in the City, indeavoured to have Tribunes of the Soldiers crea­ted U. C. 324 with Consular Authority; but could not obtain their ends. L. Papirius Crassus, and L. Ju­lius were made Consuls. Then the Embassadors of the Aequi having desired a League with the Romans, (instead of which, the Senate told them they ought to surrender themselves) at last obtained a Truce for eight years. The Volscian State, upon the Defeat which they received in Algidum, was torn all to pieces with quarrels and seditions among such as stick­led for Peace and War: but the Romans were at ease on all hands. Then the Consuls hear­ing by one of the College of Tribunes, who betrayed the secret to them, that the Tribunes had a design to prefer a Bill for the commuting of Mulcts [which were formerly taken of Cattel, into Mony] they prevented them and did it before, as knowing it would be very U. C. 325 acceptable to the People. Then L. Sergius Fidenas [a second time] and Hostus Lucretius Tricipitinus were Consuls; in whose time there was nothing done worth the speaking of. U. C. 326 To them there succeeded A. Cornelius Cossus, and T. Quintius Pennus, a second time: in whose Year the Veians made excursions into the Roman Territories. And the report went, that some of the Fidenean Youth were concerned in that ravage; which was referred to L. Sergius, Q. Servilius and Mamercus Aemilius to be inquired into. Whereupon some of them were banish­ed to Hostia, because they could not give a good account why they were absent from Fidenae at that time: and then the Romans augmenting that Colony, divided the Lands, that belong­ed to those who were slain in the War, among them. That Year there was a very great droughth: nor did they want rain only, but the Earth also being bereft of her native moisture, could scarce supply the running streams: insomuch that in some places the defect of water, about those dried Rivers and Fountains, caused a great many Cattel to die for thirst, whilst others were taken off by the murrain. Yea, there was a Contagion very rife at last among Men also, which though at first it seized upon the Country folks and Servants, soon after fil­led all the City. Nor were their Bodies only infected, but their Minds also with many sorts of Religion, and those most Foreign too; whilst those whose gain it is to make People mad with superstition, introduced new Rites of Artifices and Prophesying, into several Families; so long, 'till the chief of the City were ashamed, when they saw in all the Streets, and Chap­pels, strange and unusal Offerings made to appease the angry gods. Wherefore the Aediles were ordered, To take care that none but Roman gods should be worshipped, nor in any other man­ner, U. C. 227 than what had been the constant usage of their Country. Their revenge upon the Veians was deferred 'till the next Year when C. Servilius Ahala, and L. Papirius Mugilanus were Consuls. And then too Religion hinder'd them from declaring War so soon as they would have done, or sending out their Armies: for they thought fit to send Heralds first to demand back what was taken from them. They had fought with the Veians lately at Nomentum and Fidenae in a pitched Bat­tel; after which they made a Truce only, not a Peace: of which Truce, both the time was out, and they also before the day had risen again up in Arms. Nevertheless the Heralds were sent, but though they swore, after their Country fashion, when they demanded back the Plunder, were not at all regarded. Thereupon arose a Controversie, Whether the War should be proclaimed by Order of the People, or whether an Order of Senate would be sufficient. At [Page 113] length the Tribunes prevailed so far, by threatning that they would hinder the Levy, that the Consuls did refer the declaring of the War to the People, who in all their Centuries allowed of it. And in that too the Commons were too hard for them, that they hindred Consuls from being chosen for the next Year.

There were four Tribunes of the Soldiers created with Consular Authority, that is to say, XXXI T. Quintius Pennus, (sometime Consul) C. Furius, M. Postumius, and A. Cornelius Cossus: of U. C. 328 whom Cossus had the Government of the City, and the other three having made a Levy went to Veii; where they were an argument to us, how inconvenient it is in War to have more than one General. For they by inclining each one too much to his own opinion, as being of different Judgments, gave the Enemy an opportunity of doing their business: and accordingly the Veians, whilst the Roman Army was at a stand which Officer they should obey, (one ordering the signal to be given for Battel, and another to sound a retreat) took the occasion to fall upon them, and putting them into disorder made them run away; but their Camp being near received them: so that they suffered more disgrace than loss of Men. The City was very sad, as being not used to be Conquered, and hating the Tribunes desi­red a Dictator, for in such a Person they thought all the Cities hopes lay: but seeing that in that case also Religion hindered them, so that a Dictator could not be declared but by a Con­sul, the Augurs being consulted removed that scruple. So A. Cornelius declared Mamercus Aemilius Dictator, and himself was by him made Master of the Horse: so that assoon as the fortune of the City stood in need of true Courage, the Censors severity was no impedi­ment, but that the Conduct of affairs might be committed to a Person of a branded Fami­ly. The Veians, proud of their success, sent Embassadors all over Etruria, to brag, that they had defeated three Roman Generals in one fight: and though they could not get any of those People formerly to joyn in an alliance with them, yet they now came in as Voluntiers, in hopes of booty, from all parts of the Country. Only the Fidenians resolved to rise again, and, as though it had been a crime not to begin their War with some wicked action, they ha­ving embrued their Weapons in the blood of the new Colony then, as of the Embassadors be­fore, associated themselves to the Veians. Then the heads of those two Nations consulted, whether they should make Veii or Fidenae the seat of War. Fidenae seemed the more opportune place; and therefore the Veians, passing over the Tiber, transferred the War to Fidenae. There was a great consternation at Rome; insomuch that having sent for their Army from Veii, which upon the score of its ill success there was much disheartned, they placed their Camp before the Gate Collina; and planting Soldiers upon the Walls, they ordered a Stop of Justice in the Fo­rum, all the Shops being shut up, and every thing looking like the face of a Camp more than a City.

Then, seeing the City in so much fear, the Dictator sent Cryers or Beadles through all the XXXII Streets to summon the People to an Assembly, wherein he chid them, for being so anxious up­on such a slight occasion; that they should fear the Veians whom they had so often conquered, upon the account of so small a loss which they had received (and that too not through the Courage of the Enemy, or the sloth of the Roman Army, but the dissention of the Generals among themselves) or Fidenae either, which they had taken e'en almost more often than they had attacked it. That the Romans and the Enemies were the same Men they had been for so many Ages; having the same Courage, the same strength of Body, and the same Arms: and that he also was the same Dictator, Mamercus Aemilius, who formerly defeated the Armies of the Veians and Fidenates; yea, when the Faliscans too were joyned with them, at Nomentum. Besides which, that A. Cornelius would be Master of the Horse and in the Army, being the same Person, who in the former War being a Tribune of the Soldiers, when Lar. Tolumnius King of the Veians was slain in sight of the two Armies, brought the rich spoils into the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. Wherefore remembring that Triumphs, and Spoils, and Victory, were all on your side; and on the Enemies part a great deal of guilt for their horrid crimes, murthering the Embassadors against the Law of Nations, killing the Colony at Fi­denae in time of Peace, breaking the Truce, and that their seventh unhappy defection, he advised them to take up their Arms: and told them, he was confident, that assoon as ever they had joyned Camp to Camp, the wicked Enemy would not only quickly cease to Triumph in the ignominy of the Roman Army, but the Roman People likewise would understand, how much better they deserved of the Commonwealth that made him the third time Dictator, than they, who because he abrogated the tyrannical Power of the Censors, would have laid a blot upon his second Dictatorship. Then ha­ving made his Vows he marched forth, and pitched his Camp a thousand and five hundred paces on this side Fidenae, being defended on the right hand by the Mountains, and on the left by the River Tiber. He therefore commanded T. Quintius Pennus to take possession of the Mountains, and plant himself privately upon that part of them which was behind the Enemies: and himself the next day, seeing the Etrurians march forth full of Courage upon the account of their former success which was owing to a good occasion rather than any thing which they did, he having staid a little while too, 'till his Scouts brought word that Quintius was got to the top of the Hill near the Castle of Fidenae, he moved forward, and led the Body of Foot in Battalia at an ordinary rate of marching against the Enemy: commanding the Master of the Horse, That he should not begin the fight without his order: for that he, when there was any need of the Horses coming in, would give the signal: and likewise, that remembring [Page 114] the fight with the King, the rich Offering, Romulus and Jupiter Feretrius, and behave himself accordingly. The Legions engaged with a mighty force, and the Romans being incensed with indignation, called the Fidenians Villains, the Veians Robbers, but both of them Truce-breakers, and saying, that they were polluted with the barbarous slaughter of their Embassadors; that they were embrued with the blood of their Colony, being perfidious Allies, and cowardly Ene­mies, revenging themselves upon them both by words and deeds.

XXXIII For immediately upon the first onset they had shock'd the Enemy; when on a sudden, the Gates of Fidenae being opened, a new Army sallied forth, which came in such a manner as had never been heard of or in use before that time: for a great Multitude, all armed with fire, and blazing all over with burning Torches, ran furiously upon the Enemy as though they had been mad: which strange kind of sighting did for some time a little startle the Romans. Then the Dictator sending for the Master of the Horse with his Cavalry, and likewise for Quintius out of the Mountains, himself ran up to the left Wing, which being af­frighted at the flames, that lookt more like a Town on fire, than an Army, and with a loud voice spoke to them in this manner: Will you yield to an unarmed Enemy, and be driven away from your Post like an hive of Bees with smoak? Will you not extinguish their fires with your swords? Will you not take these very Torches, if you must fight with fire and not with any other more proper Weapons, away from them, each of you one, and manage them your selves against the Enemy? Courage, remember the Roman name, the valour of your Fathers and your own, and turn this fire upon the Enemies City; demolish Fidenae with its own flames, which by your kindness you could not reconcile: the blood of your Embassadors, and of your Colony, besides your Plundered Country exacts this at your hands. With that upon the Dictators Command all the Army was moved; and the Torches were partly received as they were thrown at them, and partly taken away from the Enemy by force; so that both Armies were now armed with fire. The Master of the Horse also put the Horse too upon a new way of fighting; Commanding them to take their Horses Bridles off; and he himself was the first, that setting Spurs to his Horse rode without a Bridle into the midst of the fires: all the other Horses charging up full speed to the Enemy in the same manner. By which means the dust being raised and mingled with the smoak, made the Men and their Horses too almost blind; but that which frighted the Riders, did not at all scare the Horses: so that wherever they attacked the Foe, the Horsemen made a slaughter, like a general ruin. Then there was heard a new noise, which, seeing it startled both the Ar­mies, the Dictator cried out; that Quintius the Lieutenant, and his Men had set upon the Ene­mies Rere, whilst he himself, with another shout, fell on more briskly than before. And now, since two Armies, and those in two different kinds, press'd hard upon the Etrurians both before and behind, so that they had no way to escape, either into their Camp, or back to the Moun­tains, from whence the fresh forces came down upon them, the Horses, which were unbridled, having scattered their Riders into all parts, the Veians, most of them, ran toward the Tiber, and the Fidenians, all that were alive, made toward Fidenae. But, being in a consternation, their flight only exposed them to the fury of their Enemy; and they were killed upon the banks of the River: some of them, who were forced into it, being sucked in by the Whirlpools, and even those who could swim, being so weary, so mortally wounded, and in such a fear, that they sunk. Some few indeed among many got over, whilst the others fled through their Camp into the City, whither the Romans also followed them as fast; especially Quintius, and his Men, that came so lately from the Mountains, who were best able to undergo the fatigue, because they came last into the fight.

XXXIV They therefore having mix'd themselves among the Enemy, and got into the Gate, climb'd up upon the Walls, from whence they gave their friends the signal of the Towns being taken: which when the Dictator saw (for by this time he himself also was come into the Enemies de­serted Camp) he led his Men, who would fain have fallen on plundering, to the Gate, in hopes, as he persuaded them, that they should have more Booty in the City. So, being re­ceived within the Walls, he marched to the Castle, whither he saw the crowd of the Enemies run. Nor was there less slaughter in the City than there had been in the Fight, 'till throwing down their Arms, they desired nothing else save their lives only, and surrendred themselves to the Dictator. Thereupon they rifled all the Camp and City; and the next day each Horseman and Centurion having one Captive, which they cast Lots for, and those who had behaved themselves extraordinarily, two, the rest were publickly sold, and the Dictator led his Victorious Army, laden with spoils, in Triumph back to Rome. Where ordering the Master of the Horse to quit his Office, he himself also laid down his the sixteenth day, restoring that Command in Peace, which he had taken in War upon a crisis of State. There are some Authors, that will tell you, there was also a Naval Engagement with the Veians at Fidenae; a thing not only difficult, but incredible; for the River is not broad enough even at this day for such a Fight, which at that time, as I have it from ancient Writers, was somewhat narrower: unless perchance, whilst they magnifie (as People use) the concourse of Ships to hinder the Enemies passing over the River, they had a mind to make you believe a strange Story of a Naval Victory.

The following Year produced Tribunes Military with Consular Power, whose names XXXV were A. Sempronius Atratinus, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Furius Medullinus, and L. Horatius U. C. 329 Barbatus. In whose time the Veians had a Truce granted them for twenty Years, and the Aequi for three, though they desired to have it of a longer date; the City being now free from all Seditions. The next Year was very remarkable; for there was not any War abroad, U. C. 330 or Sedition at home, but the Games, which were vow'd in the War being then celebrated made it extraordinarily signal upon the account of the preparations, which the Tribunes Military made, and the great concourse of neigbouring Nations. The Tribunes had Consular Power, and their names were, A. Claudius Crassus, Sp. Nautius Rutilus, T. Sergius Fidenes, and Sex. Julius Julus: and the show was more grateful to the strangers, who came to it by publick consent, upon the score of their civil entertainment. After the Games were over, there were seditious Assemblies of the Tribunes of the People, who chid the Multitude, for that they, stand­ing in admiration of those whom they hated, kept themselves in eternal slavery; and, besides that they durst aspire to any hopes of ever gaining the Consulate, did not so much as remember themselves or their friends even in the case of chusing Tribunes Military; which was to be done in a common As­sembly both of the Senate and People. Wherefore they might well cease to wonder, why no body talked of the interest of the People: for People used to be at the expence of labour and danger in no affairs, save where there were some hopes of profit or honour: but Men would attempt any thing, if the reward would answer the greatness of the enterprise. If a Tribune of the People should run himself, like a blind Man, into quarrels and great danger to no purpose; for which he were sure, that the Senate, against whom he contended, would persecute him with an irreconcilable ha­tred, he should not be a whit the more esteemed among those very Commons upon whose score he en­gaged: no, that's a thing that he must neither hope nor desire. That great souls are made by great honours; and that no Plebeian, since they were now in general no longer contemned, ought to con­temn or disparage himself, but try in one or two instances, whether any Plebeian were fit to bear any great and honourable Office, or whether it were a Prodigy and a Miracle for any stout and brave Man to be found among the Commons. That it was obtained by mere dint of resolution, that the Tribunes of the Soldiers should be invested with Power Consular, and chosen out of the People: and that several Men had sought that honour who had behaved themselves very well both at home and abroad: but for all that, they, the first Years, were lashed with Satyr, repulsed and laughed at by the Senate, insomuch that they at last thought fit no longer to expose themselves to contumely. Nor did he see any reason why that Law should not be abrogated, which made that lawful which was never likely to be put in execution: for there would be less ground for shame if there were no such just and reasonable constitution, than there is now, when Men are past by out of con­tempt.

This and such kind of speeches, heard with applause, incited some Men to sue for the Tri­buneship XXXVI of the Soldiers, who professed, each one of them, they would do something in their time for the good of the Commons. They gave the People some hopes, that the publick Lands should be divided amongst them, and new Colonies Planted; besides an overture, that a Tax should be laid upon the Tenants of such Lands, out of which the Soldiers should be paid. But then the Tribunes of the Soldiery took an occasion, when People went into the Coun­try, to summon the Senators back against a certain day, and make an Order of Senate in the absence of the Tribunes of the People; contriving the matter so, that, since there was a re­port, that the Volsci were gone out a foraging into the Territories of the Hernieans, they them­selves might be imployed to see what the business was, and a Consular Assembly be held in the mean time. When they marched out they left Appius Claudius, Son of the Decemvir, Gover­nour of the City; who from his very Cradle had a natural hatred to the Tribunes and the Peo­ple: and by this means the Tribunes of the People had no opportunity to quarrel (the thing being effected) either with them, who were absent, though they had made the Order of Se­nat, or with Appius.

Then C. Sempronius Atratinus, and Q. Fabius Vibulanus were made Consuls; in whose Year XXXVII a Foreign thing, but very well worth our observation, is said to have been done: and that is, U. C. 331 that Vulturnum, a City of the Etrurians, now called Capua, was taken by the Samnites, having its present appellation from their General, whose name was Capys, or (which is more likely) from Campus which signifies a Champaign place. The Samnites took it, after they had first tired the Etrurians out with a long fatigue of War, and were made sharers both in the privi­ledges of the City and the Lands thereunto belonging: for then, upon an Holy-day, in the night time, the new Inhabitants killed the old ones when they were drunk and asleep. When this was done, the Consuls, that I just now spoke of, began their Magistracy upon the Ides [i. e. the 13th] of December. And now not only they that were sent upon that er­rand, brought word the Volscian War was at hand, but Embassadors also from the Latins and the Hernici told the news; that the Volsci were never more intent upon their choice of Officers, or raising an Army; for that the common People generally murmured and said, that either they must for ever lay by their Arms, and not think of a War, but take the yoke upon their necks; or else not yield to those with whom they contended for Empire, either in Courage, Resolution, or Military Di­scipline. This was no slight report; though the Senate was not so much concerned at it; and C. Sempronius, to whose Lot that Province happened to fall, relying upon Fortune, as his most [Page 116] constant friend, because he led a Conquering Army against a Conquered Nation, carri [...]d every thing very rashly and negligently: insomuch that there was more of the Ro [...]an Di­scipline in the Volscian, than in the Roman Army; wherefore Fortune, as often it uses to do, attended upon their industry. The first time, Sempronius joyned Battel without any caution, or advice, and they engaged before they strengthened themselves with reserves, or Posted their Horse as they should have done. The extraordinary and frequent shouts made by the Enemy was the first argument which way the business was like to go; for the Romans made a confused, unequal, faint, though often repeated noise, and by their uncertain clamors be­trayed the fear of their minds. For that reason the Enemy came on the more briskly, pres­sing forward with their Shields, and brandishing their glittering Swords. On the other side the Romans shew'd by the motion of their Helmets that they look'd behind them; for they were at a stand and trembled, retiring to the Body of the Army. By which means, the En­signs of them that fought were either quite deserted by the Antesignani [such as fought in the Front, before the Ensigns] or received into the Maniples [i. e. Companies of Soldiers, whose Ensigns were anciently Bottles of Hay;] so that neither their flight was certain, and determined any more than the Victory, but the Romans seemed to be rather protected than to fight. Mean while the Volsci bore up, and lying very hard upon them, saw more likelihood of their killing all the Enemy, than that they would run away.

XXXVIII And now the Romans gave ground on all sides, though Sempronius the Consul chid and exhor­ted them; for neither his Command nor Authority prevailed upon them: and they had certainly soon turned their backs upon the Foe, had not Sex. Tempanius a Decurion [somewhat like a Ser­jeant or Corporal in our Forces, [one that had the Command or Regulating of ten Men] when they were just a going, recovered them by his Courage. For he having cried out, That all those Horsemen, who desired the preservation of the Commonwealth, should alight off their Horses, all the Troops were as much moved, as it had been at the Consuls Command; and then he told them, If this Party, said he, does not give a check to the Enemies career, the Em­pire's ruined. Follow then, said he, my Spear instead of a Standard, and show both the Romans and the Volsci, that there are neither any Horse like you on Horseback, or any Foot equal to you when on Foot. His exhortation was approved by a shout, he going with his Spear up alost, they forced their way wherever they went. But they made, with their Shields before them, to that part most, where they saw their own Men most put to it: by which means the Fight was restored in all places where they came in; nor was there any question, but, seeing so few could do the whole business of the day, the Enemies would turn their backs.

XXXIX Now therefore seeing they were too strong for him in all parts, the Volscian General gave Order, that his Men should make way for those new Footmen of the Enemies, 'till such time as they were carried in so far among them as to be cut off from their own Army. Which being accordingly done, they were enclosed, and could not get back the same way they came, because the Enemy had doubled their Files upon them to obstruct their return. The Con­sul therefore and the Roman Legions, having lost the sight of those who were so lately the defence of the whole Army, lest the Enemy should destroy so many brave fellows by so en­closing them, ventured into any danger. Whereupon the Volsci being divided several ways to receive the Consul with the Legions on the one hand, and on the other to press upon Tem­panius with the Horsemen (who seeing, though they had made several attempts, they could not break through to their own Party, got upon a small Bank and defended themselves in a circular posture, nor were unrevenged of the Enemy) the Fight continued 'till night. For the Consul, following his blow on all sides, as long as there was any day-light, kept the Enemy in play, 'till night parted them upon an even lay; each Army being in such a taking to think of the uncertain event of the Battel, that leaving their wounded Men and great part of their Carriages, both of them fled, as though they had been Conquered, into the adjacent Mountains. But yet, the Bank was surrounded 'till after midnight; though when the news was brought to them that sate about it, that their Camp was deserted, they fancying their Army to be Conquered, themselves ran which way soever their fear, in the dark, carried them. Tem­panius for fear of a wile, kept his Men there 'till day; and then going himself with a few after him to see how things stood, he, understanding by the wounded Persons belonging to the Enemy, that the Volscian Camp was deserted, called the rest of his Men with joy down from the Bank, and went quite through into the Roman Camp. Where when he saw all things lying waste and forsaken, as he found it in the Enemies Camp, before the Volsci knew their error and came back, he taking as many of the wounded as he could along with him, as being ignorant which way the Consul was gone, marched the nearest way toward the City.

XL The report of their ill success, and of the Camps being deserted, was brought to Town be­fore-hand: and above all, the Horsemen were lamented not with private more than publick grief. Fabius the Consul (for the City too was in a great fear) kept a Guard before the Gates: who when they saw the Horsemen at a distance, not knowing who they were, at first were terrified, but soon after discovering them to be friends, turned their fear into so much joy, that a shout ran through the whole City, congratulating the safe and Victorious return of the Horsemen: and instead of mourning in their Houses, as they had done a little before, when [Page 117] they gave them up for lost, the People ran out into the Streets; yea, their fearful Mothers and Wives, forgetting the Rules of decency through their excess of joy, ran to meet the Troop, embracing them not only with their Bodies but their very Souls also, so (almost) mad they were for joy. The Tribunes of the People therefore, who had assigned a day for the Tryal of M. Postumius, and T. Quintius, for that by their means the Battel was lost at Veii, took an occasion, by this fresh quarrel against Sempronius the Consul, to renew their former grudg against them. Wherefore calling an Assembly, when they had declared aloud, That the Com­monwealth was betrayed at Veii by the then Generals, and that, because they scaped unpunished, the Army was likewise betrayed in the Volscian Territories by the Consul; and the stout Horsemen being delivered up to be butchered, and the Camp basely deserted; C. Julius, one of the Tri­bunes, commanded Tempanius the Horseman to be called, and before them, said, Sext. Tem­panius, I desire to know of you, whether you think, that C. Sempronius the Consul did either enter into the Battel in time, or fortifie the Army with reserves? yea, that he did any good office belong­ing to a good Consul? and whether you your self did not, when the Roman Legions were defeat­ed, make your Horsemen alight, by that means recovering the fight? Then, when you were shut out from the rest of our Army, whether the Consul either himself came, or sent any body else, to assist you? In fine, whether the next day you had any succours at all? or whether you and your Men did not by pure Courage break through into their Camp? whether you find any Consul, or e'er an Army there? or whether you found the Camp deserted, and the wounded Soldiers left behind? This you must tell us, at this time, upon your faith, and the reputation of that Courage to which a­lone the Commonwealth in this War owes its preservation. Besides which, we must know, where C. Sempronius and our Legions are? whether you were deserted or did desert the Consul and the Army? and lastly, Whether we are Conquered or Conquerors?

In answer hereunto Tempanius, they say, made indeed a rough Speech, but it was grave, as XLI became a Soldier, and neither stuffed with his own praises, nor swelled with accusations against others. For he told them, It was not for a private Soldier to judg what the abilities of C. Sempronius his General, were in point of Military Discipline; but the Roman People should have look'd to that when they in their Assembly chose him Consul. Wherefore he begged of them, that they would not expect to know of him what his Commanders designs were, or what measures Consuls ought to take, those being weighty matters to be considered by Men of great Parts and Under­standing; but what he saw he could tell them. He saw the Consul, before he himself was inclo­sed by the Foe, fighting in the Front of the Battel; encouraging the Men amidst the Roman En­signs and the Enemies Arms: and that afterward when he was out of sight of his own Country­men, yet by the noise and shouts that they made, he perceived that the Battel was continued 'till night: nor did he believe it possible for them to break through so far as the Bank, where he lay, for the vast multitude of the Enemy. That he did not know where the Army was; but he supposed, that, as he, when his circumstances were so bad, had secured himself in a well guarded Post, so the Consul, to preserve his Army, had taken some safer place to encamp in. Nor did he believe, that the Volsci were in any better condition than the Romans; but that the night put them all un­der the same mistake: with that, desiring that they would not detain him any longer, as being tired and faint with the fatigue of the War, and his wounds that he had received, he was dis­missed with no less commendation for his Moderation than his Courage. Whilst these things were transacted at Rome, the Consul was now got in the Rode to Lavicum as far as the Tem­ple of Rest: to which place they sent Wagons and other conveniences from the City to meet the Army which was weary with fighting and marching in the night time. Soon after the Consul came into the City, where he took as much care to give Tempanius his due commenda­tions, as he did to clear himself. But the City being much concerned for their ill fortune, and angry with the chief Officers, M. Postumius who had been Tribune of the Soldiery, instead of Consul, at Veii (to satisfie them) was Tryed and Condemned in a Fine of ten thousand I. though all the Tribes acquitted T. Quintius, his Collegue (because he had been prosperous not only when he was Consul against the Volsci, under the Command of the Dictator Postumius Tubertus, but at Fidenae too, when he was Leutenant to another Dictator, Mamercus Aemili­us) as laying all the blame of that affair upon Postumius who was before Condemned. Some say, that the memory of his Father Cincinnatus did him a great kindness, who was a venerable Person, besides the intercession of an old Gentleman, called Capitolinus Quintius, who begged of them, that they would not let him, who had so little time to live, cary such a sad message, as the Condemnation of a Son, to his Brother Cincinnatus in the other World.

The People made Sext. Tempanius, A. Sellius, L. Antistius, and Sp. Icilius Tribunes of the XLII People, in their absence: the Horsemen having chosen them before for their Centurions [i. e. Captains] by the advice of Tempanius. The Senate being offended, out of hatred to Sempno­nius, with the very name of Consul, ordered Tribunes Military to be created with Consular Authority. Accordingly L. Manlius Capitolinus, Q. Antonius Merenda, and L. Papirius Mu­gillanus U. C. 332 were chosen: In the beginning of whose Year, L. Hortensius, a Tribune of the People, appointed C. Sempronius, who was Consul the Year before, a day for Tryal: and when his four Collegues, in the face of all the Roman People, desired of him, That he would not vex their innocent General, who had no other fault save only ill fortune; Hortensius could hardly bear it, supposing that they did it to try his resolution, and that the offender did not trust so much [Page 118] to the intreaties of the Tribunes, which were made for shew only, as to their assistance. Wherefore turning sometimes to him, he asked, Where were those Patrician spirits, where was that mind that relied upon and trusted to its own innocency? and said, That under a show of Tri­buneship there lay a Consular Design: and anon to his Collegues; And what will you do, if I Condemn him? Will you wrest your right from the People, and overthrow the Tribunitian Power of the Commons? To which when they replied, That the People of Rome had the sovereign Power, not only over Sempronius, but any other Person also: wherefore, that they neither would nor could take away the jurisdiction of the Commons; but, if their Prayers would not prevail for their Gene­ral, who was as dear to them as a Father, they would change Cloaths with him. Hortensius made answer, and said, The People of Rome shall never see their Tribunes in such a sordid habit. I do not value the pardoning of C. Sempronius, since he has gained so much in his Generalship, as to be beloved by the Soldiers. In this case the piety and good nature of the four Tribunes was not more pleasing to the Senate and the People, than was the disposition of Hortensius, who was so easily appeased upon their just intreaties. But now fortune no longer indulged the Aequi, who had taken the doubtful Victory of the Volsci for their own.

XLIII The next Year, when Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, and T. Quintius Capitolinus, the Son of U. C. 333 Capitolinus, were Consuls, under the Conduct of Fabius, to whose share that Province fell, there was nothing done worth the speaking of; in that the Aequi did no more than shew a frighted Army, before they were put to a dishonourable flight, though with no great repu­tation to the Consul: to whom a full Triumph was for that reason denied. But, because he had taken off the ignominy of Sempronius's defeat, it was allowed that he should come in­to the City Ovant [i. e. with a lesser sort of Triumph.] As the War was ended with less ado than they feared; so in the City a sudden heap of Discords arose between the Senate and the People, which sprung from the number of the Questors being doubled: which thing (that, besides the two City Questors, there should be two more to assist the Consuls in Mi­litary Affairs) being proposed by the Consuls, the Senate very much approved; but the Tri­bunes of the People, in opposition to the Consuls, would needs have part of the Questors (who to that time had been all Patricians) chosen out of the Commons. Which demand of theirs was at first denied with all the vehemency imaginable both by the Senate and the Consuls; though afterward yielding, that as they had made Tribunes with Consular Au­thority, so the People should have the same liberty in chusing of Questors, but seeing that they got little by it, they laid down the whole business of augmenting the number of Que­stors. The Tribunes took it up again, adding unto some other Seditious pretensions also, among which was that of the Agrarian Law. Upon account of which commotions, the Senate being more inclined to make Consuls than Tribunes, and yet there could not any Order of Senate be made for the interposition of the Tribunes, the Commonwealth return­ed from Consular Government to an Interregnum, but that not without great contention; U. C. 334 the Tribunes hindering the Patricians to assemble. When therefore part of the new Year had been spent by the new Tribunes of the People and some Interreges [i. e. Persons that governed in the time when there was no Chief Magistrate] the Tribunes one while hinder­ing the Patricians from having any Assembly to make an Interrex, and another while inter­rupting the Interrex, so that he could not make an Order of Senate for the holding of a Con­sular Assembly. At last L. Papirius Mugillanus being declared Interrex, by rebuking some­times the Senators, and other-whiles the Tribunes of the People, told them, that the Com­monwealth, though deserted and neglected by Men, was taken care of by the Providence of the Gods, and stood upon the Truce made with the Veians, and the delays of the Aequi. So that if there should be any danger, they must be ruined without a Patrician Magistrate; for that there was no Army, nor General to raise any. Would they keep off a Foreign by a Civil War? Which if they should happen together, the very Gods themselves were scarce able to preserve the Roman State from ruin. He therefore advised them rather to remit each of them something of their Priviledges, and by a middle way make up their breach; the Senate by suffering Tribunes Military to be made instead of Consuls; and the Tribunes of the People by permitting four Questors to be chosen promiscuously out of the Senate and the Commons by a free Vote of the People.

XLIV First then a Tribunitial Assembly was held, and Tribunes made with Consular Power, all U. C. 335 Patricians, whose names were, L. Quintius Cincinnatus (the third time) Sex. Furius Medulli­nus (the second time) M. Manlius, and A. Sempronius Atratinus. Which last having called an Assembly for the chusing of Questors, and the Son of Antistius, a Tribune of the People, standing for the place, among other Plebeians, together with the Brother of another Tribune of the People, called Sex. Pompilius, neither their Authority nor their Votes carried it; but they preferred them whose Fathers and Grandfathers they had known Consuls upon the score of their Birth. Whereupon all the Tribunes of the People were enraged, and above all Pom­pilius and Antistius, being incensed at the repulse which their Relations met withall; crying out, What was the meaning of that? Could not any Plebeian either for the good turns they had done, or upon the score of injuries done to them by the Senate, or lastly for the pleasure of using their Au­thority, now that it was lawful to do what formerly they could not have done, (if not a Tribune Military) be made so much as a Questor? Could not a Fathers intreaties for his Son, or a Brothers [Page 119] for his Brother, even from Men that were Tribunes of the People, which was an Office whose sa­cred Authority was created for the preservation of the Peoples Liberty. Sure there was fraud in the case, and A. Sempronius shewed more art than honesty in that Assembly; and their relations were put by the Honour through his contrivance. Wherefore seeing they could do no good up­on him, who was not only safe in his own innocency, but in the Authority he then had; they turned their malice upon C. Sempronius, Atratinus's Cousin-German: to whom, for the ignominy which they suffered upon account of the Volscian War, they, with the assistance of their Collegue M. Canuleius, assigned a day of Tryal. The same Tribunes also ever and anon made mention in the Senate of dividing the Lands, to which Proposal C. Sempronius had always been a bitter Enemy; supposing as it happened, that either he would lay down his Cause and so grow less esteemed by the Senate, or persevering in it 'till the time of his Tryal, would more and more offend the Commons. But he chose rather to be the object of his Adversaries en­vy, than be wanting in his duty to the publick; continuing in the same opinion, that no largess should be made to ingratiate those three Tribunes among the People: saying, That they did not then desire the Lands for the Commons, but sought an occasion to make him odious: yet he would undergo even that tempest too with a stout heart; for neither he nor any other Citizen ought to be so dear to the Senate, as that they, to favour one Man, should do a publick injury. He therefore, keeping up his Spirit, when the day came, pleaded his own Cause; but though the Senate tryed all ways to mitigate the Peoples fury, was Condemned in a Fine of fifteen thousand Sesterces. The same Year Postumia, a Vestal Virgin, was Tryed for unchastity, who though she were innocent, yet was suspected to be guilty, because she went finer and was more gay in her conversation than became a modest Maid. Wherefore her Tryal was first put off 'till another day, and then she was acquitted by the opinion of the College, though the Pon­tisex Maximus, or Chief-Priest, told her, She must leave her Gayety, and dress herself modestly rather than modishly. The same Year also Cumae, a City which the Greeks were then Masters of, was taken by the Campanians.

The Year following Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus, Sp. Nautius, and XLV C. Servilius were Tribunes of the Soldiery with Authority Consular. But this Year was more U. C. 336 remarkable for a great deliverance which the Romans had from danger, than for any hurt which they received. The Servants had conspired to set the City on fire in several distant places; and whilst the People were imployed in helping to quench it, resolved in Arms to seize the Castle and the Capitol. But Jupiter a verted these damned Designs; and the Con­spirators, who were discovered by two of the Gang, suffered for it; the informers being re­warded with ten thousand Sesterces (which then was thought an Estate) besides their free­dom. Then the War from the Aequi began to be renewed, and the new Lavican Enemies to joyn with the old ones; which was told at Rome for a certain truth. And indeed the Ci­ty expected a War from the Aequi as much as they did any Anniversary. Then Embassa­dors, that were sent to Lavici [a Town in Latium] having brought thence a doubtful an­swer, whereby it appeared, that there was no preparations yet made for a War, though the Peace with them would not long continue: the Tusculans were ordered to take care, that no new tumult should arise in that Town. The next Year, when L. Sergius Fïdenas, M. Papirius U. C. 337 Mugillanus, and C. Servilius, the Son of Priscus (in whose Dictatorship Fidenae was taken) were Tribunes of the Soldiery with Consular Authority, there came Embassadors to them, assoon as they entered upon their Office, from Tusculum, with news, that the Lavicans were up in Arms, and having, with the Aequian Forces, ravaged the Tusculan Fields, had pitch­ed their Camp in Algidum. Whereupon there was a War Proclaimed against the Lavicans; but after an Order of Senate was made, That two of the Tribunes should go to the Wars, and the other look after their affairs at Rome, there presently happened a dispute between the Tribunes, each of them thinking himself the fittest Man to be a General, and despising the care of the City as ungrateful and inglorious. When the Senate saw that undecent contention be­tween the Collegues, they all wondered at it, but Qu. Servilius told them, Seeing you have neither any reverence for this honourable Order, nor respect to the Commonwealth, the Authority of a Father shall decide this Controversie: my Son shall be Governour of the City without casting Lots for it; and I wish those that desire to go to the Wars may behave themselves more considerately, and shew more concord than they do in the pursuit of their desires.

But they ordered a Levy to be made, not out of all the People in general, only ten Tribes LXVI being allotted; out of which they Listed all the young Men, whom the two Tribunes led to the War. The contention which began between them in the City grew much hotter in the Camp through the same ambition of being chief. For they were not of the same opi­nion in any point, but defended each his own Sentiments, and would have his own Designs and Commands to be alone authentick. In short, they contemned and were contemned by each other, 'till the Lieutenants reproving them for it, at last it was so ordered, that they should have the Sovereign Power by turns every other day. Which news being brought to Rome, they say, Q. Servilius, a Person of years and experience in the World, beseeched the Gods, That the Discord of those Tribunes might not prove more fatal to the Commonwealth than that at Veii: and, as if he foresaw that ill fortune should certainly attend them, was urgent with his Son, to raise more Men and provide more Arms. Nor was he a false Prophet: [Page 120] for under the Conduct of L. Sergius, when it was his day to govern, having got into incon­venient place near the Enemies Camp (for the Enemy pretending fear, was retired into their Trenches; by which means they were drawn thither in vain hopes of taking the Camp) they were driven by a sudden effort of the Aequi upon them down a declining Valley, many of them being destroyed and slain as they tumbled headlong one over another, their defeat look­ing more like a ruin than a flight. Whereupon the next day, their Camp, which even that day they were hardly able to maintain, being great part of it surrounded by the Enemy, they basely forsook, and ran away from it out at the back Gate: the Generals and the Lieutenants with all the Forces that were about the Ensigns going to Tusculum. The rest stragling about the Country several ways, went to Rome and carried news of a greater misfortune than they had really suffered. At which the City was the less concerned, because the event was answerable to all Peoples apprehensions, and because there were supplies provided by the Tribune of the Soldiery to assist them in such dangerous circumstances. And by his Order also, when the inferior Magistrates had quieted the City tumults, there were Scouts sent with all speed, who brought word, that the Generals and the Army were at Tusculum, but that the Enemy had not [...] ­moved their Camp out of the place. But that which gave them most encouragement, was, that Q. Servilius Priscus, being declared Dictator by an Order of Senate (being a Person whose providence and foresight in things belonging to the publick as the City had many times before had experience of, so especially in the event of that War, he being the only Man who had an ill opinion of the contention between the Tribunes before their overthrow) and having made his own Son (that Tribune of the Soldiery by whom himself was declared Dictator) Master of the Horse (as some say, though others write, that Ahala Servilius was Master of the Horse that Year) went to the War with a new Army, and sending for them who were at Tusculuns, pitched his Camp two thousand paces from the Enemy.

XLVII And now the pride and negligence which had been in the Roman Generals was, upon the score of their success, got into the Aequi. Wherefore the Dictator having at the very be­ginning of the fight, by sending his Horse in upon them, put the Enemies Van into disor­der, he ordered the Legions immediately to advance; killing one of his Ensign-bearers for not making haste. And so eager they were to fight, that the Aequi could not sustein the shock; but being defeated in the Field, and making as fast as they could toward their Camp, the Romans took that in less time and with more ease than they had fought the Battel. Their Camp therefore being taken and rifled, when the Dictator had given the Soldiers the Plun­der, and the Horse, who pursued the Enemy flying from their Camp, brought word back that all the Lavicans were vanquished, and a great part of the Aequi fled to Lavici; the next day the Army was led to Lavici, and the Town being begirt was taken with Ladders and Pillaged. Then the Dictator marched with his victorious Army back to Rome, laid down his Office the eighth day after he was created. Thereupon the Senate very oppor­tunely, before the Tribunes of the People could make any Agrarian tumults about dividing the Lands belonging to the Lavicans, thought fit, in a full House, To send a Colony to Lavi­ci: and accordingly a thousand five hundred Planters, who were sent from the City, had U. C. 338 each of them two Acres apiece. When Lavici was now taken, and after that, Tribunes of the Soldiery created with Consular Authority, whose names this Year were Agrippa Me­nenius U. C. 339 Lanatus, L. Servilius Structus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus (who had all of them born that Office once before) and Sp. Rutilius Crassus, and the next Year A. Sempronius Atratinus (a third time) and M. Papirius Mugillanus, with Sp. Nautius Rutilus (a second time) there was Peace abroad for those two Years together, though Discord at home by means of the Agra­rian Laws.

XLVIII The disturbers of the Commons were Sp. Maecilius (a fourth time) and Metilius (a third time) Tribunes of the People, who were both created in their absence. These two ha­ving promulgated a Law, That the Lands taken from the Enemy should be divided among the People to each man his share, and the Estates of a great many Noblemen like to be by that po­pular Decree taken from them (for there was hardly any spot of ground, (as belonging to a City Founded in anothers Dominions) but what was got by force of Arms; nor any ever assigned or sold, but what the People had) the proposed dispute seemed very severe both to the People and the Senate. Nor could the Tribunes of the Soldiery, though they sometimes spoke of it in the Senate, and sometimes at private Consults among the chief of the City, find out any expedient, 'till Appius Claudius, the Grandson of him who was Decemvir for making of Laws, (though the youngest Man at that time in the Senate-house) as 'tis repor­ted, said, He had an old and a familiar remedy to tell them: and that was, that his Great Grand­father Appius Claudius shewed the Senate the only way to dissolve the Tribunes Power, to wit, by the interposition of their Collegues. For new Men would easily be brought from their opinions by the authority of their Chiefs: especially if a Man sometimes have more regard, in what he says, to time, than authority: their minds being always like their fortunes. Now therefore, since they saw the principal Collegues had got so far before the rest into the Peoples favour by their cunning management, so that there was no room now left for them, they would not stick to comply with the Senate in any thing, whereby to oblige that whole Order, and the chief of the Senators in particular. This all approved of, and especially Q. Servilius Priscus; who commended the young Man for that [Page 121] he did not degenerate from the Claudian Race, and in pursuance of it, agreed, that every one should tempt as many of the College of Tribunes as he could to an Interposition. The Senate therefore being dismissed, the Tribunes were courted by the Nobility; with persuasi­ons, advice and promises, That it would not only be an acceptable thing to every single Person, but to the Senate in general, they brought over six to make an Interposition. And the next day, when there was a reference made, by compact, to the Senate, touching the Sedition which Maecilius and Metilius were raising by a largess which would prove of very bad ex­ample; there were such Speeches made by the chief of the Senate, that they all said they could not tell what to do for themselves; for they did not see any other help for them, save in the assistance of the Tribunes. That the Commonwealth, being now oppressed, fled, like some pri­vate poor Man, to them for protection. That it was a glorious thing for them, and an honour to their authority (not to vex the Senate, and make discord between the several Orders, but) that they had more strength than was sufficient to resist their wicked Collegues. With that there was a great humming through all the Senate, whilst the Tribunes were called to from all parts of the House. At length, when they had made silence, those who were prepared by the Nobi­lity, declared, that they would oppose that Bill which their Collegues had promulgated, be­cause the Senate was of opinion that it would be the ruin of the Commonwealth. The Se­nate thanked those Intercessors; whom the preferrers of that Bill (in an Assembly which they summoned) calling, Betrayers of the Peoples Interest, and Slaves to Consular Men, with other the like invectives, laid down their pretensions.

The next Year had produced two continual Wars, (when P. Cornelius Cossus, C. Valerius Po­titus, XLIX Quintius Cincinnatus, and Numerius Fabius Vibulanus were Tribunes of the Soldiery with U. C. 340 Consular Authority) had not the Veian War been deferred through the superstition of the No­bility; whose Lands the Tiber, overflowing its Banks, had most of all laid waste by the ruins of several Villages. And then at the same time also the defeat which the Aequi received three Years before, kept them from aiding the Valans, a People of their Country. For they had made excursions into the adjacent Territories belonging to Lavicum, and brought a War upon the new Colony there. Which injury though they hoped they should defend by the consent of all the Aequi, they were deserted by their Country-men, and lost both their Town and Country without so much as a memorable War for it, or any thing besides a Siege and one slight Encounter. Then L. Sextius, Tribune of the People, attempted to pass a Bill, for the send­ing of a Colony to Volae as well as Lavicum: which was dismissed through the interposition of his Collegues, who declared that they would suffer no Bill to pass among the Commons, but what the Senate approved of. Having recovered Volae the Year following, the Aequi, and the Colony sent thither, fortified the Town with new Forces, Cn. Cornelius Cossus, L. Valerius U. C. 341 Potitus, Quintius Fabius Vibulanus (a second time) and M. Postumius Regillensis being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Consular Power. To the latter of them was committed the menage of the War against the Aequi, though he was an ill-minded Man; as the Victory at that time, more than the War demonstrated. For having raised an Army very speedily, and led it to Volae, after he had broken the Aequians hearts in light skirmishes, at last he forced his way in­to the Town: where from the Foe he turned all his severity upon his fellow Citizens; for though he had declared, whilst they were storming of it, that the Soldiers should have the Plun­der, when the Town was taken he broke his word. Now I am apt to believe that to be the rea­son of the Armies disgust rather than because there was less Booty in the City and new Colony when Sacked, than the Tribune had talked of. But he augmented their heats, when being sent for by his Collegues upon account of the Tribunitial Seditions he returned into the City. For he was heard to say a very foolish and (almost) mad thing in a publick Assembly, which was, that, when Sextius a Tribune of the People preferred the Agrarian Law, saying withal, that he would propose the sending of a Colony to Volae, and that it was fit that they who by their Arms had taken it, should enjoy the Volan City and Lands, he said, Let my Soldiers look to it; for I'll swinge them if any of them stir. Which saying of his did not only offend that As­sembly but even Senate also: wherefore the Tribune of the People, who was a sharp Man, and not uneloquent neither, having gotten among all his Adversaries a proud disposition and a lavish tongue to deal with, which by provoking and exciting he could make to say such things as would bring an odium not upon himself alone, but upon his Cause and the whole Order also, he had not any Debates with any Person in the College of Tribunes more frequently than with Postumius. And then reflecting upon that cruel and inhuman saying of his, Romans! said he, Do you hear him threatning his Soldiers as Men do their Slaves? Yet this Beast must be thought more worthy of such honour, than those who give you a City with Lands belonging to it and send you into Colonies; that provide a Seat for you in your age, and contend for your interest against such cruel and proud Adversaries. Do you begin now to wonder, why so few at this day undertake your cause? What can they hope for from you? Honours, which you give to the adversaries rather than the Defenders and Patrons of the Roman People? You sighed and groaned just now when you heard his words. But what's that to the purpose? if any thing should be this minute put to the Vote, you will prefer him that threatned you with mischief, before such as have a mind to settle you in good Lands, Seats and Estates.

L This saying of Postumius being carried into the Camp, caused much more indignation among the Soldiery, who said, What, a rascal that has cheated us of our Plunder to threaten the Soldi­ers with mischief also? Whereupon there being a great hubbub, which the Questor P. Sestius thought might be as easily restrained as it was occasioned: but sending a Lictor to seize a bawl­ing Soldier, upon which a noise and a quarrel arose, he received a knock with a stone, and went out of the crowd: with this check from the Party that gave him the blow, That the Questor had what the General threatned to inflict upon the Soldiers. Postumius being sent for to appease this Tumult, made all things worse by cruel tortures and grievous punishments. At last, now that he set no bounds to his passion, there being a concourse caused by the cries of those whom he had ordered to be put to death under an Hurdle, he ran down as if he had been mad from the Tribunal to them that would have interrupted the Execution: where when the Lictors and Centurions thrusting the People aside incensed the Rabble, their indignation grew so high, that the Tribune of the Soldiers was stoned to death by his own Army. Which horrid act be­ing related at Rome, the Tribunes of the Soldiers designed to have inquired in the Senate con­cerning the death of their Collegue; but the Tribunes of the People interposed: though that contention depended upon another cause. For the Senate were afraid lest the Commons be­ing provoked by the dread of Tortures, should create Tribunes Military out of the People, and therefore strove with all their might to have Consuls chosen. But the Tribunes of the People not suffering them to make any Order of Senate, and opposing the Consular Assem­bly also, the business came again to an Interregnum; and then the Senate got the day.

LI Q. Fabius Vibulanus, being Interrex, held an Assembly, in which M. Cornelius Cossus, and L. U. C. 342 Furius Medullinus were chosen Consuls; in the beginning of whose Year an Order of Senate was made, That the Tribunes should make a report to the Commons assoon as possible concerning the question of Postumius's death, and that the Commons should commit the enquiry to whom they plea­sed. They therefore by consent of the People in general appointed the Consuls to hear the matter: who managing the affair with all lenity and moderation by the punishing of some few, who 'tis believed laid violent hands upon themselves, yet could not gain so far upon them, but that the common People took it very ill, That those Sanctions which were esta­blished for their interest should lie so long unexecuted; but a Law made touching their life, and to punish them, should be presently put in execution, and have so great a force. Wherefore this was the best opportunity, when they had quieted the Seditions, to sooth the People with the divi­vision of the Volan Lands among them: by which they might probably take off their desire to pass the Agrarian Law, which would dispossess the Senate of that publick Land which they injuriously detained in their own hands. But then this indignity also augmented their animosities, That the Nobility was not only resolute in detaining of publick Lands, which by force they held, but would not divide even that untenanted part which was lately taken from the Enemy among the Commons; that being like, as all the rest had been, to be a prey to some few particular Persons. The same Year the Legions were led by Furius the Consul against the Volsci, who were ravaging the Confines of the Hernici: who not finding the Enemy there, took Feren­tinum, whither a great Multitude of the Volsci were fled. But the Plunder was less than they hoped for: for the Volsci, being in small hopes of defending themselves, packed up all they had and in the night time left the Town; which the next day was taken almost empty. The Land it self was given to the Hernici as a Present.

LII The next Year, though quiet through the moderation of the other Tribunes, was some­thing U. C. 343 disturbed by L. Icilius a Tribune of the People, Q. Fabius Ambustus and C. Furius Paci­lus being Consuls. For he in the very beginning of it, as though he had thought it the du­ty of his Name and Family, did all he could to stir Seditions by promulgating the Agrarian Laws. But then there happened a Plague, which, as it threatned more mischief than it did, turned Mens thoughts from the Forum and publick Controversies homeward, to take care of their Bodies: and they believed, that would have been less mischievous than the Sedition was like to have been. The City therefore having had a great many in it sick, but few that died of it, a scarcity of Corn, for want of Tillage (as it commonly happens) succeeded U. C. 344 that Pestilent Year, M. Papirius Atratinus and C. Nautius Rutilus being Consuls. And now the Famin was like to be more grievous than the Pestilence had been, if there had not come supplies of Corn from all those Nations that live upon the Coast of the Tuscan Sea and the Tiber, to whom they sent Embassadors for that end. But the Samnites living at Capua and Cumae, proudly denied the Embassadors any Commerce; whilst on the other hand, the Kings of Sicily treated them very kindly, and the Etrurians readily afforded them great quan­tities of Provisions which were brought to Rome by the Tiber. Then the Consuls found a perfect solitude in the sick City; being forced, seeing they had had not above one Senator for each Embassy, to add two Knights. Except the Distemper and the Dearth, there was no inconvenience happened that Year to the Romans either at home or abroad: but assoon as they were rid of these misfortunes, all things, wherewith they used to be disturbed, both War abroad, and Discord at home, returned again.

LIII When Mamercus Aemilius and C. Valerius Potitus were Consuls, the Aequi prepared for a U. C. 345 War; with whom the Volsci, though not in a publick manner, took Arms and joyned as Voluntiers, for pay. Upon the news of which Enemies (for they were now fallen into [Page 123] the Territories of the Latins and the Hernici) as Valerius was making a Levy, M. Maenius, a Tri­bune of the People, and the preferrer of the Agrarian Law, endeavouring to hinder it (by whose assistance every one that was unwilling was excused from taking the Military Oath) on a sudden news was brought, that the Castle at Carventus was taken by the Enemy. Which disgracefull loss, as it was the occasion of the Senates hating Maenius, so it gave the other Tri­bunes, who were before prepared to interpose against the Agrarian Law, a juster ground to resist their Collegue. Wherefore when the business had been deferred a great while by mu­tual wranglings on both sides, the Consuls taking the Gods and Men to witness, that whatsoever was already received either of disgrace or damage from the Enemy, or like to befall them hereafter, must be all laid to Maenius's charge, who hindered the Levy; whereupon Maenius on the other hand crying out, That if the unjust Lords would quit the possession of the publick Lands, he would not put any stop to the Levy; the other nine Tribunes by interposing a Decree decided the quar­rel, and declared, as the Opinion of the whole College, That they would assist C. Valerius the Consul upon account of the Levy, against the interposition of their Collegue, in laying any Mulct or other Penalty upon them, that refused to give in their Names, and to go to the Wars. The Consul there­fore, armed with this Decree, havingQuùm collum torsisset, i. e. having collared them, or dragged them by the throat to Justice. haled some few of them to Justice by the neck, who appealed to the Tribunes, the rest for fear took the Oath. Then leading the Army to the Castle of Carventus (though he were hated for his cruelty) the Consul, upon his first arrival, vanquished those that were in Garrison there, and retook it. The Pillagers that through negligence stragled out of the Garrison gave him the occasion to invade it. And by reason of their continual Plunderings, all that they got being conveyed into that secure place, there was some booty, which the Consul bad the Questors set publickly to sale, and keep the Mony in the publick Treasury; though he had declared at the same time, That the Army should share in it, because they were willing to come to the War. This increased the Soldiers animosities against the Consul: and therefore when he came into the City Ovant, there were rude Verses alternately thrown out and licentiously by the Soldiers; in which the Consul was blamed, but Maenius's name celebrated, whilst the crowding People strove, every time his name was mentioned, with their applause and assent to out-do the Soldiers in kindness to him. Which thing gave the Senate more trouble than even (almost) the insolence of the Soldiers to the Consul: and therefore as though it had been certain that Maenius, if he stood for it, would be Tribune of the Soldiers, he was excluded from the Consular Assembly.

Then Cn. Cornelius Cossus and L. Furius Medullinus were again made Consuls: In whose Year LIV the People shewed resentment more than ever, that the Tribunitial Assembly was put into U. C. 346 their management: and that resentment they as plainly shewed and revenged in the Assembly for chusing Questors, by putting Plebeians into that Office, that being the first time it ever had been so. So that, in making of four, they left but one place for a Patrician, and that was Caeso Fabius Ambustus, there being three Plebeians, Q. Silius, P. Aelius, and P. Pupius, who were preferred before young Men of the noblest Families. I find that the Icilii were the cause of that freedom in the Peoples Votes, being Men of a Family that was mortal Enemies to the Senate; out of which there were three Tribunes of the People chosen in one Year. And they, making great pretences to the greedy People of what mighty things they would do for them, declared, They would not meddle with any thing unless the People had Courage enough to do in the questorian Assembly (the only one now left in common between them and the Senate) which they so long had desired, and which so long had been lawful. That therefore was a great point gained by the Populace; for they did not so much value the honour of being Que­stors, but by that there was a way laid open for new Men to come to the Consulate and Triumphs. The Senate on the other hand were discontented, not because the Senate sha­red them, but because they by this means lost or were like to lose their honours; and said, If things went so, it was in vain to get Children; who being turned out of their Ancestors pla­ces, and seeing others in possession of their Dignities, would be left as the Saln and Flammes [two sorts of Priests] to do nothing but sacrifice for the People, without any Command or Authority. They therefore being on both sides provoked, after the People had resumed their spirit, and got three Leaders of great note to head the popular Cause; the Senate foreseeing that all things would go the same way in the Questorian Assembly, where the People had all liber­ty, were inclined to call a Consular Assembly, which as yet was not promiscuous. The Icilii on the contrary said they ought to make Tribunes of the Soldiers, that the honours of the Commonwealth might be once in their lives communicated among the Commons.

But they could do no Consular act to hinder that which they desired: for news was brought LV on a sudden, the Aequi and the Volsci were come out a foraging beyond their own borders into the Latin and the Hernican Territories. For which War the Consuls beginning to make a Levy, the Tribunes strongly opposed them, saying, That that was the business of them and the Commons. There were three of them, all very acute Men, and generous for Plebeians; whereof two took each of them a Consul into their daily custody, whilst the thirds business was, at Assemblies, sometimes to retain and sometimes to provoke the People. By this means neither did the Consuls accomplish the Levy, nor the Tribunes that Assembly which they desired. But afterward when fortune inclined to the Peoples side, there came a Message, That the Aequi, having killed some few that were left to keep possession of it, had invaded the Castle at Carventus, [Page 124] whilst the Soldiers that were in Garrison there were gone a foraging; and had slain of the rest, some as they were coming back to the Castle, and others stragling in the Fields. That misfortune then happening to the City, increased the strength of the Tribunes Power: for it was now in vain to strive to make them desist from hindering the War, seeing they were invincible, both in respect to the publick calamity, and their own envy; insomuch that they prevailed to have an Order of Senate for the chusing of Tribunes Military, with a proviso, that there should be no notice taken of any one who that Year was Tribune of the People; nor any one be made Tribune of the People again for the next Year: the Senate taking particular notice of the Icilii, whom they accused of an ambition to be Consuls, as a reward for their seditious Tribune­ship. Then the Levy was made, and provisions made for the War by consent of all the Orders or Ranks of Men. Both the Consuls went to the Castle of Carventus, though seve­ral Authors make it uncertain whether one of them did not stay at Rome to hold an Assem­bly. But this is certain, and they none of them deny it, that they retired from that Castle after they had a long time in vain attacked it: that Verrugo (a Town in the Volscian Territories) was retaken by the same Army; great plundering and spoils being made both in that and the Aequian Dominions.

LVI Mean time, at Rome, as the Peoples Victory lay in their having that Assembly which they U. C. 347 most desired, so in the event of it the Senate got the better; for contrary to all Mens expecta­tions Tribunes of the Soldiery were created with Consular Power, of whom three were Patricians, to wit, C. Julius Tullus, P. Cornelius Cossus, and C. Servilius Ahala. In which af­fair they say, the Patricians used art, (of which the Icilii also then accused them) and by ming­ling a company of unworthy Candidates with Men that were worthy, averted the Peoples inclinati­ons from the Plebeians, out of the hatred which they bore to some of them who were most signally sordid. Thereupon news was brought, that the Aequi and the Volsci, either because they were encouraged by having still kept the Castle at Carventus, or inraged that they had lost the Gar­rison at Verrugo, were risen with all their forces: that the Antians were the cause of it, whilst, and that both their Embassadors went about to all the neighbouring People Nations, repro­ving their sloth, That they would lye hid within their Walls and let the Romans, not only the Year before come and pillage all their Countries, but suffer the Garrison of Verrugo to be taken: that now not only Armies, but Colonies also were sent into their Dominions; nor had the Romans themselves alone their Lands divided among them, but had given the Hernici also Ferentinum, which they took from them. At this their minds being inflamed, they raised an Army of young Men as fast as they came from City to City. By which means the Youth of all those Towns being gathered to Antium, they pitched their Camp there and waited for the Enemy. Which being told at Rome with much more noise than the thing deserved, the Senate presently (as in difficult circumstances it was their last refuge to do) ordered a Dictator to be appointed: At which Julius and Cornelius, they say, were vexed, and that the business was carried with great heat of mind. Whereupon when the chief of the Senate in vain complaining, that the Tribunes Military were not in the Senates disposal, at last also appealed to the Tribunes of the People, and said that the Consuls had been forced by their Authority upon such an oc­casion ere that time, the Tribunes of the People, who were glad to see the Senate at vari­ance, made answer [by way of Irony] That they could never assist them, who were not fit to be reckoned in the number of Citizens, or so much as Men: if their honours ever became promiscu­ous, or the Commonwealth were shared among them, then they would take care, that the Orders of Senate should not be evacuated by the pride of any Magistrates; but in the mean time the Patrici­cians who were void of all respect to Law or Magistracy might assume the Tribunes Power also, if they pleased, and act as they would themselves for them.

LVII This contention had seized upon the thoughts of Men at a very unseasonable time, when they had such a War upon their hands; till Julius and Cornelius having long alternately dis­coursed, That it was not just, the honour conferred upon them should be taken from them by the People, Ahala Servilius, a Tribune of the Soldiers, said, He had held his tongue so long, not because he was not resolved in his opinion (for what good Citizen could divide his own interest or designs from the publick?) but because he had more mind that his Collegues should yield to the Se­nates Authority on their own accord, than suffer the Tribunes of the Peoples aid to be implored against them: yea, at that time also, if the thing would have permitted him, he would willingly have gi­ven them time to recede from his resolute opinion; but since the necessities for a War would not bear any humane deliberations, he valued the Commonwealth more than the good will of his Collegues; if the Senate continued in the same mind, he would declare a Dictator that night: and if any one interposed to hinder any legal Decree of Senate from being made, yet he would be satisfied with their Authority and approbation. By which having gained a great deal of just commendations and good will among all People, he declared P. Cornelius Dictator, and was himself by him made Master of the Horse. He therefore was an example to his Collegues and all others that took notice of him, that favour and honour sometimes are found to court those Men who are not ambitious of it. But this War was not very memorable; the Enemies being slain at Antium in one slight Conflict. After which, the Army being Victorious, pillaged the Volscian Terri­tories, stormed the Castle that stood upon the Lake Fucinus, and in it took three thousand Prisoners, forcing the rest of the Volsci into their Walls, because they could not defend their [Page 125] Country. Then the Dictator having so managed the War as that he seemed only to attend upon fortune, returned into the City with more felicity than glory, and laid down his Of­fice. The Tribunes of the Soldiers seeing there was no talk of a Consular Assembly (I sup­pose out of anger which they conceived upon the score of making a Dictator) appointed an Assembly for chusing of Tribunes Military. Whereupon the Senate was much more con­cerned, observing that their Cause was betrayed by their own Party: and therefore, as the Year before they had made even worthy Men odious by being competitors with the most rascally of the Plebeians; so at that time, preparing all the chief of the Senate with splen­dour and favour to stand for it, they got all the places; so that no Plebeian could be admit­ted. At which time the four that were chosen were all Men that had before born the same U. C. 348 Offices, and their names L. Furius Medullinus, C. Valerius Potitus, Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, and C. Servilius Ahala: which last of them was made again, and continued in his Office, as for his other vertues, so also through the late favour which he only by his moderation gain'd.

That Year, because the time of the Truce with the Veians was out, they began to demand LVIII things back by their Embassadors and Heralds: who coming to the Frontiers of that Coun­try, the Veians Embassadors met them; desiring, That they would not go to Veii, before they themselves had been with the Roman Senate. The Senate upon their Petition granted, that seeing the Veians were under some intestine discontents, there should be no demands made of any thing back again; so far they were from taking the advantage of other Peoples misfortunes for their own ends. Then they received a Defeat in the Volscian Territories by losing the Garrison of Verrugo: where there was so much importance as to time, that though they could have succoured the Soldiers who were there besieged by the Volsci, and begged their assi­stance, if they had hastened, the Army that was sent as supplies to them, came up at such a juncture that finding all the Enemy stragling about the Country for Plunder, after their late slaughter, they overthrew them. In this case the Senate were the occasion of their slow­ness more than the Tribunes: who, because they heard the Garrison made a brave defence, thought nothing could be too hard for them: for indeed they were stout fellows, nor were they unrevenged of their Foes either whilst they lived, or even after death. The Year fol­lowing, U. C. 349 P. and Cn. Cornelius Cossus, Numerius Fabius Ambustus, and L. Valerius Potitus, being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Consular Authority, the Romans made War upon the Veians, for a proud answer made by the Veian Senate to their Embassadors, when they came to de­mand a reprisal, which was, That if they did not get them gone as fast as they could out of their City and Country, they would serve them as Lar. Tolumnius had formerly done some of their Pre­decessors in that employment. Which answer of their the Senate took so ill, that they decreed, the Tribunes of the Soldiery should propose to the People the declaring of a War against the Veians assoon as possible. Which when it was first offered, the young Men began to murmur, and said, They had not yet done with the Volsci: that two Garrisons of theirs were late­ly quite disabled, and still kept with great hazard: that no Year passed, in which they had not some Battel: and now, as if they were sorry they had no more work for them, they must needs prepare for a new War with a People that were their most powerful Neighbours, and like to en­gage all Etruria in their quarrel. This was what they said of their own accord; but ever and anon the Tribunes of the People also helpt to blow the Coals; saying, That the greatest War, they had, was between the Senate and the Commons; whom they industriously teazed with warfare, and exposed to mortal Enemies, sending them a great way from the City, lest, being at home, they might in Peace remember their Liberty, the Colonies, the publick Lands, or consult how to vindi­cate the freedom of their Votes. And, to cokes the old Soldiers, they reckoned up the Cam­paign they had each one served in, with their wounds and scars therein received. What whole place, said they, have you in your Bodies to receive new wounds? What blood remain­ing, to be shed for the Commonwealth? By this kind of method, both in their Discourses and Speeches, they having made the People averse to the undertaking of a War, the time was protracted for proposing of that Law, which it was manifest, if then it were made liable to the Peoples envy, would be annulled.

In the mean time they thought fit, that the Tribunes Military should lead the Army into LIX the Volscian Dominions; Cn. Cornelius being the only Person left at Rome. The three Tribunes therefore finding that the Volsci had no Camp in any place, nor would put themselves upon the hazard of a fight, divided them into three Parties, and went several ways to plunder the Country. Valerius marched to Antium, and Cornelius to Ecetrae; ravaging the whole Coun­try, which way soever they went, to keep the Volsci asunder. Fabius (which was the great design) attacked the Town of Anxur without any pillaging of the Country: which Anxur was the same place that is now called Terracinae, lying upon a Marsh, on which side Fabius be­gan his Assault. Then four Regiments sent about under the Command of C. Servilius Ahala, having taken possession of an Hill, that lies above the City, from thence (it being an Ave­nue unguarded) with great noise and tumult invaded the Walls. At which the Men, who defended the lower part of the City being amazed, gave Fabius an opportunity to use his sca­ling Ladders. By which means all places were full of the Enemy, and there was upon the Walls for a long time a slaughter, not only of such as ran away, but those that made resi­stance either with Arms or without. They therefore being subdued were forced, having no [Page 126] hopes to be saved by yielding, to fall a fighting. Whereupon it being declared all on a sud­den, that no Men, except such as were in Arms, should be injured, the rest of the Multitude all voluntarily laid down their Arms: of whom there were two thousand and five hundred ta­ken Prisoners: but Fabius kept the Soldiers from taking any other booty, till his Collegues came; saying, that those Armies also had taken Anxur, who had averted the Volsci from the defence of that place. Who when they came, the three Armies rifled the Town, which was very rich in Mony and Goods which the People had laid up for many years: and that bounty of the Generals first reconciled the Commons to the Senate. But after that also, there was an addition made to it by the seasonable munificence of the Nobility especially, which was, that, before any mention of the People or the Tribunes, the Senate should De­cree, That the Soldiers should be paid out of the publick Treasury, whereas before that time eve­ry Man had born his own Charges.

LX Nothing, they say, was ever more kindly taken by the Commons; who for that reason flocked to the Senate-house, and, catching hold of the Senators hands as they came out, said, they were truly called Patres, i. e. Fathers; and that they had now so brought it about, That no Man in Rome, as long as he had any strength left, would spare either his body or blood. For they were not only pleased with what they received, but very much satisfied, that their Estates would be quiet, at least whilst their bodies were imployed in the service of the Common­wealth; besides, that it was freely offered to them, being never proposed by the Tribunes, or desi [...]ed by themselves: for that redoubled their joy, and made it much the greater favour. The Tribunes of the People being the only Persons that had no share in the common joy and concord of the two Estates, said, That would not prove so pleasant and prosperous to all the Se­nators as they believed: and that their design was more plausible at first view than in the end it would appear. For how should they raise that Mony but by laying a Tax upon the People? so that they had given away other Mens Estates. Nor would they, who had been old Soldiers, though others did, suffer them, that were now concerned, to go to the Wars on better terms than they had done; or be willing, since they had formerly maintained themselves, to pay others. With this kind of discourse they instigated part of the Commons: but at last the Tribunes also, when the Tax was imposed, declared, They would be assistant to any one that would not pay his share towards the Tax for maintaining the Soldiers. The Senate therefore having begun a good work were as persevering in the defence of it; themselves first paying their proportion. And because their Mony was not yet Coined, certain Persons conveying the heavy Bullion in Waggons to the Treasury made the Collection look very great also. When the Senate had given in their Quota with all integrity according to their Estates, the chief of the Commons, who were friends of the Nobility began by agreement to bring in their allotment. Whom when the Common People saw, not only commended by the Senate, but look'd upon by all Men, of a Military Age, as good Citizens, they presently despised the Tribunes encouragement, and strove who should pay first. Then, when the Law was pass'd for declaring a War against the Veians, the new Tribunes of the Soldiers, who had Consular Power, led an Army to Veii, made up great part of Voluntiers. Now the Tribunes were T. Quintius Capitolinus, T. Quin­tius U. C. 350 Cincinnatus, C. Julius Julus (a second time) A. Manlius, L. Spurius Medullinus (a se­cond time) and Manius Aemilius Mamercinus.

LXI They first besieged Veii; at the beginning of which Siege, there being a full Assembly of the Etrurians at the Temple of Voltumna, it was not agreed upon, whether the Veians should be defended by a publick War of the whole Nation. But that Assault was more slow the Year U. C. 251 after, part of the Army with the Tribunes being called away to the Volscian War. That Year produced Tribunes Military with Consular Authority, whose names were C. Valerius Potitus (a third time) Manius Sergius Fidenas, P. Cornelius Maluginensis, Cn. Cornelius Cossus, Caeso Fabius Ambustus, and Sp. Nautius Rutilus, who was now (a second time) in that Of­fice. They engaged with the Volsci between Ferrentinum and Ecetra; the Romans happening to win the day. But after that the Tribunes began to lay Siege to Artena, a Town belonging to the Volsci, whereinto the Romans took occasion to break, as the Enemy, who were all for­ced into the City, were sallying forth; and besides the Castle, taking all other places; for a crowd of Armed Men got up into that, which was naturally fortified and defended it; though a great many Men were killed and taken under it. Then next they besieged the Castle; but could not take it either by storm, because, for the bigness of it, it was well manned, nor had any hopes of a surrender, since all the Corn was carried into the Castle, before the City was taken: insomuch that they had been forced after a long fatigue to retire thence, if a Slave had not betrayed it to the Romans. For the Soldiers, being let in by that fellow at a steep place, took it: by whom the Sentinels being first killed, the rest of the multitude were in such a sud­den consternation that they submitted to a surrender? When therefore they had demolished the City and Castle of Artena, they led the Legions back out of the Country of the Volsci; and all the Roman force was turned against Veii. The Traytor, besides his Liberty, had for a reward the Goods of two Families, being afterward called Servius Romanus [i. e. the Ro­man Servant.] There are some who think that this City of Artena belonged to the Veians, and not to the Volsci; which error was occasioned by there being a Town of the same name be­tween Caere and Veii: but that the Roman Kings demolished. And besides that belonged to the [Page 127] Caerians, not to the Veians, this other of the same name, of the sacking whereof I have just now spoken, being in the Volscian Territories.

DECADE I. BOOK V.

HAVING made Peace with all others, the Romans and the Veians were in Arms, with I so much spite and rage, that it was evident that side which happened to be Conquer­ed, U. C. 352 would be totally destroyed. The Assembly [for chusing Magistrates] of both those People was managed at a quite different rate [to what it had been.] For the Romans in­creased the number of their Tribunes Military, who had Consular Power; and made them eight, more than ever before they had been: whose names were Manius Aemilius Mamerci­nus (a second time) L. Valerius Potitus (a third time) Ap. Claudius Crassus, M. Quintilius Varus, L. Julius Julus, M. Postumius, M. Furius Camillus, and M. Postumius Albinus. The Veians on the other side, being weary of their annual canvassing, which was sometimes the occasions of discords among them, chose a King. Which thing offended the minds of the Etrurians, who hated not a Monarchy more than the Person of that King. For he had for­merly been very grievous to that Nation through his wealth and pride, in that he had vio­lently disturbed their solemn sports, which it was a sin to intermit; when for madness, that he was repulsed, and another Priest chosen before him, by the suffrage of those twelve Peo­ple he took away the Artists, of whom great part were his own Servants, from the midst of the Action. Wherefore that Nation above all others being so much the more given to Religion, in that they knew best how to perform Holy Duties, Decreed, That they would not lend the Veians any aid, as long as they were under a King. Which Decree was not much spoken of at Veii for fear of the King; who look'd upon every Man that, he heard, should say any such thing as the ring-leader of a Sedition, and not the Author of a vain story. The Romans, though they heard of no disturbance like to come out of Etruria, yet, since news was brought them, that that affair was debated in all their publick Assemblies, made Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation; the former toward the City and against the Sallies of the Townsmen, and the latter toward Etruria, as a bar to any succours that might possi­bly come from thence.

Now seeing the Roman Commanders had more hopes in a Siege, than an Assault, they II began to build Winter Hutts (which was a thing altogether new to the Roman Soldiers) and designed to continue the War by quartering there all the Winter. Which when it was told to the Tribunes of the People at Rome, who long since sought but could not find out any cause of Innovation, they ran forth into the publick Assembly, and there put scruples into the Peoples heads, saying, This it was, that made the Soldiers have so much Mony allowed them: [Page 128] and he saw very well, that that gift would be anointed over with the poyson of their Enemies. That the Peoples Liberty was bought and sold: that the Youth of Rome was for ever removed and banish­ed from the City and the Commonwealth: that now they gave not way even to Winter or the season of the Year, or had time to visit their own Houses and look after their Estates. What did they think was the reason, why the Campaign was continued? Why truly they would find it to be no other, than lest by the number of those young Men, in whom all the strength of the People lay, there should be any thing done for their advantage: besides, that they were vexed and kept under with greater se­verity than the Veians. For they spent the Winter under their own roofs, defending their City with curious Walls and the natural situation of the place; whilst the Roman Soldier continued in toil and pains, all over snow and frost, under his Hutt, and did not lay down his Arms so much as in the Winter time, which usually gives a Cessation to all Wars both by Land and Sea. That neither the Kings, nor, (before the Tribunes Power was set up) those proud Consuls, nor the severe Com­mands of a Dictator, nor the importunate Decemviri ever injoyned them so much servitude, as to make a Campaign perpetual; though the Tribunes of the Soldiers took the liberty to tyrannize at that rate over the Roman Commonalty. What would they have done, had they been Consuls or Dictators, who made the Proconsulate, which was but the image (as it were) of Consular Au­thority, appear so fierce and severe? But that indeed that fell upon them not without reason; since there was not so much as one place for a Plebeian among eight Tribunes of the Soldiers. That the Patricians formerly used to fill up three places with the greatest zeal imaginable: but that now they go, as though they were all eight yoaked together, to get their Commands, and no Plebeian can come amongst them: who, if he did nothing else, might put his Collegues in mind, that their Children and fellow Citizens were in the Wars, and not their Slaves; who ought in the Winter at least to be brought home to their own Houses; and once in the Year visit their Parents, Children and Wives; use their liberty and chuse Magistrates. Whilst they bawled out to this effect, they cre­ated to themselves an adversary, who was full hard enough for them, viz. Ap. Claudius, who was left by his Collegues to restrain and suppress the Seditions of the Tribunes: a Person used even from his youth to Plebeian Contests, and who, 'tis said, some Years before advi­sed his Collegues, by their intercession, to dissolve the power of the Tribunes.

VII Thus Appius was now equal, in publick Assemblies, to the Tribunes of the People, when on a sudden, a misfortune which they had (from whence no body could have believed) at Veii, not only made Appius superior in the case, but caused a greater union among the seve­ral Orders, and a more vehement inclination resolutely to besiege Veii. For when a mound was raised just at the very City, and their Galleries now almost fixed to the Walls, whilst their Works were more intently carried on in the day, than looked after in the night; the Gate on a sudden was opened, and a vast Multitude, armed, most of them, with Torches, threw fire into them, and in a moment of an hour both the Rampire and the Galleries, which had been so long a making, were all on fire; and many People there, who vainly endeavoured to assist, were consumed by Fire and Sword. Which when it was told at Rome, made all People sad, but filled the Senate with care and fear, lest at that time more than ever the Sedition in the City, and in the Camp too, might become intolerable, and the Tribunes of the People insult, as if they themselves had subdued the Commonwealth: When on a sud­den, those that had Knights Estates, though they had no publick Horses assigned them, ha­ving first consulted among themselves, went to the Senate: and having permission granted them to speak, promised, that they would serve in the Wars upon their own Horses. Who being thanked by the Senate in very gracious expressions, the noise of it was got all over the Fo­rum and the City, and thereupon was there a sudden concourse of the Commons to the Se­nate-house; who said, They were as yet of the Plebeian Order who fought on Foot, and promised the Commonwealth their pains out of course, whether they would lead them to Veii, or any whither else: but if they were carried to Veii, they said, they would not return thence before they had taken the Enemies City. With that their joy grew very unruly: for they were not ordered to be commended as the Horsemen were, by a Magistrate chosen on purpose; nor were any of them called into the House, to receive the Senates answer, or was the Senate contained within the House, but each of them from the higher place [where they stood] made signs of publick joy to the Multitude that stood in the Court, both with their voice and hands, crying, Oh! happy Rome, that art invincible and eternal in this union: commending both the Knights, the Commons, and the very day it self: and confessing that the courtesie and bounty of the Senate was now out-done. The Senate and the People strove, they were so transported with joy, that the very tears flowed from them; till the Senators being recalled [Page 131] into the House, there was an Order of Senate made, That the Tribunes Military, calling an Assembly, should give the Foot and Horse thanks: and tell them that the Senate would be mindful of their piety towards their Country: as also that they thought good, that all those, who had declared themseves Voluntiers out of course, should receive pay: besides which, there was a certain sum assigned them for keeping of their Horses. Then it was that Knights began first to serve in the Wars on Horseback. The Voluntier Army being led to Veii, did not only restore their ruined Works, but also made new ones: and Provisions were brought from the City with greater care than before, lest there should be any thing lacking that might be for the use of so deserving an Army.

The following they chose for Tribunes Military with Consular Power, C. Servilius Ahala VIII (a third time) Q. Servilius, L. Virginius, Q. Sulpicius, A. Manlius (a second time) and Ma­nius U. C. 353 Sergius (a second time.) Now whilst the care of all things in order to the Veian War was committed to these Tribunes, the Garrison at Anxur being neglected for want of Men and by commonly receiving the Volscian Merchants, was taken by a surprise upon the Watch that was at the Gates: but no great number of Men was lost, because except those that were sick, all the rest traded like Sutlers, all over the Country and about the Neighbouring Cities. Nor did the affairs succeed any better at Veii, which was then the chief Seat of all their publick cares: for not only the Roman Generals had more quarrels among themselves, than animosity against their Enemies; but the War also was augmented by the sudden approach of the Cape­nates and the Faliscans. These two Nations of Etruria, being next adjacent to the Conquer­ed Veians, believed, that they should be next also in the course of the Roman War (the Falis­cans, as being obnoxious upon their own account, for having been formerly concerned in the Fidenate War) and therefore sending Embassadors to and fro, and being by Oath obliged to each other they came on a sudden with their Armies to Veii. They happened to attack the Camp in that part of the Country, which was under the Government of Manius Sergius: and put them into a mighty fear; for that the Romans believed that all Etruria was up in Arms and come in a full body against them: and the same opinion put the Veians also into confusion in the City. By this means the Roman Camp was attacked on both sides: so that they ran toge­ther, carrying their Ensigns to and fro; nor could they well keep the Veians within their Works, or defend their own Fortifications, and save themselves from their Enemy without: but their only hope was, if they were succoured from the bigger Camp, that some of their Le­gions might fight on one side against the Capenate and Faliscan, and the rest withstand the Sallies of the Townsmen. But Virginius commanded the Camp, who was privately hated and an Enemy to Sergius. He therefore, when it was told him, that several of their Forts were attacked, that the Enemy had got over the Fortifications, and made their way in on both sides, kept his Men in their Arms; saying, That if there were need of his assistance, his Collegue would send to him. But the obstinacy of the other equalled his arrogance; for he, lest he should seem to desire any aid from his Enemy, chose rather to be overcome by the Enemy than conquer by the help of his fellow Citizen. The Romans for a long time were killed in the midst between their two Enemies; but at last, forsaking their Works some few of them got into the bigger Camp; though the greatest part, and Sergius himself, made their escape to Rome: where laying all the blame upon his Collegue, it was ordered, that Virginius should be sent for from the Camp, and the Lieutenants Command it in the mean time. Then the matter was deba­ted in the Senate: and the Collegues inveighed against each other; whilst few regarded the Commonwealth; but most of them took this or the others part, as their private love and fa­vour inclined them.

The chief of the Senators, whether that ignominious defeat was received through the de­fault IX or infelicity of the Generals, were of opinion, That they ought not to expect the due time of the Assembly, but forthwith to create new Tribunes of the Soldiers, who should enter upon their Office on the first of October. To which opinion of theirs there was so general a consent, that the rest of the Tribunes Military did not at all gainsay it. But yet Sergius and Virginius, for whose sake it was manifest that the Senate repented of the Magistrates for that Year, first of all beg­ged pardon for that ignominy, and then interposed against the Order of Senate, saying, That they would not go out of their Office before the 15 of December, which was the solemn day for Ma­gistrates to enter upon their Offices. Hereupon the Tribunes of the People, who had held their tongues against their wills, when they saw such an agreement among the People and the City in so happy a state, began very fiercely to threaten the Tribunes Military, that if they would not submit to the Senates Authority, they would order them to be carried to Prison. Then C. Servilius Ahala, a Tribune Military, said, As for your parts, Tribunes of the People, and your menaces, I truly would willingly try how little justice these threats have in them more than we have resolution: but that 'tis a great crime to contend against the Authority of the Senate; wherefore do you cease, whilst we are a quarrelling, to seek occasion of charging any injury upon us, and my Col­legue shall either do what the Senate orders, or if they persist in their resolutions, I'll immediately no­minate a Dictator, that shall force them to quit their Offices. Which Speech of his being appro­ved on by all general assent, the Senators were glad, that there was some other greater force found out, besides the dread of the Tribunes Power, to curb the Magistrates: and so they, being over-powered by universal consent held the Assembly for chusing Tribunes Military, [Page 132] who were to enter into their Office upon the Kalends of October, and quitted their own Offi­ces before that day.

X By L. Valerius Potitus (who was now Tribune Military a fourth time) M. Furius Camillus (a second time) Manius Aemilius Mamercinus (a third time) Cn. Cornelius Cossus (a second time) Caeso Fabius Ambustus, and L. Julius Julus (being all of them invested with Consular Autho­rity) there were many exploits done both at home and abroad: for they were engaged in ma­ny Wars at the same time, not only at Veii, but at Capena, Falerii, and against the Volsci, to recover Anxur from the Enemy: besides, that at Rome they took a great deal of pains in mak­ing their Levy, and gathering the Tribute; and had a mighty contest about taking in the Tri­bunes of the People; nor did the judgments passed by them, who a little before had been dig­nified with Consular Authority, cause any small animosities. The Tribunes Military thought fit first of all to make the Levy, nor were the younger People only enrolled, but the elder also forced to give in their names, in order to secure the City. But look how much the num­ber of the Soldiers was augmented, so much the more Mony was necessary to pay them: and that was raised by a Tax, to which the Persons that paid it were very unwilling to consent, at least such of them, who staid at home, because they were to undergo the duty of Soldiers and serve the Commonwealth in defending the City. Now though these things were grievous in themselves, the Tribunes of the People by their seditious Speeches made them seem much more intolerable: saying, That the Soldiers had Mony raised for them, upon no other account, but to de­stroy and undo the Commons, partly by War, and partly by Taxes. That one War had been protra­cted now for three Years together; and was ill managed out of design; that they might keep it on foot the longer. That afterward, there were Forces raised at one Levy for four Wars, and that even Boys and old Men were taken for Soldiers. That now there was no difference between Summer and Winter, lest the poor Commons should ever have any rest: who were now also at last made Tributary too; so that when they came home again with their bodies quite tired out, all over wounds, and broken with age, and found all places unmanured by reason of the long absence of the owners, they must pay Tribute out of their decayed Estate; and return their pay, (as though they had taken it up at Use) to the Commonwealth mani­fold. Amidst the Levy, the Tribute, and the many greater affairs wherewith their minds were taken up, the number of the Tribunes of the People could not be made up at the As­sembly: wherefore they contended, to have Patricians chosen into the void places: which seeing they could not obtain, yet, to invalidate the Trebonian Law, it was so brought about, that C. Lacerius and M. Acutius were taken in to be Tribunes of the People, and that, no question, by means of the Patricians.

XI It happened that that Year C. Trebonius was Tribune of the People; who seemed to behave himself like a just Patron of that name and Family in defending the Trebonian Law. For he, crying out, that what some of the Senate had in vain desired (as being repulsed upon the first attempt) the Tribunes of the Soldiers had extorted, said, That the Trebonian Law was evacuated, and that the Tribunes of the People were chosen [into the void places] not by the Votes of the People, but by the command of the Patricians: and that the matter was come to such a pass, as that the Tribunes of the People must be look'd upon either as Patricians or retainers to them. That the sacred Laws were taken away, the Tribunes Power wrested from them, and that done, by the fraud of the Patricians, and the knavery and treachery of their Collegues. Now since not only the Senate, but the Tribunes of the People also, (they that were taken in, and those that chose them too) had incurred the envy and hatred of the People; three of the College, viz. P. Curatius, M. Metilius, and M. Minucius, being concerned for their own private af­fairs, inveighed against Sergius and Virginius, the Tribunes of the foregoing Year; and by summoning them to Tryal, turned the fury and envy of the People from themselves upon those two: saying, That they had given all those, to whom the Levy, the Tax, the tedious Cam­paign, or the length of the War was grievous (as also to them, who had reason to be sorry for the defeat received at Veii; and them, who, having lost Children, Brothers, Kindred or Relations, had their Houses full of sorrow) Authority and Power to revenge their grief both private and publick upon those two guilty Persons: for the original causes of all their mischiefs were in Sergius and Vir­ginius. Nor did their accusers prove that upon them more than they confessed it; who being both guilty laid the blame upon one another: Virginius by charging Sergius, that he ran away, and Ser­gius Virginius, that he betrayed him: whose madness was so incredible, that it was much more probable, that what they did was done by compact and the common fraud of the Patricians. That by these Persons the Veians had formerly opportunity given them to set fire on their Works, in order to protract the War, and that now the Army was betrayed; the Roman Camp delivered into the hands of the Faliscans; and all things done, that the young Men might grow old at Veii: nor could the Tribunes appeal to the People concerning the publick Lands, or any other conveniences of the common People, or get any considerable number in the City to back them in their actions, and to resist the Conspiracy of the Patricians. That there was a Judgment passed upon those guilty Per­sons already both by the Senate, the Roman People, and their own Collegue, for they were not only removed from the Commonwealth by an act of Senate; but when they refused to lay down their Offices, were constrained and checked by their Collegues with the fear of a Dictator: and that the Roman People had created Tribunes, who were not to enter upon their Office on the Ides of [Page 133] December, which was the solemn day, but immediately upon the first of October: because the Commonwealth could not have stood any longer if these Persons had continued in their Offices. And yet, that they, though marked and fore-judged by so many sentences already, come to be judged by the People: think themselves acquitted, and that they have suffered sufficiently, in having been made private persons two Months sooner than their time; not understanding, that they had then only the power of doing hurt taken from them, but no penalty inflicted on them: for their Collegues too were turned out of their Office, though they had done no harm. That the Romans ought to re­sume those thoughts, which they had, when they received the late defeat, when they saw a frighted Army running away, full of wounds, and marching with dismay into their Gates; accusing neither fortune, nor any God, but these two Commanders only. For he was sure, that there was never a Man in that Assembly, who, at that time, did not curse and detest the Persons, Families, and For­tunes of L. Virginius and M. Sergius. Wherefore it was absurd for any body, when he might and ought, not to use his Power against those Persons whom he had curs'd. That the Gods themselves never laid hands on the guilty; it was sufficient for them to arm those that were injured with an oc­casion of revenging themselves.

With these kind of Speeches the Commonalty was so animated, that they condemned the XII Persons accused in 10000 l. whilst Sergius in vain accused the common chance and fortune of War; and Virginius begged, that he might not be made more unhappy at home than he was in the War. So the fury of the People being thus turned upon them, had caused the admission of the Tribunes and their fraud against the Trebonian Law, to be almost forgot­ten. Now the Tribunes, having carried the day, (to the end that the Commons might have a present reward for their judgment) promulgated the Agrarian Law [concerning di­vision of Lands] and forbad any Tax to be gathered; since they wanted Pay for so many Armies, and their affairs abroad were so successful, that they arrived not at the end of their hopes in any War: for at Veii, the Camp, which they had lost, was retrieved and strength­ened with new Forts and Guards. The Tribunes Military that Commanded there were M. Aemilius and Q. Fabius: there were no Enemies found without their Walls by M. Furius in the Faliscan, nor by Cn. Cornelius in the Caepenate Dominions: so that they drove away all the Booty that they found, laid the Country waste by burning their Villages and Fruits; but neither attacked, nor besieged their Towns. But in the Volscian Territories, after they had ravaged the Country, they attempted Anxur to no purpose, which was seated upon an high place, and afterwards, since 'twas to no purpose to make an Assault, begun to be be­sieged with a Bullwark and a Trench. Valerius Potitus happened to have the Volsci for his Province. At this juncture of Military Affairs, a Domestick Sedition arose with greater vi­olence than their Wars were carried on: and seeing the Tax could not be raised for the Tribunes, nor any Pay sent to the Officers, though the Soldiers were very earnest to have their Mony, the Camp had like to have been disturbed by the Contagion of the City Sedi­tion. Amidst these heats of the People against the Senate, though the Tribunes of the Peo­ple said, that was the time to establish their Liberty and to transfer the chief Authority from such as Sergius and Virginius to Commoners that were stout and brave fellows; yet they went no further, than to create one Plebeian (and that only to shew their right) viz. P. Licini­us U. C. 355 us Calvus, a Tribune Military with Consular Authority. The rest were all Patricians, as, P. Maenius, P. Titinius, P. Maelius, L. Furius Medullinius, and L. Publilius Volsius. For which reasons all the Commons wondered, that they had gained so great a point, and not only he that was created; who was a Man that had never born any honourable Office, but was on­ly an ancient Senator and very old. Nor is it well known, why he was first chosen and look'd upon as the fittest Person to receive that new honour. Some think he was pitched upon for the sake of his Brother Cn. Cornelius, who had a Tribune Military Year before, and gi­ven the Horsemen treble Pay: others, that he made a seasonable Speech about the union of the several Orders, which pleased both the Senate and the People. Now the Tribunes of the People were so over-joyed at this their Victory in the Assembly, that they, to the great damage of the Commonwealth, remitted somewhat of the Tax: but the rest was paid very obediently and sent to the Army.

Anxur, in the Volscians Country, was soon retaken, when the Watches upon an Holy XIII day neglected the defence of it. This Year was remarkable for a very cold and snowy Win­ter; insomuch that the Roads were dammed up, and the Tiber become unnavigable. But the price of Provisions, by reason of the stores, which before were bought in, did not rise at all. And because P. Licinius, as he had got the Office [of a Tribune] without any tu­mult, so also bore it with greater joy to the Commons, than indignation in the Senate, the People had a desire, at the next Choice of Tribunes Military to put in Plebeians. And ac­cordingly U. C. 256 M. Veturius was the only Patrician of all the Candidates, that got a place: but most of the Centuries Voted for Plebeians to be the other Tribunes of the Soldiers, whose names were L. Titinius, P. Menenius, P. Acilius, Cn. Genutius, and L. Racilius: That severe Winter, either through the ill temper of the air, that changed on a sudden for the contrary, or for some other reason, was attended by a Summer which was as hurtful and Pestilent to all sorts of Animals. Of which uncurable Distemper seeing they could not find either the Reason, or Cure, the Sybils Books were, by Order of the Senate, consulted: and the Duumviri, ap­pointed [Page 134] to do Sacrifice, having then first prepared an Holy Feast in the City of Rome, for eight days together appeased Apollo, Latona, Diana, Hercules, Mercury and Neptune, upon three Beds made [in a Temple] and set out as splendidly as possibly they then might be. That sacred [Feast] was also kept privately too: for they say the whole City, setting open their doors, and making all things common, entertained all Persons, whether friends or strangers, that came to their Houses: that they laid all quarrels and debates aside, and talk'd very courteously and kindly even with their Enemies: that against those days, those that were in Prison had their Bonds taken off; and that it was afterward look'd upon as an horrid crime to imprison them, whom the Gods had in that manner released. In the mean time their dread at Veii was become manifold, since three Wars were united into one. For in the same manner as before, now that the Capenates and Faliscans were come to relieve that place, they were fain to fight both forward and backward, about their Fortifications, against three Ar­mies at once. That which did them most good was the remembrance of Sergius and Virgi­nius's Condemnation: wherefore a Party brought about, in a short space, from the bigger Camp, whence before they had no succour, attacked the Capenates, who charged upon the Roman Bullwark, in the Rere. Thence therefore the Fight began, and terrified the Falis­cans, who were opportunely forced back in a consternation by a Sally out of the Camp: whereupon the Conquerors pursuing, made a great slaughter among them. Nor was it long before the Pillagers of the Capenian Territories, who were now stragling about, and met them, as it were, by accident, destroyed those that were left at the Fight: besides, that ma­ny of the Veians, who fled back into their City, were slain at the Gates, whilst the foremost, for fear, lest the Romans should get in along with their Men, shut up the passes and kept out the hindmost of their own Party. These things were transacted that Year.

XIV And now the Assembly for chusing Tribunes Military was come; for which the Senate were full as much concerned as for the War: because they saw the chief Authority not only communicated to the Commons, but now almost quite lost. Wherefore though they had prepared the most eminent in the City on purpose to stand for that Office, whom they thought the People would be ashamed to refuse; yet they themselves, as if they had been all Candi­dates, tryed all manner of means, and drew over, not only Men, but even the Gods too to their Party, making the Assemblies of the last two Years a matter of Religious considorati­on. For they said, That the Year before, they had an intolerable Winter, which was terrible in many Divine Prodigies: and that the Year next to that, they had not Prodigies indeed, but the event of them, viz. a Pestilence raging all over their Country and City, which was, no question, the effect of the Gods wrath upon them: whom to appease, in order to remove that Plague, it was found expedient in their fatal Books: That at an Assembly, which was held by the direction of the Soethsayers, the Gods thought it an undecent thing, that honours should be prostituted to the vulgar, and the differences of Families confounded. Hereupon the People were so astonished, not only at the Majesty of the Candidates, but with Religious awe too, that they chose Tribunes Mili­tary with Consular Power, who were all Patricians, and those most part of them the most ho­nourable U. C. 357 Persons; as, L. Valerius Potitus (a fifth time) M. Valerius Maximus, M. Furius Ca­millus, (a third time) L. Furius Medullinus, (a third time) Q. Servilius Fidenas, (a second time) and Q. Sulpicius Camerinus, a second time. Whilst these Men were Tribunes, there was nothing memorable done at Veii: for all their force was imployed in pillaging. The two chief Officers brought away vast Booties, Potitus from Falerii, and Camillus from Capena; leaving nothing entire that could be injured by Fire or Sword.

XV In the mean time there were many Prodigies spoken of: whereof most were disbelieved and slighted, not only because they had but one Author, but also because, the Etrurians being their Enemies, they had no Soothsayers to atone for them. Wherefore all their care was im­ployed upon one only; which was, that the Lake in the Alban Grove, without any rain, or any other apparent cause, to make it less than a Miracle, swelled to an unusual height. There upon there were Deputies sent to the Oracle at Delphi, to enquire what the Gods foretold by that Prodigy: but a nearer Interpreter was by Destiny prepared for it, being an old Man of Veii, who, amidst the Roman and Etrurian Soldiers, who were wrangling in their Stations and upon their Watches, said, like a Prophet, That the Romans should never take Veii, before the Water was let out of the Alban Lake. Which Prophesie of his was at first despised, as a rash word, but soon after began to be more seriously considered; 'till at last one of the Roman Sol­diers asking the next Townsman to him (for the War had continued so long, that they now conversed with one another) who that was, who spake so mysteriously of the Albane Lake; when he heard he was a Soothsayer, he, being a Man not altogether void of Religion, pre­tended, that if he had any leisure, he would consult him about the expiation of a private Prodigy, and so got the Soothsayer to discourse with him. And when they were both got a good way from their Party, unarmed, and without any fear; the lusty young Roman being too strong for him, forced the feeble old Man in sight of them all away, and, for all the Etrurians could do, carried him to their Post. Who, when he came to the General, and from thence was sent to the Senate at Rome, they enquiring of him, what that was, that he had said concerning the Albane Lake, he replied, That the Gods were really angry with the Veians that day, on which they had put it into his mind to discover how his Country should be destroyed. And therefore what [Page 135] he then said, as being moved by a Divine impulse, he could neither recall so as to unspeak it, but might perhaps commit as great a crime in concealing, what the Gods would have divulged, as by revealing what should be kept secret. Now therefore it was so delivered in their fatal Books, and by the Tradition of the Etrurians, that when the Alban Water had swell'd, then if the Romans had let it out, as they should have done, they should have had the Victory over the Veians: but, before that was, the Gods would never forsake the Walls of Veii: Then he went on and told them, what was the solemn method of drawing it. But the Senate looking upon him as a vain babbler, and not creditable enough in such a weighty matter, decreed, that the Em­bassadors, and the answer of the Delphick Oracle, should be expected home again.

But before the Deputies returned from Delphi, or the atonement for the Albane Prodigy XVI was found out, the new Tribunes invested with Consular Authority; viz. L. Julius Julus, U. C. 358 L. Furius Medullinus, (a fourth time) L. Sergius Fidenas, A. Postumius Regillensis, P. Cornelius Maluginensis, and A. Manlius, entred upon their Office. That Year the Tarquinians, a new Enemy, rose up, because they saw the Romans engaged in so many Wars (as, that against the Volsci at Anxur, where their Garrison was besieged; against the Aequi at Lavici, who attacked the Roman Colony there; and besides these, in the Veian, Faliscan and Capenian War) all at the same time: and that their affairs were as unsetled within their Walls too through the contentions between the Senate and the People. Wherefore supposing this jun­cture a good opportunity to set upon them, they sent several expediate Troops a foraging into the Roman Territories; for they thought that either the Romans would not revenge the injuries done to them, for fear of burthening themselves with a new War, or would pursue them with a small, and consequently a weak Army. Now the Romans resented the indig­nity more than they valued the ravage that the Tarquinians made. Wherefore this business was neither undertaken with any extraordinary concern, nor long deferred: but A. Postumi­us, and L. Julius, without any regular Levy (for they were hindered by the Tribunes of the People) but with a Party of Men, who were in a manner Voluntiers, that they by per­suasions got together, went forth through the Caeretian Territories cross the Country, and surprised the Tarquinians as they came back from Plundering, and loaded with Booty: kil­ling many of them; but took all their Plunder from them, and so, having retrieved the spoils of their own Dominions, returned to Rome. There was two days given the owners to find out their Goods; and the third day, such things as were not owned (among which there were many things belonging to the Enemies themselves) were publickly sold; and the Mo­ny, made of them, divided among the Soldiers. The other Wars, and especially the Veian, had very uncertain events. And now the Romans, despairing of human aid, depended up­on the Fates and Gods; when at last the Embassadors came from Delphi, with the Oracles answer, which was agreeable to what the Captive Prophet had told them; being this, Ro­mans! have a care, lest the Albane Water be kept in the Lake; but do not let it run into the Sea down its own Channel: let it out and sprinkle it all over the Fields, and make drains to exhaust it. Then do thou press hard upon the Enemies Walls, remembring that the Victory over the City, which thou hast besieged so many years, was given thee by direction of this Oracle, that now reveals it. When the War is over, and thou art Conqueror, bring a large Present to my Temple; and per­form thy ancient Country Sacrifices, the care of which thou hast omitted, according to custom.

From that time the Captive Prophet began to grow great, and the Tribunes of the Sol­diers, XVII Cornelius and Postumius made use of him to atone for the Albane Prodigy, and appease the Gods after the due manner; and it was found out at last, that when the Gods were an­gry that the Ceremonies were neglected, or the solemnities intermitted, the meaning of it was nothing else, but that the Magistrates were not rightly chosen: that that did duly Celebrate the Latin Holy-days, and perform the sacred Rites in the Albane Mount: that it was the only ex­piation of those things, for the Tribunes Military to lay down their Office, for the auspices to be again repeated, and an interregnum set up. All which was accordingly performed by order of the Senate. Thereupon there were three Interreges [or Persons that ruled, when there were no chief Magistrates besides] viz. L. Valerius, Q. Servilius Fidenas, and M. Furius Ca­millus. But in the mean time they had continual disturbances; for the common People made a tumult in the Assembly, till it was first agreed upon, That the greater part of the Tri­bunes Military should be chosen out of the Commonalty. Which whilst they transacted, the States of Etruria met at the Temple of Volumna: where seeing the Capenates and Faliscans requi­red, that all the People of Etruria should, with one consent, rescue Veii from the Siege that was laid to it, answer was made, That they had denied the Veians that before; because they ought not to expect aid from them, whom they had not consulted about so weighty an affair: besides, that at this time their very condition denied them, especially in that part of Etruria: for a Foreign Nati­on, and new Neighbours, called Gauls, were near them; with whom they neither had any assu­rance of Peace or War. Yet they would be so kind to their own blood and name, and shew so much regard to the dangers of their Kindred, that if any of their Youth would go voluntarily into that War, they would not hinder them. Then there was a report at Rome, that such a vast num­ber of Enemies were come; and thereby their intestine discords began (as it usually hap­pens) to be allayed.

XVIII It was not against the Senates will that the Tribes by their Prerogative chose Licinius Cal­vus U. C. 359 Tribune of the Soldiers, who was a Person of known moderation in his former Of­fice; but at that time very old: and it was apparent that all those of the College in the same would be chosen again; viz. L. Titinius, P. Menenius, Cn. Genutius, and L. Atilius: who be­fore they were declared, P. Licinius Calvus, by the permission of the Interrex, made this Speech to the Tribes: Romans! I see you have a desire to make the ensuing Year, at this Assem­bly, the omen of concord (which is a thing most advantagious to you at this time) by the remem­brance you bear of our Magistracy: in that you chuse the same Collegues again, who are now grown better by experience. But you see me now not the same Person, but left like the shadow and name of P. Licinius. My strength is decayed; the sense of my eyes and ears grown dull; my memory fails me, and the vigour of my mind is enervated. See here, said he, (and took his Son by the hand) the Effigies and Image of him, whom you heretofore first made Tribune of the Soldiers out of the common People: this Boy, who has been educated by me, I give and dedicate to the Commonwealth as my Vicegerent; and I beseech you, Romans! that you would bestow that honour which you have freely offered me upon this Candicate, for the sake of those intreaties which I have added upon his account. Thereupon the Fathers Petition was granted, and his Son P. Licinius was declared Tribune of the Soldiers with Power Consular, along with those whom I mentioned before. Titinius and Genutius, two of the Tribunes Military, going against the Faliscans and the Capenates, whilst they carried on the War with greater Courage than Conduct, ran head­long into danger. Genutius suffering for his rashness by an honourable death, fell before the Ensigns in the Van. But Titinius, having retrieved his Men out of a consternation to the top of an high Hill, rallied again, but he did not engage the Foe in a convenient place. Yet he got more disgrace than he lost Men: though that had like to have occasioned a mighty Defeat; by reason that they were so terrified, not only at Rome, (where there were many several reports of it) but in the Camp at Veii too. For there the Soldiers were with great difficulty kept from running away, when a rumour had fled through all the Camp, that their Generals and their Army were slain, and that the Capenate and Faliscan had got the Victory; as also, that all the Youth of Etruria was not far from that place. But they fancied greater danger than this at Rome, viz. that the Camp at Veii was now attacked, and that part of the Enemies were coming in a dreadful Body toward the City. Wherefore they ran up upon the Walls, and the Matrons, whom the publick fear had forced from their Houses, made their supplications in the Temples; where they prayed to the Gods, That they would guard the Houses of the City, the Temples and the Walls of Rome from ruin and destruction; and would turn that dread upon Veii, if their Holy Rites had been rightly renewed, and Prodigies du­ly atoned.

XIX By this time the Games and Latin Holy-days were Celebrated: and now the Water was let out of the Albane Lake, and the destruction of Veii was at hand. Wherefore M. Furius Camillus, a fatal General, not only to ruin that City, but to preserve his Country, was de­clared Dictator, and made P. Cornelius Scipio his Master of the Horse. The changing of their General made a sudden alteration in all things; for now they had other hopes, other sentiments, and the fortune of their City seemed quite another thing. First of all he pu­nished those who in that consternation had fled from Veii, according to the rules of War: and brought it so to pass, that the Soldiers should not fear their Enemy above any body. Then having appointed a day for the Levy, he himself in the mean time posted over to Veii to encourage the Soldiers there. And thence he returned to Rome to raise the new Army; nor did any one refuse to be Listed. Yea, the Foreign Youth of the Latins and Hernicans, promising their service, came to that War: whom when the Dictator had thanked in the Senate, and prepared all things necessary for the War, he vowed, by Order of the Senate, that he, when Veii was taken, would set forth the Grand Games: and would Dedicate the Temple of the Goddess Matuta, which was now repaired, and formerly Dedicated by King Servius Tullius. Going from the City with his Army, which raised Peoples expectation be­yond their hopes, he engaged the Faliscans and the Capenates first near Nepete; where all things were carried with the greatest caution and Conduct, and fortune (as in such cases she usually does) attended on him. For he not only routed his Enemy in the Battel, but forced him out of his Camp too: where he got a vast Booty, the greatest part whereof was brought to the Questor, and not much of it given to the Soldiers. Thence the Army was led to Veii, and the Forts there made thicker: and the Soldiers were drawn from making farther approaches, (as they did many times very rashly between the Bullwark and the Wall) to work, by an Order, That no Man should fight unless he were commanded to it. Now the far greatest, and most toilsom work, was a Mine, which began to be made into the Ene­mies Castle. Which Work that it might not be interrupted, nor their continual labour un­der ground quite tire the same Persons, he divided the Workmen into six parts, and made each company work six hours at a time, as it came to their turns: so that they never left off, night nor day, till they had made a way into the Castle.

The Dictator seeing the Victory now in his hands; that so rich a City was taken, and that there would be more Booty than had been got in all the Wars before, (put them all together) he, lest he should gain any ill will from the Soldiers by the unequal division of [Page 137] the spoils, or envy from the Senate by his prodigal largess, sent a Letter to the Senate, That through the blessing of the immortal Gods, his Conduct, and the Soldiers patience, Veii would now be in the hands of the Romans; [and desired to know] what they would have him do with the spoils? Now the Senate were of two opinions: one of which was that of P. Licinius, who, they say, being asked by his Son about this matter, first said; That the People thought fit to declare, that whosoever would share in that booty, should go into the Camp at Veii: and the other, the opinion of Ap. Claudius, who finding fault with a new, prodigal, unequal, and unadvised largess, said, If they look'd upon it as unlawful, that Mony taken from an Enemy should be put into their Treasury, though now exhausted by so many Wars, he advised them at least to pay the Soldiers out of it, that the Commons might pay the less Taxes: for all Houses would feel the be­nefit of that gift alike. That by that means the greedy hands of idle Citizens who are so ready to seize on all they can get, would not rob stout Soldiers of their rewards; though it most commonly so falls out, that he who is most forward to venture upon toil and danger, is slowest in carrying off the booty. Licinius on the contrary said, That Mony would be always suspected and hateful, and would give occasion for Appeals to the Commons, and thence for Seditions and new Laws. Wherefore it was better, that the People should be reconciled by that gift: that they, who had been exhausted and drained by the Taxes of so many years should be relieved; and should reap some benefit by the booty out of that War, in which they were almost grown old. That that would be more acceptable, and welcome to them, which every Man brought home with him after he had taken it from the Ene­my, than if he received three times as much from the disposal of another Man. That the Dictator himself strove to avoid envy upon that score, and therefore left it to the Senate: and that the Se­nate also ought to leave the matter (though referred to them) to the People, and suffer them to have what the fortune of War has given each one of them. This seemed to be the safer opinion, to make the Senate popular. Wherefore it was ordered, that all who had a mind to share in the Veian spoils, should go into the Camp to the Dictator: upon which so vast a Multitude went, that they filled the Camp.

Then the Dictator having consulted the Soothsayers went forth, and when he had given XXI his Soldiers orders to stand to their Arms, said thus, O Divine Apollo, 'tis under thy Conduct, and by the Inspiration of thy Deity, that I go to destroy the City Veii, and from henceforward I so­lemnly promise thee the Tith of the prey: And I beseech thee Juno, preserver of Veii, to follow us Conquerors into the City, which in a short time will be thine and ours; where thou maist have a Temple fit to receive thy Greatness. After this Prayer, he goes with a vast Company from all parts to the City, to lessen the sense and apprehension they had of danger from the Mine. The Men of Veii little thinking that they were now cheated by their own Diviners, and by Foreign Oracles, that some of the Gods were intreated to partake of their Prey, that others were invited out of their City to behold the Temples and new Seat of the Enemies, and that they were now breathing their last day; fearing nothing less than the undermining their Ma­gazines, or taking their Tower, run up and down upon the Walls in their Armour, wondring that the Romans, who had not stirred (so much as a Man) from their stations in so many days time, should now, as if they were driven by some sudden Fury, run so unadvisedly to the Walls. And here 'tis reported, that, as the Veietian King was sacrificing, the voice of the Sooth­sayer, that divided the Entrails of that sacrifice, and promised him Victory, was heard so plain in the Mine, that it moved the Roman Soldiers to open the Mine, and carry away the Entrails to the Dictator. But it is sufficient if such ancient stories as these, which are but probable, be received as true. These things are fitter to be admired, to maintain the ostentation of such a joysul Scene, than to be believed; neither will it be worth ones while either to affirm or de­ny them. Out of the Mine, that was then full of choice Soldiers, on a sudden there sprang Armed Men in the Temple of Juno, which was in the Veientan Tower, and some of them set upon the Enemies that ran away upon the Walls; others tear back the Bars, others fling fire into those Houses, from whence the Women and Servants threw Stones and Tiles. The noise of them, being scared with fear and dread, being made up of the several cries and com­plaints of Women and Children filled all places with horror and amazement. The Soldiers being presently dismounted the Walls, and the Gates open, the City is filled with Enemies, some of which climb the forsaken Walls, others ran in throngs up and down the Streets, so that there was nothing but fighting in all places. After much slaughter, the heat of the skirmish was over, and the Dictator commanded the Cryers to make Proclamation that they should no longer kill Women and Children: whereupon the shedding of blood ceased, and the unarm­ed Crew began to deliver up themselves. Then the Soldiers, by the permission of the Dicta­tor betake themselves to pillaging, the richness and abundance of which, when it was brought before him, did so far surpass his hopes and expectations, that with lift up hands to Heaven, (as 'tis said) he prayed, That if any Gods or Men thought the fortune of the Romans too great, they would mitigate their envy by laying some private affliction upon him, and not at all injure the publick concerns of the Roman People. As he thus prayed, 'tis reported that he fell down in turn­ing himself, which Omen (as some conjecture) seemed to presage the Condemnation of Camillus himself to Banishment, and the destruction of Rome, which happened not many years after. Thus that day was spent in killing Enemies, and pillaging the riches of that wealthy City.

XXII The next day the Dictator sold the Freemen, and that was the only Mony allotted for pub­lick use: at which the common People was much disturbed, in regard that Press was not ac­knowledged to be received from their General who had referred the matter to the Senate, to find out the Authors of such a mischief; nor from the Senate, and the Father was the Au­thor and giver of such popular Advice: When they had carried out all the Wealth that be­longed to the Men, they began to remove that which was Consecrated to the Gods, but ra­ther like Worshipers than Pillagers. For the choicest young Men in all the Army being ap­pointed to carry Queen Juno to Rome, all in white, and with Bodies cleansed from all filthi­ness, entered the Temple with Veneration, and put their hands towards her with Reverence, it being customary among the Etrurians, that none but a Priest of some trusty Nation should handle that Image. And when one of them, either by Inspiration or by way of Jest, said, Wilt thou go to Rome, Juno? the rest cried out that she nodded to him, and 'twas afterwards said, that the voice of her, saying, That she would, was heard. I heard that she was removed from her Seat, and carried to Rome with so great case, that she did as it were follow them, and there seated for ever on the Mount Aventine, where Camillus the Roman was required to pay his Vows, and where afterwards he Dedicated a Temple to her. This was the fall of Veii the richest City among the Etrurians, that shewed its greatness even to the last. For after the Siege of ten Years together, and giving more overthrows than they received, at last by the compulsion of Fate, they were Conquered more by Works and Stratagems than force.

XXIII Assoon as the news of Veii's being taken came to Rome, though the Prodigies were taken off, the Responses of their Wise Men and Oracles were known; though according to the best of Mens advice, they had declared M. Furius their Commander the greatest of Generals; yet because they had several brushes with them for so many Years together, and had many discom­fitures, their Joy was beyond measure, being as it were unhoped for: and before an Order of the Senate could pass for it, the Temples were thronged with Roman Mothers giving thanks to the Gods: The Senate Decree that they should Sacrifice four days, more than ever was known in any War before. The coming of the Dictator also was Celebrated by all sorts of Men that ran out in great companies to meet him, beyond the examples of former times, and the honour of his Triumph somewhat exceeded their customary solemnities on such occasions. He himself sits in State in the view of all, coming into the City in his Chariot drawn with white Horses; (which seemed to be not only somewhat affected, but unkind also to those that had Triumphed before.) The Horses of Jupiter and the Sun carried the Dictator (now their equal) to sacrifice; upon which account chiefly the Triumph was not so pleasing as Honou­rable. Then he built a Temple on Mount Aventine to Queen Juno, Dedicating it to her under the Title of Mature Maker. And when he had performed these Divine and Humane Offices he resigned his Dictatorship. Then the matter began to be debated about Apollo's Pre­sent. For though Camillus said that he vowed to him the Tith of the Pillage; yet the High-Priests might be of opinion that the People should be free from the Vow; so that they could not easily hit upon a way to make the People bring back the Pillage. At last they light upon that which was easiest, viz. That he that would free himself and Family from the Vow, should, when he had set a price upon his Prey, bring the value of the tenth part of it into the publick, that therewith, according to the condition of the Roman People, they might buy a present of Gold befitting the Deity of the God, and the greatness of his Temple. And truly this Collection alienated the minds of the Commonalty from Camillus. At which time Em­bassadors came from Volsci and Aequi requesting Peace, which was granted, more recruiting the wearied City after so long a War, than that the Petitioners deserved it.

XXIV Upon subduing Veii there were six Tribunes or Colonels appointed over the Soldiers the following Year, viz. P. P. Cornelius, Cossus and Scipio, M. Val. Maximus, twice in the Of­fice, Caeso Fab. Ambustus thrice, Lucius Furius Medullinus five times, and Quintius Servitius thrice. The War with Falisca fell to the Cornelius's, and Capena fell to the Lot of Valerius and Ser­vitius, they did not set upon the Cities, but destroyed and pillaged the Fields, for that there was not so much left as a good Tree, or any good thing behind them. That damage brought in the People of Capena, and upon their request Peace was granted them. But their War still continued with the Falisci; mean while there was a great Sedition, and to appease it, they thought fit to enroll a Colony of 3000 Roman Citizens among the Volsci, and the Tri­umviri created for that purpose had three Acres of Ground and three Septunces a Man di­vided among them. But that Largess began to be despised, in regard they thought 'twas gi­ven them to divert their minds from greater hopes. For why should the Commons be tran­slated among the Volsci, when the Vientan Fields were in view, much larger and fruitfuller than those about Rome? The City also was esteemed better then as to its situation, or the Magnificence of publick or private Buildings and Places. But they had thoughts of going to Veii most of them (especially when Rome was taken by the Gauls) designing it to be in­habited partly by the Commons and partly by the Senate, it being not impossible that two Cities should be in common to the Romans, which the Nobles were so much against, that they said they would sooner die in the sight of the Roman People, than any such Bill should be proposed to the Senate: For if there were so much Dissention in one City, what would there be in two? Was it not fit to prefer the Conquered Country before that which Con­quered [Page 139] it, or to let the condition of the Captives be better now than when they were at Liber­ty? lastly, that they would never be brought to relinquish their Country and Citizens, to leave their God Romulus, the Son of a God, the Parent and Builder of Rome, and T. Sicinius (the framer of that Bill) to Veii.

While they were warmly Debating their matter (the Senators having drawn some of the XXV Tribunes of the Commons on their side) nothing kept the common People so much from striking, as the Senators offering themselves in the midst of the Brawls, and commanding the People to assault, strike, and kill them. Whereupon the Commons kept in their hands from violating Men of that Age, Dignity and Honour, and modesty set a stop to any such attempts. Camillus also made a Preachment every where, That 'twas no wonder the City should he in an up­roar, when they were more careful in worldly concerns, than paying their Vows, saying nothing of the Collation, which was rather Wages than Tythes, when the People were free from that Vow, to which every particular Man obliged himself. But for his part his conscience would not let him be silent in it, especially because only the tenth part of their moveable Pillage was designed, there being no mention made of the City and Fields, which were also within the compass of the Vow. The Se­nate finding some difficulty in the matter, sent it to the High-Priest, and, Camillus being con­vened, 'twas the Judgment of the College, that the tenth part of whatever was Veietians before his Vow, and the Romans after, was sacred to Apollo: so that the City and Fields estimated, Mony taken out of the Treasury, and Charge given to the Military Tribunes of the Consular Dignity to buy Gold with it; and there being not enough, the Matrons came together in Council, and by a common Decree obliged themselves, and brought their Gold and Orna­ment to the Treasury, to be disposed of by the Military Tribunes, which thing pleased the Senate exceedingly, and 'tis reported they had the Honour of riding in Litters to the Temples and publick Shews, in Chariots upon Festivals and Working days, conferred upon them for that their Munification. The Gold being received from every one of them, and valued, they thought fit to buy a Golden Cap to be carried to Delphos, and presented to Apollo. As soon as they were free from the Vow, the Tribunes of the Commons blow up Sedition anew: The Multitude rise up against the Nobility, especially Camillus. Those that were absent cry out that by Collations and Vows they have brought the Veientan Prey to nothing; those that were present are now modest, because the Senators offered themselves voluntarily to their anger: and when they saw the matter almost at an end for that Year, they make the same Tribunes Legislators for the other, and the Senate endeavoured to make the same Intercessors (who were to give a Negative Voice) for that the same Tribunes were for the most part made again.

At the Assembly for chusing Military Tribunes the Senators made it plain that M. Furius XXVI Camillus ought to be created one; by reason of the Wars in hand, they made as though 'twas U. C. 361 better to make a General, but there was a stop like to be set to the passing that Bill for the Tribunes. However with Camillus, L. Furius Medullinus being in that Office six times, C. Aemilius, L. Valerius Poplicola, J. Postumius, P. Cornelius twice in that Office, were created Tribunes, all Men of Consular Power. The Tribunes of the Commons did not stir the beginning of the Year; till M. F. Camillus was gone against Falisci, against whom his Com­mission was directed; and even then by delays the matter cooled, and Camillus whom they were most afraid of, became glorious at Falisca. For first the Enemies kept themselves within their Walls, thinking that the safest course, but when they saw their Fields wasted, and their Villages burned, they come out of the City about a Mile (being afraid to adven­ture farther) and then they pitch their Camp, relying upon nothing more than the base­ness of the way to them, and the roughness and cragginess of those high Rocks and Moun­tains that were about them. But Camillus getting a Captive for his Guide, and removing his Camp late at night, till break of day shews himself upon the Hills. The Romans made their Fences three manner of ways, the other Army stood ready for Battel, and as they endeavoured to hinder their Fortifications, Camillus routs them and puts them to flight. Whereupon the Falisci were so greatly afraid, that breaking out of their Camp, which was pretty nigh, they ran as fast as they could to the City. Many were killed and wounded before they could get within the Gates. The Camp is taken, and the Prey brought to the Treasurers, not without great grumbling among the Soldiers, but being forced to submit to the severity of the Command, they did as well admire as dislike the Power that commanded it. Then they besieged the City, and thereupon the Soldiers and Townsmen would sally out against the Roman stations, and [...]ise little skirmishes, spending the time without much hope on either side. For the besieged had more plenty of Corn and other Provisions (be­fore laid in) than the besiegers, and truly the Siege in all probability had been as long and laborious as that of Veii, had not fortune put the Roman General in remembrance of his Va­lour and Experience in Warlike affairs, and so given him a seasonable Victory.

'Twas customary among the Falerians, that their Childrens Schoolmasters should be their XXVII Companion too; and many Boys (which custom continues still in Greece) were commit­ted to the care of one Master, and he that appeared to be the greatest Scholar, was made choice of to instruct the Nobility. Now the Schoolmaster of this Town being used in the times of Peace to lead his Lads out to play, he left not this custom in the time of War, but [Page 140] one day he drew them a little way, another day somewhat farther from the Gate. At last by variety of Play and Discourse he drill'd them on farther than ever, and having opportu­nity, he goes with them among the Roman Guards: from thence to the Camp, afterwards he leads them even to Camillus's Pavilion, and there he makes a Speech more horrid than the baseness of the Fact. That he had (forsooth) delivered the Falerians into the hands of the Ro­mans, in giving those Children into their Power, whose Parents were in all things the Heads and Governours of the Place. Which when Camillus heard, Thou art come, O base fellow, with thy abominable Present to a People and General not like thy self. We never had any Alliance with the Falerians by Human League or Treaty; but what nature has implanted in us, does and shall continue between both. There are Laws in War as well as Peace, which we know how to exe­cute with Justice as well as Courage. We draw not our Swords against that Age, which we spare even upon our taking Cities, but against our Soldiers and those very Men who without any pro­vocation or injury offered them, opposed the Roman Camp at Veii: Thou as much as lay in thy Power hast conquered them by a new sort of wickedness; but as for my part, I will conquer by the Roman Arts and Stratagems, by Arms and Valour. After this, when he strip'd him, he tied his hands behind him, he delivered him to his Boyes to bring him back to the Falerians, and gave them Rods to lash the Traytor into the Town; whereupon the People ran out won­dring at such a strange sight, and the Magistrates were assembled upon this unheard of oc­casion, their minds being so suddenly changed, that whereas they were before for being utterly destroyed, rather yielding themselves up upon terms of Peace; the whole City were now for desiring Peace, and publickly Celebrating the Roman Fidelity, and the Justice of their General in the Court and Forum. And by the Counsel of all, they sent Embassa­dors to Camillus into the Camp, and by his permission to the Senate at Rome, to tell them, that the Falerians freely yielded up themselves: when they were admitted to the Senate, 'tis reported they said thus. We, O Senators, being conquered by such a Victory, which neither Gods nor Men can envy, do here give up our selves to you, being persuaded we shall live better under your Government (than which there is nothing in the World more honourable) than our own Laws. The event of this War has produced two examples beneficial to Mankind: you prefer Fidelity in War before present Victory, and we being thereupon encouraged have yielded up our selves. Send men to take our Arms, our Pledges, our Cities, the Gates being open to receive them, neither shall you ever re­pent of your Fidelity, or we of being under your Government! The Enemies as well as the Citi­zens gave thanks to Camillus. The Falerians were commanded to pay the Soldiers for that Year, to ease the Roman People. Peace was granted, and the Army brought back [...] Rome.

XXVIII When Camillus being thus signalized for his Justice and Fidelity returned, he went through the City with far greater praise, than when he was a little before drawn through it with white Horses in Triumph, and the Senate to free him from his Vow did with all speed send a Golden Cup as a present to Apollo at Delphos. The Messengers were L. Valerius, L. Ser­gius, and A. Manlius, who being sent in a Galley not far from the Sicilian Sea, were taken by the Lyparensian Pyrates and carried to Lyparae. In which City they used to divide the Prey as in a common warfare. The chief Magistrate in that City for that Year, was by chance one T [...]masitheus, a Man more like the Romans than his own People, who himself bearing some Reverence to the name of the Messengers, their Present, the reason of sending it, and the God to whom it was sent; satisfied the Multitude, that are always for bearing sway, of the Justice and Religion of it: and after a publick Treat made them, he Guarded them with a Fleet to Delphos, and brought them back safe to Rome. And there by an Or­der of the Senate he is entertained, and Presents are given in publick. The same Year they had Wars with Aequi, but so various and uncertain, that neither the Armies themselves nor the Romans could well tell whether they were the Conquering or Conquered Party. C. Aemi­lius and Spurius Posthumius Military Tribunes were the Roman Generals. They first joyned their Forces together, and when they had routed the Enemy, Aemilius was pleased to go with a Guard to Verrugo, and Posthumius to destroy the bordering Places; and as he was march­ing on somewhat carelesly by reason of his success, with a disordered Army, the Aequi set upon him, and put his Soldiers into such a fright that they were driven among the next Hills, nay, their fear carried them to Verrugo where the other Guards were: Posthumius when he had received all in safety, calls them in together and chides them for their fear and cowar­dise, telling them that they were discomfited by a Lazy and Cowardly Enemy; the whole Army made answer, that they deserved to be told of it, and they that did, confessed they had committed a great fault, but they would mend it: neither should the Enemies joy con­tinue long, desiring him to lead them to the Enemies Camp (which was in sight upon the Plain) immediately, refusing no punishment, no not the Conquering it even before night; whereupon he commended them, bidding them refresh themselves and be ready at the fourth Watch: And the Enemies being there about to hinder the Romans that were among the Hills from flying by night to Verrugo, they met them, and the Moon shining all night, they joyn­ed Battel before day, and fought as well as if it had been by day: but the noise of this being carried to Verrugo, they thought the Roman Camp had been set upon, and were so much afraid, that notwithstanding all the endeavours and entreaties of Aemilius they were [Page 141] dispersed and fled to Tusculum; from thence a report fled to Rome, that Postumius and his Ar­my were slain, who when day had removed all fear of dangers that might proceed from those that followed in abundance upon them, and when he had rid through the Army repeating his promises, inspired them with so great courage that the Aequi were not able to sustain the first brunt. Hence it came to pass, that the slaughter of those that fled away, being such as pro­ceeded more from Anger than Valour, was to the destruction of the Enemy, and a Laureate Letter sent by Postumius followed the sad news from Tusculum (a City frighted for nothing) and gave them to understand that the Victory was the Romans, and that the Army of the Aequi were utterly routed.

The Proceedings of the Tribunes for the Commons finding yet no end, the Commons en­deavoured XXIX to continue the Tribuneship to the Legislators, and the Senate to make new Inter­cessors (to have a negative Voice when Bills were proposed) but the Commons were too hard for them. Which grievance the Senate redressed by making an Order that Consuls (a sort of Magistracy never liked by the Commons) should be created. After 15 years Cessation, L. Lucretius Flavus, and Servilius Sulp. Camerinus, were made Consuls. At the beginning of the Year, the Tribunes of the Commons, because none of their Society was about to with­stand them joyning briskly their forces to carry on a Law, and the Consuls as briskly resisting them, the whole City being quite taken up about that one affair the Aequi beat the Vitellian Colony of Romans out of their Territories, and the greatest part of them, in regard the Town was treacherously taken by night, safely fled through the back parts of the City and got to Rome. The management of which affair fell to L. Lucretius Consul, who went with an Ar­my and overcame the Enemy in Battel, returning Conqueror to Rome to a Contention some­what greater, the day was set for A. Virginius and Q. Pomponius Tribunes of the Commons for the two last Years, whom the whole Senate was obliged to defend, neither could any Man accuse them of any other crime either in their lives or Magistracy than that, to gratifie the Fathers they withstood the Bill for continuing Tribunes: but the fierceness of the Commons baulked the favour intended them by the Senate; so that the innocent Men were fined in 10000 l. of Mony payable by weight, a bad example sure! which the Fathers resented ill. Camillus accu­sed them publickly of their wickedness, telling them, That by setting themselves against their own Officers they did not consider that by wicked Judgment they took away from the Tri­bunes the priviledg of their negative Voices, and by taking away that, they destroyed their Power. And whereas they thought the Senators would order that rudeness and licentiousness which the Tribunes took, they were mistaken. If Tribunes force could not be repelled by the assistance of Tribunes, the Senate would find out another way (telling them of Consuls) and no longer suffer those Tribunes who stood up for their authority, to miss of the favour of the publick, and hold their peace.

Thus he every day made Speeches publickly, whereby he increased their anger; neither did XXX leave off stirring up the Senate against that Law, telling them, That they should not come into the Forum, when the day came for making the Law upon any other terms, than as Men keeping in memory that they ought to fight for their Religion, the Temples of their Gods, and the Land of their Nativity. As for his own private concerns, if 'twere fit to have respect to his own glory amidst those scuffles of his Country, 'twas Honour enough to him that frequent mention was made of the Ci­ty which he had took; that he took pleasure every day in that monument of his Glory, and that he had always before his eyes that City for which he triumphed, that all People trod in the footsteps of his praises. But he accounted it a wicked thing to inhabit a City forsaken by its Gods, or that the Romans should live in a place which they had taken, or exchange the Conquering Country for that which was Conquered. The Fathers, the Nobles, old Men and young being hereby stirred up and encouraged, throng into the Forum, when the Law was made, and being divided into their respective Tribes, each particular Tribe catched hold on one another, begging with tears in their eyes, that they would not forsake that Country for which themselves and their Progeni­tors had fought with great Courage and Success, bragging of their Capitol, Vesta's Temple, and other Temples of the Gods built all about them, that they would not banish the Roman People from the Land of their Nativity, and Houshold Gods, into an Enemies City, and bring the matter to that pass, that it had been better we had never taken Veii, than that we should forsake Rome. Since they did not act by force, but by intreaties, and frequent menti­oning their Gods, the greatest part of them thinking themselves obliged to it by Religion, unanimously abrogated the Law they had before made: And this Victory was so grateful to the Fathers, that the day after an Order of Senate was made and reported by the Consuls that the Commons should have seven Acres a Man of the Veientans grounds divided among them, neither should this division belong only to the Fathers of the Family, but every free Person therein, not excluding their Children from such hopes.

When the Commons were appeased with this gift, no man withstood the chusing of Con­suls, XXXI so that L. Val. Potitus, M. Manlius, afterwards called Capitolinus, were made Consuls. These Men ordered great Shews, which M. Furius, Dictator, vowed in the Veientan War. The same Year a Temple is Dedicated to Queen Juno, vowed by the same Dictator in the same War; and 'tis reported that the Dedication was Celebrated by the great care of Matrons. There was then a War at Algidum with the Aequi, but not very considerable, in regard the [Page 142] Enemy was almost routed before they joyned Battel. The Senate Decree a Triumph to Valerius, because he killed and pursued the Enemies farther than Manlius, who entered the City with Ovation, or the lesser Triumph. The same Year there arose a War with the Volsinians; but by reason of a Famin and Plague at Rome, which proceeded from too much dryness and heat, an Army could not be led thither. Whereupon the Volsinians having pro­cured the Assistance of the Inhabitants of Salpinum, were puffed up that they made an in­rode upon the Roman Territories. Then War was Proclaimed against them both, C. Julius the Censor died, into whose Place was chosen M. Cornelius, which proving ominous, be­cause that Lustrum Rome was taken, there was never afterwards any Censor chosen into a dead place, and when their Consuls were very sick, they had an Interregnum, daily mak­ing use of their Soothsayers; and when the Consuls by an Order of Senate had resigned their Office, M. Furius Camillus is made Interrex, who chose P. Corn. Scipio Interrex, and he L. Val. Potitus, who created six Military Tribunes, Men of Consular Power, that the Com­monwealth might not be at a loss for Magistrates, if any of them should fall sick.

XXXII On the Calends of July, L. Lucretius, S. Sulpitius, M. Aemilius, L. Furius Medullinus the seventh time in that Office, Agrippa Furius, C. Aemilius the second time. Of these the ma­nagement of the War with the Volsinians fell to L. Lucretius and C. Aemilius; and the care of the Salpinatian War fell to Agrippa Furius and S. Sulpitius. They first engaged with the Volsinians; the War was not sharp, though famous for the number of Enemies: the Army fled at the first onset, and 8000 of their armed Men being stop'd by the Horsemen, laid down their Arms, and delivered up themselves. The fame of this War hindered the Sal­pinatians from joyning Battel; they therefore mounted the Walls, and there stood upon their defence. The Romans every where pillaged the Volsinian and Salpinatian Country, no Man withstanding them: until the Volsinians being tired out with the War obtained a Truce for twenty Years, upon condition they would make restitution to the Romans, and pay their Army for that Year. The same Year M. Caeditius, one of the Commons, told the Tribunes, that about mid-night, in the way where there is now a Chappel, he heard a Voice over the Temple of Vesta, somewhat louder than a Mans, which commanded him to tell the Magi­strates that the Galls were coming. The mean condition of the Author (as it commonly happens) made this thing not much regarded, the Nation also being a good distance from them, and therefore the more unknown to them. Neither when the hand of Fate was thus upon them, did they only despise the warnings of the Gods, but human assistance also, which was present with them, in removing M. Furius from the City: who, upon a day appointed by L. Apuleius, a Tribune of the Commons, concerning the Veientan Prey, those of his own Tribe also, and his Clients, who were no small part of the Commons, being summoned to the House (at that time also having lost his Son) ask'd them concerning the business, and their answer was, that they would give him as much as the Fine was, but they could not acquit him of it. Whereupon he is forced into Banishment, beseeching the immortal Gods that if he were innocent, they would, the first opportunity, let the ungrateful City know the want of him. In his absence he is Fined fifteen thousand pound of Mony to be paid by weight.

XXXIII Thus he is Banish'd, who, had he staid, (if human assistance can afford any certainty) had kept Rome from being taken. When the fatal destruction of the City approach'd, Am­bassadors came from Clusium desiring help against the Galls. 'Tis reported, that that Nati­on being much taken with the sweetness of their Fruit, especially the strange deliciousness of their Wine, passed the Alps, got possession of the Fields before Tilled by the Etrurians, and carried over into Gallia some Wine to entice their Nation thither. Some say that Aruns of Clusium, whose Wife was vitiated by Lacuman his Pupil, a stout young Man, and not punishable but by Foreign aid, led them over the Alps, and was the Ringleader at the siege of Clusium; but 'tis clear enough, that those that assaulted Clusium were not the Galls that first passed the Alps. For the Galls got over into Italy two hundred years before the siege at Clu­sium, or taking Rome: neither was their first encounter with the Etrurians, but long before they often fought with those that live between the Appenine and the Alps. The wealth of the Tuscans being an open encouragement to them both by Land and Sea, long before the Roman Empire, even the upper and lower Sea, wherewith Italy is encompassed like an Island: and the names of those Seas are an argument for it; for the Italians call the one the Tuscan Sea after the common name of the Nation, and the other the Adriatick Sea, from Adria a Colony of the Tuscans. These Men extending their Territories to both Seas, inhabited 12 Cities first on this side the Appenine towards the lower Sea, and forwards on the other side having sent as many Colonies as were requisite to impeople the Country. And these had all places beyond the River Padus to the Alps in their Possession, except that corner of the Venetians who inhabit a Bay of the Sea. And without question they were the original of the Alpin Nations, especially the Rhaetians: whom the very places having made so barba­rous, that they retain nothing of their ancient Language besides the sound of it, and that too not without corruption.

XXXIV Concerning the Galls passage into Italy I have been thus informed. In the Reign of Tarqui­nius Priscus, the sole management of Celtae, which is one third of Gallia, did belong to the [Page 143] Biturigians, who gave them a King, this King was Ambigatus, a Man virtuous and rich in himself and his People. For that part of Gallia under his Command did so abound with Men and Plenty, that he had enough to do to govern them. Being therefore honourably born, and desiring to rid his Kingdom of some of the Multitude, he declares that he will send Bellovesus and Sigovesus, his Sisters Sons, two smart young Men, into whatever seats the Gods by Auguries would allot them; and that they should raise as many Men as they pleased, that no Nation might be able to repel them. The Hercinian Forrests fell to Sigo­vesus's share; and the Gods gave Bellovesus a far pleasanter Journey into Italy. Who, be­cause he was over-stock'd with People, when he had raised the Biturigians, the Arvernians, the Senonians, the Heduans, the Ambarruans, the Carnutians, and the Aulercians, he went with great Forces of Horse and Foot against the Tricastinians. Then the Alps were between them and Italy, which seemed insuperable, and truly I do not wonder at it, since there was no way (as 'tis still, unless we'll believe the Stories about Hercules.) Then when the Gauls were as it were hedged in by the height of the Mountains, and they look'd about to see which way they might pass into another Country over tops as high as Heaven, they had some scru­ple upon them, because they heard that some strangers, seeking some places of abode, were opposed by the Salian Nation; these were the Marsilians going in Ships from Phocii. The Gauls supposing this to be the Omen of their fortune, resolved to fortifie with Woods whatever place they came first to. They post over the pathless Alps to that Taurinian For­rest; and when they had routed the Tuscans, and heard that the Plot of ground, where they then were, being not far from the River Ficinus, was called the Insubrian Ground, after the name of the Insubrians, they followed the Omen of the place, and built a City called Medi­olanum.

Afterwards another company of the Caenomani followed the steps of the former, under XXXV the Conduct of Elitovius through the same Forrest, by the favour of Bellovesus, and sate down, when they had passed the Alps, at Brixia and Verona, which places were possessed by the Li­buans. After these came in the Salluvians, and made their abode near the ancient Nations of the Laevians and Ligurians. Afterwards when all places were taken up between Po and the Alps, the Lingonians came in, and Boating over the River Po, they drive not only the Etrurians, but the Umbrians also out of their Territories, keeping themselves within the Apen­nine. Then fresh Senonians came in, and enlarged their Borders from the River Utente to Aesis, and from thence I find they came to Clusium and Voma; but 'tis uncertain whether they did this of themselves, or by the assistance of all the Gauls on this side the Alps. The Inhabitants of Clusium being frighted at the sight of their numbers, their monstrous bigness, and their unusual Weapons; and at the news of their Conquering all places on this side the Po, and farther, and routing the Etrurian Legions, sent Embassadors to Rome, desiring aid of the Senate, though they had no alliance or acquaintance with them, unless it was, that they did not defend the Men of Veii, their Kindred, against the Roman People. No aid was granted, but the three Sons of M. Fabius Ambustus were sent Embassadors to treat with the Gauls in the name of the Senate and Roman People, telling them, that they ought not to oppose the Allies and Friends of the Romans from whom they had received no injury; and that if there were necessity, they should be assisted by them; but 'twere better, if possible, to forbear fighting, and that the Gauls, a new Nation, should be known to them rather by Peace than War.

A mild Embassie, had it not been carried by Embassadors more like Gauls than Romans. XXXVI Who after they had delivered their Message in the Council of the Gauls, received this Answer, That though the Roman Name was new to them, yet they believed them to be valiant, because the Men of Clusium implored their aid in their trembling condition. And because they offer­ed in their Embassie rather to stand up for them than their Allies, they did not disregard their Overtures of Peace, if so be the Men of Clusium would give them part of their Borders, which the Gauls stood in need of, otherwise no Peace was to be granted. In which particular they would receive an answer in the presence of the Romans, and if Grounds were denied them, they would fight in the presence of the same Romans, that they might tell at home how much the Gauls excelled other Men in Valour. What sort of Right was this, either to require the Possessors Lands or threaten them? And when the Romans asked, what the Gauls had to do in Etruria? they fiercely answered, that they carried their Right in their Arms, and that Vali­ant Men had a Title to all things; whereupon both sides were exasperated, and to Battel they went. At that time, the Fates being displeased with the Roman City, the Embassadors take up Arms against the Law of Nations; neither could it be privatly done, since the Noblest and Valiantest of the Roman Youth fought before the Etrurian Colours. The Valour also of the Foreigners was as conspicuous. But at last Q. Fabius prancing on Horseback on the outside of the Army, thrust the General of the Gauls through the side with a Javelin, as he was brisk­ly making up to the Etrurian Colours, and killed him; but as he was dispoiling him, he was discovered by the Gauls, who gave the word through the whole Army that it was the Roman Embassador, whereupon their anger abating towards the Clusians, they sound a retreat, and threaten the Romans. Some were for going presently to Rome, but the Seniors ordered Em­bassadors to be sent first to complain of their injuries, and to require the delivery up of the Fabii [Page 144] according to the Law of Nations by them violated. When the Embassadors from the Gauls had delivered their Message, the Senate were not well pleased with what the Fabii had done; the Barbarians seemed to require that they might have Right done them; but their ambition hin­dered them from Decreeing Justice (which would have made up the matter) upon such No­ble Men. Therefore that the blame might not be upon themselves, they acquaint the People with the misfortune the Gauls had received, and with their demands, throwing the business up­on them. But the Fabii were more in favour with them for what they had done, and they who should have been punished were created Military Tribunes of Consular Power for the ensuing Year. Whereupon the Gauls being angry, as they had reason, threatned open War, and returned. Q. Sulp. Longus, Q. Servilius four times in that Office, and Ser. Cornelius Ma­luginensis were with the three Fabii created Military Tribunes.

XXXVII Upon the approach of so great a calamity (so much does Fortune blind Mens minds, when she is unwilling they should withstand her Power) that City which had made use of all helps against the Fidenates and Veientians and other neighbouring People, and had often­times made Dictators, had at this time no extraordinary Assistance or Commander, though they were challanged by an unusual and unheard of Enemy, that came from the Ocean, and the farthest Coast of Gallia. The Tribunes by whose rashness the War was hastened, had the sole management of all things, neither were they more careful in their proparations, than they were before in common Wars still making as though 'twas nothing. In the mean time when the Gauls had understood that the violaters of human Right were advanced to high places; and their Embassie disregarded, being accordingly enraged (as that Nation is very passionate) they presently flourish their Colours, and set themselves upon a March. And when the Cities as they passed by, were afraid of their noise and tumult, and began to stand upon their defence, the Country fellows in the mean time betaking themselves to their Heels, they told them with a loud voice that they were going to Rome; taking up as they went a vast deal of ground with their Men and Horses. But the speed of the Enemy made them terribly afraid at Rome, especially when Fame was the Harbinger, and Messengers were sent from Clusium, and many other places, to give them notice of their coming. For they met with an Army led in haste and confusion, but about eleven Miles out of the City, where the River Allia that rises out of the Crustuminian Mountains, runs not much below the way into the River Tiber. Now the Enemy was before them, and every where about them; a Nation given to tumult and hubbub, that filled all places with extravagant singing and balling, with horrid shouts and clamours.

XXXVIII There the Military Tribunes put their Army in Order without ever making choice of a place before-hand for their Camp, or fortifying it with a Trench, or consulting either Gods or Men by Augury or Sacrifice; and divided into Wings that it might not be surrounded by the number of Enemies, but could not make the Vaunt Guards even, though they drew their Men so far asunder, that the middle of their Army was infirm and thin. There was a little way from them on the right hand a pretty high place which they stocked with Subsidi­aries, which as it was the occasion of their fear and running away, so 'twas their only refuge when they fled. For Brennus the Commander of the Gauls fearing some trick in the small number of Enemies, and supposing that they chose that high place for no other reason, but that they might set upon the Gauls overthwart them, and flying off from them, Marches up to the Subsidiaries; not at all questioning, if he could displace them, to conquer the rest easily in the open plain. Thus not only Fortune, but Reason also was on the Barbarians side. In the other Army neither the Officers nor Soldiers did behave themselves like Ro­mans. Trembling and flying was in their minds; and the men so much forgot themselves, that more of them fled to Veii, their Enemies City, from which Tiber kept them, than the streight way to Rome to their Wives and Children. This place is not very well defended by the Subsidiaries. In the other part of their Army, they that were farthest off hear shouting be­hind them, and they that were nearest hear it close by them, and every Man of them ran before they were touched; nay, almost before they had seen the Enemy, not only without striking a blow, but without returning so much as a shout, so that there was no blood spilt among them that fought. As they strove to run away, the backs of those that hindered their flight, in the throng were bruised. About the banks of Tiber whither all the left Wing fled throwing away their Arms, there was a great slaughter, and many that were not skilled in swimming, or were weak, being tired with their Helmets and other Armour, were swal­lowed up in Whirlpools. But the greatest part of them got safe to Veii, from whence they did not only send no Garrison, but not so much as the news of this Discomsiture to Rome. As for the right Wing that were not next to the River, but more under the Hill, they every Man of them got to Rome, and fled into the Tower, not so much as shutting the Gates of the City after them.

XXXIX The Gauls being as it were amazed at such a miraculous and sudden Victory, stood at first like Men frighted, and ignorant at what had happened, afterwards they began to suspect that there were some in Ambush, and after that to strip off the spoil from the slain, and according to their custom to pile up their Armour. But last of all, when they saw nothing like an Enemy, they set themselves upon the March, and got to Rome a little before Sun-set. Now when the [Page 145] Horsemen that were sent before brought them word back that the Gates were not shut, nei­ther was there any Guard or Watch before them, they were as much taken up with wonder as before; and fearing they should be benighted, and being not at all acquainted with the situati­on on of the City, they sate down between Rome and Anien, not without sending their spies about the Walls and Gates to hearken what the Enemy intended in such desperate circumstances. The Romans not thinking that any of the Army were alive but those that fled back to Rome, whereas more of them got to Veii than Rome, set themselves a bewailing the sad condition of those that were alive, as well as dead, and so filled the whole City with Lamentations. Then the fear of the publick stifled their private griefs, as soon as ever they heard that the Enemies were present. A little after, their ears were filled with howling and confused singing which came from the Barbarians that scampered about the Walls in Companies. From which time they were so much in suspence 'till the next day, that they expected they would enter the City with violence at their first coming to it: concluding, that they would have staid at Allia, had not this been their intention. Afterwards about Sun-set they supposed they would enter, in regard they had but little day-light to do their business in. Then again they were of opinion, that they deferred their resolutions till night, that their coming might be more dread­ful. Last of all when they came not then, they thought 'twas deferred till the next day that they might search all places more narrowly. Thus their calamity was mingled with perpetual fear, which was much augmented, when they saw their Enemies Colours advance to the Gates of the City. However the City was not that whole night, nor the day following, in such a consternation as they were in when they fled from Allia. For when they had no hopes of defending the City with so small a company as was left, they thought fit that the Youth of the Town, with their Wives and Children, and also that the strongest of the Sena­tors should betake themselves into the Tower and Capitol, and having got Arms and Provisi­on together, from thence to defend their Gods and Men, and maintain the Roman Name; there to preserve their Flamen, those of the Vestal Priest-hood, and whatever was sacred, from fire and common ruin, and not to leave off worshiping them, as long as there were Men alive to Worship. If the Tower and Capitol, those receptacles of their Gods, if the Senate, the Head of their publick Council, if their Military Youth did but survive the imminent ruin of their City, they thought the loss of their old Men, and the Mobile that was left behind them to perish in the City, not very considerable. And that the Multitude might take it more pa­tiently at the hands of the Commons, the old Men of Triumphal and Consular Dignity de­clared openly they would die with them, and not be a burthen to the small Company that were fit to bear Arms, with those Bodies which were not able to bear Arms or defend their Country.

Thus the Seniors, though appointed to die, comforted one another, then they encoura­ged XL the company of young Men, following them even to the Capitol and Tower, and com­mending to their Youth and Valour the remaining Fortune of that City that had conquer­ed in all Wars for 360 Years together. The sad departure of those, who were their only hopes and help from those who were resolved not to out-live the destruction of the City, the howlings and cries of Women, running after sometimes one and sometimes another, and asking their Husbands and Children, What death they would die? The cloudy face and dismal appearance of all things, were without all question the highest aggravation of cala­mity that can befall humane nature. Yet a great many of them followed their Mistresses into the Tower, being not invited thereunto, nor forbidden by any; because 'twas not man­ly to have Women with them, though they were useful to their Children in the Siege. An­other Company of the Commons, whom so small a Hill could not hold, nor feed in such a scarcity of Provision, break, as it were, in Army out of the City, and go to Janiculum. From thence they are scattered, some of them over the Fields, others go to the neighbour­ing Cities, without any Conduct or Advice, every Man following his own Counsel, and comforting himself with his own hope, at the same time that they bewailed the Publick. In the mean time the Flamen Quirinalis (or Romulus's Priest) and the Vestal Virgins taking no care of their own concerns, consult what Gods they should carry with them, and what (because they were not able to carry off all) they should leave behind, and which was the safest place to put them in; and at last think it the best way to dig a hole in the Chapel, next to the Flamen Q's House, where they thought it a sin to spit, and they lay them up in Vessels. The rest they divided among them, and carry over the great Timber-bridg that leads to Janiculum. And when Q. Albinus one of the Roman Commons, who was carry­ing his Wife and Children, and the rest of their unwarlike gang in a Cart out of the City, saw them upon the Hill; he made a difference between Divine and Humane things, sup­posing it a piece of irreligion, to let Priests and Vestal Virgins, Persons of publick Office, carry their Gods on Foot, whilst he and his were carried in a Cart: he therefore ordered his Wife and Children to come down, and helped them up and carried them to Caere, where they determined to go.

In the mean time all things being as well settled at Rome as their circumstances would XLI permit for the defence of the Tower, the old Men return into their Houses, and being fully resolved to die, they wait for the coming of their Enemies. Those Magistrates among them, [Page 146] that had been carried in their Chairs of State to the Senate-house, that they might die at­tended with all the Ensigns of their former Fortune, Honour, or Valour; put on their Au­gust Robes, wherein they had either triumphed, or devoutly waited upon the Chariots that carried Images, and in the middle of their Houses sate in their Ivory Chairs. There are some that report, that repeating their Vow, which M. Fabius the Pontifex recited to them, they Devoted and gave up themselves for their Country and the Roman Citizens. The Gauls, in regard they had now enjoyed a whole nights respite from fighting, and indeed because they were never engaged in any doubtful Battel, neither did they at that time take the City by force and violence; entred with minds not discomposed with heat or anger at the Col­lins Gate, the day after; and when they came into the Forum, they cast their eyes upon the Temples of the Gods and the Tower, which was the only Specimen of War: then leaving a small Garrison, lest any out of the Tower or Capitol, should assault them when they were dispersed, they betake themselves to Plunder, not meeting so much as a Man in the streets, some of them rush in throngs into the Houses next them; others into those farthest off, con­cluding them yet unpillaged, and consequently stuffed with Prey; but when they saw no body, they were frighted thence, upon supposition the Enemy would by some trick set up­on them as they were scattered; and so they returned in Companies to the Forum and pla­ces near the Forum. And there seeing the Commons Houses locked, and the Palaces of the Nobility open, they lingred more in entring the open Houses than the shut. But when they beheld them sitting in such State and Habits, far beyond any thing that is Humane, when they beheld the Majesty and Gravity they carried in their looks, they approach them with such reverence as if they had been Gods. And when they had for a time stood by them, as if they had been so many Images, 'tis reported, that one of the Gauls stroaked down M. Papyrius his Beard (which they then wore very long) and thereupon the old Man shook his Ivory staff at him. Then began the slaughter. The rest were murthered in their Chairs. When they had killed the Nobles, they gave no Quarter to any, but killed and plundered their Houses, and then set them on fire.

XLII But the first day they did not burn much of the City; because perhaps all of them had not a mind to it, or because the chief of the Gauls thought it best only to burn some few Houses, thereby to terrifie those that had shut themselves up to yield freely, and to engage them upon hopes of enjoying what was left. When the Romans from the Tower saw the whole City full of Enemies, and running up and down every Street; when they saw fresh murthers in one place or other continually, they were not only almost distracted in their minds, but they were also not able to fix either their ears or eyes upon any one Object: for the shouts of the Enemies, the lamentations of Women and Children, the crackling of the fire, and the noise of Houses falling every-where, did turn away their trembling minds, their eyes and faces from what before they reflected on. Thus they were placed by fortune to behold the fall of their Country, having nothing left them to defend but their own bodies; labouring under a far greater misery than ever any besieged Persons did; because they saw all they had in the hands of the Enemy. Neither did a quieter night succeed that fatal day; but even the night and the day after, and every minute, they beheld fresh spectacles, of Ra­pine and Murther. Yet notwithstanding they were thus laden and overwhelmed with ca­lamities, did their courage sink; but though they saw all places levelled by flames and ruins, they were resolved to defend their liberty to the last and the little Hill which was all that was left to them: For now the like mischiefs happening every day, they were accustomed to miseries, and laying by all thoughts of their own concerns, they trusted only to their Arms and Swords; which they beheld with pleasure in their own right hands, accounting them the only Relicks of their hopes.

XLIII When the Gauls, who for some days spared the Houses, saw nothing remaining among the ruins of the Captive City, but Armed Men, and those not at all terrified by these misfortunes, nor inclinable to yield up themselves, unless they were assaulted, they re­solve to try the utmost, and assaulted the Tower. At break of day at the sound of the Trum­pet, they meet and are put in order in the Forum. Then giving a shout, and having made a Fence to keep the Fire-balls and stones from them, they march under the Tower. Against whom, the Romans did nothing rashly nor fearfully, but having fortified all their passages with Guards, and knowing the steeper the Hill was, the easier they could beat them down, they let them climb up to the middle of it; and then from a Place somewhat higher, which was as it were for the purpose, they set upon the Gauls, and throwing them down, made a great slaughter. Insomuch that no part of them, nor all of them together, ever after at­tempted to get up again. Being therefore quite out of all hopes of taking the Tower by Force, they lay Siege against it, which they never thought of till that time, having them­selves burnt all the Corn in the City, and that which was in the Fields, was carried thence to Veii. The Army then being divided, some of them pillaged the neighbouring People, others kept Siege at the Tower, receiving supplies of Provision from the Foragers. But as the Gauls went from the City to try the Valour of the Romans, even fortune herself led them to Ardea, where Camillus was banished, who being there in greater sorrow for the calamities of the Publick than his own; blaming both Gods and Men, and with indignation wondring [Page 147] what was become of those Men, who with him took Veii and Falisci, who in other Wars came off with greater Courage than success; on a sudden hears that the Army of the Gauls are coming, and when the trembling Ardeatians asked him, What they should do? Though before he kept from the publick Councils; he then goes into the middle of the Assembly, and as if he had been inspired, said thus:

My old friends of Ardea! (who are now also my fellow Citizens) since not only your kindness XLIV has so contrived it, but my fortune too has put me into these circumstances, I hope none of you think, that I was forgetful of my condition in coming hither: but the affair in hand, and the common dan­ger, forces every one to contribute what they can in this case, now that the Garrison is in such a consternation. And indeed, when should I return my acknowledgments for your great favours to me, if I omit this opportunity? Or where can you make use of me, if not in War? Upon the repu­tation of this skill [in Military affairs] I lived in my own Country: but though I were conquered in War, yet in peace I was banished by my ungrateful fellow Citizens. Now you, Ardeans! have an occasion offered to you, not only of requiting the Romans for all their extraordinary kindnesses, that you your selves well remember (nor is it any reproach to say so, since you know 'tis true) but of making this your City very glorious for its warlike actions against a common Enemy. The Nation that is a coming against you, are such a sort of Men, to whom nature has given rather great than strong bodies: and therefore they bring, to every combat, more dread than force. Take the Roman miscarriage for an instance of it. They took the City when it lay open to them: but were beaten off from the Castle and the Capitol with a small Party. Now being quite tired with the fatigue of a Siege they march off, and straggle, like Vagabonds, about the Country, where they are filled with Meat and Wine, that they get by thieving. When night comes on, they lay themselves down by the Rivers sides, without any Fortification, without any formed Camp, and without any Watches, all over the Fields, like so many wild Beasts; being now, since their prosperity, grown much more careless than ever. If you therefore resolve to defend your Walls, and not to suf­fer your whole Country to be turned into Gaul; stand to your Arms in a full body at the first watch; and follow me, to kill, not to fight: and if I do not give you an opportunity, whilst they are asleep, to kill them like beasts, I am content to undergo the same fate at Ardea, as I have met with at Rome.

Now every body, both Friends and Enemies wore before convinced, that there was ne­ver XLV such a Man in the World at that time for Warlike affairs: so that, the Assembly being dismissed, they refreshed themselves, and then waited very diligently till the signal should be given. Which being given, they met Camillus, assoon as it was night, at the Gates: and when they were got a little way from the City (as he had foretold them) they came to the Camp of the Gauls, which was unguarded and neglected on every side; which they, with a great shout, invaded. Nor had they any need to fight, but slew all before them; killing their naked bodies, which were dissolved and buried in sleep. But the fright rouzed up the hindmost from the places where they lay; who, being ignorant, what, or whence that force was, some of them fled away; some ran unawares upon the Enemy; and a great part of them being gotten into the Antian Territories, were circumvented by the Towns­men, who made an Incursion upon them as they stragled about. The like slaughter was made of the Tuscans in the Veian Territories; who were so far from pitying a City, that for almost four hundred Years had been their Neighbour, now opprest by a strange, unheard of Enemy, that they made Incursions into the Roman Dominions even at that time; and, being laden with booty, had a design to attack Veii also, which was the Guard and the last hopes of the Roman Nation. Them the Roman Soldiers had seen strouling over the Fields, and in a full body driving the Cattel before them; besides that, they saw their Camp pitch­ed not far from Veii. Thereupon they conceived, first, pity to themselves, then indigna­tion; and out of that fury, which enraged their minds. Were their misfortunes (said they) a pleasure to the Etrurians too, from whom they had turned the Gallick War upon themselves. With that they could hardly forbear making an immediate attack upon them: but being re­strained by Caeditius Centurio, whom they themselves had made their General, they deferred the business till night. Now in this case they only wanted an adviser equal to Camillus; but the rest of their actions were performed in the same order, and with the same event of for­tune. But besides this, they went, by the guidance of the Captives, who survived that slaugh­ter, to another party of Tuscans, that were at Salinae, and there the next night, before any body was aware of their coming, made a greater slaughter; and so returned triumphant, with a double Victory, to Veii.

In the mean time the Siege at Rome was, for the most part slow, and silence kept on both XLVI sides; the Gauls being intent upon nothing else, save, lest any of the Enemies should get into their Camp: when on a sudden a Roman Youth made both his own fellow Citizens and the Enemy too admire him. There was a set Sacrifice to be on the Hill Quirinalis, for the Fami­ly of the Fabii: which to perform C. Fabius Dorso came down from the Capitol, with his Gown girt about him after the Gabian fashion, and the things he was to Sacrifice in his hands; and passing through the midst of the Enemies, without being at all concerned, or frighted at what any of them said to him, came up to the Hill Quirinalis: and there having solemnly per­formed all that he was to do, he returned the same way back, with the same steady counte­nance [Page 148] and step, (well hoping that the Gods would favour him, wko had not been deterred from their worship by the fear even of death itself) till he came home to the Capitol; the Gauls be­ing either astonished at the miracle of his audacity, or moved with Religion also, whereof that Nation is not at all neglectful. In the mean time the Veians grew every day, not only more couragious, but strong too: for not only the Romans flocked thither out of the Coun­try, who had stragled from the unfortunate Battel, or the defeat of their taken City, but there came also a great number of Voluntiers out of Latium, to share in the booty. And they thought it high time to attempt the recovery of their Country, and retrieve it out of the Enemies hands: but their strong Body wanted an Head. The place it self put them in mind of Camillus; and there were a great part of the Soldiers, who had been very success­ful in their actions under his Conduct and good Fortune: and Caeditius said, He would not do any thing, to make any God or Man put an end to his Command, rather than he himself, remem­bring his own Quality, would desire another General. So it was ordered, by general consent, that Camillus should be sent for from Ardea, but not before the Senate was consulted at Rome: so modest they were in all respects, and observed the differences of things even when they were almost undone. Now they were to pass with great danger through the Enemies Watches. Wherefore Pontius Cominus, an active Youth, promising his pains in that affair, laid himself upon the bark of a Tree, and swam upon it down the Tiber to Rome. Then, on the side that was next to the Bank, he got up a craggy Rock (which was therefore negle­cted by the Enemies Watch) into the Capitol: and being carried to the Magistrates, deli­vered his Message from the Army. Whereupon having received the Senates Decree, viz. That Camillus, being by the curiate assembly recalled from Banishment, should by order of the Peo­ple be immediately declared Dictator, and that the Soldiers should have whom they pleased for their General; the Messenger went the same way back to Veii; and Embassadors, sent to Camillus, at Ardea, brought him to Veii: or (which I rather believe, viz. that he went not from Ar­dea before he found there was a Law made, that he should neither change his place of abode without the Peoples order, nor, unless he were made Dictator, have any Command in the Army) there was a Curiate Law [by all the Wards] made, and he was chosen Dictator in his absence.

XLVII Whilst these things were transacted at Veii, the Castle at Rome and the Capitol mean while were in greater danger. For the Gauls (whether they had observed the Tract of a Mans foot, where the Messenger had come from Veii, or whether they on their own ac­cord had observed an equal ascent hard by Carmentas Rock) having first, in a star-light night, sent a Man before unarmed, to try the way, and where there was any inequality or roughness in it, given him instruments [to make his way with] they leaned one upon an­other by turns, and lifted each other up, as the place required; till they got to the top with so much silence, that they did not only escape the Watch, but the Dogs too, who are a sort of Animals very apt to be disturbed at the least noise in the night time: yet they did not escape the Geese, from whom, as being sacred, the Romans abstained, though in the greatest want of meat, which was their preservation. For by the gagling of them, and the clapping of their Wings, M. Manlius was alarm'd, who had been Consul three Years be­fore, a Man very expert in War, who taking up his Arms in all haste, and giving the rest the Word to do so too, marched toward them: and whilst the rest trembled, he tumbled the Gaul, who was now standing upon the top of the Rock, with a blow that he gave with his Buckler, quite down: whose fall, as it threw down those that were next to him, so it killed others, who being scared let go their Arms, and caught hold of the Rocks, to which they stuck. And now the rest also, being come together, with Darts and Stones that they flung down, put the Enemy into a great confusion, so that the whole body of them fell headlong down. After that, the tumult being allayed, they spent the remainder of the night (as much as People under such a disturbance, when the pass'd danger still ran in their minds) in quiet. Next morning, assoon as it was day, the Soldiers were called by sound of Trumpet to a Council before the Tribunes; where, since there was a reward due both to good and bad actions, Manlius was first commended for his Courage, and presented, not only by the Tribunes, but by consent of the Soldiers also: for they each of them brought in­to his house, (which was in the Castle) half a pound of meal and two quarts of Wine: which was indeed but a small thing to speak of, but their necessity had made it a great ar­gument of their love to him; in that each one of them depriving himself of his Victuals, neg­lected his own Body, and the common conveniences of life to shew their respect to that one Man. Then the Sentinels of that place, where the Enemy had stoln up, were summoned to appear: and though P. Sulpicius, Tribune of the Soldiers, had declared, That he would punish them all according to the Law of Arms, yet, since the general voice of the Soldiers, who laid the fault upon one of them, was so uniform, he desisted and spared the rest; but threw down the person, who, doubtless, was guilty of the crime, by universal approbation, from the Rock. From that time the Watches began to be more intent on both sides; not only among the Gauls, who had heard, that there were Messengers who came to and fro be­tween Veii and Rome; but among the Romans also, who remembred the danger of that night.

But above all other misfortunes of the Siege and the War, famin prest the Armies on XLVIII both sides: besides that the Gauls had the Plague also among them, who being encamped in a place that lay among Tombs and Burial places, which was hot by reason of the flames and full of smoak, (scattering ashes, and not only dust upon them, (when any wind was stirring) whereof that Nation is very impatient, as being used to moisture and cold) and not only so, but being tormented with excessive heat of the weather, and very fainty, died like rotten sheep. For now they had buried so many single Persons, that they were quite a weary of it, and therefore burnt them promiscuously in great heaps altogether: and thence the famous place, called Busta Gallica [the Gauls Burial place] took its name. After that they made a Truce with the Romans, and had Parleys by permission from the Generals: at which, seeing the Gauls did often tell them of their scarcity, and would have had them, upon the score of their necessity, to have made a surrender; they say, that in many places there was bread cast down from the Capitol into the Enemies Camp. But now their want of Provisions could no longer be either hid or endured: wherefore whilst the Dictator him­self made the Levy at Ardea, he ordered L. Valerius, Master of the Horse, to bring away the Army from Veii: and then prepared and formed a Body strong enough to attack the Ene­my. In the mean time the Army in the Capitol, being tired out with continual Duty and Watching, yet having overcome all human evils, except hunger, which nature had made invincible, look'd day after day, whether any relief appeared from the Dictator; till at last, now that their hopes as well as their meat was quite spent (so that the Soldiers, though they continued in their stations, were ready to faint, for weakness, under their Arms) they de­sired, either to surrender or be delivered from that necessity upon what terms soever they could: since the Gauls openly professed, That they would take a small sum to raise the Siege. Thereupon a Senate was held, and the Tribunes Military were imployed to make the bargain. So the business was transacted at a Parley, between P. Sulpitius, a Tribune Military, and Brennus, the petit King of the Gauls: and a thousand pounds of Gold was set as the value of a People, who were soon after to Command the World. But though this thing were very base in it self, yet there was a farther indignity added to it: for the Gauls brought false Weights; which the Tribune refusing, the insolent Gaul added, to the weight, a Sword: and there was a voice heard, which the Romans could not endure, saying, Wo to the Conquered.

But the Gods and Men too kept the Romans from buying their lives: for by a kind of fatali­ty, XLIX before the cursed bargain was made an end of (for they wrangled so long that the Gold was not yet all weighed) the Dictator came up: who commanded, the Gold to be taken away, and the Gauls to be gone. Which seeing they refused to do, and said they had made a bargain, he told them, That Contract was not valid, which was made after he was chosen Dictator, by an in­ferior Magistrate without his Order: and with that gave the Gauls warning to prepare them­selves for Battel; Ordering his own Men to throw all their Baggage in an heap together; to make ready their Arms, and retrieve their Country, not by Gold, but their Swords: as having in view the Temples of their Gods; their Wives, Children, and their native soil, (which was now deformed by the misfortunes of War) with all other things that could be lawfully defended, regained, or reven­ged. When he had so done, he set his Army in Battalia, as the nature of the place would suf­fer him, amidst the ruins of the City which was half destroyed, besides that it was also natu­rally uneven; and provided all things, which by the art of War could be prepared, or made choice of, as advantagious for his Men. The Gauls were surprized at this new accident, but yet took up their Arms and ran upon the Romans with more fury than consideration. And now their fortune was changed; for now the assistance of the Gods, and Human Counsels helped the Romans: so that, upon the first onset, the Gauls were routed with as much ease, as, at Allia, they had Conquered. After that they were again defeated in a more formal Battel, eight Miles from Rome (upon the Road that leads to Gabii) whither they had fled out of the former fight, by the Conduct and good management of the same Camillus. There they were all slain, their Camp taken, and not so much as a Messenger left, [to carry the news of their defeat into their Country.] The Dictator having recovered his Country from the Enemy, returned triumphant into the City; and among the Soldiers sayings, which they threw out very uncouthly, he was truly stiled, The Romulus, and Father of his Country; yea, a second builder of their City. After that, when he had preserved his Country in time of War, he did the like in Peace too, without all question; in that he hindered them from removing to Veii: though not only the Tribunes were very intent upon it, since the City was burnt, but the common People too were of themselves more inclined to take that advise. That therefore was the cause, why after his Triumph, he laid not down his Dictatorship; since the Senate desired him, not to leave the Commonwealth in an uncertain state.

First of all, as he was a most devout Person in point of Religion, he took care of those L things, that related to the Immortal Gods: and procured an Order of Senat; That all the Tem­ples, (for that the Enemy had been possessed of them) should be repaired, bounded, and purified: and that the manner of their purification should be sought for in the Books, by the Duumviri. That they should make a friendly and publick alliance with the Caeretes; for that they had entertained the holy things belonging to the Roman People, together with their Priests, and that through the kindness of that People the honour due to the Immortal Gods was not intermitted. That the Games [Page 150] called Ludi Capitolini, should be set forth; upon the account, that Jupiter had defended [the Ca­pitol] his own Seat and the Castle of the Roman People in time of danger: and that M. Furius the Dictator should appoint such a body of Artists for that purpose, out of those that dwelt in the Ca­pitol and the Castle. There was likewise mention made about expiating that voice in the night time, which was heard, though neglected, when it foretold their defeat, before the Gallick War; and order given, That there should be a Temple built to Aius Locutius. The Gold that was taken from the Gauls, and that, which, amidst their confusion, was brought out of other Temples into that of Jupiter, since they had forgot whither it ought to be return­ed, was all judged to be sacred, and ordered to be laid under Jupiters shrine. Now the Re­ligion of the City had formerly appeared in this; that when they wanted Gold in the pub­lick stock, to make up the sum, which they were to give the Gauls, they had had the rest raised by the Matrons, that they might not meddle with the holy Gold. The Matrons there­fore had thanks given them, and a new honour bestowed upon them, viz. that they as well as their Husbands should have a laudatory Oration made in praise of them after their deaths. When all those things were performed, that related to the Gods, and could be done by the Senate; then he, at last, seeing the Tribunes importuned the common People with daily harangues, to leave those ruins and remove to the City of Veii, which was ready to receive them; came into the Assembly with all the Senate attending on him, and made this Speech:

LI Romans! the contests I have had with the Tribunes of the People are so vexatious to me, that I had no other comfort in my severe exile, all the while I lived at Ardea, than in being removed from these debates: nor would I, upon this very score, have ever come back, had you not recalled me by an Order of Senate, and the consent of the People. Nor was it the alteration of my mind, at this time, but your fortune, that induced me to return. For their great design was, that our Coun­try should remain upon its old bottom; not that I should be in it. And truly I should not only be now quiet, but hold my tongue very willingly, were there not any such occasion as this to fight for my Country: which to refuse, as long as life lasts, is dishonourable in all other Men, but in Camillus a sin. For what do we contend for? Why did we deliver it, when besieged, out of the Enemies hands, if, now 'tis recovered, we our selves desert it? And when, though the whole City were ta­ken by the Conquering Gauls, the Gods and People of Rome still kept and inhabited the Castle and the Capitol; shall that same Castle and Capitol, now that the Romans are victorious and have re­covered their City, be quite forsaken? Shall our good fortune make more waste in this City than our bad did? Truly, if we had no religious Rites injoyned, and delivered down to us along with the City; yet there was the hand of Heaven so evident in the late management of the Roman affairs, that I suppose Men can never hereafter neglect the Divine Worship. For do but consider either our good or our bad success for some years past: and you shall find that all things went well with those that worshiped the Gods, and ill with those that despised them. First of all, How many years and with what difficulty was the Veian War carried on? There was no end of it, before, by Command from the Gods, the Water was let out of the Albane Lake. What say you to the new defeat of this our City? Did it happen, before that despised voice was sent from Heaven, concerning the ar­rival of the Gauls? before the Law of Nations was violated by our Embassadors? or before that was, through the same neglect of the Gods, omitted, when it ought to have been revenged? We therefore, in being conquered, taken, and redeemed, suffered so much from the Gods and Men too, as to make us an example to the whole World. Then our ill circumstances put us in mind of Religi­on: for we ran into the Capitol, to the Gods, to Jupiters shrine, and, amidst our confusions, hid some of our holy things in the earth, removing others into the adjacent Cities, out of the Enemies sight: nor did we, though deserted both by Gods and Men, omit the worship of the Gods. They therefore restored to us our Country, Victory, and our ancient glory in War, which we had lost; turning all the terror, defeat and slaughter upon our Enemies, who, blinded with avarice, broke their contract and their word in the weight of the Gold.

LII Now since you see such instances in Humane affairs of what attends the Worship or neglect of the Deity, are you not sensible, Romans! how great a crime we (before we are well got clear of the Shipwreck of our former fault and misfortune) are about to commit? We have a City, built by advice and direction of the Soothsayers and Augurs: nor is there any place in it, but what is full of Religion and Gods; besides that there are set places, as well as days, for the performance of our solemn Sacrifices: and will you, Romans! forsake all these Gods, both publick and private? How agreeable is this act of yours to that which, during the late Siege, was done by that brave Youth, C. Fabius, to the astonishment of the Enemy as well as you? when going down from the Castle, amidst all the Gallick Darts, he performed the solemnity of the Fabian Family upon the Hill Qui­rinalis? Now therefore will you, who would not have the Holy Rites of a private Family neglected even in time of War, have the publick Rites, and Roman Gods forsaken in time of Peace? or allow the Priests and Flamens to be more negligent of the publick Worship, than a private person was in the solemn Sacrifice of his own Family? But some one, perhaps, will say, that we will either sacrifice at Veii, or send Priests from thence hither, to do so: neither of which can be done with safety to our Ce­remonies. And that I may not run through all the Holy Rites, or speak of all the Gods in particular, at Jupiters Feast, can the bed, that he is to lie upon, be set in any place but the Capitol? Why should I talk of the eternal fire of Vesta, or that Image, which is kept in her Temple, as a pledg of Domini­on? Why should I talk of your Ancilia [i. e. holy Shields] Mars Gradicus, and thou Father Romu­lus? [Page 151] Would you have all these holy things left in a prophane place; which are as old, as the Ci­ty, and some too older than the Original of it? Do but consider what difference there is between us and our Fore-Fathers: they delivered to us certain Rites, to be performed in the Albane Mount, and at Lavinium. Was it a Religious act to translate these holy Rites from the Cities of our Enemies to Rome, and shall we carry them hence to our City of Veii, without committing the greatest of­fence imaginable? Pray, call to mind, how often the holy Rites have been performed anew, when any thing of ancient usage has been by negligence or chance omitted. What was it of late, after the prodigy of the Albane Lake; but the renewing of the holy Rites, and repeating the auspicies that healed the Commonwealth, when it was sick of the Veian War? But besides this, we, as be­ing mindful of the ancient Worship, have not only translated strange Gods to Rome, but set up new ones. How signal and memorable a day (upon the score of the Matrons extraordinary zeal) was Queen Juno, brought over from Veii, and lately dedicated in the Aventine? We ordered a Tem­ple to be built to Aius Locutius, in the new Street, upon the account of that heavenly voice that was heard: we added the Ludi Capitolini [Games in honour of Jupiter] to other Solemnities; and built a new College for that purpose, by order of the Senates. What needed we to have taken all this care, if we were resolved to leave the City of Rome together with the Gauls? If we did not stay in the Capitol so many Months, whilst the Siege lasted, of our own free will? If we were kept from our Enemies by fear? But we talk now of holy Rites and Temples: what have we at last to say of the Priests? Don't you consider, what a crime 'tis [for them to vary from their an­cient Customs?] The Vestals, for example, have one sole place of Residence; from which no­thing ever remov'd them, but the taking of the City. And for the Flamen Dialis [Jupiter's chief Priest] to stay one night without the City, is a great offence. Now wou'd you make these persons Veian, instead of Roman Priests? Shall thy Vestals, Vesta! leave thee? or shall the Flamen, by dwelling abroad, contract each night so much guilt not only to him, but the Common­wealth too? What shou'd I mention other things which we do by direction of the Soothsayers, most of them within the limits of the City, neither forgetting, nor neglecting any part of them? The curiate Assemblies, that manage the Millitary affairs; and the centuriate Assemblies, at which you choose Consuls and Tribunes Military; where can they be held as they ought to be, but where they use to be? Shall we transfer all these things to Veii? or shall the people meet to hold the Assem­blies, with so much inconvenience to them, in this City, which is deserted both by Gods and Men?

But the thing it self [some will say] compells us to leave this City, which is laid wast with LIII fire and ruine, and go to Veii, where all things are entire; nor vex the poor commonalty here with Building. No; Romans! this reason, I suppose (though I should not tell you so) you know to be rather given out, than real: you, that remember, how, before the coming of the Gauls, when our Buildings, both private and publick were all safe, and the City standing, this same business was in agitation, about our going to Veii. Now see, Tribunes! how much difference there is between mine and your opinion. You think, that though it were not fit so to do at that time, yet now it may be: and I on the contrary (do not wonder at it, before you hear what 'tis) am of opinion, that though at that time we might have removed, when our City was standing, yet we ought not now to leave these ruins. For then the reason of our removing into a City, which we had taken, might have been our Victory, which would have been glorious to us and our Posterity: but now this removal will look sneaking and dishonourable in us, but glorious to the Gauls: for we shall seem not to have left our Country with Victory, but to have been defeated and lost it. Did our flight at Allia, the taking of our City, or the besieging of the Capitol, lay such a necessity upon us, that we should desert our na­tive Soil, and Banish our selves, or run away from that place, which we could not defend? And could the Gauls destroy Rome, which the Romans seem not able to rebuild? What remains, but that they now come with new Forces (for 'tis well known, they are an incredible multitude) and settle, by your permission, in this City, which they took and you desert? Yea what if (not the Gauls, but) your old Enemies, the Aequi and the Volsci, shou'd do this; that is, come to Rome? Wou'd you have them be called Romans, and you Veians? Or wou'd you rather that this place shou'd be your solitude, than your Enemies City? Truly I cannot see, what is a greater crime. Are you willing to commit these offences, because you are loth to build, and had rather suffer so much dis­grace? If there cou'd be no better, or larger House built in the whole City, than yonder Hovel where my Builder works, had we not better live in Hovels, like Shepherds and Country people, among our our own holy things and houshold Gods, than to go publickly and banish our selves? Did our Fore-Fathers, who came hither out of several Countrys and were Shepherds (when there was nothing in these places but Woods and Fens) build a new City in so short a time; and shall we think it diffi­cult, though the Capitol and the Castle are safe, and the Temples of our Gods standing, to rebuild a City that's burnt? Or shall we all together refuse to do that in the case of a publick conflagration, which we should each of us have done, if our own single Houses had been burnt?

What, pray', if, either by treachery or misfortune, there shou'd happen a fire at Veii, and the LIV flames (as it may chance) being diffused by the wind shou'd consume great part of the City; shall we remove thence to Fidenae, Gabii, or any other City? Has that native Soil no influence upon you at all? Nor this Earth, which we call Mother? Does the love we bear to our Country only affect the outside and the rafters [of the Building?] Truly I'll tell you (though I am less pleased to remem­ber your injustice, then my own calamity) when I was absent; as often as I thought of my Country; all these things came into my mind; the Hills, the Fields, the Tiber, the Country that I had been [Page 152] used to see, and this Skie; under which I was born and bred: which I hope; Romans! may now rather make you so far in love with them, as to continue in your native Country, than torture you with desire hereafter, when you have left them. It was not without reason, that the Gods and Men chose this place to build a City in; very wholesom Hills; a River, as convenient, for convey­ing of all sorts of Fruits out of the midland Countreys; and receiving all Maritime Provisions: the the Sea near, to all useful purposes, but the place not exposed by being too near, to the dangers of Fo­reign Navies: that lies in a place in the middle of Italy, and the only one that cou'd have been found to augment the grandeur of a City. You may know by the very bigness of so new a City. For this, Romans! is now but the 365th. Year since the City was built: and you have waged Wars among so many ancient Nations so long; though in the mean time (not to speak of single Cities) neither the Volsci and the Aequi together (so many and those such strong Towns) nor all Etruria, which is so Potent both by Sea and Land, and takes up the breadth of all Italy between the two Seas, is able to cope with you in War. Which being so, what (the Devil) can be the reason why you shou'd be for new experiments; when, though your courage may be able to remove to another place, yet the fortune of this place can never be transferred? Here is the Capitol, where in times past, up­on the finding of a Mans head, it was foretold, that in that place should be the chief Seat of Do­minion. Here, when by direction of the Soothsayers the Capitol was freed, Juventas and Termi­nus, to the great joy of our Fore-Fathers, suffered not themselves to be stir'd. Here is Vesta's fire; here are the sacred Shields that fell from Heaven; and here are all the Gods, who will be propiti­ous, whilst you continue here.

LV Now they say, that Camillus moved them very much; not only with his other Speeches, but with that which concerned Religion especially. But this doubtful matter was oppor­tunely made an end of by a word that was accidentally spoken. For when the Senate a while after, were consulting about these things in the Court called Curia Hostilia, and the Regiments returning from the Guards, by chance came in a Body through the Forum, a Centurion cry'd out in the Comitium, or Assembly Court; Ensign-bearer! fix here your En­sign; this is the best place for us to stay in: which when they heard, the Senate, going out of the Court, cry'd out all together, that they receiv'd the Omen, and the common people all about them approved of it. Then, having abrogated the Law, they began promiscu­ously to build the City; toward which there was Tile provided at the publick charge, and leave given to every man, to get Stone, and cut down Timber where they wou'd, having first given security, that they wou'd finish their Houses that Year. Their hast was the cause why they took no care to make the Streets strait; whilst, making no distinction be­tween their own and others ground, they built in any void space. That's the reason, why the old Common-shoars, which were at first carried along the Streets, go now altogether under private Houses: and that the form of the City is like a place taken up [with building] rather than divided.

DECADE I. BOOK VI.

I I Have already given you an account in 5. Books, from the time that the City of Rome was built, to the taking of it, first under their Kings, and then their Consuls, Dicta­tors, Decemviri and Tribunes Consular, what Wars they had abroad, and what Seditions at home: things which are obscure not only by reason of their great Antiquity, and cannot through the vast distance, as it were, of place, scarce be discerned; but because writing in those days was not common (which is the only faithful Record of actions) and that even those things, that were described in the Priests Books, or other publick and private Monu­ments, when the City was burnt, were most of them lost. But hereafter I shall give you a more clear and certain relation from the new born Cities second beginning, as from a stock [Page 153] that's more fertile, of what exploits they did as well in Peace as War. Now by the help of him, who first set it upright (which was M. Furius above any man else) the City was at first supported; for they wou'd not suffer him to lay down his Dictatorship till that year was out. The Assembly for the next year thought not fit to have Tribunes, in whose time the City had been taken: and so the business came to an Interregnum [or time of vacan­cy U. C. 366 when there was no chief Magistrate.] Now whilst the City was imploy'd in daily work and labour to repair their Buildings, in the mean time Q. Fabius, as soon as ever he went out of his Office, was warn'd to his Tryal by C. Martius, Tribune of the people; For that he, when a Lieutenant, had fought the Gauls, to whom he was sent as an Envoy, against the Law of Nations: from which Tryal Death (which came so opportunely, that a great many thought it voluntary) snatch'd him away. Then P. Cornelius Scipio enter'd upon the Inter­regnum; and after him M. Furius Camillus, a second time. He created for Tribunes of the Soldiers, with power Consular, A. Valerius Publicola, a second time, L. Virginius, P. Corne­lius, U. C. 367 A. Manlius, and L. Posthumius. Who, from the Interregnum entering immediately upon their Office, consulted the Senate first of all about Religion. First they ordered all the Leagues and Laws (which were the 12. Tables, and some made by the Kings too) to be got together, that could be found: whereof some were published among the Commonal­ty; and others that related to holy things, suppressed by the Priests, most of all, that they might keep the peoples minds under an awe to Religion. Then they began to discourse of Holy dayes, and called the 17. of August, which was memorable for a double defeat (be­ing the day, on which the Fabii were slain at Cremera; and when they had such ill fortune to lose the day in the Battel at Allia, with the ruine of their City) Dies Alliensis, from the latter defeat, and made it remarkable by ordering, that no business shou'd be done on it, either publick or private. Some think, That because on the 17. of July, Sulpicius the Tribune Military had not appeased the Gods, but that, before they were reconciled, the fourth day, the Roman Army had been exposed to the Enemy, that therefore it was ordered, that no holy duties shou'd be performed that day: and that from thence also proceeded the same usage upon the day after the Calends, and the Nones.

But they were not long at leisure to consult how to raise the Commonwealth out of so II grievous a condition. For on the one hand the Volsci, their old Enemies, had taken Arms, to extinguish the Roman name; and on the other, Merchants brought them word, that there was a consult about a War held by all the great Men in Etruria at the Temple of Voltumna: besides that a new fright also was come upon them, by the revolt of the Latins and the Hernicans, who, after the Battel at the Lake Regillus, had, for almost 100. years, been constant Friends to the Romans. Wherefore since so many fears encompas'd them on every side, and that it was evident to all people, that the Roman name was not only hateful to their Enemies, but contemptible even to their Allies also; they thought fit that the Commonwealth shou'd be defended by the same persons Conduct, who recover'd it: and that M. Furius Camillus shou'd be made Dictator. He therefore being Dictator, chose C. Servilius Ahala Master of the Horse: and having put a stop to all judicial proceedings, made a Levy of the younger sort of men: but so, that he listed the Seniors too, that had any strength left, and made them take an Oath to be true to him. When he had raised and armed his Men, he divided them into three parts: whereof he planted one in the Veian Dominions opposite to Etruria: another he order d to Encamp before the City (of whom A. Manlius was Tribune Military [i. e. Colonel] as Aemilius was Commander of those that were sent against the Etrurians) and the third part he himself led against the Volsci. Nor was it far from Lanuvium (at a place near the hill Marcius) that he began to attack their Camp. Who marching forth out of contempt (for they thought the Gauls had kill'd almost all the Roman Youth) to War, the name of Camillus, who was General, put them in such a fright, that they secured them­selves with a Rampire, and their Rampire with heaps of Trees, that the Enemy might not any way enter upon their Works. Which when Camillus observ'd, he order'd fire to be thrown into the Wood; there being, as it happen'd, a great wind at that time, which blew toward the Enemy; and by that by means he not only opened the way with fire, but, the flames, making toward their Camp, he put the foe with the heat, smoke, and crackling of the green stuff, as it burnt, into such a consternation, that it was less trouble for the Romans to go over the Rampire into the Volscian Camp, than it had been to go over the fence, which was burnt down. When the Enemy was all routed and slain, the Dictator, having taken the Camp by storm, gave the Spoil to the Soldiers, which, the less it was expected from a Ge­neral, that was not used to make Presents, was so much the better taken. After that pursuing the Foe as they fled, when he had pillaged all the Volscian Territories, he brought the Vol­scians to make a Surrender at last after 70. years Wars. Having Conquer'd the Volscians, he went over to the Aequi, and surprized their Army at Bolae, as they were there preparing for a War: nor did he attack their Camp only, but their Ciiy too, and took it upon the first Assault.

But whilst they had such good fortune on that side, where Camillus was the chief mana­ger III of the Roman affairs, they were mightily terrified on the other: For almost all Etru­ria was up in Arms and Besieging Sutrium, a Town in Alliance with the Romans: whose [Page 154] Embassadors, desiring aid in that their unhappy condition, went to the Senate and got a De­cree; That the Dictator, assoon as possible, should relieve the Sutrians. But the fortune of the besieg'd being unable to endure the delay of that hope, seeing the few men they had in the Town were all disabled by toil, watching, and wounds, which still lay heavy upon them, they deli­vered up their City to the Enemy upon terms, and being sent forth unarmed with one coat a piece, they left their native soil in a wretched manner. At that time Camillus chanced to come in, with the Roman Army, to their assistance: at whose feet when the sorrowful crowd of them had laid themselves down, and the cryes of the Women and Children (who were sharers in their Exile) seconded the speeches of the Nobility, which were forced from them by extream necessity, he bad the Sutrians forbear their Lamentations; For he brought sorrow and tears to the Etrurians. Then he ordered his men to lay down their Bag­gage, and the Sutrians, with whom he left a small Guard, to sit down there together: but bid his Soldiers take their Arms along with them. So going, as fast as he could, to Sutrium he found (as he supposed he shou'd, and as in such cases it generally happens,) all things dissolved in Luxury; no Guard before the Walls; the Gates wide open; and the strag­gling Conquerer carrying the Booty out of the Enemies Houses. By this means Sutrium was taken again the very same day; and the Victorious Etrurians were killed by this new Foe all over the Town; nor had they time to Rendezvouz, and meet in a Body, or take up their Arms. And when they made, every man as he was able, towards the Gates they found them (according to the Dictators first orders) shut. With that some of them took up their Arms, and others, who were by chance got Arm'd amidst the crowd, call'd their party to­gether to joyn Battel: which had indeed been brought to effect through the Enemies despair, had not the Cryers, who were sent all about the City given order to them, to lay down Arms, that the unarm'd shou'd be spared, and that no body shou'd be hurt, save those that were Arm'd. With that even those; who before were resolv'd, as their last refuge, to fight for it, when they had hopes of life given them, began every one to throw away their Arms, and present themselves unarmed (since Fortune had made that their safest way) to the Enemy. A great number were sent into several Prisons: and the Town before night was restored to the Sutrians inviolate, and free from all the injuries of War: because it had not been taken by Storm, but surrender'd upon conditions.

IV Camillus return'd triumphant into the City; and having been Victorious in three Wars together, drove before his Chariot a great many more Etrurians than any others. Whom after he had publickly sold, there was so much money made of them, that, having repaid the Matrons their Gold, out of what remained, there were three golden Cups made; which, 'tis well known (before the Capitol was burnt) were set in Jupiters Temple, at Junos feet. That Year they were taken into the City, who (either Veians, Capenates, or Faliscans) had come over to the Romans during those Wars, and Land was assigned to all such new Citi­zens. They likewise were recalled into the City by order of the Senate, who to avoid the trouble of building at Rome, had removed to Veii. Whereupon at first they murmured and slighted the command, till a day being prefixed, a capital punishment set upon each man, that did not return to Rome, cooled all their courages, and made them every man obedient out of fear. Now therefore Rome began to grow very populous, and buildings to rise in eve­ry part: for the Commonwealth helped to defray the Charge, the Ediles forwarded the work, as though it had been the publick business, and even private persons (for their de­sire to have a convenient Habitation prompted them to it) made haste to finish; so that there was a new City standing within a year. At the end of the year the Assembly was held for choosing Tribunes Military with Consular Authority; and they chose T. Quinti­us U. C. 368 Cincinnatus, Q. Servilius Fidenas (a fifth time) Julius Julus, L. Aquilius Corvus, L. Lucreti­us Tricipitinus, and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. Then they led one Army against the Aequi, not to make War (for they confessed themselves already Conquer'd) but out of hatred, to ravage their Country, lest they should leave them any strength for new attempts: and another in­to the Tarquinian Territories; where they storm'd and plunder'd two Towns of Etruria, called Cortuosa and Contenebra. At Cortuosa they had no dispute at all; but having surprized it, they took it upon their first shout and effort; rifling and burning the Town. But Contene­bra endured the Seige some few days; though continual toil, night and day, disabled them: in­somuch that, seeing the Roman Army, which was divided into six parts, fought six hours, each in their turns, whilst the same Townsmen were still exposed to the whole fatigue of the Battel (though few and weary) they at last gave way, and let the Romans into the City. The Tribunes thought fit to confiscate the Booty by way of publick sale; but their or­ders were slower than their design: for whilst they deliberated upon the point, the Booty was all in the Soldiers hands, nor cou'd it be taken from them without envy. The same year, lest the City should increase in private works only, the Capitol also was repaired, in its Foundation, with square Stone, which looks very fine even at this day, though the City be so very Magnificent in its Buildings.

V And now the Tribunes, seeing the City was all built, endeavoured to introduce the Agrarian Laws into their publick Assemblies: and to raise the peoples hopes, they instan­ced in the Pomptine Lands, which was then first of all, since Camillus defeated the Volsci, be­come [Page 155] a certain tenure. They pretended, That those Lands were now the occasion of more op­pression from the Nobility, than they had been formerly, when in the hands of the Volsci: for they only made incursions into them, as long as they had strength and Arms: But the Nobility took pos­sion of them by force; nor wou'd there be any room there for the Commonalty, unless they were di­vided, before the great men had gotten all into their clutches. But they had not much moved the people, who were but few of them in the Forum, by reason of their being imploy'd about their Buildings; as also, for that they were, upon that account, impoverished by the charge they were at, and therefore regarded not those Lands, which they had not abilities enough to cultivate. At this time the City being full of Religion, and the Nobility grown superstitious since their late defeat; to the end that the auspicies might be renew'd, they fell back into an Interregnum. The Interreges were, M. Manlius Capitolinus, Ser. Sul­picius U. C. 369 Camerinus, and L. Valerius Potitus: the last of which held an Assembly for choosing of Tribunes Military with Consular power, and chose L. Papirius, C. Sergius, L. Aemilius (a second time) L. Meneninus, and L. Valerius Poplicola, a third time. These persons (instead of the Interregnum) entred upon their Office. That year the Temple of Mars, which was vowed in the Gallick War, was Dedicated by T. Quintius a Duumvir, whose Office it was to look after the Sacrifices. There were four Tribes added of new Citizens, the Stel­latine, the Formentine, the Sabbatine, and the Arnian Tribe: which made the Tribes up twenty five.

L. Sicinius, Tribune of the people proposed the business of the Pomptine Lands again, VI now that the Commons were more numerous about him, and more inclined to desire them, than they had been. There was likewise mention made of the Latin and the Herui­can War in the Senate; but that was deferred upon the score of a greater War, Etruria be­ing up in Arms. The matter was referr'd to Camillus, who was Tribune of the Soldiers with power Consular; and had five Collegues assigned him, viz. Ser. Cornelius Malugi­nensis, Q. Servilius Fidenas (a sixth time) L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Horatius Pulvillus, and P. Valerius. At the beginning of that yoar mens thoughts were diverted from the Etrurian U. C. 370 War: by reason, that a Body of men, who fled out of the Pomptine Territories, came on a sudden into the City and brought word, That the Antians were in Arms, that the Latins had sent their Youth for Auxiliaries to that War: and said, that they therefore rejected the publick design, because Voluntiers were allowed to serve, where they pleased. At this time there was not any War so inconsiderable as to be slighted: wherefore the Senate thank'd the Gods, that Camillus was in Office: for he must have been made Dictator, if he had been a pri­vate person; and his Collegues confess'd, That the management of all matters, where there was any Warlike terror approaching, rested in him alone: as also, that they design'd, to give up their Authority to Camillus; nor shou'd they think that their grandieur was any way lessen'd by what they added to the greatness of that man. For which the Senate commended the Tribunes, and Camillus himself, though in a confusion of mind, thank'd them, saying; That there was a vast burden laid upon him by the Roman people, who had created him Dictator now four times; a great one by the Senate, through the judgments of that Order concerning him; but the far greatest, by the difference of his honourable Collegues. Wherefore, if there cou'd be any more labour, or care added to it; he wou'd strive to acquit himself; as to make that opinion (which was the greatest that cou'd be) that the City generally had of him, lasting. That, as to the War and the Antians, there was more threatenings than danger: but that he notwithstanding as he said, there was nothing to be feared, so he wou'd not say, there was any thing to be slighted in that Affair. That the City of Rome was begirt by the envy and hatred of its Neighbours; so that there was need of more Generals and Armies to manage the Commonwealths business. I wou'd have you, P. Valeri­us! said he, to be my assistant in Command and Counsels, and lead forth part of the Legions against the Antian Foe: and you, Q. Servilius! to Encamp in the City with an other Army rea­dy, to watch, for fear either Etruria in the mean time, (as of late they did) or this new vexation, the Latins and the Hernicans, shou'd stir: for I am sure, you'll so behave your self as may suit with the honour of your Father; Grand-Father, your self, and six Tribuneships. A third Army I wou'd have raised out of the Caussaries [such as were excused from the Wars upon the score of sick­ness] and elder sort; by L. Quintius, to be a guard to the City and the Walls. Let L. Horatius pro­vide them Darts, Arms, Corn, and other necessaries of War: and you, Serg. Cornelius! we ap­point to be Overseer, and manager of this publick advice, of all Religious Worship, of the Assemblies, the Laws, and all other affairs in the City. Upon this all kindly promising to perform their parts in the discharge of their duty; Valerius, who was his partner in Command, added, That M. Furius shou'd be his Dictator, and he wou'd be his Master of the Horse: and therefore look what hopes they had of one sole General, the same they might have of the War: but he had good hopes himself, both of War and Peace, and the whole Commonwealth. With that the Senators, be­ing overjoy'd, began to Humm; and said, The Commonwealth wou'd never need to have a Dictator if it had such men for Officers, who agreed so well together; were ready to obey, as well as to Command: and bestowed their commendations upon the people in general, rather than arroga­ted all to themselves, that was as much due to all.

Then having order'd a stop to be made in Judicial proceedings, and made a Levy, Fu­rius VII and Valerius went to Satricum; to which place the Antians had gathered, not only the [Page 156] Volscian Youth, chosen out of their new fry, but a vast number also of Latins and Herni­cans, out of Cities that had lived long in peace and were thereby grown very populous. Now therefore this new Enemy; joyn'd to the old one put the Roman Soldiers into a fright. Which when the Centurions told Camillus, as he was setting his Army in Battalia, viz. That the Soldiers were disturb'd in their minds; that they were loth to take up their Arms, and that they marched lazily, and with reluctance out of the Camp: yea that they were some of them heard to say, that they must each of them fight with an 100. Enemies; and that such a vast multitude cou'd hardly be endured without Arms, much less Armed: He presently mounted his Horse, and turning, before the Ensigns, toward the main Body of his Army, rode among the Ranks and ask'd them: What sadness is this, fellow Soldiers? what unusual delay? Don't you know your Enemy, or me, or your selves? What is your Enemy, but perpetual matter for your courage and glory to work upon? You, on the contrary, when I was your General (to pass by the Falerians, and Veians, whom we took, and the Gaullick Legions, that were slain in our own Country after it was by them taken) made a triple triumph but t'other day for a threefold Victory over these very Volsci, the Aequi and Etruria. Don't you acknowledge me for your General because I was not a Dictator, but a Tribune when I gave you the signal? I don't desire the greatest Commands over you: nor ought you to look upon any thing else in me besides my own person. For my Dictatorship never raised my courage, as, on the other hand, even Banishment never lessen'd it. We therefore are all the same men still: and since we have brought all the same resolutions to this War, as to the former, let us exspect the same event. Assoon as you engage, let every man do as he hath learnt and used to do: so shall you Conquer, and they fly before you.