Religion
In a Dialogue between two Friends with some remarkable passages uppon the Troubles in Belgia.
VVar and Peace RECONCILED; OR, A Discourse of CONSTANCY IN Inconstant Times.
Containing Matter of Direction and Consolation against Publick CALAMITIES.
Written Originally in a Foreign Language, and translated for the benefit of the Gentrie of this Nation.
LONDON, Printed, and sold by R. Royston, Book-seller to the King's most Excellent Majesty. 1672.
To his very Worthy Friend JOHN HAREWELL In the Middle Temple Esquire.
AS soon as my spare houres were delivered of this birth; I resolved it should be yours. Not that you cannot converse with Lipsius when you please, without the help of an Interpreter: Nor that I pretend by so slight a present as this, to discount with him; who [Page]ha's ever been ready to perform me all the best Offices that can be expected from a generous and disinterested friendship. But, to speak truth, I have done it in a kind of tenderness to my self: I know you will look upon my prefixing your name to this Essay with other Eyes than some others would; and will interpret that to be the Fruit of a well-meaning affection; which perhaps they [Page]would have called the bold effects of an unpardonable presumption. Being also conscious to my self, in what manner I have humbled that mighty Genius, which moves it self (with a peculiar and happy elegancy as well as reason) throughout almost every page of our Authour, by the cheap and base allay I have brought unto it: I determined to appease his Manes, and make him some amends [Page]at least by the choice of such a patronage as possibly himself would not have refused: I am sure I do not flatter you, when I say you are none of those degenerate Brittains, whom Gildas their own Country-man calls aetatis atramentum; but such a one as Lipsius himself doth else wheredescribe.
Go on Sir, and as you have hitherto very happily avoided those Rocks, whereupon some others (in an Age like yours, and through the dangerous allurements of a fortune at command) have fatally split themselves: So let every new accession of years, bring along with it such improvements, as may force us to acknowledge, that you have more than acquitted your self of all that [Page]your youth had so liberally promised. These are such wishes as he shall ever be prone to; who is
To the Noble and Magnifique CONSULS, And to the SENATE and PEOPLE Of ANTWERP.
THese Books of Constancy, which I both began and finished in the midst of the troubles of my Country, I thought meet to dedicate, and devote to you; the great Senatours of so great a City. Your Dignity, Prudence, and Virtue, were the motives to it; together with that humanity of [Page]yours which I have often experienced, and which is peculiar to you; towards all that are good and learned. You will not I suppose disdain the gift; which though small in it self, will derive a kind of value from the mind of the Donour: Seeing I have given you the very best, and greatest of such things, as my Scholastical stores would at this time afford. To conclude, possibly the novelty of it may some way recommend it. For (if I am not mistaken) I am the first, who have attempted the opening, and clearing of [Page]this way of Wisdom, so long recluded, and overgrown with thorns; which certainly is such, as (in conjunction with the holy Scriptures) will lead us to tranquility, and peace. For my own part, I wanted not a desire, to render my thankful acknowledgments to you; and to contribute to the profit of others; if I have not had the ability, it is but reasonable, that you should be as equal to me, as I am to the great God; who I know hath not given all things to any one. Farewell.
JƲSTƲS LIPSIƲS To the READER, Touching the design and End of this TREATISE.
I Am not ignorant of those new judgments and censures I am likely to undergo in this new way of writing: Partly, from such as will be surprized with the unexpected profession of wisdom from him, whom they believed had only been conversant in the more pleasing and delightful studies; and partly from such as will despise and undervalue all that can be said in these matters, after what the ancients have written. To both these; it is for my concern, and no less for thine, that I should briefly reply. The first sort of persons seem to me to miscarry in two most different respects: in their care, and their carelesness. In the former that they assume to themselves a liberty of enquiring into the actions and studies of others: in the latter, that their enquiries are yet so overly and superficial For (that I may give them an account of me) the Hills and Springs of the Muses did never so [Page]intirely possess me; as that I should not find frequent opportunities to turn back my Eyes and Mind upon that severer deity: I mean Philosophy. The studies of which (even from my Childhood) were so pleasing to me, that in this youthful kind of ardour I seemed to offend, and to stand in need of the bridle of restraint. My Tutors at Ubich know how all those kind of books, were as it were forced out of my hands together with those writings and commentaries which I had laboriously composed out of all the best ranks of interpreters. Nor certainly did I afterward degenerate; for I know that in all the course of my studies; if not in an exact and straight line, yet at least in the flexure, I have tended towards this mark of wisdom. Not after the rate of most here that deal in Philosophy: who doting upon some thorny subtilties, or snares of questions, do nothing else but weave and unweave them with a kind of subtile thread of disputations. They rest in words, and some little fallacies; and wear away their dayes in the Porch of Philosophy, but never visit its more retired apartments. T [...]ey use it as a divertisement, not as a remedy, and turn the most serious instrument of life, into a sportage with trifles: Who amongst them seeks after the improvement of his manners, the moderation of his affections; or designs a just end and measure for his fears or hopes. [Page]Yes, they suppose that wisdome is so little concerned in these things, that they think they do nothing, or nothing to the purpose that look after them, And therefore if you consider of their life, and sentiments, amongst the vulgar themselves you shall find nothing more foul than the one, nor more foolish than the other. For as wine (though nothing is more wholsome) is yet to some no better than poyson: So is Phylosophy to them that abuse it. But my Mind was otherwise; who alwayes steering my Ship, from these quick sands of subtilties, have directed all my endeavours to attain that one Haven of a peaceable and quiet mind. Of which study of mine; I mean these books as the first and undeceivable instance. But say some others, these things have been more fully and better treated of by the ancients. As to some of them I confess it: As to all I deny it. Should I write any thing of manners or the affections after Seneca and the divine Epictetus: I should have (my self being judge) as little discretion as modesty: But if such things as they have not so much as touched upon, nor any other of the ancients (for I dare confidently affirm it) then why do they despise it, or why do they carp at it? I have sought out consolations against publick evils: Who has done it before me? Whether they look upon the matter, or the method; they must confess they are indebted to [Page]me for both: And for the words themselves (let me say it) we have no such penury, as to oblige us to become suppliants to any Man. To conclude, let them understand I have written many other things for others; but this book chiefly for my self; the former for fame, but this for profit. That which one heretofore said bravely and acutely; the same I now truly proclaim. To me a few Readers are enough, one is enough, none is enough. All that I desire is, that whosoever opens this book, may bring with him a disposition to profit, and also to pardon. That if possibly have any where slipt (especially when I endeavour to climb those steep places of providence, Justice and Fate) they would pardon me. For certainly, I have no where erredout of malice and obstinacy: But rather through humane ignorance and infirmity. To conclude, I desire to be informed by them, and I promise that no Man shall be so ready to convince; as I to correct. The other frailties of my nature, I neither dissemble nor extenuate; but obstinacy and the study of contention, I do heartily pray I may never be guilty of, and I do detest it. God send thee good health, my Reader; which I wish may be in part to thee through this book.
A DISCOURSE OF CONSTANCY.
BOOK I.
CHAP. I. The Preface and Introduction, a Complaint of the troubles of Belgia.
SOme few Years since travelling towards Vienna in Austria; not vvithout a signal Providence, I turned aside to the City of Liege; which [Page 2]as it was not much out of my vvay: So I had some Friends there, whom both Custom and Affection did oblige me to salute. Amongst these vvas Charles Langius (to say nothing but vvhat is truth) the very best and most Learned Man of all the Belgians, I vvas receiv'd by him at his own House; vvhere he sweetned my entertainment, not only by the expresses of a civil and friendly respect; but also by such kind of discourses; as I shall doubtless find advantageous to me, during the remainders of my life. This, this I say vvas the Man, vvho by the dissipation of some Mists of Vulgar Opinions, vvas the First that open'd my Eyes; and shew'd me the vvay, vvhereby without intricacy I might arrive at those desireable places, vvhich Lucretius calls [Page 3]
For one hot Afternoon (as being towards the end of June) vvhile vve vvalk'd in the Court before his House: In very obliging Termes he ask'd me concerning my Journey, and the Reasons that had mov'd me to it. After I had spoken many things vvith equal Freedom and Truth, concerning the troubles of Belgia: I told him at last, that howsoever I had pretended another; yet this vvas the very Reason of my departure. For vvho, O Langius said I, is there to be found of so flinty and hard a heart; as longer to endure these evils? We are toss'd as you see, for so many Years together in the stormes of a Civil War: and are vvhirl'd up and down in a Tempestuous Sea vvith the different Winds of Trouble and Sedition. Doth my temper incline me to ease and quiet? [Page 4]The hoarce accents of Trumpets, and the clashings of Armes, do speedily interrupt me. Do I seek my Divertisements in the Country or Gardens? The Souldier and Swash-buckler soon fright me into the City. And therefore, O Langius, leaving this infested and unfortunate Belgia (pardon me O thou Genius of my Country) I am resolv'd (as he saies) to shift my Habitation; and to fly into any part of the Earth, where I may neither hear of the name or actions of this Race of Pelops. Langius admiring and somewhat mov'd; Is it true then Lipsius, saies he, that you will needs depart from us? Either from you or most undoubtedly from this Life, reply'd I. For what Sanctuary is there from these Evils, but only in the flight of them? For to behold them and endure them daily I am not able Langius, as being one whose heart you may be sure is not composed of Adamant. Langius sigh'd at this discourse; and feeble [Page 5]Young Man said he, what kind of delicacy is this? Or what may be thy meaning to seek for safety by flight? I acknowledge your Country is full of Trouble and Turmoile; but vvhat part of Europe is that which is at this day free? Insomuch as you may truly praesage according to that of Aristophanes,
And therefore not so much our Country (Lipsius) as our Passions are to be fled: and this Mind of ours is to be so fram'd and establish'd, as that vve may find repose in the midst of troubles, and peace in the midst of Warrs. They are rather to be fled, Langius, (reply'd I with an ardour Youthfull enough) for certainly those evils that vve hear of, do more lightly affect us, than those vve behold: and withall our selves (as they say) are out of Gunshot [Page 6]and the dust of this contention. Do you not hear how craftily Homer advises?
CHAP. II. That Travaile availes not against those Diseases which are within us. It is rather a Symptome than a Cure: unless in some first and light motion of the Affections.
YEs I hear him, said Langius, vvith a kind of Nod: but I had rather you would hear the Voice of Wisdom and Reason. For those Clouds and Mists vvhich enwrap you Lipsius, are ingendered by the Vapours of Opinion. And therefore in this Case (as Diogenes saies) you have more need of [Page 7]Reason than a Rope: I mean such a ray as may enlighten the darkness of your understanding. You are about to leave your Country, but tell me seriously, vvhen you forsake it, can you also forsake your self? Take heed lest you experience the contrary; and carry with you even in that bosome of yours, the source and fountain of all your evils. As those who are sick of a Feaver do continually toss and tumble, and shift their Beds, with a vain hope of finding some ease thereby: In the same manner it is vvith us, who do in vain pass from one Climate to another; vvhile the sickness is in our Minds. For this is to manifest, not to remove the disease: to make a discovery of this Internal heat; but not at all to asswage it. The wise Roman speaks excellently vvell. 'Tis the property of the sick not to endure any thing long: and to make use of change it self, instead of a Remedy. Hence are those straggling peregrinations, and [Page 8]those wandring Voyages upon the Shores undertaken: Now by Land, and anon by Sea; vvith a levity that is ever disgusted vvith vvhatsoever is present. You do therefore rather fly than escape troubles, after the manner of that Hind in Virgil
But all in vain; for as the same Poet addes.
'Tis thus with you, who being invvardly smitten vvith this dart of Passion; do not by travell shake it out: [Page 9]but rather carry it elsewhere. He that ha's broke an Arm or Leg does not use to call for a Horse or Coach, but for a Chirurgion: What kind of Vanitie then is that of yours; that causes you to seek the Cure of an inward vvound, by motion and gadding up and down? For certainly it is the mind vvhich is sick; and all this outward vveakness, despair and langour, arises from this one Fountain, that it languishes and is cast down. That Princely and Diviner part hath cast away the Scepter; and hath humbled it self to that Degree of baseness; as to become a voluntary slave to its own Vassailes.
Tell me now in this Case; vvhat advantage is to be hop'd for, from Place or Motion? Unless possibly there is any such Region, vvhich can temper our Feats, or bridle our hopes; or make us discharge our selves again of that filthy matter of Vices, vvhich we have so liberally taken down. But [Page 10]there is alass no such, no not in the Fortunate Islands themselves; or if there be, be so kind as to shew us it, and vve vvill all embody and fort vvith march thither. You vvill say that very Motion, and change of place it self hath that force; and that those daily sights, that variety of Customes men and places, vvhich vve meet vvith in travell; doth recreate and rouse afresh the dejected Mind.
You are deceiv'd Lipsius, for (to speak seriously and as the matter doth require) I do not so far forth depress travail as to grant it no kind of povver over Man, and his Affections. Yes, let it be yielded that it hath, but hitherto only, that it may possibly remove some lighter taedium; or as it vvere loathings of the Mind: but as for the Diseases of it, they have lodg'd themselves so deep therein, as to mock the Virtues of any external Medicines. Musick, Wine, Sleep have frequently cur'd those first and lesser [Page 11]Motions of Anger, Grief, or Love: But never the Disease, vvhen once it hath been fix'd and hath fastned its Roots deep. The case is the same here; Travail vvill possibly heal some lighter languors, but it can never cure the true ones. For those First Motions vvhich do arise from the Body, do after a sort still remain in the Body; or at most (if I may say so) in the super [...]cies of the Mind: and therefore it is no marvail, if some lesser spunge be able to vvipe them out. But it is not so vvith those inveterate Affections; vvhich have their Seat, yea throne in the very Soul of the Mind. When therefore you have gone far, and spent much time in travail, vvhen you have circled both Sea and Land: Yet no Seas vvill suffice to vvash them out, nor any Earth to overvvhelme them. They vvill follovv you, and vvhether on Foot or on Horse-back, that I may use the Phrase of the Poet; these black cares vvill sit behind you. [Page 12]When Socrates vvas ask'd by one vvhat might be the Reason that he had no better accomplish'd himself by travail: he answer'd him pertinently; because said he you did not travail from your self. Somewhat like unto this I shall now say. Even vvhithersoever you shall betake your self; you vvill have in your company a corrupted and a corrupting Mind; none of the most desireable associates. I wish it an associate only, but I fear it may prove a leader: For your Affections vvill not so much follow you; as they vvill dragg you after them.
CHAP. III. That the true Diseases of the Mind are not removed by travail, but are thereby the more exasperated. That it is the Mind which is sick; a remedy for which is to be sought for from VVisdom and Constancy.
YOu vvill say then: doth not travail call us away from those truer evils? vvill not the prospect of Fields, Rivers, and Mountains place us beyond the sense of our Grief? They may possibly call you off; and place you beyond: but neither for any time nor vvith any firmness. As the eye is not long delighted with a picture how excellent soever: So all that varietie of Men and places, may affect us vvith the Novelty; but it vvill not last long. This is indeed a kind of vvandring from Evils; but not the [Page 14]flight of them: Nor is it in the power of travail to break; all it can do is to lengthen, this Chain of our Griefs. What advantage is it to me for a vvhile to behold the Light, and then forthvvith to pass into some comfortless Dungeon? Such is the case; and verily the vvhole Body of these outward pleasures do lie in ambush for the Soul; and hurt us the more securely, vvhile they pretend to assist us. As the vveaker sort of Medicines do rather exasperate than draw forth the peccant humour: So this vain complacencie doth encrease and svvell the Tide of these desires in us. For the Mind doth not long vvander from it self; but by and by how unvvilling soever is compell'd to return home, unto its old familiatitie vvith Evils. Those very Cities and Mountains vvhich you go to see; vvill reduce to your thoughts the Memory of your Country: And in the midst of all your delights; you vvill either see or hear [Page 15]of something, vvhich vvill unclose afresh the vvounds of your Griefes: Or if possibly you may rest avvhile; it vvill prove but like to one of those shorter slumbers; that leave the avvaked party, in the same or a greater Feaver. For there are a sort of desires which being interrupted do increase the more: And are sensibly the stronger for having had Vacations.
Away then Lipsius vvith these vain yea dangerous experiments; more like to poysons than remedies: And betake your self to those, vvhich how severe soever, are yet the true ones. Are you about to change your Soile and Climb? O rather let it be your Mind: vvhich you have unhappily withdrawn from the Obedience of Right Reason: for no other purpose than to make it a Slave to your Affections. The unsound temper of that is the Root of this despair; and thence are your languors because that is corrupted. [Page 16]It behoves you then rather to endeavour a change of that, than of the place; and to strive not so much to be else where, as to be another. You long now to see the fruitfull Austria, the Loyal and Stout Vienna, that King of Rivers the Danubius, and those other rare and strange things vvhich Men so delightfully listen to the Relations of.
But hovv much better were it for you, if you had the same Ardour and eagerness after Wisdome? If you vvould foot it in those fertil Fields; if you would search out the springs of Humane perturbations; in fine, if you vvould erect such Bulvvarks and Forts; as might render you impregnable to all the storms and assaults of such desires as are Illegitimate? For these are the grand Remedies for your Disease; and every thing besides are but as Lint and Lavatory. Your departure vvill nothing help you; It vvill [Page 17]be small advantage to you that you have
You vvill find an Enemy vvithin your self; and (laying his hand on my brest) in that so private an apartment. What matter is it how peaceable those places are to which you shall arrive: So long as you carry a War along vvith you? Or how quiet? When troubles not only surround you; but are got vvithin you. For this disagreeing Mind of ours, vvill ever be piquering vvith it self: Desiring and flying; hoping and desparing. And as those flying Cowards do most of all expose themselves to danger; that discover their unarmed Backs to their Enemies: So those Errants and Freshvvater Souldiers also do: vvho as yet did never maintain a fight vvith their [Page 18]Affections but alwayes fled before them. But thou Young Man, if thou vvilt hearken unto me, shalt stand, and fortifie thy self against this Enemie of Grief. For above all things it is constancy you stand in need off: and there are some vvho have commenced Conquerours by fighting, but not a single Person by flying.
CHAP. IV. The Definitions of Constancy; Patience; Right Reason and Opinion: The difference betwixt Obstinacy and Constancy, and betwixt Patience and Stupidity.
SOmewhat rais'd vvith this Discourse of Langius, there is much of Noble and Gallant (said [...]) in these Advices of yours: And now am I [Page 19]endeavouring to raise up my self and stand: But to as little purpose as persons that attempt the same thing in their sleeps. For not to dissemble, Langius, I tumble back into my former Seat; and as vvell publick as private Cares stick fast in my perplexed Mind. Drive from me (if it is possible) these Vultures vvhich are continually pecking, and take from me these Ligatures of Anxiety vvith vvhich I feel my self bound unto this Caucasus. I shall doubtless take them away reply'd he, and as another Hercules, set at liberty this Prometheus: Do you only attend and consider. I did before invite you to Constancy, Lipsius, and it is in that I have placed the Hope and Sanctuary of all your Safety. This therefore in the first place is to be understood by us. Now by Constancy I here understand; AN UPRIGHT UNMOVED STRENGTH OF THE MIND; NEITHER ELEVATED NOR DEPRESS'D [Page 20]BY EXTERNAL OR ACCIDENTAL OCCURRENCES. I said a STRENGTH, and I thereby understand such a firmness as is begot in the Mind, not by Opinion, but by Judgement and right Reason. For above all things I would exclude from hence Pervicaciousness (or vvhether I may better call it Pertinaciousness) vvhich it self is the strength of an Obedient Mind, but such only as is engender'd by the vvind of Pride and vain Glory; and is but in one part of it only. For those Pervicacious Persons though they are not (swollen as they are) easily to be depress'd: Yet a light matter doth lift them up. Not unlike unto a bladder vvhich being fill'd vvith vvind vvill not sink vvithout difficulty; but appears aloft, and bounds upon the Water of its own accord. Such is the flatulent hardness of these Men; vvhich as I said arises from Pride, and too high an estimate of self, and by [Page 21]consequence from Opinion. But the true Mother of Constancy, is Patience and lowliness of the Mind; vvhich I define; A VOLUNTARY AND COMPLAINTLESSE ENDURANCE OF ALL THOSE THINGS WHATSOEVER THEY BE, THAT FALL OUT TO, OR FALL UPON A MAN FROM ELSEWHERE. Which being taken up, upon the actount of right Reason, is that only Root, from vvhence the height of this excellent Oak-like strength doth vvear it self. For here also it is requisite that you should be heedfull, lest Opinion should impose upon you, vvhich frequently in the room of Patience doth subrogate a kind of abject and stupid remper of the Mind; a very Vice, and vvhich arises from too low an estimate of our selves. As for Virtue she ever marches in the middle path, and is cautiously heedfull lest there should be any thing of Excess or Defect in [Page 22]any of her Actions. For still she directs her self by the Ballance of right Reason, and hath that alone for the rule and square of her Test. Now this right Reason is nothing else but, A TRUE APPREHENSION AND JUDGEMENT OF HUMANE AND DIVINE MATTERS, AS FARR AS THEY APPERTAIN TO US: Contrary hereunto is Opinion vvhich is A FUTILE AND FALLACIOUS JUDGEMENT CONCERNING THE SAME THINGS.
CHAP. V. The Originals of Reason and Opinion. The Power and Effects of each. That leads to Constancy; this to Levity.
BUt forasmuch as from this double spring (I mean of Reason and Opinion) doth arise not only the strength or vveakness of the Mind: But also every of those things for vvhich vve are accounted praise-worthy, or reproveable amongst Men: I suppose I shall not do amiss, if I go about a little more copiously to Discourse of the Original and Nature of them both. For as Wools must have a previous tincture and preparation by some other juices; before they are capable of receiving as they should that last and more excellent colour they are intended for: After the same manner, Lipsius, your Mind is to be prepared [Page 24]by a preceding Discourse; before I shall be able (as I vvould) to dye it in the last purple of Constancy. There are therefore (as you vvell know) two parts in Man, Soul and Body: the one more Noble as resembling Spirit and Office; the other is more Base as it respects the earth: These two are joyn'd together, yet vvith a kind of disagreeing Concord, nor do they easily accord vvith one another, especially in those matters wherein Soveraignty, or subserviency is concern'd. For both have a desire to sway; but that especially that ought not. Earth strives to advance it self above its own fire; and Clodds are ambitious to get above the Clouds. From hence are those broils and troubles in a Man; and as it vvere a continual fight, betwixt two parties that are alvvayes Skirmishing vvith each other. The chief Leaders, and as it vvere Generalls unto these are Reason and Opinion. The one is for the Soul [Page 25]and Warres therein; the other is for the Body, and in the Body it fights. Reason derives its Pedigree from Heaven; yea from God himself, and very highly doth Seneca extoll it, as a part of the Divine Spirit infused into Man. For this is that most excellent faculty of understanding and judging, vvhich is no less the perfection of the Soul, than the Soul it self is the perfection of the Man. The Greeks call it the Mind, and so the Latines, or else the Mind of the Soul. For (that you be not mistaken) the vvhole Soul is not right Reason; but that only therein vvhich is simple, Uniform, unmixed, sever'd from all Lees and Dreggs, and (in a vvord) that vvhich is in it of sublime and coelestial. For the Soul it self (howsoever it is lamentably corrupted and infected, vvith the stain of the Body, and the contagion of the Senses) doth yet invvardly retain some certain Footsteps of its Original: and there are in it (very clearly [Page 26]discernible) some sparkling remainders of that first and purer fire. Hence are those stings of Conscience even in the vvorst and most profligate Persons: Hence are those invvard scourges and gnawings; and hence is that approbation of a better Life, vvhich is frequently extorted from them, though not vvithout a reluctancy in themselves. For that sound and holyer part vvithin us, may possibly for a time be suppressed, oppressed it cannot. And that burning Flame may be cover'd; but cannot be extinguished. For those little Fires do alwayes shine forth, and sparkle out, to enlighten us amongst these shades, cleanse us from these stains; guide us in our vvandrings; and to shew us the vvay to Constancy and Virtue. As the Heliotrope and some other Flowers do by a natural instinct bend towards the Sun: So doth Reason turn it self to God and the Original of its self. Firm and immoveable in vvhat is good, [Page 27]one and the same in its Censures; ever desiring or flying one and the same thing, the very source and Fountain of right Councel and sound Judgement. To obey this is no less than to command, and to be subject here is to svvay the Scepter of the Universe. Who ever hearkens unto this hath already subjugated the rebellious desires and motions of the Mind: And he shall never be wildred in the Labyrinths of this Life, vvho remits himself to the guideance of this Theseian Clevv. God himself by this his Image comes unto us (nay vvhich is yet more) into us. But that baser and unsounder part (I mean Opinion) it owes its Original to the Body (that is to say) to Earth, and therefore savours nothing besides it. For the Body howsoever it is immoveable and senseless of it self; yet it derives both Life and Motion from the Soul; and on the other side presents to the Soul, the Images of things [Page 28]through the Windowes of the senses. Thus there is a kind of Communion and Society Cemented betwixt the Soul and the Body: but such a communion, as if vve attend the Event, proves unfortunate to the Soul. For through this it is that the Soul, by almost insensible degrees, is led from the Nobler place of its residence, becomes addicted to and is mingled vvith the Senses, and from this impure mixture, is the birth of Opinion; vvhich is no other than a vain shaddow, and resemblance of Reason. The true seat of it is Sense, the Parent, Earth; and therefore abject and base as it is, it advances not it self, it aspires not, nor so much as regards any thing that is lofty and Aetherial. It is ever vain, uncertain, deceitfull, ill-advising, and as perversly judging: and that vvhich it chiefly aimes at, is at once to deprive the Soul of Constancy and Truth. It languishes for this thing to day, and [Page 29]on the Morrow despises it, this it approves and this it condemnes; nothing vvith judgement, but gratifying the Body and indulging the Senses in every thing. As the Eye makes but a false measure of those things vvhich it beholds through some Cloud or in the Water: So doth the Mind but perversly judge of vvhat it beholds through the misty Mediums of Opinion. This (if you consider vvell) is to Man the Mother of his Evils; and this is the Author of that confused and perturbed Life vvithin us. That cares do disquiet us, it is from hence; that the Passions do distract us, it is from hence; and if Vices do Reign over us, it is also from hence. And therefore as those vvho are resolv'd to abolish Tyranny in any City; do first of all demolish the Castle: So if vve are Serious in the prosecution of a good Mind, vve must subvert this Citadel of Opinions. For vve shall fluctuate vvith them for ever: Anxious, [Page 30]Plaintfull, Discompos'd, and never (as vve ought) assigning vvhat is equall either to God or Man. As a void and empty Ship, is tossed in the Sea, vvith every wind: So vvill that Vagrant Mind of ours be, vvhich the vveight, and (as it vvere) the ballast of Reason hath not established.
CHAP. VI. The praise of Constancy, and a serious exhortation to pursue it.
LEvity therefore Lipsius (as you see) is the Comrade of Opinion, and the property of it is alvvayes to change and to repent. But the associate of Reason is Constancy; to the putting on of vvhich I do very seriously exhort you. To vvhat purpose is it to have recourse unto things vain [Page 31]and external? This is that only Helena vvhich can present you vvith that true and rich Nepenthe, in vvhich you may drown the memory of all your Cares and Griefs; which if once you have tasted and taken down; proof against every chance, in the same equal tenour, and not vvavering after the manner of a ballance; you may challenge to your self that great and God-like property of Immoveable. Have you not observed in the Scutcheons and Impresses of some of the Princes of this Age; that high and envy'd Motto, NEITHER BY HOPE NOR FEAR? It shall be yours; vvho being truly a King, and truly free; shall be a subject unto God alone, exempt from the bondage both of Affections and Fortune. As there are some certain Rivers which are said to pass through the middle of Seas; and yet preserve themselves intire: so you shall travel through surrounding tumults in such a [Page 32]manner, as not to contract any saltness from this Sea of sorrowes. Do you fall? Constancy will lift you up. Do you stagger? It vvill support you. Shall you hasten to some Pond or Halter? It vvill solace and reduce you from the very Portalls of Death. Do you only deliver, and raise up your self: Steere the course of your Ship unto this Haven, where Peace and Security dwell: In vvhich there is a Refuge and a Sanctuary from troubles and perplexities. Whereunto (assuredly) if you are once arriv'd; should your Country not only totter, but fall into ruines; your self should stand unshaken. When Storms and Tempests, and Thunder-bolts fall about you; yet then you shall cry out vvith as true, as loud a Voice,
CHAP. VII. VVhat it is and how manifold, that opposes Constancy: they are external good and evil things. Those evils are twofold, Publick and Private; those which are Publick seem the most grievous and dangerous.
WHen Langius had spoken these things vvith a Voice and Air more earnest than he used: a spark of this desirable fire did seise on me also. And my Father said I (for I call you truly not feignedly so) lead me wheresoever you please, and instruct, correct and direct me. You have a patient prepared for any method of Operation vvhether you shall determine to make use of the Caustick, or shall proceed to Amputation. Both these reply'd Langius, in as much as in some places the stubble of idle Opinions [Page 34]is to be set on sire, and elsewhere the shrubs of Passions are to be grubb'd up by the very Roots. But shall vve continue our vvalk; or whether is it not better and most convenient for us to sit? To sit reply'd I, for I begin to be hot, and that upon divers accounts: So assoon as Langius had caus'd Chairs to be brought into the same Court, and that vve vvere both sate; turning himself towards me, he again thus began.
Hitherto Lipsius I have been laying the Foundations vvhereupon I might safely erect my discourse: Now if you vvill I shall draw a little nearer to you, enquire out the causes of your Grief, and as they say, lay my Finger upon the very sore. There are two things that lay Battery to this fort of Constancy vvithin us. False Goods and false Ills. Both vvhich I thus define. THINGS NOT WITHIN BUT ABOUT US and WHICH PROPERLY DO NEITHER DAMAGE [Page 35]NOR ADVANTAGE THIS OUR INWARD MAN THAT IS OUR SOUL. And therefore I vvill not call them Good or Evil; as if they were so absolutely and simply: But only from Opinion and the common mistake of the Vulgar. Amongst the First they Ranke Riches, Honours, Power, Health, Long-life. Amongst the Last Poverty, Infamy, vvant of Power, Diseases and Deaths; and in a vvord vvhatsoever is accidental and external. From these two stocks those four chief Affections grow up in us vvhich compass and perplex the vvhole life of Man. Desire and Joy, Fear and Grief. The two former of these respect some imagined good; and thence are bred: the two last respect supposed evils. Each of them do equally hurt and molest the Mind: and unless care be taken to dethrone it; though not after one and the same manner. For vvhereas the repose and Constancy of the Mind is placed in [Page 36]a kind of even and equall ballance; they force it from this poise, the one by hoisting, and the other by depressing it. But these false goods together vvith the Elation of the Mind by them, I shall purposely pass over (as not concerning your Disease) and hasten to those I call false evils; The Brigade of vvhich is also twofold; Publick and Private. The Publick I thus define; SUCH AS THE SENSE OF WHICH, DOTH AT ONE AND THE SAME TIME EXTEND TO MANY. The Private; SUCH AS REACH BUT TO SINGLE PERSONS. Amongst the former I reckon Warrs, Pestilence, Famine, Tyranny, Slaughter, and such other things as spread abroad; and do respect the community: Amongst the latter I put Grief, Poverty, Disgrace, Death; and what ever is enclos'd within private vvalls, and is the concernment of some particular person. It is not upon any [Page 37]frivolous account that I thus distinguish. Forasmuch, as indeed that Man mourns otherwise and in a different Fashion vvho laments the Calamity of his Country, the Exile and Destruction of many; than he vvho only sighs for his own misfortunes. Add to this, that from each of these do arise different Distempers, and if I mistake not, the more grievous and durable from the former. For most of us are concern'd in Publick Calamities; vvhether it is that they rush upon us vvith an impetuous vehemence: Or as it vvere in a form'd Battalia do overwhelm the Opposer, or rather that they flatter us vvith a kind of Ambition, that keeps us ignorant and insensible, that through them a sickness is bred in our Minds. For vvhoever he is that bows under a private Grief, he must of necessity acknowledge his vice and vveakness; although he amend it not, for vvhat excuse hath he? But he vvho falls [Page 38]under this other; so farr is he many times from the acknowledgement of his fall and fault, that he often makes it his boast, and esteems it a praise-worthy thing. For it is styl'd Piety and Commiseration, and there vvants but little; that this publick Feaver is not consecrated not only amongst the Virtues; but the very Deities themselves. The Poets and Oratours do everyvvhere extoll and inculcate the fervent Love of our Country: Nor do I my self desire altogether to erase it, but to temper and moderate it; this is all that I contend for. For assuredly it is a very vice, a Disease, the very fall of the Mind, and the casting of it down from its seat. But vvithall on the other side, it is a very grievous Disease, inasmuch as therein there is not a single Grief only, but your own and anothers confounded, and that other is also double, respecting the Men, or the Country.
That you may the better apprehend [Page 39]what I have more obscurely deliver'd take this instance. You see your Belgia is at this time press'd vvith more than a single Calamity; the Flames of this Civil vvar doth enwrap it on every side: You see on all hands that Fields are vvasted and spoiled, Towns are burnt and overturned; men are taken and slain; Vlatrons are defiled; Virgins ravished, and vvhatsoever in humanities use to accompany vvarr. Is not here matter of Grief to you? Grief indeed; but a various and divided one (if you consider it vvell; inasmuch as at one and the same time, you lament your self, and your Countrymen, and your Country besides. In your self your losses, in your Countrymen their various Fortune and Death, in your Country, the change and overthrow of its State. Here you have cause to cry out; O miserable man that I am! there
[Page 40]and lastly elsewhere: My Father! My Country! So that he vvho is not affected vvith these things: he on whom the vvedge and vveight of so many invading Evils can vvork nothing, must certainly be either a very temperate and vvise person, or exceedingly hard hearted.
CHAP. VIII. Publick Evils oppos'd. Three Affections restrain'd: and of these; First, a certain Ambitious Simulation, by which Men lament their own misfortunes as Publick Evils.
WHat think you Lipsius have I not seem'd sufficiently to prevaricate vvith my Constancy, and to plead the Cause of your Grief? Yet I have done but as couragious and [Page 41]brave Chieftains use; I have dar'd out your vvhole Forces into the Field; and now I mean to deal with them, in a Skirmish first and then a joyned Battail: In our Skirmish, there are three Affections (Great Enemies to Constancy) vvhich at the first onset are to be thrown under Foot, these are Simulation, Piety and Pitty: I'le begin vvith Simulation.
You are not able you say to endure these publick evils, that they are not only grievous to you but Death it self. Are you in good earnest, or vvhether is not there here some imposture and cousenage? At this a little heated: Nay said I do you ask this in earnest, or vvhether is it mockery of my Grief, and on purpose to provoke me? I am serious reply'd he, for there are not a few of this Spittle of yours that impose upon their Physicians, and Counterfeit a publick Grief vvhich yet in reality is but a private one. I demand therefore [Page 42]vvhether you are certain that this care,
be taken up by you, upon your Countryes account, or only upon your own? What do you doubt it said I? I mourn solely upon the account of my Country, my Country Langius. He shaking his head as unsatisfyed; consider of it again and again Young Man said he; I shall vvonder to find in you so excellent and sincere a Piety, for certainly it is to be met vvith, but in a very few. I acknowledge it is usuall for Men to complain of publick evils; nor is there any Grief so common, and (as I may so say) that doth sooner shew it self in the Forehead: But if you examine it a little more nearly; you shall soon discover some disagreement betwixt the heart and the tongue. The Calamity of [Page 43]my Country doth affect me; are vvords more ambitious than true: born in the Lips rather than in the Reines. That vvhich is reported of Polus the Famous Actour, that vvhen he was to play such a part at Athens as required to be presented vvith a remarkable passion; he privily brought in the Urne and Bones of his dead Son, and so fill'd the vvhole Theatre vvith unfeigned Lamentations and Tears; the same may be said of most of you. You play your parts in a Comedy (my Friends) and disguised in the masking Face of your Country; you lament your private losses vvith the truest and most lively Tears; The vvhole World saies Arbiter are employ'd in a Stage-play: I am sure it is so here. This Civil Warr (say they) torments us, the shedding of innocent blood, and the decease of Liberty and the Laws. Say ye so? I perceive indeed your Grief, I now ask and enquire of the cause [Page 44]of it. Is it because Publick matters are but in an Evil case? Away vvith thy vizzard thou Stage-player; for it is because thy own concernments are so. We have often seen the Rusticks tremble and throng together unto the Temples, upon the approach of some sudden and unexpected Calamity; but so soon as it is over, call aside those very men; examine them apart, and you vvill find that each of these vvas in fear only for his Corn, and some little Close of his own. Let them cry Fire, Fire, in this City, and I may almost affirm that the very Blind and the Lame vvill run to quench it. But vvhat think you? Is it for the Love of their Country? Inquire of themselves I pray, and the answer vvill be because the loss, or at least the fear of it doth extend to every Man in particular. It is in this case, after the very same manner: Publick evils do generally afflict and disquiet Men; not because [Page 45]many are concern'd in those losses: but because themselves are amongst those many.
CHAP. IX. A clearer discovery of this Simulation by Examples; something (by the way) of our true Country. Of that malice in Men, which occasions them to rejoyce in the Evils of others, when themselves are secure.
BE you therefore the Judge, and let this cause be pleaded before your own Tribunal; only (as I said before) let the disguise be taken off. As thus. Do you indeed feare this Warre? You do feare it. Upon what account? Because Pestilence and Slaughter are the companions of Warre. To whom [Page 46]comes that Pestilence? To others indeed for the present, but it may also in time reach unto you. Behold there the true source of your Grief; and (if without the rack you will confesse the truth) it hath no other fountain. For as when the lightning hath strook down some one; even those also tremble who are near: so in those great and Common Calamities, the losse arrives unto few; but the fear unto all. Now take but that away, and together with it this grief also is removed. If Warre be amongst the Aethiopians or Indians, you are not mov'd at all (for you are in no danger) but if in Belgia, then you lament and take on, and deliver up your self to all the expressions of sorrow. But if you bewaile Publick evills as such; where lyes the difference? you will say that is not my Country. Thou Fool! Are not they also men? of the same stock and original with they self? under the same [Page 47]Canopy of heaven; and on the same Globe of Earth? suppose you that this little Horizon which these mountains terminate, and these Rivers bound, is your Country? you are mistaken; It is the whole World, wheresoever there are men sprung from that celestial seed. Socrates of old reply'd excellently to one that ask'd him of what Country he was: of the World said he. For a great and lofty mind includes not it self within the narrow limits of opinion: but in its apprehension and thought embraces this whole universe as its own. We have seen and derided the folly of such; whose keepers have tyed them in a nooz of stravv only; or some slender thread: and yet they have stood as if they vvere shackl'd in fetters of iron: such a kind of madnesse is this of ours; vvho by the vain bond of opinion are restrain'd to a certain part of earth. But to omit these stronger vvayes of reasoning [Page 48](in regard I fear you are not yet able to concoct them) I shall adde this farther. Suppose that some god should promise you, that during this vvar, your helds should be untouch'd; your house and mony safe, and your self set on some mountains top, folded in one of Homers clouds: vvould you grieve still? I vvill not say it of you, but there are a sort of men, that vvould even rejoice, and greedily feed their eyes vvith the confused slaughter of dying men. What do you deny this, or seem to vvonder at it? I tell you there is a kind of inbred malice in the disposition of mankind; vvhich as the old Poet speakes ‘Joyes at another mans calamities.’ And as there are a sort of Apples, vvhich to the tast are svveetly sovvre: such are other mens perplexities vvhen our selves are secure. Set me but a man on such a shore of the [Page 49]Ocean vvhere he may behold a Shipvvrack, he vvill possibly be affected, but not vvithout a certain pleasing titillation of the Mind; as one that beholds other Mens extremities vvithout his ovvn: But place the same Man in the same endangered Ship, and then hee'l grieve (I'le vvarrant ye) after another fashion. It is the same here vvhen vve have said and done all that vve can: And vve do bevvaile our ovvn Miseries truly and unfeignedly; vvhile vve lament those that are publick only to be talk'd of, or because it is a custom. Excellently Pindar
Wherefore at the last Lipsius, dravv aside this Scenick Tapestry, fold up this Veile of the Stage, and vvithout [Page 50]Simulation, shevv us your self in the Genuine Countenance of your ovvn Grief.
CHAP. X. A Complaint of Langius his so liberal Reproof. That it is the part of a Philosopher. Endeavours of refuting what was before said. Our Obligation and Love to our Country.
THis first Skirmish seem'd to me somevvhat sharp, and therefore interposing, vvhat kind of Liberty (said I) or rather, vvhat sharpness of speech is this? You are so smart that I may vvell call unto you vvith Euripides,
Langius smiling, and what said he do you then expect at my hands, Wafers or Muscadell? It is not long since you call'd for the sharpest Methods of Chirurgery; And rightly, for you hear a Philosopher Lipsius and not a Minstrel; vvhose design is to teach, not to entertain, to profit, and not to please. I had rather you should blush and be asham'd, than laugh: and that you should repent rather than triumph. The School of a Philosopher, O yea Men (said Rufus of old) is the shop of a physician, vvhereunto Men hasten for health and not for Divertisement. This Physician neither flatters nor smooths up any, but pierces, tents, and searches the vvound, and vvith a kind of sharp Salt of Speech, scoures away that Scurfe that cleaves to our Minds. And therefore Lipsius dream not (no not hereafter) of Roses, Pulse, and Poppyes, but of Thorns and Poynards, of Worme-wood and Vinegar. [Page 25]But said I Langius (if I may say it) you deal with me in an ill and malicious manner: Nor do you as a skilfull vvrastler cast me upon a right lock; but supplant me by a cheat. In a counterfeit manner (say you) vve lament our Country. Do I? It is not so. For to grant you this (as one that means ingemously) that I have therein a respect unto my self, yet not unto my self alone. For I do lament Langius, I do lament my Country in the First place, and I vvill lament it, although in the midst of its hazzards, there should be no danger to me. And that upon the justest grounds, for this is she vvhich hath entertain'd, foster'd, and nourish'd me; and is according to the common sence of Nations our most Reverend and Venerable Parent. But in the mean time you assign me the whole Universe as my Country. Who doubts it? But yet even your self vvill confess, that besides this vast and common one, I have another [Page 53]more limited and peculiar Country; unto vvhich by a certain secret bond of Nature I have a nearer Obligation. Unless you do imagine that there is no force in our being swath'd and suckl'd in that our Native soil, vvhich vve have first greeted vvith this Body of ours; and first set foot upon, vvhose Air vve have breath'd; in which our Infancy hath cri'd, our Childhood play'd, and in vvhich our youth hath been educated and trained up. Where the Skies and Rivers, and Fields are familiar with our eyes: wherein in a continued order, are our Kindred and Friends, and Associates: and so many other invitations unto Joy; as vve in vain hope to meet vvith in any other place of the Earth. Nor are these tyes (as you seem to assert) from the slender threads of Opinion, but from the strong Chains of Nature it self. Go to the Creatures themselves and behold the vvildest among them do love and own the [Page 54]places vvhere they lodge, and the Birds their Nests. The very Fishes themselves, in that vast and boundless Ocean, do yet delight in the enjoyment of some certain part of it. For what should I speak of Men? Who vvhether they are civiliz'd or still in Barbarisme; are yet so glew'd to their Native Earth, that whosoever is a Man will never doubt to dye for, and in it. And therefore Langius this new and rigid Wisdom of yours, (for the present) I neither embrace nor comprehend, I am rather the Disciple of Euripides more truly affirming, that
CHAP. XI. The Second Affection of too much Love to our Country refuted. That it is falsly call'd Piety. As also whence this Affection hath its Original. What is properly and truly our Country.
LAngius smiling at this discourse; Young Man (said he) your Piety is vvonderful, and now it concernes the Brother of Marcus Antonius to look after his Sir-name. Notwithstanding it falls out vvell, that this Affection doth so readily present it self and advance before its colours, vvhich I had before determin'd to charge and to overthrow with some light endeavour. But in the first place I must seize upon as spoil that very beautiful Garment wherewith it hath unhappily attyr'd it self: For this Love [Page 56]unto our Country is commonly call'd Piety; vvhich for my part as I do not understand, so neither am I able to endure. For how comes it to be Piety? Which I acknowledge to be an excellent Virtue, and properly nothing else but A LAWFUL, DUE, HONOUR AND LOVE TO GOD, AND OUR PARENTS. With vvhat Fore head now doth our Country seat it self in the midst of these? Because say they it is that vvhich is our most Ancient and Reverend Parent. Ah silly Souls! And herein injurious not only to Reason but also unto Nature it self. Is that a Parent? Upon vvhat account, or in vvhat respect? For I profess I see not, if you Lipsius are any sharper sighted, help to enlighten me. Is it because it hath entertain'd us (for that you seem'd to insinuate but now) the like hath been done to us often by an Host or Inkeeper. Hath it cherish'd us? So have our Nurses, and [Page 57]those Women that, vvhen time vvas, bare us too and fro, vvith a farre greater tenderness. Hath it nourish'd us? This Office it performs daily to Beasts and Trees, and all sorts of Grain, and so do also those great Bodyes; Heaven, Air and VVater, as vvell as the Earth. To conclude, transport your self, and any other soil vvill performe the same. These are frothy light vvords, from vvhich nothing can be extracted besides a certain vulgar and unprofitable juice of Opinion. Those are indeed our Parents, vvho have conceiv'd, begot, and gone vvith us; to vvhom vve are seed of their seed, blood of their blood, and flesh of their flesh. Of all vvhich if there is any thing vvhich in any degree of comparison, may be fitly spoken of our Country: I am willing that all my attempts, against this kind of Piety, should prove but lost labour. But (say you) there are many learned and great Men, who [Page 58]every vvhere have spoken after this fashion. I acknowledge it, but it vvas then vvhen they had respect to Fame only, not to truth; vvhich if you vvill follow, you shall restore back that Sacred and August Name unto God; or (if you please) to your Parents, and command this Affection (vvhen it is corrected) to be contented vvith the honest name of Charity. But thus far concerning the name only, let us now consider the thing; vvhich truly I shall not vvholly remove, but moderate, and pare (as it vvere) vvith the Pen-knife of Right Reason. For as the Vine unless you prune it, vvill very vvidely extend it self: So vvill those Affections more especially, vvhose Sails are swell'd vvith any gust of popularity. And I readily confess to you Lipsius (for I have not so put off at once, both the Man and the Citizen) that there is in every one of us, a kind of inclination and Love to this lesser country of ours: [Page 59]the causes and Original of vvhich I perceive are not so clearly understood by you. For you vvill have it to be from Nature, vvhereas it is indeed from a kind of usage and Custome. For after that Men from that rude and solitary life, vvere forc'd from the Fields into Towns, and began to build Houses and Fortifications, to grow into Societies, and informed Bodies, to make or repell invasions: From that time there did of necessity commence amongst them, a kind of Communion and Partnership as to divers things. They together possess'd such a part of Earth vvith such and such limits: They had their Temples, Market-places, Treasuries and Courts of Judicature in Common; and (vvhich is the principal bond) their Rites, Statutes, and Lawes. Which things yet our covetousnes, did so begin to love and care for (nor did it therein altogether erre) as its own peculiar. For there is indeed [Page 60]unto every particular Citizen, a true right as to those things, nor do they farther differ from private posessions than in this, that they are not the propriety of any Person alone. Now that Community doth express (as it vvere) a kind of forme and face of a new State, vvhich vve call a Common-wealth, and the same thing (properly) our Country. In vvhich vvhen Men did understand how much of moment there vvas in reference to the safety of every particular Person, there vvere then also Lawes made concerning the improvement and defence of it, or at least a Custome derived from our Ancestours, vvhich hath the force of a Law. Hence it comes to pass, that vve rejoyce in its advantages, and grieve in its Calamities: Forasmuch as in very deed our private substance is safe, in the safety of it, and perishes in the devastations of it. Hence is charity or Love towards it, vvhich our Ancestours [Page 61](upon the account of the publick good, vvhereunto also a certain secret providence of God doth attract us) have encreased, vvhile they endeavour'd in every of their vvords and deeds to advance the Majesty of their Country. This Affection therefore in my Opinion is from Custom, but if from Nature (as you did lately insinuate) vvhat is the reason that it diffuseth not it self into all alike, and in equal measure? Why do the Nobility and vvealthier sort love and care for their Country more, and the vulgar and meaner sort less? Whom you may behold (for the most part) full of their own cares vvith a palpable neglect of the publick, vvhich yet doth most certainly fall out otherwise in every such Affection as proceeds from the peremptory injunctions of Nature. To conclude, vvhat reason vvill you assigne why so light an occasion should oftentimes diminish or remove it? See how this man Revenge, a second [Page 62]Love, and others Ambition hath allur'd from their Country; and in our dayes how many hath the God Mammon in the same manner seduced? How many Italians are there, vvho quitting Italy the Queen of Countrys for gain alone have transported themselves into France, Germany, yea into Sarmatia and there fixed their habitations? How many thousand Spaniards, doth Avarice and Ambition yearly draw into remote Lands and of a different Climate? Certainly a great and strong proof, that this vvhole Obligation is but external and Opinionative; seeing some one or other Lust can vvith that facility dissolve or break it. But you erre also to purpose Lipsius, in the bounding of that Country, for you restrain it to that Native soil of ours vvherein vve have settled, and whereupon we have walk'd, and such other things as you tinckle with a vain sound of Words. For you will seek in vain from thence [Page 63]the Natural causes of this Love. For if only our Native soil may challenge that name, then only Bruxells is my Country, Isca thine, a Cottage or a Hut vvill be some other Mans: Yes there are many that vvill not have so much as a Cottage for theirs, but must seek it in the Woods or open Fields. Shall then my love and care be shut up vvithin such narrow limits? Shall I embrace and defend this Village or that House as my Country? You are sensible of the absurdities; and Oh how happy (according to your determination in these matters) are those Wood-men and Rusticks, vvhose Native soile is ever in its flourish, and almost beyond all the hazzards of Calamity or Ruine! But certainly that is not our Country; No, but (as I said before) some one State, and as it vvere a common Ship under one Lord, or under one Law; VVhich if you vvill have (of right) to be beloved by its Natives; I shall [Page 64]confess it: If to be defended I shall acknovvledge it, If death to be undergone for its sake, I shall not be against it; but shall never yield to that that vve should also grieve, be cast dovvn, lament,
Said the Poet of Venusia vvith the loud applause of the vvhole Theatre, but then he said to dye, not to vveep. For vve ought so to be good Citizens, as that vve may also be good Men; vvhich vve cease to be, as oft as vve decline to the ejulations and laments of Children or Women. Finally, Lipsius, I impart that to you vvhich is lofty, and knovvn but to some few. That these are vain and counterfeit Countryes, if you consider the whole Man. That possibly for the Body there may be one found out here, but not any for the Soul, which descending [Page 65]from that celestial and upper Region hath the whole Earth as its Prison and place of restraint; while Heaven is its true and proper Country. After which let us breath that with Anaxagoras vve may Cordially reply to the Sottish Multitude as oft as it shall ask, hast thou no care of thy Country? There is my Country pointing at once vvith our Fingers and Minds unto Heaven.
CHAP. XII. The third Affection which is Commiseration rectifyed to indulge it over much, a Vice. Its difference from Mercy. How and with what respect it is to be admitted.
THis Discourse of Langius vvithdrew (methought) a Cloud from my understanding; and, my Father (said I) you still better me both by your reproofs and instructions. So that (methinks) I am now able to keep under that Affection which respects the place and state in which, but not as yet that which respects the Men themselves amongst whom I have been bred. For how is it possible that the losses of my Country should not touch and deeply affect me for my Country-mens and Companions sakes, vvho are toss'd in the [Page 67]Ocean of these Calamities, or perish by a different and unhappy Destiny. Langius interrupting me; but this Lipsius said he is not properly Grief, but Pitty; which yet it self is to be despis'd, by a wise and constant Person. For nothing is more suitable to such a one than firmness and strength of Mind, which cannot be, in case not only his own, but also anothers Calamity shall overturn and discompose him. Here I interrupted him, and vvhat Thornes of the Stoicks are these said I? Do you forbid me to pitty too? Yet this is look'd upon as a Virtue by all good Men; at least amongst us vvho are season'd vvith the true Religion and Piety. Langius immediately, but I said he do forbid it, and if I shall remove this sickness from the Minds of Men; there is no Man who is really good that vvill resent it amiss. For it is certainly a sickness, nor is he far distant from misery, whoever he is that pitties [Page 68]one who is miserable. As it is a signe of a vveak and bad Eye to grow Blood-shot at the sight of one that is so: So is it of a vveak Mind to grieve at the sight of one that grieves. Pitty is rightly defin'd, THE VICE OF A SLENDER AND MEAN MIND FAINTING AT THE APPEARANCE OF ANOTHERS MISFORTUNE. What then? Are vve so rigid and severe as not to suffer that any should be mov'd or affected vvith the grief of another? Yes, to be affected I approve, but then it must be so as to assist, not so as to lament. I am for Mercy, but not for Pitty. For thus I am willing to distinguish at this time, and a while to recede from our Porch the better to instruct. I call Mercy AN INCLINATION OF THE MIND TO LIGHTEN THE POVERTY OR ANGUISH OF ANOTHER. This is that Virtue Lipsius vvhich you discover as it [Page 69]vvere through a mist, and in vvhich Pitty creeps to, and imposes upon you. But you vvill say it is Humanity to be affected vvith Pitty and compassion: Be it so; yet is it not therefore right. Suppose you that there is any Virtue in the Effeminacy and stoopage of the Mind? In Sighs, or Sobbs, or in the mingling of broken and disjoynted vvords with a Mourner? You are mistaken. If you think not, I can produce a sort of covetous old Women and some sordid Euclio's from whose Eyes it is much more easie to extract a thousand Tears, than one single Penny from their Purses. But now that truly mercifull Man (of vvhom I have been speaking) he vvill not indeed be pittiful; but yet he vvill performe the same, or better Offices, than he that is so. He will behold other mens Evils with a humane, but yet with a right Eye. He will discourse with the Sufferers, with a serious, but not [Page 70]vvith a mournfull or dejected Countenance. He vvill comfort couragiously, he will assist liberally, and vvill do more nobly, than he vvill speak, and vvill more readily lend his hand than vvords to a necessitous or fallen Man. And all these things he vvill performe vvith Caution and Circumspection; lest as in some very mischievous Contagion; the Disease of another should transferre it self to him: Or lest (as they say of Gladiatours) a vvound surprize him through anothers side. What is there here (I beseech you) of severe and rigid? and such is the whole Body of Wisdom, vvhich to them that look upon it at a distance, seems to be sterne and lowring: But as many as make nearer approaches, it is found to be so gentle and complaisant, as that the Goddess of Love her self is not more amicable and obliging. But enough of these three Affections; vvhich I have partly put to the foyle [Page 71]vvithin you; it vvill prove of no inconsiderable advantage to me, in the rest of the Combate.
CHAP. XIII. These Impediments remov'd, Publick Evils themselves are seriously considered. Four Arguments propounded against them. Of Providence; that it is interested in, and presides over all humane affairs.
I Come now at length from our Velitation to a true and serious fight, and laying aside these light and jocular Armes, unto such vveapons as shall finally decide the matter. I shall lead up my Souldiers and Forces in Order; and range them under their several Ensignes, vvhich [Page 72]I also forme into Four Squadrons. The First, shall evince that publick evils are sent unto, and dispers'd amongst us by God himself. The Second, that they are necessary, and from Fate. The Third, that they are advantageous to us. And the last, that they are neither over-pressive nor new. Now if these Forces of mine shall, from their several Posts, dextrously charge and recharge; shall all the powers of your Grief dare any further to resist, or so much as to face me? They dare not. I have conquer'd, and with this Omen, let the Signal be given. Whereas therefore Lipsius all those Affections vvhich do so variously rush upon, and disturb the life of Man, do spring from a distemper'd Mind: So also (in my Opinion) doth that Grief especially vvhich vve espouse upon the publick account. For vvhereas the rest of the Affections have some end and scope as it were; (as the Lover to [Page 73]enjoy, the Angry to revenge, the covetous to heap up, and so in the rest) to this alone you shall find nothing proposed besides it self. But lest my discourse should be too loose and forward; I shall curbe and restrain it vvithin this compass. You lament you say your falling Country. But to vvhat end I beseech ye? For what hope you, or vvhat do you expect thereby? Is it that thou mayest repair it in its decayes, and underprop it vvhere it yields? Or is it that by grieving you may keep off that Plague and mischief under vvhich your Country labours? None of all these: It is only that you may use that thredbare saying, it troubles me; as to any thing else this lamentation is but vain and unprofitable. For it concernes a thing past; vvhich to recover again, and to render undone; the Gods themselves would not have it in their own power. But is your Grief only vain? Yes, possibly it is [Page 74]impious also, if you shall rightly consider it. For (as you know) there is an eternal Mind vvhich vve call God, vvhich Rules, Orders and Governs the lasting Orbs of Heaven; the different courses of the Stars; the interchangeable variations of the Elements; and (in a vvord) all things vvhatsoever, as vvell above as below us. Suppose you that any Chance or Fortune bare rule in this beautifull Body of the World? Or that humane affairs are hurried on, and blended together by a rash and blind impetuosity? I know you do not believe it; nor doth any other, vvho hath any thing (not to say) of Wisdom, but Sobriety. For it is the Voice of Nature, I say of Nature, and vvheresoever you shall turne your Eye or Mind: Things Mortal and Immortal, Superiour and Inferiour, Animate or Inanimate, they all speak out and proclaim, that there is something above us, vvhich hath created [Page 75]and made those so vvonderful, so great, and so numerous things; and being so created and made, doth also still continue to direct, and preserve them. This now is God, to whose superexcellent and most perfect Nature, there is nothing more agreeable, than that he should be at once both able and vvilling to undertake the Care and Guardianship of all that he hath made. And how shall he not be vvilling vvho is the BEST? Or how should he not be able vvho is the GREATEST? So farr are any forces from being superiour to his, that all are Derivative from him. Nor doth this vastness or variety of things either molest, or remove him from their inspection: For that eternal light doth every vvay emit its rayes, and vvith one and the same dint (as I may say) doth pierce all the retirements and Abysses of Heaven, Earth, and Sea. Nor doth this Divinity only preside over all things, [Page 76]but it abides vvith; yea resides vvithin them. Why do ye vvonder at this? What a part of the World doth this Sun at once Survey, and inlighten? What a Mass of things doth this Mind of ours vvith one thought embrace and compass? And fooles that vve are do vve not believe that more things can be seen into, and comprehended by him vvho hath created and made this very Sun, and Mind? Excellently, or rather Divinely said he, who hath not said much in matters Divine, I mean Aristotle; what the Pilot (saith he) is in the Ship; the Charioteer in the Chariot; the chief Chaunter in the Quire; the Law in a City; or a General in the Army: Such is God in the world, with this only difference, that to them indeed their Government is laborious, toylsome, and perplexing; but that of Gods is without Grief or Labour, and severed from all Bodily pains-taking. There is therefore in God, Lipsius, there vvas, and shall be [Page 77]that very vvatchfull, and active care (yet a care vvhich is secure) vvhereby he looks into, visits, and knowes all things; and doth guide and govern them so known, in an immoveable, and (to us) incomprehensible Order. Now this is that vvhich I here call Providence; of vvhich there are not a few, vvho through vveakness may complain, none that can doubt, unless they are such as have stopp'd their Ears, and hardned themselves against every voice, and the very sense of Nature it self.
CHAP. XIV. Nothing done here below but by the Previdence of God. Calamities upon People and Cities from thence. It is not therefore piously done to complain of, or lament them. An Exhortation to obey God, with whom it is vanity and rashness to contend.
WHich if you have throughly imbib'd, if you do in good earnest and from your heart believe that this Governing Power doth thus insert and insinuate it self, and (to speak vvith the Poet)
I do not see vvhat further place there can be for your Grief or complaint. For that very provident Being [Page 79]vvhich daily moves and turnes about this Heaven, vvhich leads forth and recalls the Sun; vvhich discloses and shuts up all sorts of fruits: hath brought to the Birth all those changes and vicissitudes vvhich you do either repine, or vvonder at. Do you think that only pleasant or profitable things are sent to us from Heaven? Yes, those also that are sad and distasteful are from thence: Nor is there any thing at all in this grand frame of the World, vvhich is transacted, discomposed or confounded (sin only excepted) vvhose cause and original proceeds not from that first cause: Pindar said vvell,
There is (as it vvere) a certain golden Chain let down from above (as Homer gives it us in a Fable) unto vvhich all these inferiour things [Page 80]are fastned. That there, an opening of the Earth hath swallow'd up some Townes; it is from Providence. That the Pestilence elsevvhere hath mowed down so many thousands of Men; is from the same. And that Warre and Slaughter is amongst the Belgians; is from the very same. It is from Heaven, Heaven Lipsius, that all these Calamities are sent, and therefore they are aptly and vvisely styl'd by Euripides
Every Ebbe and Flow (I say) of humane affaires depends upon that Moon; and the Rise and Sett of Kingdomes upon that Sun. As oft therefore as you give scope to your Grief; and seem to resent it, that your Country is thus harrass'd, and overturn'd; You do not so much as consider, either vvho you are that [Page 81]repine, or against vvhom your murmurs are directed. What are you? A Man, a shaddow, Dust. And against vvhom do you murmur (I tremble to speak it) against God himself. It vvas the fiction of Antiquity; that certain Giants did attempt to dethrone the Gods. To omit Fables, you Complainants are those Giants. For if all these things are not only by the permission, but also by the immission of Almighty God: You vvho fret and resist, vvhat do you but (as much as in you lyes) seise his scepter, and intrench upon the prerogative of his Empire? Blind Mortality! The Sun, Moon, Starrs, Elements, and all the successive Orders of Creatures, do vvillingly obey, and submit themselves to this Supream Law; only the Noblest piece of the Creation, Man lifts up his heel against, and replyes upon his Creator. Had you hoisted Sailes into the jurisdiction of the Winds, you [Page 82]must then go not vvhither you vvould but vvhither they list. And shall you in the Ocean of this life refuse to follow the conduct of that Spirit by vvhom the vvhole Universe is swayed? In vain notwithstanding is this refusal, for either you shall vvillingly follow, or be forc'd along; and those Heavenly decrees shall preserve their Efficacy, and Order, vvhether you shall comply or rebel. We should smile at that Man vvho having ty'd his Boat to some Rock, and pulling at the Cord, should rather think he pulls the Rock to him than that his boat moves to it: And is not our Folly every vvay as remarkable, vvho being chain'd to that Rock of Eternal Providence, do yet by our struggling and resistance seem to desire that it should obey us, rather than vve it? Let us free our selves at the last from these Vanities; and (if vve are vvise) let us follow that Power vvhich attracts us from above, and think it nothing but [Page 83]equal that vvhatsoever is pleasing to God, should (for that very reason) be so also to Man. The Souldier in the Camp upon Notice of a March, gets on his knap-sack; but if it sound to Armes, he layes it aside, as one vvho vvith his Mind, and Eyes, and Ears, is intent upon, and prepared for any command. Let it be thus vvith us, and in this Warfare of ours, let us chearfully and resolvedly March after our General, vvhich vvay soever he shall command us. VVe are sworn to this, saith Seneca, to endure such things as Mortality is liable to, and not to be disturbed in case some things fall out, which it is not in our power to prevent. VVe are born in a Kingdom, and to obey God is Liberty it self.
CHAP. XV. The Second Argument for Constancy, drawn from Necessity. Its force and Efficacy. Necessity deriv'd from two Grounds; and first from the things themselves.
THis Lipsius is a firme and vvell temper'd Shield, against all external Evils. These are those golden Armes vvith vvhich being cover'd, Plato vvould have us to fight against Chance and Fortune, to be subject to God, to think upon him, and in all kind of Events, to bend this Mind of ours, unto that great Mind of the World, I mean Providence, whose pious and fortunate forces, forasmuch as I have already made sufficient proof of; I shall now draw forth and lead up another Squadron, vvhich marches under the Standard of necessity. [Page 85]A valiant, stout, and Steel temper'd Squadron it is; and such as I may not unfitly compare to that Legion vvhich the Romans call'd Fulminatrix: The stubborn and unbroken force of it is such, as doth conquer and subdue all things, and I shall vvonder Lipsius if you should be able to resist it. Thales vvhen one ask'd him vvhat vvas the strongest, answered rightly, necessity; for that Conquers all things. There is an old saying too, about the same thing; although not so advised, that the Gods themselves cannot force necessity. This necessity I annex to Providence, because of its near relation to it; or to speak truly, because it is born of it. For this necessity is from God, and his decrees; nor is it any other thing than as the Greek Philosopher hath defin'd it: A FIRME SANCTION AND IMMUTABLE POWER OF PROVIDENCE. Now that it doth intervveave and [Page 86]twist it self vvith publick Evils; I shall evince two vvayes, from things themselves; and from Fate. From things themselves, because it is the Nature of all created beings, to hasten unto their change and fall, from a certain inward proneness, vvhich they have thereunto. As there is a kind of fretting rust, vvhich doth naturally cleave to Iron, and a consuming scurffe or Worme that followes Wood: In like manner both Creatures, Cities, and Kingdomes, have their internal and proper causes vvhereby they perish. Look upon things above or below, great or small, the vvorkes of the Hand or Mind; they have perished from the first Ages; and shall persist so to do unto the last. And as all Rivers journey towards the Ocean vvith a prone and hasty current: So all humane things slide along by this Channel (as I may call it) of miseries, unto their utmost periods. [Page 87]That Period is Death and destruction; and thereunto Pestilence, vvarr, and Slaughter are as subservient instruments: So that if Death is necessary to these things, upon the same Ground are Calamities also. That this may appear to you the more evidently by Examples: I shall not refuse for a vvhile to enlarge my thoughts and travel vvith you through this great universe.
CHAP. XVI. Instances of Necessary Mutation and Death throughout the whole VVorld. The Heavens and Elements change, and shall pass away. The same is discernable in Cities, Provinces, and Kingdomes. All things here are wheel'd about, and nothing is stable or firme.
THere is an eternal Law vvhich from the beginning hath equally passed upon every thing in this vvorld, that it shall be Born and Dye; Rise and Set. Nor vvould the great Moderatour of things, have any thing firm and stable besides himself.
Cryes out the Tragical Poet. All those things, vvhich you behold and vvonder at, do either perish in their courses; or are certainly changed. Do you see that Sun? He is sometimes ecclipsed: The Moon? She suffers in the like kind, and has her vvaines. The Starrs? They shoot and fall; and howsoever the vvit of Man may seek to palliate and excuse the matter; Yet there have and vvill be such accidents amongst those celestial Bodies; as may pose the skill, and stagger the Minds of the ablest Mathematician. I omit to speak of Commets of various Form, and different Scituation and Motion; concerning vvhich, that they all have their Birth from, and Motion in the Air, is a thing vvhich Philosophy it self cannot easily perswade me to believe. But behold (of late) there are certain new kinds of Motion and Starrs found out, vvhich have cut out vvork for the Astrologers. There arose [Page 90]a Starr in this very year, vvhose increment and decreases vvere throughly observ'd; and we then saw (vvhat will scarcely be believ'd) that in Heaven it self, there may be something Born and Dye. Behold even Varro in St. Augustine cryes out and asserts, that the Planet Venus vvhich Plautus calls Vesperugo and Homer [...], hath chang'd its colour, magnitude, figure, and motion. Next to the Heavens look upon the Air, it is daily changed, and passes into vvinds, Clouds, or showres. Look to the vvaters, and those Rivers and springs vvhich vve call everlasting: Some are lost, and others have altered their course, and found out new Channels. The Ocean it self that great and abstruse part of Nature, is sometimes swell'd vvith stormes, and at others smooth'd vvith calmes, and though those stormes vvere not, yet it hath its own Ebbs and Flowes; and to convince us that it may totally [Page 91]perish; It doth daily increase or decrease in its parts. Look now upon the Earth vvhich alone some vvould have immoveable; and to stand by its own strength: Behold there it totters, and is shaken into a palsy fit, by the struggling of those vapours that are pent up in the Bowels of it, and elsewhere it is corrupted by Waters or Fires. For even these are at contest vvith one another; and that you may not resent it over deeply, that there are vvarrs amongst Men: The very Elements have theirs also. How many Countryes, hath a sudden Deluge, or inundation of the Sea, either lessen'd, or intirely swallowed up. Of old that great Island Atlantis (for I think it no Fable) afterwards Helice and Bura: And (that vve may not have recourse only to ancient and remote times) amongst us Belgians (in the Memory of our Fathers) two Islands; together vvith their Townes, [Page 92]and inhabitants. Even at this very day that blew Deity, is forcing open to it self new creeks; and daily frets and vveares away the unfaithfull shores of the Frisians and Hollanders. Nor doth the Earth her self alvvayes give vvay by a Womannish sloth; but doth sometimes vindicate its losses, and in the midst of the Sea frames Islands for its self; to the vvonder and displeasure of that hoary god. Now if those great (and in our imagination eternal) Bodies, are destined to their destruction and change; vvhat shall vve think of Cities, Common-wealths, and Kingdomes; which must needs be as mortal as the founders of them? As particular persons have their Youth, Maturity, Old-Age, and Death: So these, they rise, grow, stand, flourish; and all these to that very purpose that they may fall. In the reign of Tiberius one single Earth-quake overthrew twelve [Page 93]famous Cities of Asia, and another did the like to as many Townes in Campania, in the reign of Constantine; and one vvarre of Attila more than an hundred. Fame scarce retains the ancient Thebes of Egypt, and vve scarce believe the hundred Cities of Creet. But let us come to more receiv'd instances. The ancients have seen and vvondered at the Ruines of Carthage, Numantia and Corinth, As vve do at the ignoble, inglorious rubbish of Athens, Sparta, and those other once renovvned Cities. That Lady of Sovereignty, and Queen of Nations falsely Styled the Eternal City, vvhere is it? Overturned, Rased, Burnt, overwhelmed: She has undergone more than a single Fate, and is at this Day curiously sought for, but not to be found vvhere she formerly stood. You see that Constantinople proud of its being the Seat [Page 94]of a double Empire: And Venice that glories in its continuance for a thousand years? Their Fate attends them. And thou also our Antwerpe the Eye of Cities, there vvill come a time when thou shalt be no more. For that great Architect pulls down and sets up, and (if vve may say it) doth even sport himself in the affairs of this World: And as a Potter at his pleasure, doth mold and unmake divers forms and representations out of this Clay. I have hitherto discours'd only of Townes and Cities; but even Kingdomes also and Provinces [...] hagg'd unto the same destiny. In old time the East flourish'd; Assyria, Egypt, and Judea vvere famous for Arts and Armes; that happiness of theirs hath pass'd over into Europe, and even she methinks (as Bodies upon the approach of a Disease) trembles and seems to have some lore apprehensions of her great fall. That vvhich vve may more (though [Page 95]never sufficiently) vvonder at; this World vvhich hath been inhabited this Five thousand and Five hundred years, doth now grow old, and that vve may again applaud, the old exploded Fable of Anaxarchus; there arise now elsewhere, and are born new Men, and a new World. O the vvonderful and incomprehensible Law of Necessity! All things turn about in this Fatal Circle of begining and ending: and there may be something in this vvhole frame that is long liv'd; but nothing that is Eternal. Lift up your Eyes; and look round vvith me (for I am not vvilling as yet to desist) and contemplate the alternate courses of humane affaires; not unlike the Ebbings and Flowings of the Sea. Thou shalt arise; and thou fall: thou shalt command, and thou serve; be thou obscure and thou glorious; and let this round of things hastening into themselves, vvhirle about, [Page 96]as long as the World it self shall endure. Were you Germans Savage of old; be ye now civil beyond most of the Nations in Europe; vvere you Brittons rude and poor? Do ye now emulate the Egyptians and Sybarites in riches and luxury. Did Greece heretofore flourish? Let her now lye vvast. Did Italy sway the Scepter? She shall now obey. You Goths, you Vandalls, you refuse of the Barbarians; forsake your Dens, and in your successive courses command the Nations. Come hither also you pelted Scythians, and for a vvhile, vvith a strong hand, rule both Asia and Europe: But do you your selves after a vvhile depart, and resigne the Scepter to the Nation bounded by the Ocean. For is it my Fancy only? Or do I indeed descry I know not vvhat Sun of a new Empire arising from the West?
CHAP. XVII. Of the Necessity that is from Fate. Fate asserted, the universal assent both of the Learned and of the people to it; though some difference about its parts. How the ancients distinguished of Fate.
LAngius had finished; and this discourse of his had almost drawn Tears from my Eyes, so clearly did it seem to represent those Mockeries that are in humane affairs. Insomuch that I cryed out; Alass! VVhat are even vve our selves; or vvhat are all these things vve sweat so much in the pursuit of?
As the Lyrick Poet said truly of old. Langius replyes; Young Man; Look then upon these things not as above, but beneath you; and labour to establish Constancy in your Mind, by reflecting upon the inconstant and unsteady levity of all things. Inconstant (I say) as to our sense and apprehension of them: but if vve respect God and his Providence, than all things succeed in an admirable and immoveable order. For now laying swords aside, I come to my Ensignes, and shall assault that Grief of yours, not with Arrowes, but more formidable inventions. I shall inforce against it the Ramme of Fate, an Ensigne of that strength and firmness; as no humane power or policy shall be ever able either to clude or resist. And howsoever the Ground is slippery enough to endanger a fall: Yet I shall adventure upon it, though vvith a cautious slowness, and as the Greeks say vvith a modest foot. In the First [Page 99]place therefore, that there is a Fate in things, neither you Lipsius, nor (as I conceive) any Nation or Age did ever doubt. Here I interpos'd; pardon me (said I) if as a Remora I stop you in this course. Do you oppose me vvith Fate? Weak is this Ramme, Langius, and such as is directed by the enervate and languid forces of the Stoicks. I speak freely, I despise at once, both it and the destinies: and vvith the Souldier in Plautus, I can blow away this feeble troop vvith a single breath, as vvinds do leaves from the Trees. Langius vvith a severe and threatning Eye; Rash and inconsiderate Young Man (said he) do you imagine you can clude or take away Fate? You cannot, unless together with it, you deny the very Power and Being of a Deity: For if God is, Providence is; if Providence, than a decreed order of things; and if so than a firme and establish'd Necessity of events, [Page 100]How do you vvard this blow? Or vvith vvhat Ax do you sever the Links of this Chain? For vve cannot otherwise conceive of God that eternal Mind; than that there should be in him an eternal knowledge and prevision of things: vvhom vve believe to be fix'd, firme, and immutable, alwaies one and the same; not at all varying, or altering in those things, vvhich he hath once willed, and beheld.
vvhich if you acknowledge to be true (as of necessity you must, unless you have divested your self of all Reason and Sense) you vvill then also acknowledge, that all the decrees of God are firme and immoveable from Eternity to Eternity. Now from thence doth Necessity derive it self together vvith that Fate vvhich [Page 101]you so despise. The truth of vvhich is so very obvious and clear; that amongst all sorts of Men, there is not a more ancient or receiv'd Opinion. And look to how many the light of a Deity, and Providence hath shin'd to vvell nigh as many hath this of Fate. Insomuch that those very same privative Fires vvhich discovered the knowledge of a God to Men; seem also to have guided Man in the knowledge of this other. Consult Homer that first and vvisest of all Poets. There is not any one path vvherein that Divine Muse hath so frequently pass'd and repass'd, as this of Fatality: Nor hath the vvhole Race of the Poets dissented from their Ancestour. Look upon Euripides, Sophocles, Pindar, and our Virgil. Look upon Historians; their common Language is, such a thing fell out by Fate, and Kingdomes owe their Ruine, and establishment to Fate. Look upon Philosophers, [Page 102]vvhose charge it vvas to ransome and defend Truth against the encroachments of the vulgar: Howsoever these have in most other things dissented from one another; (transported thereunto, by an over eager itch after contention and dispute) yet 'tis marvellous to observe, vvhat a Universal accord, there is amongst them as to the beginning of this vvay vvhich leads to Fate. I say in the beginning of the vvay: For I am not about to deny, but that soon after it vvas trod out into divers paths. All vvhich notvvithstanding seem to be reducible to these four, Mathematical, Natural, Violent and true Fate. Each of these I shall briefly explain, and (as it vvere) set a foot in each: Forasmuch, as commonly much of confusion, and errour doth arise from hence.
CHAP. XVIII. The three First kinds of Fate briefly explained. The description of them. The Stoicks in part excused.
MAthematical Fate I call that, vvhich chaines and fastens all Actions and Events vvhatsoever, unto the influences of the Starrs, and the Positions of Heaven. Of vvhich the Chaldeans and Astrologers vvere the First Authors; and amongst the Philosophers that profound and sublime vvriter Mercurius Trismegistus; vvho subtilly and not altogether idlely, distinguishing of Providence, Necessity, and Fate; hath these vvords. Providence (saith he) is the perfect, and absolute Counsel of the Heavenly God; to which there are two faculties nearly ally'd; Necessity, and Fate. Fate doth administer, and is subservient at one [Page 104]and the same time, both to Providence and Necessity; and the Stars are subject to Fate. For no man can evad [...] the force of Fate, nor with all his caution prevent the powerful influence of the Starrs. For these are the Artillery, and weapons of Fate, by whose direction they cause and conclude all those things which are in Nature or amongst Men. And in this Ship of Folly are (at this day) embarked; the most of the Astrologers amongst us to the great reproach of Christianity.
Natural Fate; I call such an Order of Natural causes vvhich (unless they are hindred) do by their own Nature, and efficacy produce alwayes a certain and the same effect. Aristotle is for such a Fate if vve may credit Alexander Aphrodisiensis one of the most Faithful of his Interpreters; and of the like Mind vvas Theophrastus; vvho plainly asserts that Fate is nothing else, but every Mans Nature. Agreeable to those Mens Opinions [Page 105]it is, that a man's begetting a Man, is by Fate; that if a man arrive to his death; by internall causes; vvithout the accession of such as are forreigne, and outward; this is by Fate: On the other-side that a Man begets a Serpent or some other Monster this is not by Fate, neither if he perish by the Sword or Fire. An opinion truly not very peccant; inasmuch as it rises not to the force and height of Fate: And how can that be in danger of falling vvhich never adventures to climb? And such is Aristotle almost every vvhere in Divine matters; I except only that little Book of his, de Mundo; vvhich is a golden one indeed; and such as seems to me, to be inspired by some other and more heavenly Genius. I read also farther in a Greek Writer; that Aristotle vvas of Opinion: That Fate it self is not a cause, but a certain accidental Mode to the cause; in such things as proceed from Necessity. [Page 106]O the courage of a Philosopher! Who durst seriously Number, Fortune and chance amongst the causes, but not Fate. But I pass him, and return to my Stoicks (for not to dissemble I have a great affection and esteem for that Sect) vvho are the Authors of violent Fate; vvhich I define vvith Seneca, such a Necessity of all things and actions: as no power is able to interrupt: Or vvith Chrysippus; a spiritual power that doth orderly govern this vvhole Universe. Nor are these Definitions very remote from that vvhich is right and true: if they may have a sound and modest interpretation: As neither is their vvhole Opinion perhaps; vvere it not that it hath been already murthered by the retorted Thumbs of the whole hand of the vulgar. These charge them vvith two crimes; that they subject God himself to the disposal of Fate: and that they place also, the internal actions of our vvill, under [Page 107]the same power. Nor vvill I overconfidently undertake to clear them of either of these faults. For amongst those few of their vvritings vvhich are yet extant, there are such, from vvhence these Tenents may be collected; as there are others, from vvhence, vvee may receive that vvhich is sound and Orthodox. It must be confess'd that Seneca (no mean Trumpet of that School) seems to dash upon that first Rock, in that Book (vvhere he had least Reason to do so) of Providence. The same Necessity saith he doth bind even the Gods themselves, that irrevocable decree doth equally carry along with it, both humane and Divine things. The great Creator and Ruler of all things; did indeed write down this Law of Fate: But he followes it himself; and ever obeys, what he once commanded. And that indissoluble Chain, and twist of causes, vvhereunto they fasten all things and Persons, seems (and that [Page 108]not Obscurely neither) to offer violence to the vvill of Man. But the Genuine and true Stoicks, did never openly avouch these things. Or if any such matter, did fall from them (as it is possible enough) in their heat of writing and dispute; you shall rather find it in vvords, than in their sense and meaning. Chrysippus himself vvho first corrupted and Enervated that Masculine Sect, vvith the intricate niceness of Questions, he in Agellius sufficiently cleares them from attempting upon the liberty of the vvill. Nor doth our Seneca subject God to Fare (he vvas better advised) but (in a certain Mode of speech) God to God. For those amongst them, vvho came nearest to the truth, do by Fate sometimes understand Providence, and at others, God. And therefore Zeno when he defines Fate to be a power moving the matter according to the same respects, in the [Page 109]same manner, he adds; it matters not, if I had called it, either Providence or Nature. And Chrysippus from the same Principle, doth elsewhere call Fate, the Eternal purpose of Providence. Now Panetius the Stoick, affirm'd that God himself vvas Fate; and the same thing is clearly the Opinion of Seneca: You may (saith he) as you please, vary the Title of this Author of things, and Natures: You may lawfully call him, either the best and greatest Jove; or the Thunderer, or the Stayer: Nor for that Reason which Historians assigne; because after a Vow made to him; He stayed the flying Army of the Romans, but he is therefore the Stayer and Establisher, because all things do stand, and consist by his goodness, neither shall you erre, if you call him Fate. For since Fate is nothing else but an implexed series of causes, he is the Principall cause of all things, on which the rest do depend. [Page 110]Which last vvords are so piously spoken, that even Calumny it self, is not able to calumniate them. Nor did that great vvriter (unto Alexander the Great) in this at all dissent from the Stoicks. I conceive (saith he) that Necessity, ought not to be call'd any thing else than God, as an unchangeable Nature: And so also Fate it self; because it knits together all things, and is moved and carryed on, without any impediment. Which Speeches though possibly they may have something in them vvhich is not so advised: Yet they contain nothing that is impious; and by modest interpreters vvill be thought not farr distant from that true Fate, vvhich I am about to assert. The truth is, I do heartily applaud the Stoicks in this: That there is not any Sect, vvhich hath more studiously asserted the Majesty, and Providence of God; or more earnestly endeavoured to incline the Minds of [Page 111]Men, to things Heavenly, and Eternal, than they. And if in the performance of this fatal Race, they have at any time stumbled: I believe it occasioned, by a good and praise-vvorthy desire; to recall blind Mortalls from their blind goddess; I mean Fortune, not only vvhose Deity, but Name too, was by them very manfully exploded.
CHAP. XIX. The Fourth, true Fate explained. Of its Name, its Definition. How it differs from Providence.
BUt I have said enough of the Sentiments and dissents of the ancients, for why should I over curiously or subtilly search into the Mysteries of Hell? my business is vvith true Fate; this I shall now propound and illustrate. And I here call it, an eternal decree of Providence, vvhich is as inseparable from things, as Providence it self. Nor let any one cavil at the Name; for I do confidently affirm that the Latine language doth not afford any other that is proper to the thing. Did the ancients abuse it? Let us use it nevertheless; and inlarging the vvord from the Prison of the Stoicks, let us bring [Page 113]it forth into a better light. For certainly Fate is derived a fando from speaking: Nor is it properly any other than the Divine Sentence and injunction, vvhich is that very thing I here mean by it. For I define the true Fate either vvith the illustrious Picus Mirandula, a Series and Order of Causes depending upon Divine Counsel, or in my own termes (though not so plainly, yet more exactly) an immoveable decree of Providence inherent in things moveable, vvhich surely disposes every of them in its own Order, Place and Time. I call it a decree of Providence; for I am not altogether of the same Mind, vvith the Divines of our dayes (I crave leave for a free Investigation of Truth) vvho confound it as vvell in Name as Thing vvith Providence it self. I know it is a high and rash presumption to enterprize the comprisal and limitation of that supersubstantial and supercelestial Nature (I [Page 114]mean God) or vvhatsoever pertains to him, vvithin the compass of definite Termes: Yet according to our humane capacity; I am sensible that Providence is one thing properly, and this Fate I am speaking of is another. For I apprehend not, nor conceive of Providence any otherwise, than that it is a faculty and power in God, by vvhich he sees, knows and governs all things; such a power (I mean) as is universal, undivided, guarded, and as Lucretius faith firmly united. But now the notion of Fate, seems rather to descend to things themselves, and in each of them to be observed: That so there may be such a digestion and explication of common Providence, as is distinct and agreeable to its parts. Providence therefore is in God, and is ascribed unto him alone: Fate is in things, and to them it is ascribed. It is possible I may seem to you to trifle, and as (one saith) to drill Millet. No [Page 115] Lipsius I have these things from the common discourses of the Vulgar, amongst whom nothing is more usuall than to say, this or that came to pass, by my Good or Evil Fate: This is the Fate of that Kingdom or City. But of Providence no man vvill speak after this manner: I mean none can attribute it to things themselves without impiety or folly. I have therefore justly said that Providence is in God: Fate is indeed from God, but is understood in things. I add further, that howsoever Providence is really inseparable from Fate, yet it seems to be something more excellent, and superiour to it, as vve commonly say in the Schools, the Sun excells Light, Eternity Time; and the intellect Reason. Not to enlarge my self any farther about these serious (though uncommon matters) by what hath passed, you may readily apprehend the Reason of my distinction; as also of my retaining the old [Page 116]Name, against the new Senate of Divines. For those ancient and heretofore Conscript Fathers; do not at all oppose me, but that I may very freely use this word Fate, in the sound and true notion of it. But to return to the clearing of my Definition, I call'd it an inherent Decree; to shew that Fate is to be observed in those things to vvhich, not in him from vvhence it comes. I added in moveable things; signifying thereby, that howsoever Fate it self is immoveable, yet it doth not destroy the infixed Nature, and proper motion of things but acts in a mild and gentle vvay, according as those marks and Characters do require vvhich God hath engraven upon every thing: In causes (I understand second ones) necessary, necessaril [...]; in natural ones naturally; in contingent, contingently. In respect therefore of things, it is no vvay violent or compulsory, but bends and leads on every thing, according as the Nature of it is to do or suffer. [Page 117]But if you reduce it to its own Original, that is to say to Providence and God: Then I must affirm vvith the greatest Constancy and boldness, that all things vvhich are by Fate, do necessarily come to pass. I added in the last place somewhat of the Order, Time, and Place, confirming vvhat I had before asserted; that Providence is of all things taken together, but Fate is by vvay of distribution of particulars. By Order I understand a Series of Causes vvhich Fate defines. By Place, and Time I understand that vvonderfull and inexplicable power, by vvhich all Events are ty'd to certain circumscriptions of place, and moments of time. Is it the Fate of Tarquine to be expell'd his Kingdom? Let it be done, but vvithall let Adultery precede. You see the Order: Is it the Fate of Cesar to be slain? Be it so; but be it also in the Senate-house, and at the foot of Pompey's Statue. You see [Page 118]the Place. Shall Domitian be murther'd by his Servants? Let him fall, but let it be in that very hour, which he sought in vain to decline, viz. the Fifth, you see the time.
CHAP. XX. Its Difference from the Stoicks Fate; in four respects. That it offers no violence to the will. That God is neither a Copartner in, nor the Author of Evil.
ARe you sufficiently apprehensive of these things young Man, or do you yet stand in need of a further and a clearer light? I (shaking my Head) a clearer Langius, a clearer said I, or you will leave me for ever in the midst of this Night. For [Page 119]vvhat means the subtile thread of distinctions? What captious snares of questions are these? Believe me, I vvas in fear of some stratagem; and began to be as suspitious of these your vveigh'd and vvary vvords, as of so many Enemies. Langius smiling; you may be confident (said he) no Hanibal is here, nor are you fallen into an Ambush, but into a safe place of retreat. I shall very vvillingly enlighten you; declare only vvhere and in vvhat part it is you desire a further satisfaction. There Langius (said I) vvhere you speak of force and necessity. For I am not able to apprehend, vvhich vvay you dissever this Fate of yours, from that of the Stoicks. For howsoever you have excluded it in vvords, and (as they say) at the Portall; yet in reality and at the Postern, you seem to me to readmit it. Langius readily, farr, farr be it from me Lipsius said he; I vvould not so much as in my dreams introduce [Page 120]that Fate of the Stoicks; nor do I endeavour to revive those long sinceexpired Beldames the destinies: It is a modest and pious fate I contend for, and vvhich differs from the violent one these four vvayes. The Stoicks subject God to Fate; neither was Jupiter himself in Homer able to exempt his Sarpedon from its bonds, when he carnestly desired it, But we on the contrary subject Fate to God vvhom vve acknowledge to be a most free Author, and independent Agent in all things: Who vvhen he pleases can surpass, and break through all the strengths, and intricate foldings of Fate. They also constitute a Series and Flux of Natural causes from Eternity; vve admit not such a Series of these causes vvithout interruption (for God makes Prodigies, and worketh Miracles, oftentimes besides, yea contrary to Nature) nor can this Series of causes be from Eternity. For Second causes are not Eternal, as having (most certainly) their beginings vvith that of the world. Thirdly, [Page 121]they seem to have remov'd contingency from things; vve restore it, and as often as second causes are such, vve admit contingency and accident in events. Lastly, they seem to have brought in a violent force upon the Will; this is farr from us, vvho as vve do assert Fate, so vve reconcile it with the Liberty of the Will. For vve so avoid the deceitfull Gust of Fortune and Chance, as that yet vve do not force our Ship upon the Rock of Necessity. Is there Fate? That Fate is the first cause, which is so farr from removing the second and subordinate ones, that ordinarily, and for the most part, it acts not but by them. Now amongst these second causes is the Will, vvhich never believe that God vvill either enforce or destroy. Here is all the Errour, and Cloud in this matter, no Man knowes or thinks that he wills what Fate vvills, and yet that he wills it freely. For that God who created all things, [Page 122]employes those things, vvithout the destruction of them. As the highest Heaven doth so carry along with it all the inferiour Orbs, as not to stop, or break off the proper motion of any of them: So God by the force of Fate disposes of all things; but destroyes not the peculiar power or motion of any of them. Is it his vvill that Trees, and Fruits should grow? They do so by Nature, without any compulsion. Is it his pleasure that Men should deliberate, and choose? They deliberate without any inforcement, and they choose vvith their own vvill. And yet God from Eternity foresaw that very thing in which their choice vvould determine: But he only foresaw, he did not inforce; he knew, but did not enjoyn; he foretold it, but he did not prescribe it. Why stumble our Curioso's at this? Poor wretches! There is no point, that seems to me, to carry a greater evidence of truth vvith it; [Page 123]vvere it not for that vvanton Mind of ours vvhich (being infected vvith an evil Itch of wrangling and dispute) is ever and anon urging and exasperating it self. For (say they) if God foresaw that I should sin; and this foresight of his is no vvay to be deceiv'd: How can it otherwise be, but that I should sin Necessarily? I acknowledge it is Necessarily, but not in respect of your Mind; since your own free vvill doth here intervene. For he foresaw that you should sin the same vvay he foresaw; but he foresaw you should do it freely, and therefore of Necessity you must sin freely. Is not this sufficiently clear? But they urge again; that God is the Author of all motions in us. He is indeed (I confess) the Author of all motions in common, but the fautor, and favourer of nothing but vvhat is good. Do you prepare your self to an action that is virtuous? He knowes and assists it. Or to one that is vitious? [Page 124]He knows, and permits it, nor is he herein chargeable vvith any fault. I ride upon, and spur a dull and lame Horse, that I spur him is from me, that he is dull is from himself. I play upon a Harp that is out of tune, and ill strung: You vvill easily acknowledge, that the discordancy of the instrument is not imputable to me, but to it self. This very Earth doth feed all sorts of Trees and Plants vvith one common juice; and yet some of these bring forth vvholesome Fruits, and some others Poysons. What vvill you here say? That this is from the Earth? Or rather in that inbred Nature of the Trees, which converts the good nourishment, into their own poyson? In like manner it is here: That you move is from God; from your self, and in your self, that you move to Evil. Finally, that I may at last finish my discourse about this Liberty; Fate is as it were the Leader of the Dance, in this Masque of the world: But so, [Page 125]that we also have our parts to act, of alwayes vvilling or nilling; but not further of effecting. For it is only a will that is left unto Man whereby he may be desirous to oppugne and resist God: But he hath not a power whereby he is able. As I may vvalk up and dovvn the Decks and Hatches of a Ship; but this little motion doth not at all avail to hinder its course: So in this fatall Ship, in vvhich vve are all embark'd, though our vvills move this or that vvay, they are not able to divert, or put a stop to it. For that supream Will will alwayes hold and manage the reines, and guide this Chariot, with a gentle kind of government.
CHAP. XXI. The Conclusion of the Discourse about Fate; that it is dangerous and doubtfull, not curiously to be pry'd into. An exhortation to strengthen our Minds from the consideration of Necessity.
BUt vvhy should I dwell longer upon these things? I shall now alter my Course, and vvithdravv my self from this Charybdis in vvhich the vvits of so many have been svvallovved up. I behold here the vvreck of Cicero who had rather destroy Providence, than derogate in the least from the freedom of the vvill. Who (as the Bishop of Hippo said elegantly) vvhile he made Men Free, made them Sacrilegious. Hovv many even at this day are swimming in this Sea; and at length carry'd away vvith the Waves [Page 127]of disputation. By vvhose dangers Lipsius vve being vvarned let us rather choose to coast about the Shore, than to hazzard our selves too farr in the depths of this Ocean. Euclid to one that ask'd him many things concerning the Gods, made this apposite reply: Other things I know not; but this I know that they hate the curious. Think the same of Fate, vvhich vvill be look'd upon, but not pry'd into; believ'd, but not known. I think it is the saying of Bias; of the Gods say that they are, vvhich I may pertinently apply unto Fate, of vvhich I advise you, that it is enough if you knovv it to be: in other matters about it, it is no Sin to be ignorant. That properly belongs to our Province (for I novv return from this intangled path into the old and beaten vvay) that you believe there is a Necessity annex'd to publick evils: and that you derive from thence some consolation in your Griefs. What doth it concern you, [Page 128]curiously to enquire about the Liberty or Servitude of the Will? Wretch! Thy Syracuse is taken, and thou art drawing lines in the dust. Warr is about thee, Tyranny, Slaughters, Death, which certainly are sent from above, and not at all under the disposal of thy Will. These things you may fear but not prevent: Fly, but not be able to evade. Arme your self therefore against them, and catch up this fatal weapon, which will not only pierce, but kill; not only diminish, but destroy all your Griefs. As if you slightly touch a Nettle it stings; but if hard, it hath no such power: So doth the asperity of your Grief encrease upon you if you ply it with gentle remedies, but gives back in the use of those which are more forcible and severe. Now there is nothing more forcible than necessity: whose first onset doth rout and conquer these feeble troops. For what does your grief aim at? There is no place for it in [Page 129]those things which not only may, but must come to pass. What would your complaints? You may struggle vvith a Yoke vvhich Heaven hath impos'd; but not be able to shake it off.
There is no other evasion of Necessity, than to vvill that which it self will compell. That excellent wise Man said excellently; thou mayst be unconquerable if thou never enter into such a combat, vvherein it is impossible for thee to overcome. And such is the conflict with Necessity, vvhich vvhosoever undertakes, falls under it, and vvhich is the greater wonder, he falls even before the fight.
CHAP. XXII. A pretence for Sloth usually drawn from Fate. Its Detection. Fate acts by second causes, and therefore they not to be idle. How farr we are to help our Country, and when to forbear. The Close of the first Discourse.
ANd here Langius pawsing a little; I cheerfully broke out, and thus interrupted him. If (said I) the wind shall continue thus to fill the Sail; I shall quickly arrive at the Haven. For now I dare follow God, I dare obey Necessity, and methinks I may say vvith Euripides.
But I am yet tossed vvith the vvave of one troubled thought, and this Langius I pray you calme: For if publick Evils are from Fate, and that can neither be overcome nor avoided: Why do we further concern our selves or labour for our Country? Why do we not resign up all, to that great and uncontroulable Governour, and (as they say) sit down vvith our hands folded? since as your self do confess; all contrivance and power is but vain, when the Fates do oppose. Obstinacy and perverseness said Langius smiling, have set thee at distance Young Man from that vvhich is right and true. Is this to obey Fate, or to contemne and clude it? I vvill sit (say you) vvith my hands folded; 'tis well; I vvish you had done so vvith your Lips too. For vvho ever assented, that Fate acts singly vvithout the intervention of middle and assisting causes? It is Fate that your Children dye: Yet so, as that they shall first be begotten. It is Fate that [Page 132]you recover of a Disease: But then you must employ the Physitian, and make use of remedies. In like manner it is Fate, that the fluctuating sinking Ship of your Country, shall be preserv'd: It is then also Fate, that it shall be supported and defended. If you vvill arrive at the Haven, you must apply your hands to the Oare, and hoise the Sailes; not idlely gaping after, or expecting a Wind from above. On the other side if it is Fate that this Country of yours shall perish; by Fate also those things shall come to pass, vvhich shall promote and further the ruine of it. The Commons shall be at variance vvith the Peers, and amongst themselves none shall know how to command, or to obey. Many shall be valiant in the tongue; all shall be sluggish in action: And to conclude amongst the Commanders themselves, there shall be found neither Prudence not Integrity. Velleius said vvell; the irresistible [Page 133]force of Fate, doth corrupt the Councells of him, vvhose Fortune it is determin'd to change: And again it comes to pass for the most part that God perverts their Councels, vvhose Fortune he is about to alter; and (vvhich is the greatest unhappiness) so orders things, that those calamities vvhich happen to such persons, seem deservedly to have fallen upon them. Neither ought you presently to conclude, that the last and fatal revolution is now come upon your Country. For how do you know it? Or vvhich vvay can you be certain, vvhether it is some light distemper, or a Disease unto Death? Assist her therefore, and vvhile the Patient hath yet breath (as they say) hope. But if by certain and infallible discoveries, it shall appear, that its fatall change is upon it; then (in my judgment) that is vvholsome advice; fight not against God. That Example of Solon I may here safely commend, [Page 134]vvho vvhen Pisistratus had seised Athens; and he saw that all endeavours for Liberty vvere vain, laying down his shield and armes at the doors of the Curia: O my Country said he, I have assisted thee both vvith my councells and actions; and so vvent home, resolving for the future to be quiet. Do you thus, give place to God, give place to the times; and if you are a good Common-wealths Man, reserve your self to better and more gentle Fates. That Liberty which is now perish'd, may revive; and your Country vvhich is now fallen, in process of time may yet arise: Why do you unadvisedly despond, and cast avvay your courage? Of those two Consuls at Cannas I esteem Varro a gallanter Person vvho fled, than Paulus that fell: Nor did the Senate and People of Rome judge otherwise, who gave him publick thanks, that he did not despair of the Common-vvealth. But vvhether your Country do only [Page 135]totter, or vvhether it fall; vvhether it languish only, or vvholly perish: Afflict not your self overmuch, but espouse that noble courage of Crates, vvho vvhen Alexander asked him, if he could vvish his Country might be restor'd? To vvhat purpose reply'd he, possibly another Alexander vvill overturn it again: These are the speeches of great and wise Men.
As Achilles vvas vvell advised in Homer; for otherwise as Creon in the Fable, embracing his burning Daughter, freed her not; but himself perished vvith her in the same Flames: So Lipsius, you vvill sooner drown your self in your own Tears, than vvith them extinguish these publick Fires of your Country. While Langius vvas [Page 136]yet speaking, the door opened; and a Boy from Levinus Torrentius came to tell us it was supper time? Langius as one awak'd, vvhat sayes he, has this discourse so fair impos'd upon me? and is the day thus privily slipp'd away? And with that rising and taking me by the Arme; let's go Lipsius said he to this my wish'd Supper. Let us rather sit still, said I (being unwilling to go) for this to me is preferrable to all other food; which I may justly call the banquet of the Gods. In these entertainments I alwayes hunger and can never be satisfy'd. But Langius compell'd me, and said he, let us now performe our promise; to morrow if you will we vvill finish our Sacrifice to Constancy.
A DISCOURSE OF CONSTANCY. BOOK. II.
CHAP. I. The occasion of renewing the Discourse; the going to Langius his Gardens. Their commendations.
THe next day it pleased Langius to conduct me to his gardens which vvith a great deal of cost and curiosity he had planted in two places, the one [Page 138]upon a gentle rise of ground opposite to his house: the other somewhat fatther off, in a lower place, and close by the River Maes
Surprising me therefore in my Chamber very early in the morning shall vve vvalk Lipsius say'd he, or vvhether had you rather repose upon a Chair here vvithin doors? Walk Langius (said I) provided it be with you; but whither shall vve go? If you approve it (reply'd he) to my Gardens which are by the waters side, they are not farr distant, and by the way you shall exercise your Body; see the City, and besides we shall there meet with a cool and desirable air; in the midst of this heat: With all my heart (said I) nor in your Company is it possible that any vvay should seem tedious to me, though it vvere [Page 139]to the utmost Indies. And with this we called for our Cloakes, cast them upon us, went forth, and got thither. Assoon as I entred I took their prospect, with a wandring and curious Eye; and really wondring at the elegancy, and culture of the place? My Father (said I) what pleasantness, what splendour is this? You have here Langius a Heaven rather than a Garden: Nor certainly do those Starry Fires above, shine out more illustriously in a clear and open Night; than these your flowers, do even sparkle and glitter in a most delectable Variety. Talk we of the Gardens of Adonis or Alcinous? compar'd with these, they are doubtless inconsiderable trifles, and such things as are next to nothing. And with this being come somewhat nearer, beholding some; and smelling to others: Oh! said I, which should I rather wish the Eyes of Argus or the Nose of Catullus? So equally doth [Page 140]this pleasure even tickle and delight both Senses. Hence, hence all ye Odours of Arabia which serve only to provoke a loathing, in respect of that pure and truly Celestial sweetness that breaths from hence: Langius gently wringing my hand, and not vvithout a smile or too; Fair fall my Gardens, Lipsius saies he; for neither I nor this rustical Flora of mine can pretend any Title to so skilfull and ingenious a commendation. It is yet a true one, Langius (reply'd I) suppose you that I flatter? I speak it vvith all the seriousness imaginable, the Elysian Fields, are less so than these Gardens of yours. For see vvhat a comeliness and order is every vvhere? How fitly all things are disposed in their Beds and Borders? That the different coloured Marbles in a pavement are not placed vvith a more becoming Beauty and exactness. What plenty of Herbs and Flowers? What [Page 141]rarity and strangeness? Insomuch as vvithin the narrow limits of this one place, Nature seems to have enclosed all those excellencies, vvhich either this of ours, or that other World is able to boast off.
CHAP. II. The praise of Gardens in general. Delight taken in them is ancient, and from Nature. Kings and other excellent persons addicted to them. The pleasures of them.
ANd truly Langius this your divertisment is a praise-worthy and commendable one; a pleasure vvhereunto (if I am not deceived) the more excellent and ingenuous persons are by Nature it self inclin'd. I am rather induc'd to believe this; inasmuch [Page 142]as it is not very easie to think of any one pleasure, in vvhich the most eminent amongst the Nations have in all ages so vvillingly consented. If vve turne over the sacred Volume, vve shall there find that the World and Gardens vvere made together, vvhich God himself bestow'd upon the first Man, as the Seat of a blessed Life: If vve search into prophane Stories, Proverbs and Fables every vvhere tell us of the Gardens of Adonis and Alcinous, Tantalus and the Hesperides: and in true and credible Histories, vve meet the mention of King Cyrus his Orchards, that were planted with his own Hands: The airy and pendulous Gardens of Semiramis, and that new and celebrated Plat of Masanissa vvhich Affrick vvondred at. Amongst the ancient Greeks and Romans, how many illustrious persons am I able to name; vvho casting off all other cares, have betaken themselves only to this? Amongst the former, [Page 143]it vvill suffice to say in short, that most of the Philosophers and Sages, removing from Cities and the wild clamour of the Courts; have cloystred up themselves vvithin private limits and bounds. And amongst the latter, methinks I see King Tarquine (in that then ancient Rome) diverting himself in his Gardens, and smiting off the heads of the Poppyes. Cato the Censour applying himself to this study, and vvriting Books vvith all seriousness about these matters. Lucullus retiring to his Gardens, after all his Asiatique Triumphs. Sylla having lay'd down his Dictatorship doth here more contentedly grow old; and Dioclesian the Emperour preferres his Sallads and Lettuce at Salona; before the imperial purple, and all the Scepters of the Universe. Nor have the Vulgar receded from the Judgement of their superiours; but even amongst them the honester sort, and such as vvere free from ambition; [Page 144]vvere generally this way addicted. For certainly there is a kind of secret impulse, that vvith us is born; the hidden Causes of which I cannot easily explicate; which thrusts into this innocent and ingenuous delight; not only us vvho bend that vvay, but even those serious and severe persons; who both resist and deride it. And as none do behold the Heavens, and those eternal Fires; without a secret kind of horror and Religion; so neither do any take a view of the Sacred Treasures of the Earth, and the beautiful Ornaments of this lower World, without a silent kind of Gust and Titillation of delight. Enquire but of your Mind and Soul, and it will confess it self not only to be surpriz'd; but even fed with such a prospect. Ask your Eyes and Senses and they will acknowledge, that they do not any where more willingly repose themselves. Look round about I beseech [Page 145]you for a while, and observe the several troops of Flowers, together vvith the manner of their growth. Behold how this uncupps, and that unsheathes, and this other swells it self out of the rich inclosure of it's Gemm-like Bud. See how suddenly the one expires, and the other shoots out to succeed it; to conclude, observe in any one kind of them, the Beauty, Forme, and Appearance, a thousand vvayes divers and the same. What Mind is there so rigid, that in such entertainments as these, vvill not vvithdraw and melt it self, into soft and pleasing Meditations? Let the curious Eye dwell a while upon those Orient and dazeling Colours: Behold this native Purple, this Blood, this Ivory, this Snow, this Flame, this Gold, and such diversity of Colours; as a skilful Pencil may possibly emulate, but can never be able to express? To conclude vvhat exhaling Odors, vvhat subtile and piercing [Page 146]Spirit, and I know not what part of the Heavenly Air breathed from above? So that our Tribe of Poets seem not in vain to have feign'd, that most Flowers are born of the Blood and juice of the Immortal Gods. O thou true Fountain of dissolved pleasure! O thou happy Seat of Venus and the Graces! May I ever pass my dayes, and repose myself in these your shades; may it be lawful for me (thus remote from popular tumults) vvith a cheerful yet unsatisfy'd Eye; to wander amongst the Plants and Flowers of the known and unknown World; busying my self now vvith t [...]e Rise of this, and than vvith the Set of that, and vvith a vvandring kind of deceit here to los [...] the memory of all my cares and sorrows.
CHAP. III. Against some curious People, who abuse their Gardens to Vanity and Sloth. Their proper use. That they are places fit for wise and learned Men; and that VVisdom it self is bred and cherished there.
WHen I had spoken this somevvhat earnestly, and vvith a kind of Ardour both in voice and countenance; Langius looking mildly upon me: Certainly said he Lipsius, you are enamour'd of this florid and purple Nymph; and I am solicitous, lest you should love her immodestly. For you praise Gardens, but yet so, as to admire only those things vvhich are vain and external; vvhile you omit to speak of the true and lawful Pleasures of them. You greedily behold the colours, and repose [Page 148]in the beds, and enquire after Flowers from the known and unknown World? But for vvhat purpose I pray? Is it to assure me that you also are one of that newly sprung up Sect of curious and idle persons; vvho have converted the most excellent and simple delight, into the instrument of a couple of Vices; Vanity, and Sloth? For to this end have they their Gardens, vvith an ambitious curiosity they search after a few forraign Plants and Flowers; and vvhen they have them, they cherish and attend them, vvith the same anxiety and passion, as a Mother doth her Son. These are they vvhose Letters vvander into Thrace, Greece, India, for some little parcel of seed, a Clove, or off-set of a Flower: Who more passionately lament the vvithering of some new fashioned Slipps; than the Death of an old try'd Friend. Does any Man laugh at that Roman, who put on mourning [Page 149]for the Death of his Lamprey? After the same manner bewail they the Funerals of their Flowers. Now if any of these Candidates of Flora have got any thing more new or rare, O how he boasts it! How do his Corrivals emulate and envy him? Some of vvhom return no less pensive to their Houses than Sylla or Marcellus vvhen they vvere rejected in their suit for the Pretorship. What shall I call this but a merry kind of madness? Not unlike to that of children turning pale, and quarrelling for their Topps and Counters. Understand also how these men imploy themselves in their Gardens; they sit, they vvalk round about, they gape and sleep, and nothing else; as if they intended them not as places of retirement, but as Sepulchres of Sloth. A prophane Generation, and such as I may justly exclude from the Orgyes of the true and sacred Garden, vvhich I know to be consecrate [Page 150]to modest pleasure, not to Vanity, to ease, but not at all to Sloth. Should I be of so feeble a temper, that the gain or loss of a poor Flower, should either exalt or depress me? No, I esteem things at their just rates, and setting aside the meretricious advantage of Novelty: I know they are but Plants; I know they are but Flowers: that is, short-liv'd and transitory things; of vvhich the Prince of Poets hath pertinently spoken,
I do not then despise these elegancies and delights (as you see) but herein I differ from these delicate Hortensii; that as I get such things as these vvithout anxiety, so I keep, and so I lose them. Nor am I so [Page 151]stupid, or rather so dead, that I should cloyster up, and (as it vvere) bury my self in these Garden shades: For even in these retirements, I find business, and my Mind doth here meet vvith something vvhich it may performe vvithout action. I am never less alone than vvhen alone (said one;) nor ever less at leisure than when so. An excellent saying, and vvhich I dare affirm had its birth in such Gardens as these, vvhich are intended for the Mind, not the Body; to recreate that, not to dissolve and soften this; and for a safe retreat both from Company and Cares. Is company troublesome? Here you shall be vvith your self: Have employments exhausted your Spirits? Here they shall be repayr'd, vvhere the Mind shall be refresh'd vvith its proper food of quiet, and vvhere from this purer air, you shall have as it were the inspiration of a new life. If you look therefore upon the ancient Sages, they dwelt [Page 152]in Gardens; or upon the more learned and improved Spirits of our times, they delight in Gardens: And in those for the most part are those divine pieces compos'd, vvhich are the wonder of Mankind, and vvhich no Age, or successions of time shall ever abolish. To this green Lycaeum do we stand indebted for so many Lectures upon Nature: To this shady Academy vve owe those discourses about manners, and from the apartments of these Gardens are those abundant springs of Wisdom diffus'd, vvhich we drink of, and vvhich vvith their fertill inundations have enrich'd the World. For the Mind doth raise and advance it self to higher and greater things; vvhen free and at large; it beholds its own Heaven, then vvhen 'tis cloyster'd up within the Prison of a House or City. Here O ye Poets frame an everlasting and immortal Verse; here let the learned meditate and write; here O ye Philosophers [Page 153]dispute of Tranquility, of Constancy, of Life, and Death. See Lipsius the true end and use of Gardens; it is rest, secession, meditation, reading, vvriting; and yet all these by way of recreation only, and divertisement. As Painters vvho by long poring have vvearied and dimm'd their sight, call it off to certain glasses and green objects, thereby to quicken and refresh it; so do vve the Mind when it either straggles or is tyred. And why should I conceal my Custome from you? Do you see that Arbour set out vvith Topiary vvork? 'Tis the place I have consecrated to the Muses. It is my School of Wisdom. There I either satisfie my Mind with serious and retir'd reading, or improve it vvith the Seeds of profitable Meditation? And as arms are lay'd up in a Magazene: So do I from them, store up precepts in my Mind, vvhich are alwayes ready by me, against every battery and impression of Fortune. As oft as I [Page 154]enter there, I forthwith command all base and servile cares to absent themselves; and (asmuch as I may) vvith an elevated Mind, I despise the studies of the prophane vulgar, and this great vanity in the affairs of Men. Yes, I seem to my self to be wholly divested of humanity; and to be transported into Heaven it self, in the fiery Chariot of Wisdome. Do you think it there troubles me, what the French or Spaniard are designing? Who keeps, or loses the Scepter of Belgia? That the Tyrant of Asia, now threatens us by Land or by Sea? Or to conclude;
none of all these I vvill assure you. Securely fortify'd against all that is external; I retreat within my self, free [Page 155]from all sorts of cares except this one, how I may subject this broken and subdued Mind of mine to Right Reason, and to God: And all other humane things to my Mind, that vvhensoever that fatal day shall come that must put a period to my Life; I may receive it vvith a compos'd, and unsadded countenance; and may so depart out of this life, not as he that is forc'd into exile, but as one that is set at liberty. These are my musings in my Gardens Lipsius; and these the fruits which (so long as I am my self) I shall not vvillingly exchange for all the Persian and the Indian treasures.
CHAP. IV. An exhortation to VVisdom; thereby a Man may attain to Constancy. An admonition to Youth, to conjoyn the more serious studies of Philosophy to the more pleasant and liberal ones.
LAngius had finish'd, and I confess seriously that this last generous and constant speech of his, had cast me into some amazement, vvhich vvhen I had recovered, O happy Man (said I) both in your business and retirements! O that more than humane life; vvhich I have met with in a Man! Would to God I vvere able in any Measure to imitate, and to creep along after these footsteps, though it vvere at a considerable distance. Langius as reprehending me; imitate sayes he? Yes excell. You have right here not only to follow, [Page 157]but to lead the vvay. For in this Path of Constancy and Vertue Lipsius, vve have made but a small, a very small progress. As yet vve are not comparable to the more Heroick and excellent Persons, though possibly a little more assured than the utterly enfeebled and debauched sort. But you vvhose Youthfull inclinations are Generous and Lofty, prepare your self; and agreeable to my instructions, assay that path which doth directly lead to firmness and Constancy. The vvay I speak of is Wisdom, whose smooth and even path, I beseech and advise you no longer to decline: Hath learning and the Nine Goddesses hitherto delighted you? I approve it. For I know the Mind ought first to be subacted and prepar'd with this more pleasing and external knowledge, as being before unfit to have divine Seeds intrusted vvith it. But vvithall I approve not that you should so farr dote [Page 158]upon this as to make it both the beginning and end of your studies. These are to be our rudiments but not our vvork; our vvay but not our Goale. In a feast (I suppose) you vvould not feed only upon Quelkchoses or Junkets; but would gratifie your stomach vvith something that is more solid. In this publick banquet of Learning, why do you not the same? Why add you not the firmer food of Philosophy, to those delicious Viands of Oratours and Poets? For (mistake me not) I vvould not that the one should be deserted, but that the other should be superadded, and that those looser, and by themselves more fluid Nymphs should be tempered and mixed, vvith this (as I may call it) severer Bacchus. Penelope's Suitors in Homer are justly laughed at; vvho deserting the Mistress fell to courting the Maids: Take heed you do not the same, that despising the great and excellent Princess, you [Page 159]should remain enamour'd of her handmaids. It is a desirable purchase to attain the praise of a learned Man; that of a vvise Man is beyond it, but that of a good Man surpasses all. Hereafter let us aim at these; and by all our labours endeavour not only to know, but to be vvise and do:
sayes that old and true Verse. How many are there in this our Assembly of the Muses, vvho dishonour both themselves, and the very name of Learning? Some in that they are even covered with the black spots of detestable impieties; and the most because they are vain, light Meteours only, and of no worthy designment. Do they learn languages? Yes, but languages alone. Do they understand the Greek and Latine Authors? Yet they do but understand [Page 160]them, and as Anacharsis said vvell of the Athenians heretofore; they used money only to count it: so these their knowledge only to know. So utterly regardless are they of their lives, and of what they do, that (even in my judgement) the vulgar seem vvith some reason to look upon learning as the Mistress of vice: But it is indeed the Directress to vertue; if we use it as we ought, and conjoyn it with wisdom; to which learning should prepare our Minds, but not seize upon them, and detain them to it self: For as there are some sorts of Trees, that will bear no fruit, unless they are planted by other male ones (as I may call them) so will the Virgin Muses remain barren, unless wedded to the Masculine strength of wisdom. To what end dost thou correct Tacitus? and at the same time suffer so many Errata's in thine own life? Why dost thou illustrate Tranquillus? and yet permit thy self to be benighted [Page 161]vvith Errour? Dost thou carefully expunge the faults out of Plautus, vvhen thou sufferest thy Mind to be over-grown and neglected? Espouse at the last more worthy designs, and look after such a kind of learning as may serve, not only for austentation and applause, but also for use. Betake your self unto Wisdom which may reform your manners; calme and enlighten your troubled and dark Soul. For 'tis she alone that can fix upon you the impress of vertue; and consign you to Constancy, and give you a free admission into the Temple of a good Mind.
CHAP. V. Wisdom is not acquir'd by wishes, but endeavours. The discourse of Constancy renew'd. The desire of knowledge, a happy presage in a Young Man.
THis admonition so inflam'd me, that not able to dissemble it; My Father said I, with my Mind I follow you already; but when shall I with my Actions also? When shall that day appear, which releasing me from these cares, shall place me in the path of true vvisdom; that thereby I may attain to true Constancy? Langius as one reproving me. Do you then (said he) choose rather to with, than to act? It is to no purpose at all; and as the vulgar use to do. However. Ceneus in the Fable was transformed from a Woman to [Page 163]a Man by wishing: Yet hope not you after the same manner, to pass from a fool to a wise, or from a wavering to a constant Man. It will concern you to use your utmost endeavour, to turn every stone, and that vvith an industrious diligence; you must seek, read, and learn: Here interrupting him, I know it Langius reply'd I; but do you also I beseech you lend me your assistance, and continue the thread of Yesterdays discourse, vvhich our summons to supper did unhappily break off. Return I sav unto Constancy, vvhose intermitted rites, it vvill be dangerous to deferre. Langius as refusing, shall I again said he be shut up in that School? I vvill not Lipsius, at least not in this place, vvhich you should consider I have devoted to my recreations and not to business, another time vve will attend it. Yes at this time reply'd I, for vvhat place is more fit for a discourse of vvisdom, than [Page 164]this her dwelling? I mean that Atbour, vvhich to me seems a Temple, and the little Table in it, no other than an Altar, at vvhich sitting down let us Sacrifice to the Goddess. Besides I take an Omen from the very place. What Omen (sayes Langius?) 'Tis this said I, that as he who sits in a place where Odors and sweet Unguents are, carrys along with him in his Garments the perfume and scent of the place. So I am not without hope, that some Air and Odour of Wisdom may adhere unto my Mind, by sitting in this her Store-house. I am afraid (sayes Langius smiling) there is but little of vveight in so light an Omen: Howsoever Lipsius let us set forward, for not to dissemble with you, this so ingenious heat of yours does excite and vvarm me too. And as the searchers after springs, when in the Morning they observe a certain vapour exhailing from the Earth, do forthwith conclude that there they shall meet vvith [Page 165]vvater: So have I hopes of a plentiful spring of vertue, wheresoever I observe in Youth an early desire of knowledge to betray it self: And vvith this he led me into the Arbour, and seated himself at the Table. But I first turning my self and calling to the Boyes; stay there said I and vvait, but be sure you lock the door, and observe vvhat I say; upon your lives see that no Man, nor Dog, nor Woman enter; no though good Fortune her self should come; and vvith that I sat down. But Langius laughing out-right, did you ever sway Scepter Lipsius (said he) so Princelike and so severe are your edicts? Yesterdays misfortune (reply'd I) has dictated to me this necessary caution, and now in Gods name proceed.
CHAP. VI. A third Argument for Constancy drawn from utility: Calamities are good both in their Original and End. Their Original is from God; who being eternally and immutably good, cannot be the cause of any Evil.
LAngius without any considerable pawse thus began. In my discourse of Constancy it is fit I be constant, I shall therefore observe the same order and method vvhich Yesterday I propounded. Then (as you know) I form'd Four Squadrons (as I call them) to fight in its behalf against grief and dejectedness. The two former of these, from Providence and Necessity; I have already drawn forth, and have sufficiently evinc'd that publick evils are sent down from God; as also that they are necessary [Page 167]and impossible to be declin'd. I shall now therefore bring up my Third Squadron led by Utility; vvhich I may truly call the Legion Adjutrix, a Valiant and subtile power, vvhich I know not how doth convey and insinuate it self into the Minds of Men, and with a pleasing kind of violence so overcomes them, as that themselves are not unwilling to be conquer'd. [...]t rather gains upon us by degrees, than by violent impressions, and rather perswades than compells us. For we as readily permit our selves to be led by Utility, as drawn by Necessity. This Lipsius I now oppose against you and your failing troops. For these publick evils vvhich we suffer are profitable, and contribute much to our inward advantage. Did I call them Evils? They are rather goods; if removing this veil of Opinion, we have a due recourse unto their Original and End; of vvhich the former is from good, and the latter is for good. For [Page 168]the Original of these Calamities (as Yesterday I sufficiently prov'd) is certainly from God: That is, not only from the chiefest good it self, but from the Author, cause, and Fountain of all other good vvhatsoever; from vvhom it is as utterly impossible that any evil should proceed, as that himself should be evil. That power is only benign and healthful, equally despising to receive and to do vvrong, and vvhose sole and chief prerogative it is to benefit. And therefore those ancient and blinder sort of Men, conceiving something of the supream Being in their Minds; did rightly give him his Name from helping. Suppose you that he is exasperated, and that as one in a passion, he hurles down these evils as so many deadly Arrows upon mankind? No. Anger and Revenge are humane Affections, and being the ef [...]ects of vveakness, are found only amongst the infirm. But that excellent [Page 169]Being doth eternally persevere in its benignity, and those very severities vvhich vve tast off from him, are only as Medicines; sharp and bitter to the sense, but healthful in their issue and events. That Homer of Philosophers said rightly God doth no evil, and therefore cannot be the cause of any. But better and more fully that wise one of ours. What is the cause of the Gods doing good? Their Nature. He errs that imagines they are either desirous or able to do hurt. As they cannot receive, so neither can they do an injury. The first honor that we owe to the Gods, is to believe that they are, the next is to ascribe Majesty to them, and goodness without which there is no Majesty. To know they are those, who preside over the world; who govern all things as their own; who are the Guardians of Mankind, and of every particular person, and that no evil is in them, neither doth any proceed from them.
CHAP. VII. The end of Calamities alwayes directed to good; though often administred by wicked Men, and for their evil ends. The force of them is broken and allay'd by God. All things are guided to our advantage. VVhy God uses wicked Men as his Instruments therein.
CAlamities then are good in their Original; they are so also in their End, because they are alwayes directed to our good. You vvill say vvhich vvay? Is not mischief and ruine the manifest end of Warr and Slaughter? It is I confess if you look at Men, but not if you look upon God. That you may the more clearly apprehend this, It vvill be requisite thus to distinguish of divine punishments; some are simple and others are mixt: Those [Page 171]I call simple vvhich are immediately from God; vvithout the intervening of any humane Contrivance or Assistance: The mixt, are such as are from God too; but acted and performed by Men. Of the former kind are Famine, Barrenness, Earth-quakes, Inundations, Diseases, and Death: Of the latter, Tyrannies, Warres, Oppressions, Slaughters. The first sort are pure and innocent, as being deriv'd to us from the purest Fountain: In the other I vvill not deny, but there is some mixture of filth, inasmuch as they pass through, and are convey'd to us by the impure Channels of Affections. Man intermeddles therein, and then vvhat vvonder is it, if Sin and corruption do discover it self? That is the vvonder that such is the merciful Providence of God, as can convert that poyson into Medicine, and that Sin into good. See you that Tyrant there, who breaths out nothing but threatnings and slaughter, [Page 172]vvhose delights are in doing mischief, and vvho could be content to perish himself, provided he might thereby accomplish the destruction of others: Let him alone a while, he shall fail in his designes; and God by a secret and indiscernible thread (vvhile he thinks and vvills nothing less) shall guide him to his end. As the Arrow vvithout any sense of its own, arrives at that mark vvhich the Archer intended; so do vvicked Men. For that supream power doth inhibit and restrain all humane powers, directing and disposing all their vvandring steps unto that best end of his. As in an Army the Souldiers are variously affected; spoile encourages this, glory him, and hatred that other; but all fight for their Prince and Victory: So every of these wills of ours, whether they are good or evil, serve under, and fight for God, and amidst the greatest variety of their own designed ends, do at last touch upon this (as I may so call it) [Page 173]End of Ends. But you vvill say vvhy does God use the help of the vvicked? Why does not he himself send that better sort of Calamities amongst us; at least the worser by more desirable instruments? Thou art over curiously inquisitive O Man: Neither am I certain vvhether I am able to explain these Mysteries of Providence. But this I know, that he sufficiently comprehends the reason of his actings; even at such times as we are not able to discern the least of it in them. But vvhat is it that appears so strange, and unusual to us? The Ruler of a Province condemnes a malefactour according to the Laws; and commits the Execution of his Sentence to Brutianus or the Lictor. The Father of a great Family sometimes corrects his Son himself; at others commits it to the care of a Servant or Tutor. Why should not God have the same liberty? Why should not he vvhen he so pleases shastise us vvith his own hand? And [Page 174]when he sees it good vvith anothers? There is no wrong or injury done to us in all this. Does that Servant hate you? Doth he come vvith a Mind to do you a mischief? It matters not, overlooking the instrument of vvhat you suffer: Look back to the Mind of him that hath commanded it. For assuredly the Father that requires it stands by; nor will he suffer one stripe to be superadded to what himself hath prescribed. But you ask again; why is Sin here immixed? and why are these divine Arrowes dipp'd in the poyson of Affections? You put me upon a difficult task, which yet I shall adventure upon; and my answer is, that God may declare his Wisdom and Power. They are St. Austine's words; he judg'd it better to make evils good, than to permit no evills at all. For vvhat greater instance can there be of Wisdom and Goodness, than to bring good out of evil, and to make those things Conspire [Page 175]our welfare, which were found out for our ruine. You commend that Physitian who successefully mixes his Treacle with a Viper. And why should you resent it in God, if vvith this Plaister of Calamities, he shall intermixe something that is hurtfull, vvithout any damage of yours. For he doth certainly decoct and evaporate all the adhering poyson, by the secret fire of his Providence. Lastly, this magnifyes his power and glory; to vvhich all things are by himself of Necessity referr'd. For vvhat can more lively express his power than this? That he not only overcomes those Enemies that wrastle with him; but also overcomes them in such a manner, as brings them over to himself, and causes them to take Armes in the pursuance of his Victories: Which every day comes to pass, vvhen the vvill of God is done by evill Men, though not of them; since he so manages all those things which [Page 176]the vvicked do in opposition to his vvill; that none of them are besides his will. And vvhat greater miracle can there be, than that vvicked Men should make vvicked Men good? Approach thou Cajus Caesar, and at once tread under Foot the two Sacred Names of thy County, and Son in Law. This thy ambition vvithout thy knowledge shall be subservient to God; yes to thy Country it self, against vvhich it vvas taken up: For it shall prove the reparation and establishment of the Roman State. Thou Attila fly from the remotest parts of the World, and thirsting after blood and spoile, Sack, kill, burn, and wast; all this cruelty shall fight for God, and prove nothing else but an awakening of the Christians from slumbring in the Beds of Pleasure and Security. You two Vespasians what do you? Ruine Judea and the Jews: Take, and raze the whole City; but for what end? As you indeed intend [Page 177]it; for the glory and enlargement of the Empire, but you mistake your selves, you are only the Lictours and Executioners of the divine vengeance upon an impious Nation. Go ye vvho possibly have martyr'd the Christians at Rome, and revenge the Death of Christ in Iudaea. All ages are full of such examples, how God by the sinful desires of some Men hath accomplished his own good pleasure; and by the injustice of others, hath executed his own just and righteous Judgments. Let us therefore Lipsius rather admire than busily pry into this recluded Power of his Wisdom, and let us know, that all sorts of Calamities are good in their events: Although this Mind of ours be so blind as not to discern it, or so slow in its apprehensions as not to reach and comprehend it. For their true ends are oftentimes obscure as to us; to vvhich notwithstanding (though vve are ignorant) [Page 178]they at last arrive: not unlike those Rivers vvhich though they retire from our sight, and creep under ground, do nevertheless find the vvay to pour themselves into the bosome of their own Seas.
CHAP. VIII. More distinctly of the Ends themselves. They are Three-fold; and to whom each belongs. Of the first End, vvhich is for the exercise of the Good. It is advantageous three wayes. It strengthens them; tryes them, and fits them to be exemplary to others.
IF I may therefore hoise Sail and pass on further into this depth of divine matters; I may possibly discover some things more fully and distinctly [Page 179]concerning the Ends themselves. But it is fit I should preface an attempt of this Nature vvith that of Homer,
For there are some of them, which methinks I am able with some certainty to comprehend and point out, but there are others vvhich I can only rove and guess at. Of the more apparent ones, are these three; to Exercise, Chastise, and Punish us. For if you observe it, the most usual and ordinary calamities do either exercise the good, or chastise the offending, or punish the wicked; and all this for our good. For (to illustrate and dwell awhile upon the first End) we daily see the best Men either press'd by calamities singly and apart by themselves; or else inclosed by them, in society with the wicked. We observe and vvonder at it; [Page 180]as neither sufficiently comprehending the cause; nor rightly considering the End. Now the cause is the love of God towards us, not his hate; and the End is not our hurt, but our benefit. For this exercise doth advantage us more wayes than one: It strengthens us, it tryes us, and it fits us to lead on others. It strengthens us, being (as it vvere) that School; vvherein God trains up his in Fortitude and Virtue. We see vvrastlers inure themselves to sharp Tryals; that they may overcome at last: think the same of us in this School of Afflictions. For that great Master of ours is a sharp and severe exerciser of us; and exacts our labours and patience not only unto sweat but blood: Suppose you that he fondly trains up his, and that he cherishes them in the soft blandishments of pleasure and delight? No. They are Mothers vvhich soften and enervate their children, by an over-tenderness [Page 181]in their education; but Fathers vvho preserve them, by acquainting them vvith hardship. Now God is our Father, and therefore as he doth truly so he severely loves us. If you would be a Pilot, you must be brought up amongst stormes; if a Souldier, you must be trained up in dangers; and if you would be truly a Man, vvhy do you start at afflictions, since there is no other vvay to acquire strength. Do you see those languishing and retir'd Bodies, whom the Sun seldom looks upon, the vvind never assails, and the more piercing air never lights upon; the Minds of those soft and ever happy Men, are such as the least gust of an angry Fortune vvill overturn and dissolve. Afflictions then do strengthen us, and as trees fasten their roots the deeper by how much the more they are shaken with the Winds; so good Men become the more fixed in vertue, when attempted by the storms of adversity. Afflictions [Page 182]do also prove and try us; for otherwise how shall any Man be able to judge of his firmness and proficiency? If a prosperous vvind do ever fill the Sail, the Pilot has no opportunity to display his skill; and if all things still evenly and happily succeed to Man, he shall lose the glory of his vertue; for the only undeceivable touch-stone of it, is affliction. It was a gallant Speech of Demetrius: Nothing seems to me more unhappy than that Man who ha's never tasted of Adversity, and it is most true. For our Great General doth not exempt such Men, but distrusts them; he doth not indulge, but discards and contemns them. He rases I say their names out of the Muster Rolls of his Legions, as a sort of feeble and unserviceable persons. Lastly, they adapt us to lead on others; for the courage and patience of good Men in their sufferings, is a light to this benighted World. They invite [Page 183]others by their example to the same things, and as it were trace out a path of vertue for them to walk in. Bias lost at once his Fortunes and his Country; but he yet calls out to Men, that they be sure to carry all their Treasure about them. Regulus in the midst of his Torments unworthily expir'd: But that excellent and noble example of promise keeping doth yet survive. Papinianus is slain by the Tyrant; but his Axe hath taught us securely to abide it, when we must dye in the maintenance of Justice. To conclude, there are a number of most admirable Persons, that through violence or injustice, have been banished or slain: but from those Rivers of blood; we daily suck and drink in our improvements in Constancy and Vertue: All which notwithstanding would for ever have been concealed in darkness, were it not for this Torch of afflictions. For as Spices do every way emit and disperse [Page 184]their Odours when they are pounded; so Vertue doth then chiefly display her Glories, when she is oppressed.
CHAP. IX. Of Chastisement, the Second End. That it avails us two wayes.
THe Second End is to Chastise us, than vvhich there could not be a more gentle or effectual means found out for our preservation. For it benefits and preserves us two wayes, either as a scourge, vvhen vve have offended, or as a Bridle lest vve should offend. As a scourge, since it is the hand of a Father vvhich often corrects an offendor for his faults; but it is an Executioner, that slowly and only once punishes. As vve use [Page 185]fire or vvater for the cleansing and purging away of filth and dross: So doth God make use of afflictions to take away that of our sins. And it is deservedly a scourge upon us at this time Lipsius; for vve Belgians had before offended; and being corrupted vvith vvealth and pleasures, vve Ran on Headlong in the Way of Vice. But our God gently warnes and recalls us; and scourges us with some stripes, that forewarned by these, we may return to our selves and to him. He takes away our Estates, we abused them to Luxury; our liberty, because we enlarg'd it to licentiousness? And vvith this gentle Ferula of Calamities, he doth (as it were) expiate and purge away our offences. A gentle one indeed, for how slight a satisfaction is this? They say the Persians when they are to punish some Illustrious and great Person, use to stripp him of his Robes and Tiara; and hanging them up [Page 186]they scourge these instead of the Man: So doth this Father of ours, vvho in every of his chastisements overpasses us, and touches onely upon our Bodies, our Lands, our Goods, and our ourward Enjoyments. This Chastisement serves us also for a bridle, vvhich he opportunely casts over us, when he sees vve are about to offend. As Physitians do sometimes advisedly breath a vein, not because we are sick, but that we may not be; so by these Calamities God doth vvithdraw from us some such things, as would otherwise become incentives and fewel to our Vices. For he vvho gave a being to all things doth vvell understand their Natures; nor doth he judge of their Diseases, by the Complexion and Pulse; but by the Heart and Reins. Doth he see the Genius of the Hetrurians to be over-haughty and raised? He rules them by a Prince: The Helvetians [Page 187]easy and quiet? He indulges them liberty: The Venetians of a temper betwixt both? He fits them vvith a middle vvay of Government; and vvill possibly change all these hereafter; as the persons shall vary their Conditions. Nevertheless, we complain, and vvhy (say vve) are vve longer harras'd vvith vvar than others? and vvhy are vve crush'd under a heavier Yoke of servitude? Thou Fool, and now really sick! Art thou vviser than thy Maker? Tell me vvhy doth the Physitian prescribe more Wormwood or Hellebore for this than for that Man? Is it not because his Disease or Constitution requires it? Think the same here; possibly he sees this people more stubborn, and therefore to be subdued by stripes; that other more tractable and apt to be reduced with the shaking of the Rod. But you do not think so: It may be so. Our Parents vvill not trust a Knife or [Page 188]Sword in the Hand of their Child (though he cry for it) as foreseeing his hurt. Why then should God indulge us to our destruction; since vve are truly Children, and neither know how to ask those things which are expedient for us; nor how to part vvith those that will be fatal to us? You may therefore lament if you please, and as much as you please, but you shall notwithstanding drink of that cup of sorrowes, vvhich that Heavenly Physitian presents you with, and vvhich he hath (not unadvisedly) filled so full for you.
CHAP. X. Of punishment the Third End; that it is good both in respect of God, Men, and him that is punished.
PUnishment I confess respects evil Men, but is no evil it self. For First, it is good if you respect God, whose eternal and immoveable law of Justice doth require that the crimes of Men be either amended, or removed out of the vvay. Now chastisement amends those that can be vvashed out; and those vvhich cannot, punishment takes away. It is good also in respect of Men, amongst vvhom no society could stand and continue; if all things vvere permitted vvith impunity to turbulent and desperate spirits. As the punishment of petty Thieves and Murtherers, [Page 190]conduces to every Mans private security: So does that of the greater and most famous ones to that of the publick welfare. Those divine animadversions upon Tyrants, and the great riflers of the World ought necessarily sometimes to intervene, that there may be examples to admonish us,
And vvhich to other Potentates and people may cry out,
It is good: Thirdly, if you consider those very persons that are punished. For it is for their sakes; since it is not so properly a revenge, or an utterly destroying judgement, as a gentle cohibition and restraint from [Page 191]Sin, or to speak it fully vvith the Graecians a punishment not a revenge, for that Gracious Diety
As that Impious Poet said piously. As Death is sometimes sent in Mercy to good Men before they sin: So to the incorrigeable vvicked in the midst of their Sins, because they are so devoted to them, that unless they be cut off, they cannot be divorced. God therefore stops their unbridled course, and vvhile they are commiting sin for the present, and designing others for the future; he mercifully takes them away. To conclude all punishment is good, as it respects justice, as on the contrary impunity is evil, which makes Men sinful, that is miserable Men to continue so longer. Boetius said well, wicked [Page 192]Men are more happy under punishment, than if Justice should inflict none at all upon them; and he gives ohis reason, because some good is come amongst them (to wit) punishment, which in all the heap of their other crimes they never yet had.
CHAP. XI. Of a fourth End; which pertains either to the Conservation and defence of the Vniverse, or its Ornament. The Explication of each.
THese are the three certain evident Ends, vvhich I have pass'd vvith a sure and steady Foot: the fourth remains vvhich I must adventure upon with a doubtful one. For it is more remov'd and obscure, than that our humane capacities should [Page 193]perfectly reach it. I discover it only through a Cloud, and I may guess and offer at it, but never certainly know and attain to it. The End vvhich I mean hath a double respect and regards either the conservation or the beauty of the Universe. I therefore suppose it is for its conservation; because that God who made and disposed all things by an excellent wisdom; did so make them, that he bounded every of them within a certain number, measure, and weight: Nor can any particular Creature transgress these limits, vvithout the weakning or ruine of the vvhole. Thus those great bodies the Heavens, the Earth, the Sea have their bounds; thus every Age hath its appointed number, and thus both Men, Cities, and Kingdomes have their stated accounts. Will they exceed these? It is necessary that some storme and tempest of Calamities do check and retard them: For otherwise they vvould endanger [Page 194]and bring damage to, this beautiful frame of the World. But those things especially vvould exceed these bounds very often, that are under the command of Encrease and Multiply. Look upon Men, who can deny that by nature vve are born faster, than we naturally dye? So that in a few years from two persons a family of a hundred may be propagated; of vvhich in that space not above ten or twenty may dye. Look upon a flock of Sheep; how numerous would the encrease be, if the Shepheard should not yearly choose out and set apart some to the Slaughter? The Birds and Fishes vvould in a short time fill the Air and Waters, if there vvere not certain dissentions; and (as it vvere) vvarrs amongst themselves, and the endeavours of Men to diminish them. Every age is building of Cities and Towns; and if fire or other wayes of destruction should not interpose; neither this vvorld of ours, nor the other [Page 195]vvorld vvould be able to contain them. The same may vve imagine of the vvhole Creation. What wonder therefore is it if our Saturn doth sometimes thrust his Sickle into this over-grown Field; and reap thence some superfluous thousands, either by the pestilence or vvarr? Which if he should not do, vvhat Country vvould be able to hold us, or vvhat Land could afford us sustenance? It is therefore requisite that something should perish from the parts; that so the vvhole may be eternal. For as to Rulers in States the safety of the People is the supream Law: So is it to God in respect of the World. For the beauty or Ornament of the World I conceive calamities make two vvayes. First, because I apprehend no beauty any where in this great frame without variety, and a distinct succession and change of things. I acknowledge the Sun is exceedingly beautiful, but he becomes more acceptable [Page 196]to us at his return; through the interpofition of the dew-engendring Night; and those black Curtains vvhich she shuts him out vvith. The Summer is a most pleasant season, but yet the vvinter sets it off, vvith it's icy marbles, and hoary Frosts: Which if you take away, you really destroy the true rellish, and that particular gust of Joy, which it's light and Warmth afford us. In this Country of ours, one and the same face of things delights me not; but I am pleasingly affected to behold the Valleys and Hills, and Rocks, fruitful and vvast places, Meadows and Woods, for satiety and loathing are alwayes the Companions of Equality. And vvhy then in this Scene of life (as I may so call it) should the same dress and countenance of things delight us? In my Mind it should not: Let there be sometimes some smooth and Halcyon Calmes; and let those after a while be discompos'd [Page 197]and ruffled vvith the vvhirlevvinds of Warr, and the boysterous stormes of succeeding Tyrannies. For who would wish that this Universe should be like the dead Sea; without Wind or Motion? But there is also another Ornament vvhich I guess at vvhich is more serious and inwardly fruitful. Histories informe me, that better and smoother times, do still succeed storms. Do Warrs molest any people? Yet for the most part they refine and sharpen them; by introducing the Arts, and a various culture of ingenuity. The Romans of old impos'd a heavy yoke upon the world; but vvithall it prov'd a happy one in the event; for as the Sun chases away darkness from our Eyes: So did that ignorance and barbarisme from their Minds. What had the Gaules or we Germans now been, if the light of that great Empire had not risen to us? A sort of wild and inhumane savages, glutting our selves with our own and [Page 198]others blood; and despisers both of God and Man. And if I rightly divine, the same will befal this new World; vvhich the Spaniards with an advantageous kind of cruelty have exhausted; but vvill again restore, and otherwise replenish. And as those vvho have great plantations; remove some trees elsewhere, and cut down others: Skilfully disposing all things, to make them more fruitful and to prosper the better: So doth God in this vast Field of the World. For he is the most excellent improver, in some places he prunes and cuts off the luxuriant branches of some Families, and in others (as I may so say) he plucks off some leaves of persons. This helps the stock, though the branches fall, and the leaves that drop off, become the mockery of the vvinds. He sees this Nation scorched and vvithered away; as having out-liv'd their Vertues, and he casts them out. That other he observes to be vvild [Page 199]and unfruitful; he therefore transfers them; and others he mingles together, and engrafts them (as it vvere) into one another. You Italians in the declining of the Empire, being now decayed and enfeebled: Why cumber you any longer that choice part of Earth? Depart and let those hardy and unbroken Lombards more happily improve that soil. You vicious and effeminate Graecians perish and let the harsh and sowre Scythians be mellowed there. So also by a kind of confusion of Nations, you French possess Gaul, you Saxons Brittain, you Normans Belgia and the places adjoyning. All which and more Lipsius will readily occurre to him that is versed in Histories and the Events of things. Let us take courage then and know, that whatever private Calamity comes upon us; is some way or other advantageous to some part of the Universe. The setting of this Nation or Kingdom shall be the rise [Page 200]of another. The ruines of this City, the foundation of a new one, nor can any thing here be properly said to dye, but to change only. Shall we Belgians think to be the only choice ones with God; that shall be perpetually wedded to felicity; and the only white boyes of Fortune. Fooles that we are. That great Father hath many more Children whom (because he will not all at once) permit to cherish, and receive by turnes into his bosome. We have already had our Sun-shines; let the Night succeed awhile, and let those beauteous rayes withdraw to the Western Nations. Seneca (as he uses) speaks aptly and wisely to this purpose. Let a wise Man repine at nothing that befalls him; but let him know that those very things under which he seems to suffer; do make to the conservation of the Vniverse, and are of that number which fullfil that Law and Order which the World is confin'd to.
CHAP. XII. An old and common objection against the Divine Justice; why punishments are unequal. Its inquisition remov'd from Man; and therefore unlawful.
LAngius paws'd here; and thus I broke forth. What a spring of water is to the thirsty Traveller in the heats of Summer: such is this your discourse to me. It refreshes, it enlivens, and vvith its cooling juice, it mitigates and allayes my heat and Feaver. But it doth but allay; it does not quench it; for that thorne which also molested the ancients (about the inequality of punishments) remains still fixed in my breast. For Langius, if that ballance of Justice be even; [Page 202]how comes it to pass that this arrow of Calamities,
Why (I say) are some guiltless people rooted out? and what have our wretched posterity done, that they should rue the crimes of their ancestours? This is that thick and troublesome mist that is got before my Eyes; which (if you can) I pray dissolve and scatter with some ray of Reason. Langius frowning upon me, Young man (said he) dost thou thus again begin to wander from the path I set thee in? I may not suffer it; for as skillful Huntsmen, suffer not their Doggs to change; but force them to persist in the chase of that first buck they were lay'd into: So I am resolved you shall follow me in that track which I first trac'd out to you. I was discoursing [Page 203]you the Ends of Calamities; that if you are good, you may know your self exercised by them, if offending corrected, if wicked punish'd, and you forthwith hale me away to speak of the causes. And vvhat vvould that vvandring Mind of yours, by its so curious an inquisition? Would you touch those heavenly fires? They will melt you. Would you scale that Tower of Providence? You vvill fall headlong. As Moths and other little vvinged insects, towards Night, vvill fly round about a Candle till they are burnt: With the same danger doth the Mind of Man, sport it self and vvanton about that secret fire. Assign the causes (say you) vvhy divine vengeance overpasses these; and seises upon these? The causes? I may lawfully say I know them not. For that Heavenly Court never admitted me, nor I its decrees. This only I know, that the chief cause of all other causes is the vvill of God: Beyond vvhich if [Page 204]any Man enquire, after any force or power; he is ignorant of the Divine Nature. For it is necessary that every cause be both before and greater than its effect; but than God and his Will, there is nothing either before or greater. There is therefore no cause of it. God strikes, and God passes by; vvhat would you have more? As Salvian sayes piously and truly; the vvill of God is the perfection of Justice: But you vvill say, vve desire some reason of this inequality from, vvhom? from God? To vvhom alone it is lawful to do vvhatsoever he pleases, and vvho is pleased to do nothing but vvhat is lawful? Shall a Servant call his Master; or a Subject his Prince to account? The one vvould call it an affront; and the other Rebellion: and vvill you be more insolent against God himself? Avvay vvith this perverse curiosity! This reason doth not otherwise appear to be one, than because it may be rendred to none. [Page 205]And yet vvhen you have all done, you shall never be able to disingage your self from these shades; nor ever arrive to the knowledge of those (truly so called) Privy Councels. Sophocles said excellently;
CHAP. XIII. Yet to satisfie the curious, three usual Objections are answered: First, of that; that evil Men are not punished. To which is reply'd; that though their punishments are deferred, they are not remitted. And this comes to pass either for Mans sake, or from the Nature of God which is slow to Revenge.
THis rude and simple vvay Lipsius is here the only safe one; the rest are slippery and deceitful. In superiour and divine things, the only acuteness is to discern nothing; and the only knowledge is to be ignorant. But forasmuch as this Cloud hath heretofore, and doth still rest upon the Minds of Men; in a few words (if possible) I shall endeavour to remove it, and vvaft you (now at a-stand) over [Page 207]this River also. Pardon me, O thou Heavenly Mind said he (lifting up his Eyes) if I shall deliver any thing of these secrets (yet vvith a pious intention) less pure and pious than I ought. And first of all Lipsius methinks I am able in general to vindicate the justice of God vvith this one Argument. If God doth behold humane things, he doth also care for them, if he cares for them, he governs them, if he governes them it is with judgement, and if vvith judgement, how then unjustly? For vvithout judgement there is no government, but a meer heap, confusion and Tumult. What have you to oppose against this Javelin; What Shield or vvhat armes? If you vvill confess it, nothing but humane ignorance; I cannot conceive (say you) vvhy these should be punish'd, and those other escape. Be it so; vvill you therefore add impudence to your imprudence; and carp at the power of that Divine [Page 208]Lavv, vvhich you cannot conceive of? What more unjust way of proceeding against justice can there be than this? If any stranger should take upon him to judge of the Laws and Constitutions of your Country; you vvould command him to desist and be silent, because he understands them not, and shall you vvho are the inhabitant of earth, presume rashly to censure the Laws of Heaven, you understand not? Or you that are the vvork to question your Maker? But it matters not, go on, for I shall now come up more close to you, and distinctly examine (as you desire me) these misty calumnies of yours by the Sun of Reason. Three things you object, that God doth not punish the vvicked; that he doth punish the innocent; and that he substitutes and and exchanges offendours. You say first divine vengeance doth ill to pass by vvicked men. Doth it then overpass [Page 209]them? In my apprehension it doth not, but rather deferrs their punishment. If divers Men owe me money; and I require it of this debtour assoon as it becomes due, and allow to that other a longer time of payment: Am I therefore culpable? Or are not these things at my own dispose? The same does our Great God; to vvhom all vvicked men owe a punishment: He requires it presently of these, but gives day to others; yet to be paid with interest, and what injustice is this? unless (possibly) you are solicitous for God, and fear he should lose part of his debt, by his merciful forbearance: But you need not fear it; no Man ever prov'd bankrupt to this supream Creditour. We are all under his Eye vvheresoever we betake our selves; nay already in his shackles and custody. But I vvould (say you) have such a Tyrant immediately punished, that by his present slaughter, he may satisfie so many as [Page 210]he hath oppressed. For this vvay the Justice of God vvould shine out the more illustriously to us. Rather your stupidity in my Mind. For vvho art thou that not only presumest to lead on the judgements of God, but also to prescribe him his season? Do you think him your judge, or rather your Lictour or Executioner? Dispatch, lead him off (say you) scourge him, cover his face, and hang him up: For it is my vvill it should be so. O impudence! But God vvills it otherwise, vvho (you ought to know) sees more clearly into these matters, and punishes for other ends. The heats of passion, and a certain desire of Revenge transport us; from all vvhich God is most remotely distant, and intends the vvarning and correction of others: For he best knowes to vvhom and vvhen these things may be useful. The choice of times is of great moment, and for vvant of a due and seasonable administration, the safest medicines [Page 111]do oftentimes prove fatal to us. He took away Caligula in the first setting out of his Tyranny: He suffered Nero to run on longer, and Tiberius beyond either; and this no doubt for the good of those very Men, vvho then also complain'd. Our vicious and uncorrected manners, do often stand in need of a lasting and continued scourge, though vve vvould have it straight remov'd, and thrown into the Fire. This is one cause of the forbearance of God, vvhich respect us; the other respects himself. To vvhom it seems natural to proceed on to his Revenge vvith a slow pace; and to recompence the delay of his punishment vvith the vveignt of it. Synecius said vvell, the Divine inquisition moves on slowly and by degrees: And so did the Ancients vvho from this property of his; feign'd God to have feet of Wool. So that although you are passionately hasty of Revenge; you cannot yet accuse this delay, since it [Page 112]is so only a respite of punishment; that it may be also an encrease. Tell me, vvere you present at a Tragedy; vvould you stomach it that the Atreus there, or the Thyestes; in the first or second act, should in a glorious garbe, and vvith a stately tread, pass through the Scenes: That they should rule there, threaten and command all? I suppose you would not, for you know that felicity is but short-liv'd: And expect that all this grandeur should finish in a fatal Catastrophe. In this Play and Fable of the World, vvhy are you more offended vvith God, than you vvould be vvith any Poet? That wicked Man flourishes, and that Tyrant lives happy. Be it so; but think vvithall that this is but the first Act: And before possess your self inwardly vvith this, that tears and sorrows press on hard to overtake those joyes. This Scene shall shortly flow vvith blood, and then those robes of Gold, and Purple shall [Page 113]be rowled up and down, and trampled in it. For that great Master of ours is a good Poet, and vvill not rashly exceed the Lawes of his Tragedy. Do vve not vvillingly bear with Discords in Musick for some time; because vve know that the last closures vvill end in comfort? Do so here. But you vvill say those miserable Creatures that have suffered under this Tyranny, do not alwayes see the punishment. What wonder is it? For the Play is oftentimes somewhat long; and they are not able to sit it out in this Theatre. But others see it and fear; because they see that though (in this severe Court of Judicatory) some Men are reprieved; yet they are not pardoned: And though the day of execution is prolonged, yet it is not forgot. Wherefore Lipsius remember this; that vvicked Men are sometimes forborne, but never acquited: Nor is there any Man that entertains a crime into his brest, but [Page 114]vvho also hath a Nemesis at his back; for that Goddess is in pursuit of him and as I may say vvith Euripides,
CHAP. XIV. That there are divers sorts of punishments; some occult and internal, which accompany the crime it self; and which the wicked never escape. That such are more grievous than any external ones.
WHich notwithstanding that you may more clearly apprehend; and that I may once lead you into the height of this cause: You must know; [Page 115]that Divine punishments are threefold; Internal, Posthumous, and External. Those I call Internal vvhich are inflicted on the Soul, vvhile it is yet in the Body; such are Anxiety, Penitence, Fears, and a thousand pangs and stings of Conscience. Those are Posthumous; vvhich are inflicted upon the same Soul, but then vvhen it is freed and separate from the Body. Such are those torments which even the Ancients (most of them) vvere of opinion did await the vvicked after Death. The third sort are such as touch upon the Body, or the things that belong to it; as Poverty, Banishment, Pain, Diseases, Death. All vvhich do (sometimes) by the just Judgment of God concurr against the Wicked; but the two former alwayes. To speak of internal punishments; vvhere shall we find the Man, so profusely and audaciously wicked; that hath not sensibly felt in his Soul some of these sharp scourges, and stripes [Page 116]either in the Commission of his crimes or at least after he hath acted them. So true is that vvhich Plato said of old; that punishment treads upon the heels of sin: or as Hesiod more properly, it is coeval and twinns with it. The punishment of evil is not only ally'd to; but is bred vvithin that evil. nor is there any thing in this Life, that can pretend to calmness and security; besides innocence alone. As the Roman custome did enforce the Malefactour to bear that Cross which vvas streight to bear him: So hath God impos'd upon all wicked Men, this Cross of Conscience; on vvhich they shall begin to suffer, before their further and vvorse sufferings do begin. Do you suppose that only to be punishment, which we can look upon, and which this Body doth sensibly undergo? No. All those external things do but lightly, and for no long time touch upon us; they are the internal that more exquisitely torment us. As [Page 117]we judge them to be more desperately sick, who languish away under an inward waste; than those that are seised vvith some visible inflammation, or preternatural heats, though these last are more apparent: So are vvicked Men under a more grievous punishment, vvho vvith so low and indiscernible procedures are lead on to their eternal Death. It used to be the cruel command of Caligula; so strike as that he may feel he dyes; the same befalls these Men, vvhom their Conscience as an Executioner, doth daily torture, and even kill by these slow degrees of lesser and repeated stripes. Nor let the splendour or the inlarged power and vvealth of those Men impose upon you: Since they are no more happy and fortunate for these than they are healthful, whose Gout or Feaver rests it self upon a purple Couch. Do you see a beggarly Follow represent in some Play the person of a Prince, all Pompous and brave? [Page 118]You behold him yet vvithout envy; for you know how under those golden Robes his Sores and Filth, and Poverty lye hid: Think the same of all those great and proud Tyrants: In whose Minds if they lay open to us saith Tacitus, we might behold gashes and wounds: For as Bodies are torn with stripes; so are the Souls of Men miserably dilacerated vvith blood, lust, and other impious contrivances. They laugh I confess sometimes, but it is no true laughter: They rejoyce, but their joyes are not genuine and kindly; but it fares vvith them as vvith condemned vvretches in a prison, who endeavour with Dice and Tables to shake out of their Memories the thoughts of their execution, but are not able: For the deep impression of their approaching punishment, remains with them; and the fearful Image of pale Death is continually before their Eyes. Look now upon the Sicilian Tyrant, vvith-dravving [Page 119]only the Veil of his outward happiness.
Hear that Roman lamenting, let the God's and Goddesses destroy me worse then I every day perceive my self to perish. Hear that other thus sighing; Am I then that only one, vvho have neither Friend nor Enemy? These Lipsius are the true torments and agonies of Souls; to be in perpetual Anguish, Sorrow, Dread, and which are incomparably beyond any Racks; or other invented wayes for the torture of the Body.
CHAP. XV. That punishments after Death do await the wicked, and that for the most part they are not acquitted from External ones, is proved by examples.
ADde to these those Posthumous and External pains vvihch vve have learned from Divinity; and which vvithout further discussion it will be sufficient only thus to mention. Adde to those also external punishments; which yet if they should be wanting, since the former are inflicted, who could reasonably blame the external Justice? But they are not vvanting. Nor was it ever, at least very seldom, but that publick oppressours, and Men openly wicked; do undergo publick and open punishments; some sooner, others later; some in their own persons, and [Page 121]others in those of their posterity. You complain of Dionysius in Sicily that for many years with impunity, he exercises his Lusts, Rapine, and Murthers: Forbear awhile, and you shall behold him inglorious, exiled, pennyless; and from a Sceptre (vvho would believe it) reduc'd to a Ferula. The King of that great Island shall teach School at Corinth, being himself become the mockery of Fortune: On the other side you resent it vvith passion that Pompey and his Army of Patricians should be vanquished in the Plains of Pharsalia; and that the conquerour for some time, doth wanton and even sport himself with Civill blood. I do not wonder at you: For I see here the helm of right reason wrested out of the hands of Cato himself, and this faltering expression falls from him: Divine things have much of obscurity in them. But yet thou Lipsius, thou Cato, turn your eyes this way a little. One sight shall reconcile [Page 122]you both to God. See that ambitious Caesar; that prov'd commander in his own opinion, and in others too almost a God; see him slain in the Senate house, and by the hands of Senatours; not falling by a single Death, but secured by Three and twenty vvounds; like some vvild beast, weltring in his blood (and vvhat vvould you more) in Pompey's own Court, and at the foot of Pompey's Statue falling a great Sacrifice to that great shade. So methinks I pitty Brutus slain for and vvith his Country in the Fields of Philippi; but vvithall I am some what satisfyed, vvhen not long after I behold, those victorious armies like gladiatours slaughtering one another at his Sepulchre; and one of the Generalls Marcus Antonius vanquished both by Sea and land; in the Company of three Women, vvith that effeminate Arme of his scarce finding the Death he sought. Where art thou now thou once Lord of all the East; thou [Page 123]Butcher of the Roman armies; the pursuer of Pompey and the Commonvvealth? See how with thy bloody hand, thou hangest in a Cord; how being yet alive thou creepest into thy monument, and how even in Death it self thou art unwilling to be divorc'd from her that vvas the cause of thy Death; and then judge whether dying Brutus spent his last breath and vvish in vain.
No Brutus, he vvas not hid; neither did he escape. No more did that other General vvho smarted for his youthful crimes, not obscurely in his own person, but most evidently in all his posterity. Let him be the fortunate and great Caesar, and truly Augustus, but vvithall let him have a Iulia [Page 124]for his Daughter, and another for his Grandchild. Let him lose some of his Grandchildren by fraud; others by force, and let himself force others into exile: and out of the impatience of these crosses, let him attempt to dye by a four dayes abstinence but not be able. To conclude let him live vvith his Livia dishonestly married, and dishonestly detain'd, and let him dye an unworthy Death by her, on vvhom he so unworthily doted. In summe saith Pliny that Diety, and who I know not more vvhether he attain'd Heaven, or merited it: Let him dye and leave the Son of his Enemy to succeed him. These and such like are to be thought of Lipsius as oft as complaints of injustice are ready to break from us: and the Mind is presently to reflect upon these two things; the slowness and the variety of punishments. Is not that offendour punished now? But he shall be. Not in his Body? Yet in his Conscience [Page 125]and Soul. Not vvhile he lives? Yet most certainly, when he is dead.
For that Divine Eye doth alwayes vvake; and vvhen vve suppose him to sleep, he doth but vvink: Only see you entertain not any prejudice against him: Nor go about rashly to judge him by whom shortly thy self is to be judged.
CHAP. XVI. The Second Objection answered, that all have deserved punishment; in regard all have offended: That Men cannot judge who is more or less culpable. 'Tis God only that clearly discerns betwixt crimes, and therefore most justly punishes.
BUut (say you) there are some people punished that are guiltless, and have no vvay deserved it: For this is your Second complaint or rather Calumny. Unadvised Youngman! Are there then any punished vvho have not deserved it? Where I beseech you are those innocent Nations to be found? It is an excess of confidence, yes absolute rashness and presumption to assert thus much concerning any one single person; and shall you dare to justifie whole Nations. But to small purpose this; for I am satisfyed that all of us have sined, [Page 127]and do still every day repeat it. We are born in sin, and so we live in it; and to speak vvith the Satyrist the Magazeens of Heaven had been long since emptyed, if its Thunder-bolts had alwayes fallen upon the Heads of such as deserved them. For vve must not think that as Fishes, though encreas'd and bred up in the Sea, do yet retain nothing of its saltness; so Men in the filthiness of this World should contract nothing of uncleaness. If then all are in fault? where are those guiltless people you speak of, who have not deserved the punishments they undergo; since it is most righteous that punishment should be the inseparable companion of unrighteousness But you vvill say it is the inequality of it that displeases me: For vve see them heavily scourged that have but lightly offended; vvhile those that are outragiously vvicked, do continue and flourish in the height of all their grandeurs. Would you then vvrest the [Page 128]ballance out of the hands of the Heavenly Justice, and poise it vvith your own vveights agreeable to your own apprehensions? For vvhat else can you mean by that bold pronouncing upon the equality or inequality of crimes, otherwise than God hath done before you? You are therefore here Lipsius to consider of two things: First, that a true estimation of the crimes of others, neither can nor ought to be attempted by Man: For how shall he do it; that not so much as observes them? And vvhich vvay shall he put an exact difference, betwixt those things vvhich he hath not so much as seen? For you will easily grant it me that it is the Mind that sins; by the Body and senses indeed as its instruments, but yet so as that the main business and vveight of the crime, doth in the mean time depend upon it self. This is so exactly true; that if it appear any one hath unwillingly sinned; he is clear of the sin. And [Page 129]if this be so how is it possible I beseech you, that you should throughly discern of Sin, who are not able to reach to the residence and seat of it. For so farr are you from seeing into the Heart and Soul of another; that you cannot attain to the knowledge of your own: It is therefore a wonderful vanity; and no less a temerity, to pretend to the Censure and Arbitration of such things, as are neither fully seen, nor to be seen; neither known, nor to be known. Consider secondly, that if what you say were true, there were yet neither Evil nor injustice done to them. No Evil; because its done for their good, who are presently punished, even for smaller offences. 'Tis rather the love of God to them; since that punishment vvhich is delayed is justly to be suspected; as portending a heavier judgment is to come. Neither is it unjust; because (as I said) we have all deserved punishment: Nor can the [Page 130]best of us pretend to so unblemished a purity; but there vvill be found some such spots in it, as are to be vvashed out (as I may say) vvith this salt water of Affliction. Forbear therefore young-man this intricate pursuit of the respects and proportions of crimes: And since thou art but an earthly and pedaneous judge; leave it to God, who from his higher tribunal vvill determine of it; vvith greater equity and certainty. 'Tis he only that can distinguish of our deserts; and 'tis he alone vvho (notwithstanding all artificial disguises) can behold both vice and vertue in their proper countenances. Who can impose upon him vvho equally searches into things internal and external; that sees at once the Body and the Mind, the Tongue and the Heart: And (to conclude) those things that are open, vvith those that are recluded and retyred? Who doth not only most clearly behold our actions themselves, but [Page 131]also their causes, and the vvhole progress of them. When Thales vvas ask'd, vvhether a Man might hide his evil actions from God: He answered truly; no nor his evil thoughts neither. Whereas on the contrary vve are here so benighted; that vve do not only not see those close sins commited in the bosome, and (as they say) vvithin the Buttons; but scarcely those vvhich are open and dragged into the light. For vve cannot behold the Crime it self, and the vigour of it; but some certain footsteps of it, vvhen it is already committed, and upon its departure: They oftentimes are the best Men to us, vvho are the worst in the sight of God; as on the contrary they are reprobates in our esteem, vvho are the choicest to him. Forbear therefore (if you are vvise) to discourse or judge of persons that deserve or deserve not their punishments; for such obscure causes as these are not to be decided, by some light and superficial appearances.
CHAP. XVII. The Third Objection; that punishments are transferred, answered. That Men do the same; why God doth so?
BUt you have cast another Cloud upon Justice; vvhich I must disperse: It is concerning substitutes. For say you it is not so just that God should transferre punishments; and 'tis somewhat hard that posterity should rue the crimes of their Ancestours. But vvhere is the wonder and strangeness of it. I rather vvonder at these vvonderers that they can find a wonder in that which is every day done by themselves here on Earth. Pray tell me; do not those honours, vvhich for his vertue a Prince hath conferred upon the Ancestours, descend to his posterity? Yes they do; and so also [Page 133]do those mulcts and punishments, vvhich are inflicted on him for his offences. In attaindours for treason or rebellion it is manifest that these are guilty; but others share in the punishment vvhich humane cruelty doth so farr enlarge; as to make Lawes that follow the innocent Children vvith perpetual vvants; such as make life a burthen, and death a comfort. Perverse Minds, who will permit that to be lawful to a Prince or Magistrate; which you forbid to God: Who yet if you examine it rightly hath a juster reason for his severity. For all of us in one have sinned, and rebelled against this great King; and through so many successive Generations that first blot hath been derived to the unhappy Children: So that there is to God a continued twist and chain of Crimes. For instance; my Father or yours did not begin to sin, but all the Fathers of our Fathers: What vvonder then is it if he punish [Page 134]in their posterity not (properly) divers offences; but such as by a kind of communion of seed, have been still linked and coupled together, and never discontinued. But to omit these higher speculations, and to deal with you, in a more popular way of reasoning. You must know this that God joynes those things, vvhich vve (through ignorance and unskilfulness) use to sever, and that he considers Families, Cities, and Kingdomes; not as divided but as one Body and Nature: The Family of the Scipio's or the Caesars is one thing to him. Rome or Athens, for the whole time of their duration, were but one to him; and so was the Roman Empire, and that very justly, for the Society of the same laws, and priviledges, is that bond vvhich unites these great bodyes, and intitles them though in several ages, to a communion in partaking of rewards and punishments. Were then the Scipio's of old good? That Heavenly [Page 135]judge vvill remember it to the advantage of their posterity. Were they Evil? It shall be hurtful to them. Were the Belgians some years ago; Lascivious, Covetous, Impious? We shall suffer for it. For in every external punishment, God not only beholds the present, but also looks back upon pass'd times; and vvith the vveights of them both, doth most equally poise the ballance of his Justice. I sayd in external punishments and I vvould have you to observe it. For crimes themselves are not transferr'd, nor is there a kind of confusion of them: God forbid there should. But certain punishments and corrections only, such as are about us not in us; and which properly respect the Body, or estate; but not this inward Mind of ours. And in all this where is the injury? We are doubtless willing to be heirs of those advantages, and rewards (if any) that are due to our ancestours: And if [Page 136]so; why do we refuse the burdens, and punishments?
Sings the Roman Poet, and truly; had he not added undeservedly. For 'tis most deservedly, since our ancestours did deserve it. But the Poet could only see the effect: He ascended not to the cause; but as in one and the same Man, we justly punish in his old age, that offence, which he committed in his youth: So doth God the elder crimes of Empires and Kingdomes, because in respect of their outward communion, they are to him but one conjoyned thing. These intervalls of time do not divide us with him who comprehends all eternity in [Page 137]the vastness of his Mind. Should those martial Wolves, heretofore rase so many Cities, and break so many Scepters vvith impunity? Should they broach so much blood by the slaughters of others; and themselves never bleed for't? I should then indeed confess that God to be no avenger, who yet hears and sees all that we do. But they shall not scape so, at length of Necessity they must undergo punishments at least in their posterity; such as are slow indeed, but not too late. Nor is there a conjunction of time only vvith God but of parts too. I mean thus, that as in a Man the whole Body suffers, when possibly only the hand, or groin, or belly has offended: So is it in great Societies. All many times do account for the fault [...] of a few: Especially if those that ha [...] sinned are (as it were) the more pri [...] cipal members; as Kings, Princes, and Magistrates. Hesiod spake truly, [Page 138]and from the most inward recess of Wisdom it self.
So the vvhole Navy of the Graecians perished.
Thus in Judea threescore and ten thousand were slain with a single pestilence; for the unlawful pleasure of their King. And sometimes on the other side; God singles out one or but some few; to be the expiatours of a general sin. In which if he recede something from the rigid Law of parity; yet out of that very disparity a [Page 139]new equity is raised; and that is a merciful act of Justice towards many; which seems cruelty upon a few. Does not the School-master give the Ferula to some one of his wantonizing Scholars? And does not a General chastize his cowardly Army, by the decimation of them? And both these upon the safest considerations: because the punishment though but of those few does terrify and amend all. I have often seen the Physitian strike a vein in the Foot or Arm, vvhen the whole body was distempered: how know I but it may be thus here. These are secrets Lipsius, secrets I say, and if vve are vvise let us presume no nearer unto this sacred fire, some sparkling emanations and bright emissions of which Men may possibly behold, but it self they cannot. As they lose their sight that too daringly gaze upon the Sun; So they all the light of their Minds, who too intentively fix it upon this more glorious light. Let [Page 140]us therefore abstain from that which is at once of so curious and so dangerous a disquisition: And let us rest satisfied at least in this, that crimes neither can not ought to be estimated by Men, that the ballance and tribunal of God is different from that of ours; and that how abstruse soever those judgments are, yet they are not to be blamed, but patiently undergone and trembled at by us. This one Sentence I shall immind you of, and with it, shall both close this discourse and shut the mouths too of all those Curioso's. The judgments of God are many of them hidden; but none of them unjust.
CHAP. XVIII. A transition to the last Argument for Constancy, from Examples. That sometimes it is adviseable to mix harsher Physick with such things as are pleasant.
THis is that Lipsius which I thought meet to say in the behalf of Divine justice against these unjust Cavillers. And though (I confess) it doth not directly lead on my discourse: Yet neither is it at all besides it. For we shall doubtless undergo our Calamities with greater cheerfulness and patience; when once we are throughly satisfyed that they are not unjust. And here Langius pawsing a while, he suddenly broke forth again. 'Tis well (said he) I have recovered breath; I have got beyond all those Rocks of objections; and now (methinks) I may [Page 142]with full Sails spoom away into the Haven. I discover my fourth and last Brigade; which I shall very cheerfully lead up. And as Marriners in a tempest when they behold the Twins are full of hopes and mirth: So also am I (after all these storms) at the appearance of my Twinny Legion. I may safely call it so after the old custom since it is double. And two things I shall evince by it; that these miseries which we now suffer are neither grievous, nor new. Which while I shall dispatch in those few things that remain yet to say; see Lipsius, that you be attentive. Never more Langius (reply'd I) for it joyes me to have passed these difficulties; and after these scrious and severer Medicines, I greedily long after this gentle and more popular one; for so the Title promises me it is. Nor are you mistaken said Langius, for as Physitians after they have sufficiently made use of Causticks and Incisions; do not so [Page 143]cast off and relinquish their patients; but apply some gentle somentations, and other remedies to asswage their pains: So will I deal vvith you; whom (because I have enough followed with the sharper methods of wisdom) I will now cherish with milder discourses, and handle (as they say) vvith a Ladies hand. I shall descend from that steep hill of Philosophy; and take a turn or two vvith you, in the pleasant plains of your Philology, and that not so much to recreate you as to compleat your cure. As they say Demochares the Physitian did to the Lady Considia since she refused all harsher prescriptions he caused her to drink the Milk of Goats; but yet such as he had fed vvith the Branches of the Lentisk Tree: So I vvill administer to you, Historical and pleasing things, vvhich yet shall have a secret tincture of the juice of Wisdom. What matter is it how vve cure our patient, so vve make a perfect cure of it.
CHAP. XIX. That publick Evils are not so great as they seem, proved first by Reason. That we fear the circumstance and dress of things rather than themselves.
MArch on then my Legion; and before the rest, let that cohort first advance, vvith vvhich vve shall maintain that these publick evils are not grievous, this shall be performed vvith the double vveapon of reason and comparison of reason. First, for if vve respect that, all those evils which are either present or imminent, are not really either great or grievous, but are so only in appearance. It is Opinion that heightens and aggravates our calamities, and presents them to us in so tragical a garbe. But (if you are wise) disperse this circumjected [Page 145]Cloud, and examine things by a clearer light. For instance, you fear Poverty amongst these publick Evils, Banishment, Death: All which notwithstanding, if you look upon them vvith a perfect and setled Eye, vvhat are they? If you examine them by their own just vveights, how light are they? This Warr or Tyranny by multiplyed contributions vvill exhaust you; vvhat then? You shall be a poor Man. Did not Nature it self bring you into the World so? And vvill it not hurry you thence in the same manner? But if the despised and infamous name of it, displease you; change it, call your self free and delivered. For Fortune (if you know it not) hath disburdened you and placed you in a securer station, vvhere none shall exhaust you any more: So that vvhat you esteemed a loss, is no other than a remedy. But say you I shall be an exile; call it (if you please) a stranger. If you change your affection; [Page 146]you change your Country. A vvise Man vvheresoever he is, is but a sojourner; a Fool is ever banished. But I daily expect Death from the Tyrant: As if you did not do the same from Nature. But that is an infamous Death that comes by the Ax or Halter: Fool! nor that nor any other Death is infamous; unless your life be so. Recall to your thoughts all the excellent and more illustrious persons since the vvorld began; and you shall find them snatched away by a violent and untimely Death. Thus Lipsius you must examine (for I have given you but a tast) all those things vvhich have so frightfull an appearance, you must look upon them naked and apart, from those vizards and disguises; vvhich opinion hath put upon them. But alass poor creatures; vve gaze only upon the vain outsides of things: Nor do vve dread the things themselves, so much as we do the circumstantial dresses of them. If you put to Sea, and it swell high, your [Page 147]heart fails, and you tremble at such a rate, as if (should you suffer Shipwrack) you were to swallow it all; vvhen alass one or two Sextaries would be sufficient. If there be a sudden Earth-quake; what a cry, and vvhat fears it raises? You apprehend immediately, that the vvhole City (or house at least) vvill fall upon you: Not considering how sufficient any single stone is to perform the vvork of Death. 'Tis thus in all these calamities; in vvhich it is the noise and vain image of things that chiefly affrights us. See that Guard; these Swords. And what can that Guard, or those Swords do? They vvill kill. And vvhat is that being kill'd? 'Tis only a single Death; and lest that name should affright you: It is the departure of the Soul from the Body. All those military troops, All those threatning Swords, shall perform no more than vvhat one Feaver, one Grapestone, or one Insect can do. But this is the harsher vvay of [Page 148]dying. Rather it is much the milder; for that Feaver vvhich you vvould preferr, does often torture a Man for a year together; but these dispatch him vvith a blow, in an instant. Socrates therefore said vvell; vvho vvas vvont to call all these things by no other name than that of Goblins and Vizzards, vvhich (if you put on you) will fright the children; but if you take them off again, and appear vvith your own face, they'l come again to you and embrace you. 'Tis the very same vvith these evils; vvhose Vizzards if you pluck off, and behold them apart from their disguises; you vvill confess you vvere scared vvith a childish fear. As Hail falling upon a house dashes it self in pieces: So if these calamities light upon a constant Mind, they do not break it but themselves.
CHAP. XX. A Second proof by way of Comparison. But first the Calamities of the Belgians, and of the Age heightned. That common Opinion refuted. And proved that the Nature of Man is prone to aggravate our own Afflictions.
I Did not expect so serious a discourse from Langius and therefore interrupting him; vvhether go you said I, was this it you promised? I expected the sweet and delicious vvines of History; and you bring me such harsh and unpleasant ones, as scarce all the stores of Wisdom vvill afford their like. Suppose you that you are speaking to some Thales? 'Tis to Lipsius a Man; and that of the middle rank; vvho desires remedies that are somewhat more humane than these. [Page 150] Langius vvith a mild countenance and tone, I acknowledge (said he) you justly blame me. For vvhile I followed that pure ray of reason; I perceive I am got out of the common Road, and unawares again fallen into the path of Wisdom. But I return now; to vvalk vvith you in a vvay that is better known; since the austerity of that wine doth displease you; I shall quallify and allay it vvith the sweets of examples. I come now to comparison; and I vvill clearly shew you that in all these calamities vvhich every vvay surround us, there is nothing great or grievous, if you compare them with those in times past. For those of old vvere greater by many degrees, and more truly to be lamented. I replyed vvith a gesture that discovered something of impatience. Will you averre this said I
Never Langius so long as I am Master of my reason; for vvhat former age (if you rightly consider it) vvas ever so calamitous as this of ours, or vvhat after one shall be? What Nation? What Country ever endured,
As vve Belgians do at this day? You see vve are involved in a Warr; not in a forreign one only, but a civil; and that in the very bowels of us. For there are not only parties amongst us, but (O my Country vvhat hand shall preserve thee) a subdivision of those parties. Add to this the Pestilence, add Famine, add Taxes, Rapines, Slaughters, and the height of all the Tyranny and Oppression, not of our Bodies only, but our Souls too. And in the rest of Europe vvhat is there? Either Warr or the expectation of [Page 152]Warr, or if there be peace, it is conjoyned with a base subjection to petty Rulers; and not a vvhit eligible before Warr it self. Which way soever you turn your Eyes or thoughts, you vvill find all things full of suspition and suspense: And as in a house that is ill underpropt; many visible signes of an approaching ruine. To conclude Langius as there is a General rendezvous of all Rivers at the Ocean: So all sorts of Calamities seem to Centre in this Age. And yet I now speak only of such as are at present upon us; what are those that await us? Of vvhich I may justly sing that of Euripides,
Langius looking severely upon me; do you again (said he) cast your self down vvith these complainings? I thought by this time you had stood [Page 153]firme; and that your vvound had been closed: But you relapse. If ever you vvill recover, it is requisite, that there be a kind of calmness in your Mind. This Age say you is the most unhappy. It is an old complaint; I know your Gransier said the same, and so likewise your Father; I know also your posterity vvill have the same complaint. Nature has riveted this into the Disposition of Man; to look fixedly upon his Evils; and to shut his Eyes upon his mercies. As Flyes and other Insects, do not rest long upon smooth and polished places, but stick to those that are rough and soiled: So this querulous Mind of ours, lightly overpasses our better fortunes: But vvill not be vvithdrawn from its contemplations of that vvhich is vvorse. It handles and pryes into its evils, and for the most part shews it self vvitty, in the aggravating comments that it maks upon them. As lovers ever find something [Page 154]in their mistress; for vvhich she must needs surpass all others in excellency: So do those that are afflicted, vvith their miseries. Yes vve fancy to our selves vain additions, and lament not only our present, but future Calamities. And vvhat is the reward of this too too inquisitive Genius of ours? No other, than as some Armies are frighted out of their Camp, by the dust that is raised afarr off: So vve are often cast down, by the false shaddow of a future danger.
CHAP. XXI. A more strict confutation of it, by comparing the present Evils, with those of former times. First, of Warrs, of the wonderfull slaughter of the Jews.
LEave then those vulgar things Lipsius, and follow me to that comparison vvhich you challenge me to make. By this I shall clear it to you, that as to all the sorts of Calamities, not only the like have happened of old, but also greater; and that the age we live in, ha's rather matter of triumph than complaint. We are engaged in a Warr say you. What? Were there then no Warrs amongst the ancients? Yes Lipsius they vvere begun vvith the vvorld; nor are they like to end but vvith it. But possibly they were not so great, so grievous [Page 156]as ours. So farr are you from the truth; that (I speak seriously) these vvars of ours, are onely pastime and sport, if compar'd vvith those of the Antients. I cannot easily find an entrance or an exit, if I should once lanch forth into this depth of examples. Nevertheless, vvill you that vve travel through the parts of the World? Let us set forward then, and begin vvith Judea, that is to say, vvith the holy Land and Nation. I omit what they suffered in Aegypt, and what after their departure from thence; for those are recorded, and easily to be met with in the Scriptures. I come to their later sufferings, and such as did accompany their funerals; which I will place severall [...] in an Index. They suffered [...] civil and what by forreign warres, [...] that followes. viz.
Slaine at Jerusalem by the command of Florus six hundred and thirty.
At Caesaraea by the inhabitants out [Page 257]of hate to the Nation and their Religion; twenty thousand.
At Scythopolus a City of Caelosyria, thirteen thousand.
At Ascalon in Palestine by the inhabitants also, two thousand five hundered.
At Ptolemais in like manner, two thousand.
At Alexandria in Aegypt under Tyberius Alexander the then Governour; fifty thousand.
At Damascus, ten thousand.
All this was done seditiously, and by vvay of tumult; but there were slain besides in a just and open warr by the Romans
At the taking of Ioppa by Caesius Florus, eight thousand and four hundred.
On a Mountain called Cabulon, two thousand.
In a fight at Ascalon, ten thousand.
Besides by stratagem, eight thousand.
At the taking of Aphaca; fifteen thousand.
At mount Garizim vvere slain; eleven thousand six hundred.
At Iotapa where Iosephus himself was present, about thirty thousand.
At the second taking of Ioppa there vvere drowned, four thousand and two hundred.
Amongst the Tarychaeans vvere slain, six thousand and five hundred.
At Gamala that vvere killed, and that precipitated themselves, nine thousand.
Nor vvere any of that City saved, besides two vvomen that were Sisters.
In the desart of Giscala vvere killed in flight two thousand, and taken of vvomen and children, three thousand.
Slain of the Gadarens, thirteen thousand,
Taken two thousand two hundered.
Besides infinite numbers of those that perished in the vvaters.
In the Villages of Idumaea ten, thousand.
At Gerasa, one thousand.
At Machaerus, one thousand seven hundred.
In the Wood Iardes, three thousand.
In the castle of Massada vvhich slew themselves, nine hundred and sixty.
In Cyrene by Catulus the Governour vvere slain, three thousand.
But in the City of Ierusalem throughout the whole time of the siege, the number of them that dyed or were slain is, ten hundred thousand.
Taken ninety seven thousand.
The whole number amounts to (besides infinite omitted) twelve hundred and forty thousand.
What say you Lipsius? Do you cast down your Eyes at these things? Look up rather; and (if you dare) compare [Page 260]with the Massacres of this one Nation, the Warrs of the Christian world for some years. And yet how small and inconsiderable is either this Country or people; in comparison of all Europe?
CHAP. XXII. Of the Calamities of the Graecians and Romans too occasioned by Warr. the vast number of Men slain by some particular Commanders. The Desolations of the new found world, and the miseries of captivity.
NOt to stay here any longer; let us pass over into Greece, to recount orderly all those warrs they maintained both against forraigners and amongst themselves; would be too tedious and to little purpose. This [Page 261]I say it was so exhausted and lop't with a constant continued Ax of Calamities; That Plutarch tells us (which I never read without wonder and indignation) all of it in his age was not able to muster up three thousand Souldiers; which number yet, the one small City of Megara (saith he) had formerly set forth in the Persian Warr. Ah! whither art thou fallen, thou once the glory of the Earth, the light and leader of the nations? There is scarce a Town at this day (of any name) in this our vvasted Belgia, but is able to raise such a number of Men fit to bear Armes. Let us take now a view of Italy and the Romans. Augustine and Orosius have already eased me of this trouble. Consult them and there you vvill meet vvith Seas of evils. The second Punick vvarr it self, in less than seventeen years (for I have exactly computed it) consumed in Italy Spain and Sicily only, above fifteen [Page 262]hundred thousand men. The civill vvar betwixt Pompey and Caesar three hundred thousand. And the Arms of Brutus, Cassius, and Sextus Pompeius a greater number. But why should I insist upon such Warrs, as were managed by the conduct of several Commanders? That one Caius Caesar (the plague and poyson of mankind) confesses and that in a vvay of triumph, that there fell by him in several batails, eleven hundred ninety and two thousand men; not reckoning into this number the slaughters of the civil Warrs; But only those of forraign Nations, which he had made in those few years wherein he had the Government of Spain and Gaul. In which notwithstanding (greater in this too) the Great Pompey out-went him; who wrote in the Temple of Minerva that there were by him vanquished, put to flight, slain and taken One and twenty hundred, and eighty three thousand men. To these (if you will) [Page 263]you may adde Quintus Fabius vvho slew one hundred and ten thousand Gauls. Caius Marius two hundred thousand Cimbrians. And in the latter ages Aetius vvho in that memorable Catalaunican Field slevv one hundred sixty two thousand Hunnes. And lest you should think that in these Warrs, there vvere only Carcases of Men; there vvere those of Cities too. That Cato the Censour boasts that he took more Towns in Spain than he continued dayes there: Sempronius Gracchus (if vve may believe Polybius) raised Three hundred in the same Spain, nor hath any age (as I think) any thing to add to these Examples; unless it be our own, though acted in another World. A few Spaniards about Eighty years ago; passing over into those vast and nevv found Lands: Good God! vvhat funeralls, vvhat slaughters did they make? I do not discourse the causes and justness of that Warr; but only the events. I see that huge space of [Page 264]Earth (vvhich eertainly vvas a great enterprize to discover, not to say to overcome) overrun by twenty or thirty Souldiers, and those unarmed multitudes every vvhere mow'd down as corn is by the sythe. Where art thou Cuba the greatest of Islands, Haytus or you Iucayans? Which heretofore were each of you guarded vvith six or ten hundred thousand men; but have now (some of you) scarce preserved fifteen of them for seed. Shew thy self avvhile thou Peru and thou Mexico. O vvonderful and miserable face! that immense tract, and such as may vvell be called another World, appears vast and desolate, in such a manner as if it had been blasted vvith a fire from Heaven. My Tongue and Heart fail me Lipsius, as oft as I remember these things; and I look upon all that hath befallen us (in comparison of these) to be but pieces of strawes (as the Comaedian vvords it) or little mites. Nor do I here represent to you, the [Page 265]condition of captivity, than vvhich nothing vvas more bitter in the Warrs of the Ancients. Free, noble, Men, Women and Children, all sorts vvere hurried away by the Victour; and vvho knowes but it vvas into eternal slavery? Into slavery it vvas. The footsteps of vvhich, I justly rejoyce, have not been nor yet are in the Christian World. 'Tis true the Turks practise it, nor is there any thing that ought to render that Scythian Tyranny more detestable or dreadfull to us.
CHAP. XXIII. Wonderful examples of Plagues and Famines in Former times. Also of excessive Taxes and Rapines heretofore.
BUt you goe forward in your complaints, and speak of the plague and Famine, of Taxes and Rapines. Will you then that we proceed vvith each of these in our comparison, though briefly. Tell me in these five or six years, how many thousands, hath this plague snatched away in all Belgia? As I guess fifty or at the most one hundred thousand. But in Iudaea a single plague in the reign of King David, swept away seventy thousand in less than a day. When Gallus and Volusianus vvere Emperours, a plague beginning in Aethiopia passed through all the Roman Provinces; [Page 267]and for fifteen years together did incredibly exhaust them. Nor did I ever read of a mortality that lasted so long, or that spread it self so vvide. But that vvhich seised upon Constantinople and the neighbouring places in the reign of Iustinian the Emperour is more remarkable for the fury and fierceness of it: vvhich vvas such that it made every day five thousand funerals and sometimes ten. I should not be forward to speak this; but should my self remain doubtful of the credit of this report: vvere it not confirmed by unquestionable vvitnesses, that lived in the same age. Nor vvas that African plague less vvonderful, vvhich began upon the ruine of Carthage and destroyed in Numidia alone eighty thousand men, in the Sea costs of Africa two hundred thousand: about Vtica thirty thousand Souldiers left there as the guard of those parts. Again in Greece in the reign of Michael Ducas there was so raging a [Page 268]plague that (they are Zonaras his vvords) the living did not suffice to bury the dead. To conclude in Petrarchs time (as himself reports it) so direful a one sate brooding upon Italy, that of every thousand men scarce ten survived. I come now to speak of Famine: Certainly vve of this Age have seen nothing, if vve consider the times past. When Honorius vvas Emperour, there vvas such a dearth and scarcity of all sorts of provisions, that men vvere ready to eat one another, For it vvas openly cried at the Cirque, set the price of mans flesh. In the reign of Iustinian throughout Italy (after the Goths had vvasted it) there vvas one so great, that in Picenum alone, there vvere fifty thousand men famished to death: and all about, they eat not only the flesh of men, but their own excrements. Two vvomen (I tremble to speak it) had at several times by night treacherously killed seventeen men and eaten [Page 269]them: and vvere themselves slain by the eighteenth who had discovered their practise. I forbear to relate the famine in Ierusalem and the vvell known examples of it there. If I must say something of Taxes also; I deny not but they are heavy ones with which we are pressed. But they are such only, vvhen you look upon them by themselves; not when you compare them vvith those of old. All, most all the Provinces of the Roman Empire, payed yearly the fifth part of the profits of their pasture, and the tenth of their arable. Nor did Anthony and Caesar forbear to exact the tributes of nine or ten years to be payed in one. When Iulius Caesar vvas slain, and armes were taken up for their liberty, every Citizen was commanded to pay down the five and twentyeth part of all their goods. And more than this all that were Senatours payed for every tile of their house six asses. An immense [Page 270]contribution, above the reach of our senses as vvell as of our Estates. But Octavianus Caesar (probably vvith some reference to his name,) exacted and received of all freed men the eighth part of their Estates. I omit vvhat the Triumvir's and other Tyrants have done, lest I should teach those of our times, by the recitall of them. Let that one of Colonies, be instead of all examples of Exactions and Rapines. An invention then vvhich nothing did more contribute to the strength of the Empire: and nothing could be devised more grievous to the Subject. Veterane Legions and Cohorts were drawn out into Towns and Fields, and the miserable Provincials, (in a moment of time) were thrust out of all their Estates and Fortunes, and that for no offence or unlawful attempt, their riches onely and plentiful possessions vvere their crimes. In vvhich certainly the sum of all calamities is comprized. It's a [Page 271]great misfortune to be robbed of our money, vvhat is it then to be deprived of our houses and lands? And if it is grievous to be driven thence: vvhat is it to be forced from our Country, our Temples and Altars? You might see some thousands of woful people hurryed away, children from their Parents, Masters from their Families, Wives from their Husbands, and thrown out into divers Countryes, as their lot designed them. Some amongst the thirsty Affricans, and as the Poet saith in this very case,
One single Octavianus Caesar placed eight and twenty colonies in Italy only; and in the Provinces as many as he pleased. Nor vvas there any thing (I know) that vvas more destructive to the Gauls as Germans, and the Spaniards.
CHAP. XXIV. Arehearsall of some strange Cruelties and murthers in time past, above the guilt of this Age.
BUt yet (say you) there are such cruelties and murthers at this day, as the like have not been heard of. I know vvhat you point at, and vvhat vvas done of late, but I appeal to your conscience Lipsius, vvas their no such thing amongst the ancients? How ignorant are you if you know it not, and how vvicked if you dissemble it? For there is such a plenty of Examples in this matter, and they lye so ready, that it is some trouble even to choose. Know you not the name of Sylla the Fortunate? If you doe, you remember that infamous and cruel prescription of his, by vvhich he cast out of one City four thousand seven [Page 273]hundred Citizens. Nor were they of the meaner sort; but one hundred and forty of them vvere Senators. Nor do I touch upon those infinite slaughters that were usually acted either by his permission or command. So that not undeservedly those words burst from Quintus Catulus vvith vvhom at length shall vve live; if in Warr vve kill armed Men, and in peace the disarmed. But shortly after; this same Sylla vvas imitated by his Disciples: I mean the triumvirs, vvho in like manner proscribed three hundred Senators, and above two thousand Roman Knights. O vvickedness! A greater cruelty than this the Sun in all its travels from the East unto the West, did never yet behold; nor is like to do hereafter. If you please you may look into Appianus; and there you may behold the various and deformed condition of those times: Of those that lay hid, and fled; of those that stopped their flight, and halled them forth: [Page 274]the vvoful vvailings of Wives and Children; so that you vvould believe humanity itself had perished and fled from that savage and inhumane age. These cruelties were acted upon the persons of Senatours and Knights, that is to say, upon so many little less than Kings and Princes; but possibly the Commons were more favourably dealt with. No such matter. Look upon the same Sylla, who commanded four Legions of the contrary party (for whose security he had given his faith) to be murthered in the publick Villa; they in vain imploring the mercy of his treacherous right hand: Whose dying groans reaching the Curia and the Senate being startled and amazed at it: Let us mind our business Conscript Fathers, (said he) a few seditious fellows are punished by my command. I know not vvhich I should most vvonder at; that a Man could do so, or that he could speak so. Will you have more examples of cruelty? Take them. Servius [Page 275]Galba in Spain summoning the people of three Cities together, as if to communicate to them something to their advantage; suddenly commanded seven thousand of them to be slain; amongst vvhich vvas the flower of their youth. In the same Country Lucius Licinius Lucullus the Consul sent his Souldiers into the City of the Cautaeans, and slew twenty thousand of them contrary to the Articles agreed upon at their yielding. Octavianus Augustus vvhen he had taken Perusia; chose out three hundred of the chiefest of both orders, and though they had yielded themselves, he slew them as Sacrifices before an Altar vvhich he had erected to D. Julius Antonius Caracalla, (being offended vvith those of Alexandria; for I knovv not vvhat jests upon him) enters that City in a semblance of peace, and vvhen he had commanded all their young Men into the Field; he surrounds them vvith his Souldiers, upon a Signal given [Page 276]he kills them every one, and using the same cruelty to the remaining multitude, he utterly exhausted that populous and most frequented City. King Mithridates by one letter caused eighty thousand Roman Citizens to be slain; that were dispersed throughout Asia about their mercandise. Volesus Messalla the Proconsul of Asia, in one day caused three hundred to be beheaded; and strutting amongst the dead bodyes with his armes on his sides, as if he had done some glorious act; cryed out aloud; O Princely deed! Hitherto I have only spoken of prophane and impious persons; but behold amongst those that are devoted to the service of the true God: You vvill find it of the Emperour Theodosius that having by the highest vvickedness and deceit, betrayed seven thousand innocent people of Thessaloniea into the Theatre, under pretence of exhibiting some playes; He sent his Souldiers amongst them, and murthered [Page 277]them all: Than vvhich fact nothing is to be found more impious in the records of all the Heathen impieties. Go now my Belgians, and after all this, accuse the cruelty and treachery of the Princes of this Age.
CHAP. XXV. Of the present Tyranny. That it is from humane Nature or Malice. Oppressions external and internal were heretofore.
LAstly, you complain of the Tyranny that is now adayes, and the oppressions at once both of our Bodies and Souls. My purpose is not (at this time) to applaud, or condemn our own age; for to what end were it? My business is to compare only. I ask you therefore when ever those [Page 278]evils vvere not; and where that place was. Assign me any one Age, any one Nation, without a remarkable Tyranny in it; and (for I'le run the hazzard) I will then confess, that we are the most wretched of all that are miserable Why do you not reply? I see that old Sarcasme is true; all the good Princes may be registred in a Ring. For it is natural to Man to use authority insolently, and hardly to keep a mean in that which it self is above it. Even we our selves who complain of Tyranny, do yet carry the seeds of it inclosed in our bosoms: Nor is there a Will wanting in most of us to discover them, but the power. A Serpent vvhen he is benummed with cold, hath poyson within him, though he do not exert it; 'Tis the same in us, whom only weakness keeps innocent, and a kind of Winter in our Fortunes. Give but power, give means, and I fear that the most of those that accuse would transcend the example of [Page 279]their superiours. This is every dayes instance; see that Father stern with his Children, that Master with his Servants, and that School-Master with his Scholars. Each of them is a Phalaris in his kind, and raise the same waves in their Brooks, as Kings do in their greater Seas. The same Nature is discernible in other creatures; most of which prey upon their own kind, both in the Air, the Earth, and the Water:
sayes Varro truly; but you will say these are the oppressions of Bodies only: But this is the peculiar of our age, that ours are of the Soul also. Take heed you speak not this with more malice than truth. That Man seems to me to be little skilled in the knowledge of himself, and the heavenly nature of the Soul; that thinks it can be forced or [Page 240]compelled. For no outward violence whatsoever can make you will, that which you do not will; or to yield to that which you do not assent to. Some have power over the bond and tye of the Soul; but none over it self. A tyrant may loose it from the Body, but he cannot dissolve the nature of it, which being pure, eternal, siery, dispises every external or violent attempt. But we may not speak our own thoughts. Be it so. The bridle then curbs your Tongue only, not your Mind; your Actions, but not your Judgment. But even this is new, and unheard of. Good Man! how are you mistaken? How many can I point you out, who have suffered under Tyrants, for their opinions? through the heedlesness of their tongues? How many of those Tyrants have endeavoured to compel mens Judgements, and their Judgements too in matters of Religion? It vvas the common custom of the Persians and the Eastern Nations to adore [Page 281]their Kings, and we know that Alexander challenged to himself that divine adoration, with the ill will of his ruder Macedonians. Amongst the Romans that good and moderate Emperour Augustus had in the Provinces, yes in every house, Flamens and Priests as a God. Caligula cutting off the Heads from the Statues of the Gods, with a ridiculous impiety, caused his own to be placed upon them. The same instituted a Temple, Priests and chosen Sacrifices to his own deity. Nero would be taken for Apollo, and the most illustrious of the City were slain, under this accusation; that they had never sacrificed to the heavenly voice. Domitian was openly called our Lord and God. Which vanity or impiety if it were found at this day, in any of our Kings; what vvould you then say Lipsius? I vvill sail no nearer this Scylla, into which no vvinds of ambition shall either betray or force me: For a secure old age is the reward of silence. I will bring in [Page 282]only one testimony of the ancient slavery, in this respect; and that shall be out of an Author you are well acquainted vvith, and I vvould have you to attend him. 'Tis Tacitus in the reign of Domitian: We read (sayes he) that when Petus Thrasea was praised by Arulenus Rusticus, and Priscus Helvidius by Herennius Senecio; it was capital to them both. Nor did the cruelty extend it self only to the Authors, but also to their Works. Charge being given to the Triumvirs, that the monuments of those excellent wits should be burnt in the Forum and Comitium, supposing by that one fire, to have suppressed the voice of the people of Rome; the liberty of the Senate, and the conscience of Mankind. The professours also of Wisdom were banished; and all ingenious arts proscribed, lest there should any where appear the least footsteps of honesty. We gave certainly a grand example of our patience; and as the foregoing ages saw the utmost height of liberty, so did we of slavery, the commerce of hearing [Page 283]and speaking being barred; and in danger by informers. VVe had certainly lost our memories together vvith our speech if it had been as much in our power to forget, as it was to be silent.
CHAP. XXVI. Lastly, that these evils are neither strange nor new. But common to all Nations and Men; whence we may derive comfort.
I Have done vvith comparison; and now I bring up the other Brigade of my Legion, vvhich opposes the novelty of these Calamities: But briefly and by vvay of Triumph. For it rather takes the spoiles of the already conquered enemy; than fights vvith him. And to speak truth, vvhat is there in these things, that can appear new to any [Page 284]man, that is not himself a gross Ignaro in humane affairs? Crantor said excellently and vvisely; who alwayes had this verse in his Mouth.
For these Calamities do daily move in a Circle, and in a kind of round pass through this round World. Why do you sigh that these sad things fall out? Why do you vvonder at it?
It vvere rather a vvonder that any should be exempted from this common [Page 285]Law; and should not have his part in that burthen, vvhich lyes upon the backs of all. Solon vvhen a friend of his at Athens was sadly be wailing himself; he brings him into the Tower, and from the top of it shews him all the houses of that great City. Think vvith your self (sayes he) how many sorrows have heretofore been under these roofs; now are, and hereafter shall be: And then cease to lament the evils of Mankind, as if they vvere your own only. I vvish I could give you the like prospect of this vvide World Lipsius, but since it is not to be done actually, let us imagine it. I place you upon the top of some high Mountain (Olympus if you please) look down now upon all those Cities, provinces and Kingdoms beneath: And think that you see but so many inclosures of humane Calamities; the Amphitheatres, and (as it vvere) the Sands, in vvhich the bloody sports of Fortune are exhibited. You need not look farr from [Page 286]hence; do you see Italy? It is not yet thirty years since it rested from sharp and cruel vvarrs on every side. See you the spacious Germany? The dangerous sparks of a Civil discord were there but of late, vvhich threaten to break forth afresh (and if I am not deceived) into a more destructive flame. Do you see Brittain? Warrs and slaughters are perpetually in it, and that peace vvhich it now awhile enjoyes; it owes to the government of the middle Sex. See you France? Behold and pitty it. Even now the Gangrene of a bloody warr, creeps into all the Joints of it: Nor is it otherwise in all the rest of the World. Think upon these things Lipsius, and let this communion in miseries help to alleviate those of yours. And as they used to place a slave behind the Triumpher, who in the midst of all the joyes of the triumph, vvas often to cry out to him; thou art yet but a Man: So let this Monitour alvvayes stand by to remember you, that [Page 287]these are humane things. For as labour in Society vvith others is more easy; so is also our grief.
CHAP. XXVII. The conclusion of the whole discourse, and a short exhortation to consider seriously of it.
I Have drawn forth all my forces Lipsius; and you have had vvhat I thought meet to say for constancy against Grief: vvhich I wish may not onely be pleasant to you, but healthful, not only delight you, but (vvhich is more) be helpful to you. This it vvill doubtless be if you admit it not only into your Ears, but into your Mind; and if you suffer not vvhat you have heard to lye and vvither as seed that is cast upon the surface of the [Page 288]ground. Lastly, if you seriously digest and ruminate upon it: For as fire is not forced from the flint vvith one stroke; so in these cold bosomes of ours, that retired and failing spark of goodness, is not enkindled by a single admonition. That at last it may truly flame in you; not in vvords and appearance only, but in reality and deed; I humbly beg and beseech of that divine fire. When he had thus said, he rose up hastily; I go Lipsius (sayes he) the Sun at this Noon height remembers me it is dinner time; do you follow. That I vvill readily and cheerfully (said I) justly making that acclamation, vvhich they use to do in their mysteries;
THE TABLE
- ABjectness of the Mind, a Vice and whence. 21
- Achilles, how advised. 135
- Affliction, the touch-stone of vertue. 182
- The ends of it. 180
- Affrica, a great Plague there. 267
- Anaxagoras, his reply. 65
- Antonius, taxes by him. 269
- The manner of his death. 223
- Antonius Caracalla, his cruelty. 275
- Arbiter, his saying. 43
- Aristophanes, his saying. 5
- Aristotle, his opinion of Fate. 105
- Atlantis, drowned. 91
- Augustine, his censure of Cicero. 126
- Augustus, Flamens and Priests to him. 281 [Page]
- Colonies placed by him 271
- His endeavour to dye 224
- Taxes imposed by him 269, 270
- Vnfortunate in his family. 224
- BElgia, its troubles 3.39
- Bias, his saying 127
- Boast, of Julius Caesar 262
- Of Pompey the great Ibid.
- Of Cato the Censour 263
- Boethius, his saying 191
- Brutus, his wish. 223
- CAius Caesar, where slain 222
- Calamities, are good how 167
- Their Original whe ne. 80, 81, 82, 83
- Their end what 170
- The force of them broken, 172
- [Page]Caligula, his saying 217
- Captivity, the miseries of it 265
- Cato, his saying 221
- Ceneus, his story 162
- Chance, ha's no rule in the world 74
- Change, all things tend to it 88, 89, 90
- Instances of it 91, 92, 93, 94
- Chastisement, it avails us 186
- Circumstances, more feared than the things themselves 144, to 149
- Cities, raised at once 263
- Colonies, placed by Augustus 270
- The strength of the Empire Ibid.
- Comets, not all in the air 89
- Complaint, of Tiberius 219
- Of Nero Ibid.
- Considia, how cured 243
- Constancy, a remedy in the sickness of the Mind 19
- Its definition Ibid.
- The praise of it 31, 32
- Opposed by what 36
- Country, what 47
- Which the true one 61
- Our obligation and love to it 55
- [Page]Not from nature but custom 61
- How to be assisted by us 134
- Crantor, his saying 283
- Crates, his reply to Alexander 135
- Creon, his story Ibid.
- Cruelties, in times past 272, &c.
- Custom, of the Romans. 216
- DAvid, the Plague in his reign 266
- Death, punishment after it to the wicked 223
- Demetrius, his saying 182
- Demochares, his prescription to a Lady 243
- Desires, some the stronger for being opposed 14
- Dioclesian, his retirement 143
- Dyonysius, his story 221
- Domitianus, at what hour slain 118
- His blasphemous Title 281
- His cruelty. 282
- EArthquakes, wonderful ones. 92, 93
- Euripides, his saying. 214
- Evil men, not punished why. 208
- Evils present compared with those of former times. 256, &c.
- Evils not grievous, nor new. 242
- Evils publick and private what 36
- Euclid, bis Apothegme. 127
- Famines, in former times. 268, &c.
- Fate asserted. 98
- Vniversally aseended to 101
- Some difference about its parts. 102
- How distinguished of by the ancients. Ibid.
- Mathematical Fate what 103
- [Page]Natural Fate what 104
- Violent Fate how defined 106
- True Fate, its definition 112
- How it differs from providence 114
- How from the Stoicks Fate 119
- It offers no violence to the will 121
- It acts by second causes 131
- No ground for sloth. 133
- Galba, his cruelty 275
- Gardens, those of Langius 139
- The praise of them 141, 142
- Kings and other excellent persons addicted to them 143
- How abused by some 148
- How to be used Ibid.
- God, orders and rules all things 74
- Not to be murmured at by us 81
- His unchangeableness 100
- Not the Authour of sin 122, 123, 124
- Not the cause of Evil 168
- [Page]Punishes most justly 229
- He onely discernes the difference betwixt crimes 230
- Why he transferres punishment 235, 236
- He joines those things we sever Ib.
- He loves his, but severely 180
- He hath appointed all things their bounds 192
- Greece, its calamities by war. 260, &c.
- Helice, and Bara swallowed up by water 91
- Hesiod, his saying 216, 237, 238
- Homer, his advice 5, 135
- Honorius, the famine in his reign 268
- Horace, his saying 64
- Hunnes, how many slain at once. 263
- Jewes, their wonderful slaughter 257, &c.
- Instruments, why God useth the wicked as his 173
- Internal punishment, the most grievous 216
- Inundations, the mischiefs by them 91
- Italy, slain there in the punick war 261
- Julius Caesar, the manner of his death. 222
- Justice, of God wakeful 190
- Justinian, the great plague in his reign. 267
- The famine in his time 268
- KNowledge, the desire of it a happy presage in youth 165
- LAngius, praised 2
- His gardens 139
- How used by him 153
- Lucullus, his cruelty 274
- MAn, at variance with himself 24, &c.
- An in bred malice in him 48
- Pindars account of him 97
- Vnable to judge of crimes 229
- He hath a will but not the power to resist God 125
- Prone to aggravate his own afflictions 254
- Masanissa, his famous plat. 142
- Mercy, what it is 68
- How it differs from pitty Ib.
- Michael Ducas, the great plague in his reign 267, 268
- Mithridates, his cruelty 276
- [Page]Murthers, in times past 127, 128
- Mutations, several instances of them 88, &c.
- Mysteries, the acclamation usual therein. 288
- NAture of God, slow to revenge 211
- Nature of Man, prone to aggravate afflictions 254
- Necessity, what it is 85
- Publick evils from it 86
- Its force and power 85, 86
- From what grounds derived Ibid.
- New found world, its desolations 263, 264
- OBstinacy, how it differs from Constancy 20
- Opinion, what it is 22
- Its original whence 27, &c.
- Its power and effects Ibid.
- It leads to levity Ibid.
- [Page]Oppressions, internal and external heretofore. 279, 280
- PAssions, whence they rise 34
- Patience, the mother of constancy 21
- Its definition Ibid.
- How it differs from stupidity Ibid.
- Petrarch, a great plague in his time 268
- Polus, his story 43.
- Pompey, his boast 262
- Philosophy, how it workes 51
- Pindar, his saying 49
- Pitty, what it is 68
- How it differs from mercy Ibid.
- How it may be used 70
- Plagues, wonderful examples of them 266, 267, 268
- Plato, his councel 84
- His saying 216
- Proscriptions, 272, 273
- Providence, what 77
- [Page]Nothing done below but by it 80
- Publick evils, why they afflict us 44
- Not so great as they seem 144
- Punishment, all have deserved it 229
- Good for us 189
- For the safety and ornament of the universe. 193
- Why unequal 202
- VVhy wicked men are not punished 208, 209
- Deferred why Ib,
- Transferred why 232
- Divers sorts of punishments 215
- QUintus Catulus, his saying 273
- Quintus Fabius, how many Gaules slain by him. 263
- RApines, 270
- Regulus, how he dyed 183
- Right Reason, what it is 22 [Page]
- Its original whence 25
- Its power and effects 28, 29
- It leads to constancy 26
- Romans, their calamities by war 261, &c.
- Salvian, his saying 204
- Semiramis, her pendulous gardens 142
- Senatours, of Rome how taxed 269
- How many at once proscribed 272 &c.
- Seneca, his seeming errour 109
- His sayings 83, 200
- Simulation, in mens griefs 41, 42.
- Socrates, his reply to a Question propounded 11
- Sloth, no excuse for it from Fate 133, 134
- Solon, his story Ibid.
- His prospect to his Friend 285
- Sophocles, his saying 205
- Stoicks, commended 108
- The Authors of violent Fate 105
- Sylla, his cruelty, 274
- TAcitus, his saying 218
- Tarquinius why expelled Rome 117
- Thales, his Apothegme 85
- His saying 230
- Theodosius, his cruelty 276
- Travail, helps not diseases within 8
- A Symptome rather than cure 7
- It removes only the lighter motions of grief 12
- Rather exasperates the greater 13
- Tributes, examples of them in former times 269, 270
- Trismegistus, his opinion of Fate, Providence and Necessity 103
- Tyranny, whence. 278
- VAriety, delights us 195, 196
- Varro, the consul praised 134
- Velleius Paterculus, his saying 132
- [Page]Venice, its antiquity 94
- Venus, hath changed its colour magnitude and situation 90
- Violent Fate, how defined 106
- Vertue, how she is directed 21, 22
- Volesus Messalla, his cruelty. 276
- WArres, of the ancients 161, 162, 163
- Warres, in Judea how many slain in them 157, &c.
- Wicked Men, why used by God as his instruments 173
- What punishments they never escape 217
- Punished after death 320
- Not exempt from external punishments Ibid.
- Wisdom, seems stern at a distance 70
- An exhortation to it 161
- The way to attain to Constancy 162
- Not acquired by wishes Ibid.
- The greatest instance of it, what. 174
- YOuth, advised in their studies 161
- A good presage in Youth, what 165
- ZEno, how he defines fate 108