Sect. I. The state of the City hitherto.

THe Citie Rome was built by Romulus in the yeare of the world 3175. in the fifteenth yeare of Amaziab King of Iudah, and in the first yeare of Ieroboam the second, the King of Is­rael. It had stood from the time of its first foundation,Vid Ruf. Fe­stum, Dionem, &c. to this yeare in which it put the Lord of life to death, seven hundred foure­score and five yeares; And had undergone and passed tho­rough two different and diverse kinds of government, and was now but lately entred upon a third.

The first was under Kings, for 243. yeares, and the founda­tion of this government as of the Citie it selfe was laid in the blood of Remus, shed by his brother Romulus, who was the founder of the Citie.

The second was under Consuls, 467. yeares from the ex­pulsion of Tarquin the last King, to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, which was the yeare that Augustus began to rule, with Antony and Lepidus. This change of the government, was likewise founded in blood as the former had beene, name­ly of Lucrece, Aruns, and Brutus, and in the extirpation of Tarqui [...]s house.

A thi [...]d manner of government, had the Citie and Empire now begun upon, and had beene under it threescore and two yeares; namely, a monarchy againe, but the name onely [Page 78] changed from a King to an Emperour. And the foundation of this change was also laid in blood as the other had beene, namely in the death of Iulius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra.

The carriage of Tarquin the last of the Kings had brought the Citie into an opinion that monarchy was an enemy to liberty: And the growth and flourishing of that State under another manner of government had so confirmed this opinion, that they were sooner put out of their liberty, then out of beleefe of that position. Brutus and Collatinus, who were the expellers of Tarquin and of Monarchy with him, had found out a govern­ment likely enough in all humane judgement to heale all these mischiefes and miscarriages, that monarchicall tyranny did bring upon them, when they appointed two supreme gover­nours in stead of one, and their power and rule to bee but an­nuall in stead of, for life. The successe was agreeable to the po­licy, and so happily and prosperously did the State grow under these rulers, [and some others mixt as occasion urged], that to offer to reduce it to a Monarchy againe, was infallibly held to bee, to reduce it to slavery; and Iulius Caesar found how deep­ly grounded this opinion was in the heart of a Roman, by the losse of his life: they supposing his affecting the Empire single, aimed at the losse of their liberties.

Augustus his Nephew and adopted sonne, though hee had before his eyes in Iulius his death a cleare and convincing Lecture, how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, to affect the monarchy, yet did hee dare it; but managing his desires and designes with so much discretion and noiselesnesse, that the government was gotten into his hands alone, and the Empire slipt into a monarchicall subjection even before it was aware.

Tacitus hath described this strange transition to this purpose,

‘Annal. l. 1.After that Brutus and Cassius being slaine, there was now no publicke hostility; Pompey was crushed at Sicily, and Le­pidus being stipped of his power, and Antony slaine, there remained now no commander on Iulius his party, but one­ly Caesar, hee laying downe the name of Triumvir, and bea­ring himselfe as Consull, and as content with the Tribu­nate, for the defense of the Commons: when he had won the [Page 79] Souldiers with gifts, the people with provision, and all men with the sweetnesse of peace, hee began to get up by degrees, and to draw to himselfe the power of the Senate, Magistrates and Law, no man gainsaying him: For the fier­cest persons were either dispatcht in the armies or by ba­nishment, the rest of the Nobles, by how much the more they were the readier for vassallage, by so much the more they were preferred with wealth and honours: and being thus inriched by these innovations, they desired rather the safe and present condition, then the ancient and dangerous. Nor did the provinces refuse this state of things, they ha­ving the rule of the Senate and people in suspition, because of the quarrelings of the great ones, and the avarice of the Magistrates, the Lawes affording no reliefe, but themselves destroyed, by power, prowling or money.’

Thus did the very posture of things as it were conspire with the desires of Augustus, to bring the Roman state into a mo­narchy, and himselfe to bee the monarch; the decrees and determination of heaven having so ordered, that here should begin a fifth Monarchy after the destruction of the foure, Dan. 2. and 7. which should equall all the foure in power pompe and cruelty, and should be the continuall persecutor of the Church of the Christians, as they had beene of the Church of the Jewes: And thus doth the Gospell and the State that should persecute it in a manner arise at once, and Christ and Antichrist after a sort are borne together.

Sect. II. The qualities of Tiberius the present Emperour: his damnable dissimulation.

Augustus as hee had got the sole government into his hands, by a great deale of wisdome, and daring, so did hee keepe it with the same wisedome, and as much moderation: Hee sate Emperour for the space of foure and fortie years, honoured and beloved, and died desired and lamented, though hee had thus impropriated, as it was conceived, the whole liberty of the Empire into his owne hand: Now whether it were the native gentlenesse and goodnesse of the Emperour, that kept [Page 80] him in such a sweetnesse and moderation; or whether it were some policy mingled with it, as knowing it not to bee safe to bee too busie and rigid so neare the change, hee so demea­ned himselfe for the benefit of the City, and love of the peo­ple, that as he was the first of all the Emperours, so in a man­ner was hee the last that shewed such mildnesse, goodnesse, and noblenesse, either to people or City.

Tyberius succeeded him, his Wives son by nature, and his by adoption; a man as incomparably evill, unworthy, and cruell, as Augustus had been glorious, noble, and humane. And if that were true which some supposed and beleeved, That Au­gustus had nominated Tyberius for his Successor, that his owne worth might be the better set off by the others wickednesse; & that hee might bee the better spoken of, because the other was so odious; this his last action was more to his dishonour then all his former; and howsoever Tyberius might do him honour by his miscarriage, yet did he doe himselfe dishonour in Tybe­rius.

This wretch, whose Story wee are now to follow, was, as his owne Tutor used to define him, [...] A lumpe of clay mingled with blood; and that clay and blood mingled with as much mischievousnesse, as it was almost possi­ble for humane nature to containe.

‘A dissembler hee was, beyond all parallels and compari­sons, [...], saith Dion, He had a dispositi­on most single to himself: For hee never made shew to what he desired; and he never spake as he thought; what he desired hee denyed; what hee hated hee pretended to: hee shew­ed anger where hee loved best; hee pretended love where hee hated most: hee looked sullenly on his friends, chearfully on his enemies: was faire spoken to those he meant to pu­nish, was most severe towards those hee thought to par­don; And it was his Maxime, That a Princes minde must bee knowne to no man; for that by its being knowne, ma­ny evils and inconveniences doe follow; but many conve­niences by its being dissembled: Hence did every man that medled with him, come into danger; and to understand, or not understand his minde, was alike perillous. And [Page 81] some have beene undone for agreeing to his words, because they agreed not to his mind: and some have beene undone for agreeing to his mind, because hee perceived they had found his mind out. And it was a thing of extreme diffi­culty, either to consent to his words or to gainsay them: when it was his custome to command one thing and to will another.’

This dissimulation hee began withall at his very first en­trance to the Empire, pretending great unwillingnesse to take it upon him, and when it was urged on him past deniall, then pret [...]nding to take two partners with him, as to share in the burden and honour: but when Asinius Gallus tooke him at his word, and bad him choose his part, hee tooke it so ill, that hee dogd him for it to the death. The same dissimulation hee tooke along with him, when hee had taken the Empire on him, carrying it with all mildnesse and moderation, as if hee had beene a second Augustus, whereas indeed the reason was, because Germanicus was alive, and most deare in the peoples affection, and hee feared him lest hee should have beene pre­ferred before him.

Yet did his best demeanour bewray what hee was within, for all his skill in dissembling, and at the very best hee gave just suspition that hee would prove but evill.

Hee began his reigne with the murder of Agrippa, a man once in as high favour with Augustus as himselfe. Hee went on with the murder of a poore man for a peece of wit: For as a corpse was carried to its interring, this man can to it and whispered in the dead mans eare: and being asked by the standers by what hee meant, hee answered, that hee desired that dead man when he came into the other world, to tell Augustus that his Le­gacies to the people were not yet paid. This cost the poore man his life, for Tiberius said he should go on that message himself, and so hee slew him, but this got the people their Legacies.

It would be infinite to reckon up the murders, oppressions, and miscreancy committed by him in the first seventeene yeers of his raigne, or before this yeare that wee have in hand: The most remarkable were that hee raised Sejanus purposely that hee might helpe to ruine Germanicus and Drusus, though they [Page 82] were his owne adopted sonnes, and when that was done by Sejanus hee ruined Sejanus and all his friends with him. Wee shall have mischiefe enough from him in those yeares that wee are to follow him in, namely from his eighteenth and for­ward, and therefore let the story hasten thither.

Sect. III. The yeare of Tiberius his reigne at our Saviours death.

This yeare is determined by common consent of Historians to bee his eighteenth: and the matter is past all doubt, if it were as certaine that Christ was Baptized in the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius, as it is certaine that Iohn began to baptize. For whereas Iohn began to baptize about the vernall Equinox, and Christ was not baptized till the Autumnall, beginning just then to enter upon his thirtieth yeare, and whereas Tibe­rius began to reigne about the 18. day of August, as appeareth by the Roman Historians, the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius in exact accounting was expired some weekes before Christ was baptized. And therefore though Luke say that in the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius Iohn came baptizing, Luke 3.1. yet was it in the 16. yeare of Tiberius (as it seemeth) before Christ came to his baptisme: and so should the death of our Saviour fall in­to Tiberius his 19. yeare. But it is not safe to hang the Chro­nologie of all succeeding times upon so small a pin as this: therefore according to the universall consent and determina­tion of all Christian writers, wee will take the 18 yeare of Tiberius to have beene the yeare of Christs death, resurrection, and ascension, and accordingly compute and reckon the times of the succeeding Emperours that wee have to goe through proportionate or agreeable to this beginning.

The Roman Consuls for this yeare that wee have in hand were Cn. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus, as is obvious to any eye that counteth, and the yeare and Consuls in the time of Tiberius.

Sect. IV. His lusts and beastiality.

HEe had certaine yeares before this departed out of Rome, resolving never to returne to it againe, which indeed hee never did, though often taking on him to come, and draw­ing very neare unto the Citie. The pretence of his departure, Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 39.40. was the griefe that hee tooke on him to take for the death of his two sonnes, Germanicus and Drusus, and the dedication of a Capitoll at Capua and a Temple at Nola: but the reasons indeed were, partly in disdaine of the authority of his mo­ther Livia, partly to avoyd the dangers of the Citie, Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. partly to outrun the shame of his evill actions, and partly that in the retirednesse of the Countrey hee might bee the more freely wicked as not restrained by the publike shame. This last hee made good by his badnesse, if such a thing may bee said to bee made good. For having gotten the libertie of retirednesse, saith Cap. 42, 43, 44. Suetonius, and being removed from the eyes of the Citie, hee now let goe loose all the vices that hee had so long dissembled. Uncleannesse both with Boyes and Girles, ravish­ing both of wives and maides, new invented arts of letchery, and trades of lust, obscene bathings and filthy feasts, and such horriblenesse of beastialitie that the mention thereof is not fit for a Christians hearing, nay Rome her selfe had not heard of none such till this very time.

Sect. V. Divers cruelties.

Sejanus his high exalted favorite, had beene found, or at least suspected by him to goe about to undermine him as hee had done Drusus by his setting on, and hee had the last yeare been [Page 85] put to death upon that certaintie, or suspition; and now must all his friends, creatures, kindred and adherents, which had been exceeding many to so great a favorite, come to the same reckoning and ruine with him. And this advantage had the old Politician by his kennelling in the solitarinesse of the Country, that both hee might bee as impudent as hee would in putting forward his designes, for his letters could not blush, and resolute enough in following them to their accomplish­ing, for hee was farre enough from the danger of the dis­contented Citie.

Hee began with the confiscation of Sejanus his goods,Taeit. lib. 6. Annal. Dion ubi sup [...]a. and went on with the banishment of Iunius Gallio one of his friends. This Gallio or Gallenus (as Dion calleth him) in a base flattery to Tiberius made the motion that the Souldiers of his guard should at the shewes sit in the Knights fourme: A pro­posall more full of simplicitie and fawning then of any dan­ger or suspition: and yet is hee sharpely taken up for it by the Emperours letters, as for an overture of sedition made by a friend of Sejanus as thinking to corrupt the minds of the Souldiers by hope of honours: And for no other fault but this is Gallio banished to Lesbos, but recalled againe ere long, be­cause it was thought by the Emperour that hee tooke delight in the pleasantnesse of the Hand, and then hee was commit­ted to custody in the Magistrates houses. The same letters thun­derbolt Sestius Paconius, and either they or the next, doe as much for Latiaris the betrayer of Sabinus, and shortly are the like come for Caecilianus a Senator, Quintus Servaeus once Pre­tor, and Minutius Thermus a Knight: and if they came not into the same black bill, yet did Iulius Africanus and Seius Quadratus come into the same danger.

Sect. VI. Strange accusing.

Thus came his packets very frequent to the Senate, and sel­dome or never but written in some mans blood or other: hee being cankered and craftie enough to accuse and pretend, and [Page 86] the Senate so officious and serviceable to him, as to condemne and execute. And happy had the condition of the Citie been, had hee rested there, to have beene accuser onely himselfe, but his subtle policy had found out a way, and practised it, and hee thought himselfe happy in it, to set such division and sow such seeds of accusations among the people, that now they doe nothing, nor affect nothing more, then to accuse, impeach and charge one another, and to contrive and compasse each others death. Cruell and inhumane that hee was thus to divide and imbroile his owne people and Subjects to destroy each other, that the clearer way might bee made to his tyran­ny through their destruction; and that hee cannot thinke himselfe an absolute Prince, nor truely happy, unlesse his peo­ple die at his pleasure or live in misery. Yet can I not but thinke of an invisible hand of justice in this deplorate condi­tion of the Citie and State wrought and brought upon her by her owne Prince, that shee now perisheth daily and sadly by her false accusing, and condemning, and destroying one a­nother; for at this very time, by false accusation and unjust condemning, shee had destroyed and murdered the Lord of life.

Now, saith Tacitus, did Tiberius, inciting the chiefest men to mischiefe, Tiberius inci­ting the chie­fest men to mischiefe. admonish C. Caestius the father, to tell the Senate what hee had written to him: and Caestius tooke upon to accuse: A bane which those times brought forth, when the chiefe men of the Senate would practise most base accusations, some openly, many secretly; nor could you then discerne strangers from kinsmen, friends from men unknown, nor what was new, nor what was obscure with age: So surely were men accused of whatsoever they had spoken in the open streets or at feasts, as others could make hast to prevent, and accuse them for guil­tie: some for their owne refuge, more as infected with contagion and a sicknesse. So Tacitus.

De benef. lib. 3. cap. 26. Seneca also utters his complaint of these dolefull times, and alledgeth one example of these accusations, which at once sheweth the basenesse of them and the frequency.

In the times of Tiberius Caesar, saith hee, there was a frequent and [Page 87] almost common madnesse of accusing, which more tormented the gowned Citie, then all their civill warres had done before. Now the words of drunkards were catched at, and the harmelesnesse of jesters. Nothing was safe, every occasion of being cruell gave content: Nor was there any expecting of what would bee the event of those that were accused, for they had all one and the same. Paulus the Praetorian was at a certaine supper or feast, having the picture of Tiberius gra­ven in the stone of his Ring, which something stood forth; I should doe but very foolishly, if I should pumpe for words to tell, that hee tooke the Chamberpot, which thing Maro one of the spies of those times tooke speedy notice of. But a servant of his for whom the trap was prepared tooke off his Ring when hee was drunke. And when Maro tooke wit­nesse of the guests that Caesars Image was laid to a filthy base thing, and was ready to subscribe the charge, the servant sh [...]wed the Ring upon his owne finger.

Exceeding many doe the Roman Histories mention and no­minate, that came to fatall ends, or heavy doomes under the bloodinesse of this inquisition, but many and many omitted, saith Tacitus, and not named by the Roman writers, either because they were cloyed with multitude of examples, or lest, as what they suffered was much and grievous to themselves, so likewise might it bee unto the Reader.

Sect. VII. Desperate boldnesse, and discreet.

In these so dangerous times of the Citie, and raging humors of the Emperour, it cannot bee omitted for the strangenesse of it, how two men came off, Marcus Terentius by a resolute bravery before the Senate, and Lucius Seianus by a desperate scoffe and mocking of the Emperour.

In the sports and feasts of Flora, this Seianus being Pretor, had caused all things to bee performed by baldheaded men,Dion lib. 58. and by no other, and this hee did because Tiberius was bald­headed himselfe. And to make up the scorne to the full, at night, when the company was to depart,A venerable antiquitie for shaven crowns▪ hee caused five thou­sand boyes with their heads shaven bare, to carry Linkes and [Page 88] Torches to light them away. And yet Tiberius would take no notice of all this though hee knew it well enough, either because hee would not second his owne derision, by taking it to heart, or because hee intended to revenge this scorne at some other time, under some other title, or because by this tolera­tion hee would animate more to bee saucy with him to their owne confusion.

But far more brave, because far more necessary and discreet, was the courage of Terentius, who had the sober and well gui­ded valour, not to thrust himselfe into danger, but to bring him out. Hee was accused of dependence upon Sejanus, and of complying with him, and he denied not the accusation, but strengthned it, and came off better by extremitie of confessi­on then others could doe with the utmost of excusing. I lo­ved, said hee, and honoured Sejanus, because Tiberius loved him and did him honour: So that if hee did well I did not amisse, and if the Emperour that knoweth all things exactly, were deceived, it is no wonder if I were d [...]ceived with him. It is not for us to regard or search, for what cause the Emperour promoteth such a man: to him belongeth the propertie of that judgement, to us the glory of obsequious­nesse. His treasons against the commonwealth, and plots against the Emperours life, let them beare the punishment they have deserved, but as for friendship and observance, the same end will acqu [...]t Tiberius and us, &c.

And in this straine and boldnesse proceeded hee on, still driving on his affections to Sejanus thorow Sejanus to the Emperour, that hee led the accusation the same way to light upon him also, insomuch that in an instant his accusers had changed place with him, for they were accused and hee dis­charged.

Sect. VIII. Other Occurrences of this yeare.

But Tiberius his humour was too strong to be stopped with such Rhetorick, in behalfe of any more, though this prevai­led for Terentius himselfe. For presently come accusatory let­ters [Page 89] against Sex. Vestilius, as a libeller against C. Caesar, who to avoyd death, by the hand of some other man, would pre­vent it with his owne, and so cut his veines: but tying them up againe and repenting his fact hee sent a supplicatory petiti­on to the Emperour that hee might live: of which receiving but a comfortlesse answer, hee let them open to bleed againe. Afterward followed the accusation of Annius Pollio, Appius Si­lanus, Scaurus Mamercus, Sabinus Calvisius: Vitia the mother of Fusius Geminius late Consull, put to death for nothing but for bewayling the death of her owne sonne; Vescularius and Marinus executed in Capre [...]. And Geminius and Celsus came to such fatall ends towards the end of the yeare. In this yeare there was a booke of the Sibyls offered to the Senate, but hee that offered it was sharpely checked by the Emperour for his paines. Some scarsitie of provision oppressed the Citie, and plentie of mocks upon the stage jerked the Emperour, but course was taken ere long for the remedy of both, and for the latter sooner then the former. Scribonianus his place of Con­sulship was often changed according to Tiberius his wavering pleasure, the politician craftily shaking and unsetling that an­cient government, that his new one of Monarchy might sit the faster. Flaecus Avilius was made Governour of Egypt, an Iberian by birth as may bee collected from Dion, and a future scourge of the Jewes, as will appeare hereafter. Rubrius Fa­batus when hee saw the Citie in so desperate an estate, betooke himselfe to fall to the Parthians, but was apprehended by the way, and yet escaped punishment, being forgotten rather then forgiven.

Sect. IX. Tiberius perplexed.

Among all the troubles of that Citie (that hath beene ever the troubler of the world) that befell her this yeare, when she slew the Prince of quietnesse and peace, it may not bee amisse to looke a little upon the disquietnesse of him himselfe with­in himselfe that caused this disquiet to her, and imbrewed her [Page 90] so oft in her owne blood: And this wee may doe by the Ana­tomy that Tacitus hath read upon his intralls, spying the thoughts of his heart, through the words of a letter, that hee wrote in behalfe of Co [...]ta Messalinus an old favorite of his, the letter bearing the date of this yeare, as appeareth by the same Tacitus, and the words this tenour, as is attested both by him and Suetonius. Sueton in Tibe. c. 67. Quid scribam vobis P. C. aut quomodo scri­bam, aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, Dii me, Deaeque peius perdant, quam perire quotidie sentio, si scio. What I shall write to you O fathers conscript, or how I shall write, or what I shall not write at all at this time, the gods and goddesses confound me worse then I feele my selfe to perish daily, if I can tell. Whereupon Sue­tonius saith that being weary of himselfe, hee almost confesseth the summe of his miseries: But my other author thus largely. Thus did even his villanies and flagitiousnesse turne to punishment to him­selfe. Nor was it in vaine that the wisest of men was wont to affirme, that if the mindes of Tyrants were but opened, tortures and stripes might bee spied there: seeing that the mind is butchered with cruelty, lust and evill projects, as the body is with blowes. For, not solita­rinesse, not fortune, could protect Tiberius, but that hee confesseth the torments of his breast, and his owne punishment.

Sect. I. A commotion of them.

IF the Method of Iosephus were Chronicall, and the order of his ranking of Stories to bee presu­med for the order of their falling out, at this time or hereabout should bee taken in that Egesip. de ex­cid. Ierus. l. 2. cap. 4. famo­sum ludibrium as Egesippus calleth it, or villanous abuse of Paulina a noble chast and vertuous wife and Lady of Rome, by Mundus a Knight, under pretext of the god Anubis in the Temple of Isis: for this hath Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 4. hee mentioned the very next thing after the mention of our Saviours death, and with this linke of connexion. About the very same time another grie­vance troubled the Iewes, and shamefull things happened about the Temple of Isis at Rome, &c. But since the storie concerning the troubles of the Jewes, that hee relateth after, seemeth to have some neare dependence and consequence to this of the Lady, and that Annal. lib. 2 c Tacitus hath laid that occurrence of the Jewes expul­sion out of Rome thirteene years before this, under the con­sulship of Iunius Silanus and Norbanus Flaccus, wee will omit to meddle with them, and will take in another story of the Jewes which though Iosephus hath placed a little before Christs death, yet Eusebius hath set it after, and upon his word shall it bee commended to the reader for its time, and up­on the others and Philoes for its truth.

Pilate (as Antiq. lib. 8. cap. 4. & de bello Iud. [...]. c. [...]. saith Iosephus) having secretly brought into Ie­rusalem by night certaine Images of Caesar and set them up, the [Page 92] people when the matter was knowne, repaired to him to Cae­sarea, begging that they might bee taken downe: which when hee denied as a thing prejudiciall to Caesar; they fell flat upon the ground, and there lay five dayes and five nights and stir­red not thence. On the sixth day hee pretending to give them an answer from the judgement seat doth suddenly inviron them with armed men, threatning their death if they cease not their importunitie. But they falling upon the ground a­gaine and laying their necks bare, returne him this answer. That they would gladly imbrace death rather then transgresse the wise­dome of their Lawes. Whose resolution when Pilate saw, hee caused the Images to bee fetched away from Ierusalem to Caesa­rea. To this purpose Iosephus; but Philo far differently thus. Philo in legat. ad Cajum. Pilate, saith hee, dedicated golden shields in the Palace of Herod in the holy Citie, not so much for the honour of Ti­berius, as to vex the people of the Jewes; upon them there was neither picture, nor any thing that was forbidden, but onely the inscription shewed who had dedicated them, and to whom. Yet when the multitude had understanding of the thing, and the matter was divulged, they chose certaine of the highest ranke among them for their advocates, who be­sought him, that the innovation might bee taken away, and that their Lawes might not. When hee roughly denyed, for hee was naturally inflexible and selfe-wilfully sturdy, they make faire before him as if they would petition to Tiberius. Now that fretted him worst of all, for hee was afraid lest they should doe so indeed, and accuse him for his other crimes, his bribery, wrongs, rapines, injuries, oppressions, murders and horrid cruelties, and yet durst hee not take down againe what hee had dedicated, nor had hee any mind to plea­sure the people. Which when they perceived they sent a most humble petition to Tiberius: who understanding what Pilate had done and what hee had threatned, rebuked and checked him for his innovating boldnesse, and commanded him spee­dily to take the shields away; and so they were removed from Ierusalem to Caesarea. Thus Philo, and thus differently these [Page 93] two countrey men, and that in a matter which so neerely con­cerned their owne countrey: and which also befell so neare unto their owne times. For Philo was now alive and in his prime, and so was Iosephus lesse then thirty yeares after. Bee it referred to the readers choise which of these relations hee will take, and when hee hath made his choise, another diffe­rence falleth under his arbitration concerning the time, be­twixt Eusebius which placeth this occurrence after our Savi­ours passion, and Baronius that hath set it three years before his baptisme. The Cardinall certainly too forward in bring­ing it in in the first yeare of Pilate, for it appeareth by Philo that hee had done a great multitude of villanies among the Jewes before hee did this: and the Father if any whit too backward in ranking it after our Saviours death, yet excusa­ble for a thing of so pregnant application, as to shew how soone the Jewes that had chosen Caesar before Christ, have now their belly full of their Caesar in his Images.

Sect. II. Of Iames his being Bishop of Ierusalem.

The two last cited Authors though they differ about the time of the story forenamed, yet have they agreed unanimous­ly, and many others with them about this in hand, namely that Iames was made this year the Bishop of that Ierusalem. For thus Eusebius: Ecelesiae Hierosolymorii primus Episcopus ab Apostolis ordinatur Iacobus frater Domini. But Baronius far larger; that he was ordained Bishop by Peter, that his chaire was preserved and reve­renced to posteritie, that hee wore a plate of gold upon his head like the high Priest in the Law, from whence hee would derive the Miter: that hee alone might goe into the Sanctum Sanctorum, that hee refrai­ned from wine and flesh, that hee was a Nazarite, that his knees were hardned with continuall praying till they were unsensible, and such like stuffe for which hee citeth his severall Authors, that if common sense were not a better informer then common fame, we should be made to beleeve any thing whatsoever. The que­stion indeed whether Iames were ever Bishop of Ierusalem at all [Page 94] or no, is very well worth taking into some consideration, but that will bee most proper to handle when wee come to those places in the Acts of the Apostles, where a singular mention of Iames hath given occasion of this opinion; But as for his prototype of Miters, the peoples woodden devotion to his chaire, and the rest of that legendary invention, hee is little acquainted with the officiousnesse of superstition, that knoweth not out of what mint that commeth, and hee hath little to doe that should goe about to examine the truth of it, but hee hath the least of all to doe that should beleeve it.

Sect. An account of the Chronologie.

ALthough the proper reckoning of every yeare of our Saviour, bee from September to September, (for at that time of the yeare hee was borne) and so his three and thirtieth yeare should have beene ended by us, with­in foure moneths or little more after the giving of the holy Ghost, yet because it will not bee possible to date the times of things in any of the three stories that wee have in hand, from such a beginning, and because both the Roman Historians doe reckon the yeares of their Citie, as also the Christian histories, the yeares of Christ from Ianuary to Ianuary, I have chosen to follow that computation and manner of accounting, or rather (to speake properly indeed) I have beene inforced to follow it, there be­ing not onely various and pregnant helpes both from Romans and Christians to forward us in that manner of reckoning, but there being also an utter impossibilitie to reckon or com­pute from any other beginning or calculation: now, as for those stories that wee are to follow in the Acts of the Apostles, the ho­ly Ghost hath not beene so punctuall and exact, to give us the times of the things, as to give us things themselves; The Chronicle chaine of the times indeed is drawne up by the Scripture from the Creation, to the death of our Saviour (which was the fulnesse of time) with all care and accurate­nesse: but from thence forward not so strictly or observantly exhibited and held forth, nor indeed was it requisite that it should so bee. To annalize therefore the story of this booke of the Acts, as it cannot but prove a matter of great difficulty, [Page 98] so will it prove but a matter of conjecture when wee have done what wee can, and both these proceed from this ground and reason, because the holy Ghost hath beene very sparing, if not utterly silent, in giving account of the times in the new Testa­ment from the death of Christ forward, that great businesse in his death being accomplished and fulfilled, for which alone the succession of times was reckoned and recorded: wee shall therefore in the casting of passages and occurrences into se­verall yeares, as wee goe along present them under their pro­per notion of conjecture, yet shewing some groundwork and reason of what wee doe: and though it may be we may not al­wayes hit aright, in fixing every thing to its proper yeare, yet hope wee to finde here and there some such maine pins as whereon to hang a summe of divers yeares joyned together, and to settle them fast, although wee cannot so perfectly find a generall naile whereby to fasten the occurrences of every se­verall yeare by it selfe.

Wee may take an instance in the story at which wee now are, the choosing of the seven Deacons: It is not possible, posi­tively to determine at what time this was done, it may bee it was before the three and thirtieth yeare of our Saviour was expired, namely before September next after his Ascension, it may be again it was not before September, but betwixt it and Ia­nuary next following, or it may be it was not before Ianuary, but after it, in this yeare that wee are entring upon: there is a like uncertainty in all these things, if wee should come to try the times of this particular thing by it selfe, but when wee shall come to examine and take up the time of Pauls conversi­on, then will some steadinesse of the time of this appeare, and the naile that fastneth that, will so clench up all the sto­ries betwixt that and the descension of the holy Ghost, or all the stories from the end of the second Chapter to the begin­ning of the ninth, that they will not hang altogether loose, but have some fixednesse to their proper time.

Sect. I. Velleius Paterculus.

TIBERIVS keepeth himselfe still in the Countrey, but not still at Capreae: Dion sub his co [...]. for this yeare hee draw­eth neare unto Rome, and haunteth in some places a­bout foure miles off, but commeth not at all unto the City. [Page 137] This seemeth to bee his first journey towards it, that Suetonius speaketh of In Tiber cap. 17 when hee came by water to the Gardens beside the Naumachy, or the Poole in Tiber where they used their sporting sea-fights, and returned againe, but the cause not knowne. The first thing mentioned of him under these Con­sulls, both by Tacitus and Dion, is his marrying forth the daughter of Drusus, which they name not; and Iulia and Dru­silla the daughters of Germanicus; Drusilla to L. Cassius, Iulia to M. Vinicius. This was a sonne of that M. Vinicius to whom Paterculus dedicateth his short and sweet Roman Histo­ry. And the nearenesse of the time would very nearely per­swade that this was that very Vinicius himself, but that Pater­culus sheweth that his Vinicius was Consull when hee wrote his Booke to him; and that (as himselfe, and Dion agreeing with him sheweth) An. V. C. 783, or the next yeare after our Saviours Baptism [...]; but this Vinicius, Tiberius his son in law, (as Tacitus intimateth) was onely a Knight, but a Consuls son. Howsoever, in these times shone forth and flourished the excellent wit, and matchlesse pen of that Historian, an Au­thor known to all Learned men, and admired by all that know him: His Originall was from the Campanians, as himself wit­nesseth not very farre from the beginning of his second booke, when hee commeth to speake of the Italian warre in the time of Sylla and Marius. No pen is so fit to draw his pedegree and Character as his owne, and therefore take onely his owne words; Neque ego verecundiâ, domestici sanguinis gloriae dum verum refero sub [...]raham, &c. Nor will I for modesty derogate any thing from the honour of mine owne blood, so that I speake no more then truth; for much is to bee attributed to the me­mory of Minatius Magius my great-Grandfathers Father, a man of Asculum; who being Or Grandchild Nephew to Decius Magius, a renowned Prince of the Campanians, and a most faithfull man, was so trusty to the Romans in this warre, that with a Legi [...]n which hee had banded, Pompey tooke Herculaneum, together with T. Didius; when L. Sulla besieged, and tooke in Consa. Of whose vertues both others, but especially and most plainely Q. Hortensius hath made [Page 140] relation in his Annals. Whose Loyalty the people of Rome did fully requite, by enfranchising both him and his, and making two of his Sonnes Pretors. His Grandfather was C. Velleius, Master of the Engineers to Cn. Pompey, M. Bru [...]us and Tiro; a man, saith hee, second to none in Campany, whom I will not de­fraud of that testimony which I wou [...]d give to a stranger: Hee at the departure of Nero (Tiberius his father) out of Naples, whose part hee had taken for his singular friendship with him, being now unweldy with age and bulke of body, when hee could not accompany him any longer, hee slew himselfe. Of his Fa­thers, and of his owne ranke and profession, thus speaketh he jointly: At this time (namely, about the time that Augustus adopted Tiberius) after I had beene Field-Marshall, I became a Souldier of Tiberius; and being sent with him Generall of the Horse into Germany, which Office my Father had borne before; for nine whole yeares together, I was either a spectator, or to my poor ability a forwarder of his most celestiall designes; being either a Commander, or an Ambassadoir. And a little after: In this warre, (against the Hungarians and Dalmatians, and other Nations revolted) my meanenesse had the place of an eminent Officer. For having end [...]d my service with the Horse, I was made Qu [...]stor; and being not yet a Senator, I was equalled with the Senators. And the tribunes of the people being now designed, I l [...]d a part of the Army delivered to mee by Augustus, from the City to his Sonne. And in my Questorship, the lot of my Province being remitted, I was sent Ambassadour from him to him againe. Partner in the like employments and honours, hee had a brother named Magius Celer Velleianus, that likewise attended Tib [...]rius in the Dalma­tian war, and was honoured by him in his triumph, and after­ward were his brother and hee made Pretors. When he wrote that abridgement of the Roman History which wee now have extant, hee had a larger worke of the same subject in hand, of which hee maketh mention in divers places; which hee cal­leth justum opus, and justa volumina, but so farre hath time and fortune denyed us so promising and so promised a peece; that this his abstract is come short home and miserably curtailed to [Page 141] our hands. So do Epitomes too commonly devoure the Origi­nall, and pretending to ease the toil of reading larger volumes, they bring them into neglect & losse. In the unhappines of the losse of the other, it was somewhat happy that so much of this is preserved as is; a fragment of as excellent compacture, as a­ny is in the Roman tongue; wherein sweetnesse and gravity, eloquence and truth, shortnesse and variety, are so compacted and compounded together, that it findeth few parallels either Roman or other.

Sect. 2. Troubles in Rome about usury.

This yeare there was a great disturbance in the City about Usury, the too common, and the too necessary evill of a Com­mon-wealth. This breed-bate had severall times heretofore disturbed that State, though strict and rigorous courses were still taken about it. At the first, the interest of money lent, was proportioned and limited onely at the disposall of the lender, a measure alwayes inconstant, and often unconscionable. Whereupon, it was fixed at the last by the twelve tables to an ounce in the pound, which is proportionable in our English coine, to a penny in the shilling. Afterward by a Tribune sta­tute it was reduced to halfe an ounce, and at last the trade was quite forbidden. But such weeds are ever growing againe, though weeded out as cleane as possible; and so did this: Partly, through the covetousnesse of the rich, making way for their owne profit; and partly through the necessities of the poore, giving way to it for their own supply.

Gracchus now Pretor, and hee to whom the complaint was made at this time, being much perplexed with the matter, re­ferreth it to the Senate as perplexed as himselfe. Hee perplexed because of the multitude that were in danger, by breach of the Law; and they, because they were in danger themselves. Here was a prize for the greedy appetite of Tiberius, when so many of the best ranke and purses, were fallen into his lurch, and their moneys lent fallen into forfeiture, because of their un­lawfull [Page 144] lending. The guilty Senate obtaine the Emperours pardon, and eighteen moneths are allowed for bringing in of all mens accompts: In which time the scarcity of money did pinch the more, when every ones debts did come to ri­fling: and in the nick of that there followed a great distur­bance about buying Lands, which before was invented for a remedy against the former complaints. But the Emperour was glad to salve up the matter by lending great summes of Money to the people gratis for three yeares.

Sect. 3. Tiberius still cruell.

With this one dramme of humanity, hee mingled many ounces of cruelty and blood-shed. For Considius Proculus as hee was celebrating his birth day without feare and with Festivity, is haled out of his owne house, brought to the barre and con­demned: and his sister Sancia interdicted fire and water. Pom­peia Macrina banished; and her father and brother condemned, and slew themselves. But this yeare there is no reckoning of the slaughtered by name, for now their number grew number­lesse. All that were imprisoned and accused for conspiracy with Sejanus, hee causeth to bee slaine every mothers sonne. Now, saith mine Author, there lay an infinite massacre of all sexes, ages, conditions, noble and ignoble, either dispersed, or together on heaps. Nor was it permitted to friends or kindred to comfort, bewaile, or behold them any more: but a Guard set, which for the greater griefe abused the putrified bodies till they were haled into Tiber, and there left to sinke or swim, for none was suffered to touch or bury them. So farre was common humanity banished, and pity de­nyed even after death, revenge being unsatisfied when it had re­venged, and cruelty extended beyond it selfe. Nor did the ac­cusers speed better then the accused, for hee also caused them to be put to death as well as the other, under that colour of ju­stice and retaliation, satisfying his cruelty both wayes to the greater extent. It were to be admired, and with admiration to be admired, never to be satisfied (were it not that the avenging [Page 141] hand of God upon the bloody City is to bee acknowledged in it) that ever a people should be so universally bent one against another, seeking the ruine and destruction one of another, and furthering their owne misery, when they were most mi­serable already, in him that sought the ruine of them all. A fitter instrument could not the Tyrant have desired for such a purpose then themselves; nor when hee had them so plia­ble to their owne mischiefe, did he neglect the opportunity, or let them bee idle: For as hee saw accusations encrease, so did hee encrease his laws to breed more: insomuch that at the last it grew to bee capitall, for a servant to have fallen before, or neare the image of Augustus, or for any man to carry either coine or ring into the Stewes, or house of Office, if it bare up­on it the image of Tiberius.

Sect. 3. A wicked accusation.

Who can resolve whether it were more vexation to suffer up­on such foolish accusations, or upon others more solid; but as false as these were foolish? That was the fortune of Sextus Marius an intimate friend of the Emperours; but as it proved, not the Emperour so of his: This was a man of great riches and honour, and in this one action of a strange vaine-glory and revenge. Having taken a displeasure at one of his Neigh­bours, hee inviteth him to his house, and there detained him feasting two dayes together. And on the first day hee pulleth his house downe to the ground, and on the next hee buildeth it up farre fairer and larger then before. The honest man when hee returned home found what was done, admired at the speed of the worke, rejoyced at the change of his house, but could not learn who had done the deed. At the last Marius confessed that he was the agent, and that hee had done it with this in­tent, To shew him that hee had power to doe him a displea­sure, or a pleasure, as he should deserve it. Ah blinded Mari­us, and too indulgent to thine owne humours! se [...]st thou not the same power of Tiberius over thee? and thy fortunes pin­ned [Page 144] upon his pleasure, as thy neighbours upon thine. And so it came to passe that fortune read him the same lecture, that his fancy had done another. For having a young beautifull Daughter, and such a one, as on whom the Emperour had cast an eye, and so plainly, that the father spyed it, hee removed her to another place, and kept her there close and at distance, lest she should have been violated by him, who must have no denyall. Tiberius imagined as the thing was indeed, and when hee seeth that hee cannot enjoy his love, and satisfie his lust, hee turneth it to hate and revenge. And causeth Marius to be accused of incest with his daughter whom hee kept so close, and both father and daughter are condemned, and suffer for it both together.

Sect. 5. A miserable life and death.

In these so fearefull and horrid times, when nothing was safe, nothing secure, when silence and innocency were no protection, nor to accuse, no more safeguard then to bee ac­cused, but when all things went at the Emperours will, and that will alwayes cruell, what course could any man take not to bee intangled, and what way being intangled to extricate himselfe? The Emperours frownes were death, and his favours little better; to be accused was condemnation, and to accuse was often as much; that now very many found no way to e­scape death but by dying, nor to avoid the cruelty of others, but by being cruell to themselves. For though selfe-murder was alwayes held for a Roman valour, yet now was it become a meere necessity; men choosing that miserable exigent to a­void a worse, as they supposed, and a present end, to escape fu­ture evills. So did Asinius Gallus at this time for the one, and Nerva for the other. This Gallus about three yeares agoe, comming to Tiberius upon an Ambassy, was fairely en­tertained and royally feasted by him, but in the very interim he writeth letters to the Senate in his accusation. Such was the Tyrant [...] friendship; and so soure sawce had poore Asinius to [Page 145] his dainty fare. A thing both inhumane and unusuall, that a man the same day should eate, drinke and be merry with the Emperour, and the same day bee condemned in the Senate up­on the Emperours accusation. An Officer is sent to fetch him away a Prisoner; from whence hee had but lately gone Ambassadour. The pooreman being thus betrayed, thought it vaine to beg for life; for that hee was sure would bee denyed him, but he begged that he might presently bee put to death, and that was denyed also. For the bloody Emperour deligh­ted not in blood and death onely, but in any thing that would cause other mens misery, though it were their life. So having once committed one of his friends to a most miserable and intolerable imprisonment; and being sollicited and earnestly sued unto, that he might bee speedily executed and put out of his misery, hee flatly denyed it, saying, That hee was not growne friends with him yet. Such was the penance that hee put poore Gallus to: a life farre worser then a present death; for hee ought him more spight and torture then a suddaine executi­on. The miserable man being imprisoned and straitly looked to, not so much for feare of his escape by flight, as of his escape by death, was denyed the sight and conference of any one whosoever, but him onely that brought him his pitifull dyet, which served onely to prolong his wretched life, and not to comfort it; and he was forced to take it, for hee must by no meanes be suffered to die. Thus lived (if it may bee called a life) a man that had been of the honourablest rank and office in the City; lingring and wishing for death, or rather dying for three yeares together; and now at last hee findeth the means to famish himself, and to finish his miserable bondage with as miserable an end; to the sore displeasure of the Emperour, for that hee had escaped him, and not come to publike execution.

Such an end also chose Nerva one of his neare friends and familiars, but not like the other, because of miseries past or pre­sent; but because of feare and foresight of such to come. His way that hee tooke to dispatch himself of his life, was by totall ab­stinence and refusall of food; which when Tiberius perceived [Page 146] was his intent, hee sits downe by him, desires to know his rea­son, and begs with all earnestnesse of him, that he would desist from such a design: For what scandall, saith he, will it be to mee, to have one of my nearest friends to end his own life, and no cause given why he should so die? But Nerva satisfied him not either in answer or in act, but persisted in his pining of himself, and so dyed.

Sect. 6. The miserable ends of Agrippina and Drusus.

To such like ends came also Agrippina and Drusus, the wife and son of Germanicus, and mother and brother of Caius, the next Emperour that should succeed. These two, the daughter in law, and Grandchild of Tiberius himselfe, had about foure yeares agoe beene brought into question by his un­kind and inhumane accusation, and into hold and custo­dy untill this time. It was the common opinion that the cur­sed instigation of Sejanus, whom the Emperour had raised pur­posely for the ruine of Germanicus his house had set such an accusation a foot; and made the man to bee so cruell towards his owne family; but when the two accused ones had miserably survived the wicked Sejanus, and yet nothing was remitted of their prosecution, then opinion learned to lay the fault where it deserved, even on the cruelty and spite of Tiberius himselfe. Drusus is adjudged by him to die by famine, and miserable and woefull wretch that he was, hee sustaineth his life for nine dayes together, by eating the flockes out of his bed, being brought to that lamentable and unheard of dyet, through ex­tremity of hunger. Here at last was an end of Drusus his misery, but so was there not of Tiberius his cruelty towards him; for he denyed the dead body buriall in a fitting place; he reviled & dis­graced the memory of him with hideous and feigned scan­dals and criminations, and shamed not to publish in the open Senate, what words had passed from the pining man against Tiberius himselfe; when in agony through hunger hee craved meat, and was denyed it. Oh what a sight and hearing was this to the eyes and eares of the Roman people, to behold him [Page 147] that was a child of their dar [...]ing and delight Germanieus, to be thus barbarously and inhumanely brought to his end, and to heare his own Grandfather confesse the action and not dissem­ble it!

Agrippina the woefull mother, might dolefully conjecture what would become of her selfe, by this fatall and terrible end of the poore Prince her son. And it was not long, but she tasted of the very same cup, both of the same kind of death, and of the same kind of disgracing after. For being pined after the same manner, that it might be coloured that she did it of her self (a death very unfitting the greatest Princesse then alive,) she was afterward slandered by Tiberius for adultery with Gallus that died so lately, and that shee caused her owne death for griefe of his. She and her son were denyed buryall befitting their degree, but hid in some obscure place where no one knew, which was no little distaste and discontentment to the people. The Tyrant thought it a speciall cause of boasting and extolling his owne goodnesse, that she had not been strangled, nor dyed the death of common base offenders: And since it was her fortune to die on the very same day that Sejanus had done two yeares be­fore, viz. Octob. 17. it must be recorded as of speciall observati­on, and great thankes given for the matter, and an annuall sa­crifice instituted to Iupiter on that day.

Caius her son, and brother to poore Drusus tooke all this ve­ry well, or at least seemed so to doe, partly glad to bee shut of any one that was likely to have any colour or likelyhood of corrivality with him in his future reigne; and partly being brought up in such a schoole of dissimulation, and growne so perfect a Scholar there, that he wanted little of Tiberius. This yeare hee marryed Claudia the daughter of M. Silanus, a man that would have advised him to good, if hee would have hear­kened; but afterward he matched with a mate and stock, more fitting his evill nature, Ennia the wife of Macro, bvt for advan­tage resigned by her husband Macro, to the adulterating of Caius, and then to his marriage.

Sect. 7. Other Massacres.

The death of Agrippina drew on Plancinaes, a woman that never accorded with her in any thing, but in Tiberius his dis­pleasure, and in a fatall and miserable end. This Plancina, in the universall mourning of the state for the losse of Germanicus, re­joyced at it, and made that her sport, which was the common sorrow of all the State: How poore Agrippina relished this, being deprived of so rare a husband, can hardly be thought of without joyning with her in her just and mournfull indigna­on. Tiberius having a spleen at the woman for some other re­spect, had now a faire colour to hide his revenge under, to call her to account, and that with some applause. But here his re­venge is got into a strait; for if he should put her to death, it may bee it would be some content to Agrippina: And therefore not to pleasure her so much, hee will not pleasure the other so much neither as with present death, but keepeth her in lingring custody till Agrippina be gone, and then must she follow; but her resolutenesse preventeth the Executioner, and to escape ano­thers, she dyeth by her own hand.

Let us make up the heape of the slaughtered this yeare, in the vvords of Dion, Such a number of Senators, to omit others, perished under Tiberius, that the Governours of Provinces were chosen by lot, and ruled, some three yeares, some six, because there were not enough to come in their roome.

Sect. I. Thanklesse officiousnesse.

OF the state and occurrences of the Church this instant yeere, there is neither any particular given by S. Luke, nor any else where to bee found in Scripture, save onely what may be collected from the words of Paul concerning himselfe, namely that he is this yeere either in Arabia or Damascus or both spending one part of it in the one place; and the other in the other. The Church (now this great persecutor is turned Preacher) injoyed no doubt a great deale of ease in the ceasing of the persecution, and benefit by the earnestnesse of his ministery. And so let us leave her to her peace and comfortable times now growing on, and turne our story to the Romans.

Tiberius his reign being now come to the twentieth yeer, the present Consuls L. Vitellius, and Fabius Priscus, do proro­gate or proclaime his rule for ten yeers longer. A ceremony used by Augustus, whensoever hee came to a tenth yeer of his reign, but by Tiberius there was not the like cause. One would have thought the twenty yeers past of his inhumane and bar­barous reigne should have given the City more then enough of such an Emperour: and have caused her to have longed ra­ther for his end then to have prolonged his dominion. But shee will make a virtue now or complement rather of necessity, [Page 152] and will get thanks of him for continuing of that which shee cannot shake off, and is willing that he shall reign still, because she knew he would do so whether shee will or no. It is the for­lorne way of currying favour, to please a man in his owne hu­mour, when we dare not crosse it. The flattering Consuls re­ceived a reward befitting such unnecessary officiousnesse, for they kept the feast, saith Dion, that was used upon such occa­sions, and were punished. Not with death, for the next yeer you shall have Vitellius in Iudea, but with some other inflicti­on which it may bee was pretended for some other reason, but intended and imposed upon a profound policy. For while they thus took on them to confirme his rule they did but shake his title as he conceived, and told him a riddle that hee reigned by their courtesie and not by his own interest: but when hee punished them that would take on them to confirme this superioritie hee proved it independent, and not pinned up­on their will.

Sect. II. Cruelties.

The veine of the Citie that was opened so long agoe, doth bleed still and still as fresh as ever. For Slaughter saith Tacitus was continuall, and Dion addeth that none of them that were accused were acquitted, but all condemned: some upon the letters of Tiberius, others upon the impeachment of Macro (of whom hereafter,) and the rest onely upon suspition. Some were ended by the executioner, others ended themselves by their own hands, the Emperor all this while keeping out of the Citie, and that, as was thought, lest he should be ashamed of such doings there. Among those that perished by their owne hands was Pomponius Labeo, and his wife Paxaea, who being accused for corruption in his government of Maesia, cut his own veines and bled to death, and his wife accompanied him in the same fatall end. To the like end, but upon different oc­casions and accusations came Mamercus Scaurus and his wife Sexitia. He some yeers before having escaped narrowly with [Page 153] life upon a charge of treason, is now involved againe in other accusations, as of Adultery with Livilla, magicall practices, and (not the least) for libelling against Tiberius. For having made a Tragedy which he titled Atreus, and in the same, bring­ing him in, advising one of his subjects in the words of Euripi­des, That he should beare with the folly of the Prince: Tiberius not so guilty indeed of such a taxation of being a foole, as ready to take on to bee guilty, that he might have the better vie a­gainst the Author, personated the matter to himselfe, crying out that Scaurus had made him a bloody Atreus, but that hee would make an Ai [...]x of him again: which accordingly came to passe: for the Tragedian to prevent the executioner, acted his own tragedy, and died by his own hand, his wife being both in­courager and companion with him in the same death. But among these lamentable spectacles so fearfull and so frequent, it was some contentment to see the accusers still involved in the like miseries with those whom they had accused: for that malady of accusing was growne Epidemicall and infectious, sparing none, and as it were catching one of another. The to­kens hereof appeared in the banishment of Servilius and Cor­nelius the accusers of Scaurus, and of Abudius Rufo that had done the like by Lentulus Getulicus. This Getulicus was then commander of the Legions in Germany, and being charged with so much intimacy with Seianus, as that hee intended to have married his daughter to Sejanus his sonne, hee quitted him­selfe by a confident letter to Tiberius. In which hee pleadeth that his familiarity and alliance to Sejanus had begun by the Emperours owne advice and privacy: and he was so farre from crouching, that he profereth termes of partition to Tiberius, namely that hee should enjoy the Empire, and himself would enjoy the Province where he was: This it was to have armes and armies at his disposall, for, for all this affront, the Em­perour is necessarily calme, considering partly his owne age, partly the hatred of the people, but chiefly, that he stood in that height and sway and power that he was in rather by the timorous opinion of others then by any strength or firmnesse of his owne.

[Page 154]This yeer there arose a feigned Drusus in Greece: a man as it seemed, neither led by common policie that might have told him, that so great a Prince of Rome could not possibly have been so long obscured, nor by common opinion which greatly suspected, that Drusus was made away by the Emperours own consent: He found a party as inconsiderate as himselfe, for he was intertained by the Cities of Greece and Ionia, and furnished with aid, and had like to have come into Syria and surprized the forces there, had hee not been descried, taken and sent to Tiberius.

To conclude with some other raritie, besides these of cruel­tie, there was seen a Phoenix in Egypt this yeer, as Tacitus hath laid it, (but as Dion two yeers after) which then exercised the wits of the Philosophicall Greeks interpreting the presage ei­ther to the State or to the Emperour as their fancy led them: and in after times it exercised the pens of Christians, applying it as an Embleme of the resurrection of Christ.

Sect. A commotion of the Iewes caused by Pilate.

BEsides the tumult mentioned before, caused by Pilate among the Jewes about some images of Cesar, Iosephus hath also named another raised by the same Spleene and rancour of his, against that people, which be­cause Eusebius hath placed it at this yeer, bee it recommended to the reader upon his Chronology, Pilate a constant enemy to the nation of which hee was governour, sought and dogged [Page 155] all occasions whereby to provoke them to displeasure, that the displeasure might provoke them to do something that would redound to their owne disadvantage. At this time he took in hand a great worke of an Aquaeduct, or watercourse, to Ieru­salem, to bring the water thither from a place two hundred fur­longs or five and twenty miles off, (as Iosephus reckoneth it in one place, but in another he crosseth himself, and doubleth the measure to foure hundred) and for this purpose hee took the money out of their Corban or holy treasure to expend upon this his fancy. The people displeased with what was done come together by multitudes, some crying out against the work, and others plainly against Pilate. For they of old did know his conditions, that his affection was not so much to the people or to do them good by his Aquaeduct, as it was to tyrannize over their consciences which were nailed to their an­cient rights and rites. But he suborning some of his Souldiers in the common garbe and garments, and they hiding clubs un­der their coates disposed themselves so about the multitude that they had them within them. And then, when the people con­tinued still in their outrage and rayling, upon a signall given, they fall upon them, and beate without distinction all before them, both those that were seditious and those that were not: so that many died in the place and the rest departed away sore wounded. This is the tenour of th story in Iosephus in Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 4. & Bell. Iudaic. lib. 2. cap. 14. In the alle­gation of which History by Baronius, to omit his placing of it in the first yeer of Pilate about which he sheweth himselfe in­different, I cannot passe these two things without observing. 1. That he saith that Pilate took the head of his watercourse three hundred furlongs off, whereas in the Greek there is no such summe in either of the places where the story is related, but in the one, two hundred and in the other foure. 2. That whereas the Greek readeth the transition to the next story, de Bell. Iud. l. 2. cap. 15. [...], &c. At that time Agrippa the accuser of Herod went to Tiberius, &c. His Latin readeth it, Atque ab hoc accusator Herodis Agrippa, &c. losing both [Page 156] scantling of the time which the Author hath given & Eusebius followed, and seeming to bring Agrippa to Rome about this matter of Pilate.

In the twentieth yeere of Tiberius hath the same Iosephus placed the death of Philip the Tetrarch, although hee hath named it after the entrance of Vitellius upon the government of Syria, which was in the next yeere; but such transpositions are no strange things with him. This Philip was Tetrarch of Trachonitis, Gaulonitis, and Batanaea, he died in the Citie Iulias and was interred with a great deale of funerall pompe. His te­trarchy was added to Syria, but the tributes of it were reserved within it self.

Sect. Affaires of the Iewes, Vitellius their Friend.

VItellius the last yeers Consul a [...] Rome is sent this yeer Proconsul into Syria, to govern that and Iudea which was incorporated into that Pro­vince. A man more Honorable abroad then at his owne doors, renowned in his youth, but ignominious in his old age, brave in ruling in forain parts, but base in officiousnesse and flattery at Rome. At the time of the Passeover, he commeth up to Ierusalem, whether induced by curiositie to see the festivall, or by the opportunity of the concourse, to behold the whole body of his dominion collected in so small a compasse, and to disperse among them his commands, or for what other cause let him keep it to him­selfe: But so well did he like his intertainment, and the people that had given it him, that hee remitted to all the inhabitants, the Toll or Impost of all the fruits bought and sold: and hee permitted to the Priests the keeping of the High-Priests gar­ments, which alate had been in the custody of the Romans. For Hyrcanus the first of that name, having built a tower neer unto the Temple, and living in it himself, and after him, some of his successors, he laid up there those holy garments, which they onely might weare as in a place most convenient, both where to put them on when they came into the Temple, and to put them off when they went into the Citie. But Herod [Page 160] in after times seising upon that tower and repairing it, and naming it Antonia in honour of the great Antony, hee seised also upon the custody of those robes, when hee found them there, and so also did Archelaus, his sonne. But the Romans deposing of Archelaus and usurping his whole dominion (if reassuming of that which they had bestowed before, may bee called usurpation) they also as hee had done, kept these sacred garments under their hands: Laying them up in a roome un­der the seales of the Priests, and the keepers of the treasury: and the keeper of the Tower set up a Candle there every day. Seven dayes before any of the feasts, they were delivered out by the same keeper, and purified because they came out of hea­then hands, and used the first day of the feast, and restored the second, and laid up as before. Vitellius graciously restored the custody of them to the Priests as had been used of old. But Ioseph who was also called Caiaphas who should have first worn them after, was removed by him from the high priest-hood, and Ionathan the sonne of Ananus placed in his stead. And thus is one of the unjust Judges of our Saviour judged himself, and the next yeere, and by this same Vitellius wee shall have the other judged also.

Sect. I. Affaires in the Empire. A rebellion in Parthia, &c.

AT this yeer hath Eusebius in his Chronicle, placed the Spleen of Seianus against the Jewes, which was some yeers before: and the spleene of Herod against Iames and Peter, which was some yeers after: and In Chron. Mundi l. 8. Massaeus in his Chronicle, hath placed the assumption of the Virgin Mary, which was no body knownes when. A story first pub­lished [Page 161] to the world by revelation, as the common cry went of it, but invented indeed by superstition, backed by ease and love of holydayes, and growne into credit and intertainment by credulitie and custome. As unconstant to it selfe for time, as her Sex is of whom it is divulged, for there is so great dif­ference about the time when this great wonder was done, that it is no wonder if it bee suspected to have been done at no time at all. We will leave to rake into it, till wee come to find it in its place, and rubrick in Eusebius, who is the most likely man to follow: and for the present we will divert the readers eyes to a matter of farre more truth and likelihood; Phraates a King of Parthia of old, had given Vonones his eldest sonne for an Hostage to Augustus: and Augustus upon the re­quest of the Parthians afterward, had given him againe unto them for their King. At the first hee was well accepted and well affected by them and among them, as he had been desired by them, but afterward he was disliked and displaced by Ar­tabanus whom they had called in for their King in his stead. This Artabanus having been kept in awe by Germanicus whilest he lived, and having been a good while agoe quitted and deli­vered of that awe by Germanicus his death, and having at this present, a fit opportunity for the seisure of the Kingdome of Armenia, by the death of Artaxias their King, he taketh upon him to place Arsaces his own eldest son in that throne▪ deman­ding withall some treasures that Vonones had left in Syria and Cilicia, and challenging the royalty of Persia and Macedon, and the old possessions of Cyrus and Alexander: This was a proud scorne and defiance to the Romans, and such as was not possible for their victoriousnesse to digest, nor safe for him to offer, but that he was imboldned to it by considering the Emperours old age. But Sinnaces and Abdus and other Nobles of Parthia, not trusting their lives and liberties to the rashnesse of Artabanus, come secretly to Rome and commit the matter to Tiberius: He upon their request and glad of opportunity to correct the insolencies of Artabanus giveth them Phraates, ano­ther sonne of Phraates their old King, who also lay for an [Page 162] Hostage at Rome, and dispatcheth him away for his fathers Throne and the Nobles with him. And thus is Artabanus in a faire way of an equall retaliation, to lose his owne king­dome as he had usurped another mans. As they were thus tra­vailing homeward with this designe and plot in their minds and hands, Artabanus having intelligence of the matter coun­terplotteth againe: and fairely inviting Abdus under pretence of great amity to a banquet, preventeth his future designes by poison, and stops the haste of Sinna [...]es by dissimulation and gifts. Phraates the new elected King, the more to ingratiate himself to his countreymen by complying with them in their manners, forsaketh the Roman garbe, customes, and diet, to which he had been so long inured, and betaketh himselfe to the Parthian, which being too uncouth and hard for him, especially upon a change so suddaine, it cost him his life as hee was in Syria.

But this unexpected accident, caused not Tiberius to forelet or neglect the opportunity so fairely begun, but to follow it the more earnestly. For choosing Tiridates a man of the same blood, and an enemy to Artabanus, hee investeth him in the same right and challenge to the Parthian crowne, and sendeth him away for it. Writing letters withall to Mithradates the King of Iberia to invade Armenia, that the distresse and strait of Ar [...]aces there might draw Artabanus thither to his reliefe and give Tiridates the more easie accesse to his countrey. For the better securing of Mithradates to this imployment, hee ma­keth him and his brother Pharasmenes friends, between whom there had been some feud before, and inciteth them both to this same service. This they accordingly performe, and brea­king into Armenia, they shortly make the King away by bri­bing of his servants, and take the City Artaxata with their Army. Artabanus upon these tidings sendeth away Orodes his other sonne, to relieve and to revenge: But Pharasmanes having joyned the Albanes and Sarmatians to his party, and hee and the Iberians by this union being masters of the passages, they powre in Sarmatians into Armenia by multitudes through the [Page 163] straits of the Caspian mountaines, and deny passage to any that would aide the Parthian. So that Orodes commeth up to Pharasmanes, but can goe no further, and they both lie in the field so close together that Pharasmanes biddeth him battell at his owne trenches: which being stoutly and strangely fought between so many nations and so differently barbarous, it for­tuned that the two Princes met in the heat of the light, and Pharasmanes wounded Orodes through the Helmet, but could not second his blow himselfe being borne away by his horse beyond his reach, and the other was suddainly succomed and sheltered by his guard. The rumour of this wound of the King by dispersion grew to a certain report of his death, and that, by as certain an apprehension, grew to the losse of the Par­thians day. Nor was the rumour altogether mistaken, for the wound though it were not so sodainly, yet was it so surely dead­ly, that it brought him to his end. Now it is time for Artabanus to looke and stirre about him when he hath lost his two sons, and when his two kingdomes are neere upon losing. Hee mu­stereth and picketh up all the forces his dominions could afford, and those no more neither (if they were enough) then the present necessity and forlorne estate of himselfe and kingdomes did require. What would have been the issue, and where the storme of this cloud, and shower of these prepara­tions would have lighted, Vitellius gave not leave and time to be determined, for raising all the legions of Syria and therea­bout, (for Tiberius upon these troubles had made him ruler of all the East) he pretended an invasion of Mesopotamia. But Artabanus suspecting whither that warre might bend indeed, and his discontented subjects, upon this conceit of the assi­stance of the Romans daring to shew their revolt against him, which they durst not before, hee was forced to flee with some forlorne company into Scythia, hoping that his absence might remove the hatred of the Parthians, which wee shall see here­after came accordingly to passe, and Vitellius without any blow struck, maketh Tiridates King in his stead.

Sect. II. Tiberius still cruell and shamelesse.

He was now got to Antium, so neer the City, that in a day or nights space he could have, or give a returne to any letters: For all his age which the Parthian King had despised, and for all the troubles that hee had caused, yet remitted hee nothing of his wonted rigour and savagenesse. The Seianians were as eagerly hunted after as ever, and it was no escape nor helpe to the accused, though the crimes object [...]d were either obso­lete or feigned. This caused Fulcinius Trio for that hee would not stay for the formall accusations which hee perceived were comming against him, to end himself with his own hand, ha­ving left most bitter and invective taunts and taxations in his last will and testament, against Tiberius and his darling Ma­cro. The executors durst not publish nor prove the will for feare of the executioner, but the Emperour, when hee heard of the contents of it, caused it to be openly read and divulged, and prided himselfe in those just reproaches. Nor wanted he more of those reproaches from others also, but hee repaid the authors in cruell discontent, though hee seemed to heare his own disgrace with delight. For Sextius Paconianus was strang­led in prison for making Verses against him. It may be they were those in Suetonius. Asper & Immitis, breviter his omnia di­cam? Dispeream si te mater amare potest, &c.

Granius Martianus, Trebellienus Rufus, and Poppaeus Sabinus, were accused for some other offences, and died by their owne hands, and Tatius Gratianus that had once been Praetor was condemned by a Praetorian Law, and escaped his owne hands indeed, hee did not escape the executioners.

Sect. I. The Parthian warre not yet composed.

TIridates seated in his throne, as was related before, but as it proved, neither sure in it, nor in the hearts of all his people, (the first of these being caused by the lat­ter) hee taketh in, certaine Parthian townes, and that by the Parthians owne consent and aide. For his Roman education compared with the Scythian carriage of Artabanus made the people to hope accordingly of his demeanour, and to entertain him with present applause and future expectati­on. The day of his coronation being appointed, letters from Phraates and Hiero, two of the chiefest commanders in the State, desire that it might be deferred for a certain space, which accordingly was done in regard of the greatnesse of the men. The King in the meane time goeth up to Ctesiphon the Imperi­all Citie, attending the comming of these two Nobles, who [Page 174] when they put it off from day to day, Surena, in the presence and by the approvall of very many, crowneth him on their countrey manner. These two Nobles and many others that were absent from this solemnity, some for feare of the Kings displeasure, some for hatred of Abdageses, his favorite, and some no doubt upon a plot premeditated, betake themselves to Artabanus their old King againe. Him they find in Hyrcania hunting in the woods with his bow for his food, rusty and dirty in habit and attire, and overgrown with filth and neglect of himself. At his first sight of them it is no wonder if he were stricken with amazement, but their errand being related, it con­verted that passion into equall joy. For they complaine of Tiridates his youth, and effeminacy, of the Diadems translati­on out of the blood, of the potency of Abdageses, and the losse of their old King, whom they now are come to desire a­gaine. Artabanus beleeveth them and consenteth, and raising speedily what Scythians hee could, marcheth away towards his kingdome againe. But his royall apparell hee wore not with him, but the poore and rugged garbe of his misery & exile, thereby to move the more to pity: and used all his wits and policy to make himself a party strong on his side all the way as hee went. But hee needed not all this cautelousnesse and pre­paration, for Tiridates but hear [...]ng of his approaching to­wards Seleucia, under colour of going to raise up forces, de­parted into Syria, and parted with his new kingdome with as much facility as he had obtained it.

Sect. 2. Artabanus giveth hostages to Rome.

When the power and policy of Tiberius, and his agent Vitellius that had served to get Artabanus out of his Kingdom, would not serve the turn to keep him thence; they send to treat of friendship with him, suspecting what trouble such a spirit might procure, should it bend it selfe against the Roman Em­pire. The King wearyed with the toiles of Warre, and know­ing without a prompter, what it was to defie the Romans, con­descendeth [Page 175] readily to the motion, and Vitellius and hee mee­ting upon a bridge made over Euphrates for that purpose, each, with a guard about him; conclude upon Articles of agreement, and Herod the Tetrarch entertaineth them both, in a pavilion curiously seated in the midst of the streame. Not long after this Artabanus sendeth Darius his son for an hostage to Tiberius; and withall he sendeth Eleazar a Jew, of seven cubits high, for a present; and many other gifts.

Sect. 3. A Commotion in Cappadocia.

Whilst matters went thus unquietly in Parthia, the Calite a Nation of Cappadocia, grew discontented about paying tribute to the Romans, & so departed into the mountaine Taurus, and there fortifie, resolving as they never had used to pay such tax­ations; so never to learne, nor to use to doe so. Archelaus was now King, but not now King of them; for the strength of the mountains, and the desperatenes of their resolution, do ani­mate them to withstand him and to rebell against the Romans. When tydings of this was brought to Vitellius into Syria, he dispatcheth away M. Trebellius with foure thousand legionary Souldiers, and some other Forces raised otherwayes, to bring the Rebells to obedience or to ruine. Trebellius invironeth with workes and men, two hills, Cadra and Davara, where they were the most strongly trenched, and those that were so hardy as to come forth, hee subdueth with the sword, and the rest with famishing.

Sect. IIII. Bloodshed at Rome.

These diseases of the Roman body were far from the heart, and yet was the heart, the Citie it self but little the better; for though some veines were opened in these warres which one would have thought should have turned the blood another way, yet did the Citie through the cruelty of the Emperour bleed inwardly still. For L. Aruleius and some others died by [Page 176] the hand of the Executioner, and C. Galba, two of the Blesii, and the Lady Aemylia Lepida by their owne hands. But the ex­ample of the greatest terror was Vibulenus Agrippa a Knight, who being at the barre, when he had heard what his accusers could say against him, and despairing to escape hee tooke poy­son out of his bosome in the face of the Court (Dion saith hee sucked it out of his Ring) and swallowed it and sank downe and was ready to die, yet was hee haled away to prison and there strangled.

Sect. V. Mishaps.

Besides this deluge of blood, which overflowed the Citie continually, there was also this yeer a deluge of water. For Tiber rose so high and violently into the town, that many streets became navigable, and where men had walked lately on their feet, they might have passed now up and downe in ships. And a greater misfortune happened this yeer likewise by the contrary element: for a terrible fire consumed the buil­dings of the mount Aventine and that part of the Circus that lay betwixt that and the Palace; For the repaire of all which again, Tiberius out of his own treasure gave a great summe of money: Tacitus saith Millies Sestertium, which according to the value and reckoning of our English coine amounted to eight hundred thousand pounds, within nineteen thousand. A summe not strange in an Emperours coffer at Rome, where the vastnesse of the Empire brought in vast revenues, but somewhat strange out of the purse of Tiberius for so good a purpose, whose co­vetousnesse was larger then those whole revenues. And there­fore as I cannot but observe the difference of Dion about this liberality of the Emperour from Tacitus, and the difference of his translator from his Text; so can I not but conceive his computation and account to be the more probable in regard of the niggardise of the Emperour. For whereas the summe of Tacitus is eight hundred thousand within nineteen, hee hath so farre come short of such a reckoning, that he maketh nine­teen [Page 177] thousand pounds to bee the whole account. For Tiberius saith he gave [...], two thousand and five hundred thousand, meaning [...]600. sestertia, and each sester­tium containing a thousand Sestertios, this accreweth to about the summe last named, of 19000 l. and yet hath his transla­tor forsaken his Greek, and followed Tacitus Latine, to so vast a difference.

Sect. I. A commotion in Samaria. Pilate out of office.

A Great space of time is past since wee heard any newes of Pontius Pilate, and news it is indeed that his ma­licious and stirring spirit hath not entertained us with some bloody tragedy or other, of all this while. His government draweth now neer its expiration, for he is going upon the tenth yeere of it, and it is a kind of miracle if so mischievous an agent, should part withour acting some mischiefe before his exit, and this at last hee did which put him out of office. There was a certain impostor among the Samaritans (Simon Magus as like as any) that would per­swade the people, that in mount Gerizim he could shew them,Ioseph. Ant. l. 1 [...] c. 5. See how Egesippus re­lateth this sto­ry, De excid. Hieros. l. 1. c. 5. holy vessels which Moses had hid and laid up there with his owne hand. The credulous vulgar meet by multitudes at a certain Village called Tira [...]haba intending when their com­pany was full, to goe see these sacred reliques. But Pilate be­fore-hand takes the passages with his Horse and Foot, and falling upon those that were thus assembled, some he slew, o­thers he took captive and the rest fled. Of those that he cap­tived, [Page 178] hee caused the noblest and most principall to bee put to death. For this fact the chiefe men of Samaria, accuse him to Vitellius, who commands him to Rome, there to answer be­fore the Emperour what should bee objected against him; and in his stead he made Marcellus a friend of his owne, the Go­vernour of Iudea: but before Pilate came to Rome, Tiberius was dead. Yet hath Eusebius put off the testimony that Pi­late is said to have given to Tiberius concerning the death and resurrection of Christ, and concerning the wonders wrought by him, till the next yeare following. A relation doubtfull in it selfe, but more then doubtfull in the issue. For first, though it be granted that Pilate bare witnesse to the works and wonders done by Christ, and gave testimony to his re­surrection, which yet to beleeve requireth a better evidence then I can find any: Yet secondly, the Epistle that is pre­tended for this his certificate by In Anace­phal. in bibli­oth. Patr. tom. 7 Hegesippus, cannot be that originall one that Tertullian, and out of him Eusebius do mention, because it is indorsed to Claudius, and not to Tibe­rius. Thirdly, though both these were confessed and agreed unto, that Pilate wrote a Letter to Tiberius to such a purpose, and that this was the Letter, or some other that Tertullian had seen; yet can I never find the Emperour of so good a nature, and respective a disposition, as to give the de­sert of goodnesse its due, be it never so eminent and conspicu­ous, or bee it in what kind soever. Fourthly, and lastly, that which maketh all the rest of the story to bee doubted of, and which may justly hinder the entertainment of it, is, what is added in the common relation of the story. That Tiberius re­ferring this matter to the Senate, with his vote, that Christ should bee numbred among the Gods, and Christianity among their holy things; the Senate crossed him in it with flat con­trariety, because Pilate had written of it to him, and not to them. Now in the Stories that have been related before con­cerning the state and affaires of Rome, and by other stories that might bee produced in other yeares, it is but too misera­bly evident, that the Senate was in too great a feare and slavery [Page 179] to the Tyrant, then to dare to affront him so palpably and plainly. Pilate after this, as Chron. ad an­num. chr. 41. Eusebius alledgeth out of the Roman Historians, falling into many miseries, ended him­self with his own hand, the common and desperate Roman re­medy against distresse. In Chron. Cassiodorus hath placed his death un­der the Consulship of Publicola and Nerva: And the common report hath given it in, that the place was Vienna.

Sect. 2. Agrippa his journey to Rome.

This Agrippa was the sonne of Aristobulus (who dyed by the cruelty of his father Herod) and hee was a man that had sufficiently tryed the vicissitudes of fortune heretofore, but ne­ver so much as hee is about to doe now. A good while agoe hee had lived in Rome, and in the familiarity of Drusus the son of Tiberius: That great acquaintance caused great expences; partly in his own port and pompe, and partly in gifts and be­neficence bestowed upon others. When Drusus dyed, then Agrippaes estate is not onely dead, but his hopes also: so that hee is forced to flee from Rome into Iudea for debt and pover­ty; and thence into a certaine Tower in Idumea for shame and discontent. His wife Cyprus by sollicitation and suing to Herodias, obtaineth Herods favour so farre, that hee was remo­ved to Tiberias, made a chiefe Governour or Officer of the Ci­ty, and allowance given him for his Diet. But this lasted not long ere Herod and hee fell out; whereupon hee removed away, and betooke himself to Flaccus the then Governour of Syria, who had been his old acquaintance at Rome: Long he had not continu'd there neither, but Aristobulus his brother wrought him out of his favour and abode there. From thence hee went to Ptolomais, intending to have set from thence for Italy, but was forced to stay till hee had borrowed some moneys before: Being now furnished and shipped, hee was againe stopped by Herennius Capito, the Governour of Iamnia, for some money that hee ought to the Treasury of Tiberius. And what must he doe now? Hee must not goe till hee have paid the summe, [Page 180] and when hee hath paid it, then hee cannot goe for want of more. He taketh on him to obey the arrest while it was day, but at night hee cut cables, and set away for Alexandria: There hee reneweth his borrowing againe of Alexander Alabarcha and obtaineth of him five talents for his viaticum: and now this yeare (namely as Iosephus noteth it, the yeare before Tiberius his death) hee setteth away for Italy againe. This Alabarcha is not the proper name of any man, but the title of men that bare Rule over the Jews in Alexandria. For I observe that as Iosephus in one place, calleth it Alabarcha, and Alabarchus, so in another hee calleth it [...] & [...], fixing it thereby as a title rather to any man that bare such an Office, then as a proper name to any man at all. And if conjecture may read its denotation & Etymology, it seemeth to bee com­pounded of the Arabick Article Al, which they fix before all their nownes, and the Egyptian word Abrec [...], which in that language importeth dignity and honour (as we have observed elsewhere) as may be collected from the proclamation before Ioseph, Gen. 41.43.

Agrippa being arrived at Puteoli, sendeth to the Emperour to Capre [...] to certifie him of his comming, and of his desire to wait upon him there. Tiberius giveth him admi [...]sion and en­tertainment according to his mind: till Letters from Heren­nius Capi [...]o spoiled that cheare: For the Emperour under­standing by them how he had slipped the collar at Iamnia, from his Officer, and from his owne debt, hee doth flatly for­bid him any more accesse unto him till the money bee paid. Now is Agrippa in a worse case then ever: for there is no pal­tering with Tiberius, though there were with Capito; and no shifting from Capreae, though hee had found such an opportu­nity at Iamnia. Nor is there any such thought to bee enter­tained. For now his life and fortunes, and all lay in the hand of Tiberius; and when hee findeth him inclinable to use him kindly, there is no loosing that favour, for want of paying such a summe: Of Antonia the mother of Germanicus, and the old friend and favourer of Bernice the mother of Agrippa, [Page 181] he borroweth the money, and getting out of the Emperours debt, he getteth into his favour againe. Insomuch that hee commendeth him to the converse, acquaintance, and atten­dance of Caius his Grandchild that was to succeed him.

Sect. 3. His Imprisonment.

Happy might now Agrippa thinke himselfe, if hee can but hold so: For he hath obtained the inward friendship of Caius, and with it retained the outward favour of Tiberius. Antonia and Claudius a future Emperour and all favour him, but hee becomes an enemy to himselfe. Whether it were in love or flattery to Caius, or to himselfe and his owne hopes, hee cast­eth himselfe into a present danger upon a future expectation. For Caius and hee being very intimate and private together, whether more affectionately, or undiscreetly, hee himselfe best felt; hee brake out into this dangerous wish, That Tibe­rius might soon die, and Caius as soon come to rule in his stead. These words were heard by Eutychus his servant, and a while concealed; but when Agrippa prosecuted him for stealing some of his cloaths, which hee had stoln indeed, hee then brake forth and revealed all: for fleeing for his theft, and caught and brought before Piso the Sheriffe of the City, and deman­ded the reason of his flight, hee answered that he had a great secret to impart to Cesar, which concerned his life. Piso there­fore sent him bound to Tiberius, who also kept him bound and unexamined a certain season: Now began Agrippa to ha­sten and spurre on his owne misery and vexation: Whether having forgotten the words that he had spoken, or not remem­bring the presence of his servant, at the speech; or not suspe­cting that his tale to Cesar would bee against himself; or which was likelyest, thinking to make his cause the better by his confidence, he solliciteth his old friend Antonia, to urge the Emperour for a tryall of his servant. Tiberius declineth it, though he suspected the matter; not so much belike for A­grippaes sake, as for Caius sake, whom the familiarity that was [Page 182] betwixt them made him suspect to be accessary, if any thing should prove otherwise then well. But being still importuned by Antonia, at last when hee had uttered these words, Let the Gods witnesse O Antonia, that what I shall doe, I doe not of my own mind, but by thy solicitation: Hee commanded Eutychus to bee brought forth, who being examined, confessed readily that such words were spoken by Agrippa to Caius, himselfe being present, adding others no lesse dangerous, that were spoken a­bout young Tiberius. The Emperour as readily beleeved the matter; and presently called out to Macro to bind him. Ma­cro not understanding that he meant Agrippa, prepared to bind Eutychus more strictly for examination: but Tiberius having walked about the place, and comming to Agrippa, it is this man saith he, that I commanded to be bound. And when Macro as­ked him again who? Why, saith he, Agrippa. Then did A­grippa begin to finde how hee had forwarded his owne mishap, but it was too late. And then did hee begin to pray him now, whom hee lately prayed against, but that was too late also. For Tiberius was not halfe so averse to have tryed his servant, as he is now to forgive the Master: and hee cannot bee much blamed, for he had wished his mischie [...], and procured his own. Well, Agrippa is tyed in bands, and led away to prison as hee was, in his purple robes, a garment very incompatible with chaines, unlesse of Gold. Being exceeding thirsty with heate and sorrow, as he went towards the prison, hee spyed one Thaumastus a servant of Caius, carrying a Tankard of water, and hee desired some to drinke; which when the servant freely and readily gave him, If ever, saith hee, I escape and get out of these bonds, I will not faile to obtaine thy freedome, who hast not refused to minister to mee in my misery and chaines, as well as thou didst in my prosperity and pompe. And this his promise he afterward per­formed.

Sect. IIII. The death of Thrasyllus the Mathematician.

This man Thrasyllus had indeared himselfe to Tiberius, by [Page 183] his skill in Astrologie long agoe, even while hee lived in Rhodes, before the death of Augustus, but with the immi­nent hazard and perill of his owne life. For Tiberius being ve­ry much given to those Chaldean and curious arts, and having got leasure and retirednesse in Rhodes for the learning and pra­ctise of them, hee partly called, and partly had offered to him, those that professed to bee skilfull in that trade and my­stery. His way to try their skill was desperate and terrible, but such a one as best befitted such as would take upon them to foresee things to come, and it was this: when hee consul­ted of any businesse, saith Tacitus, hee used the top of his house, and the privacy of one onely servant, a man utterly unlearned, and of a strong bulke of body: when hee had a mind to try any mans skill, this Lubber was to goe before him over craggy, steepe and dangerous Rocks that hung over the Sea, and over which his house stood: and as they returned againe, if there were any suspition that the Prognosticator had given an answer fraudulent or lying, hee flung him into the Sea, lest hee should reaveale the secret that hee had beene questioned upon. Thrasyllus at his first comming, being brought to this dangerous tryall, and having presaged Tiberius should bee Emperour, and having foretold other things to come, hee was asked by him whether hee could calculate his owne na­tivitie; which when hee went about to doe, and had set a fi­gure, upon the sight and study upon it, hee was first in a muse and then in a feare, and the more hee viewed it, the more hee feared: and at last cryed out that some strange and suddaine danger was neer and ready to seize upon him. Then Tiberius imbracing him commended his skill, secured him against the danger, and retained him ever after for his intimate familiar. This yeer (as Dion doth place it) befell this great Wizzards death, and as it proved, a forerunner of the Emperours: With whom hee did more good with one lie, neere his latter end, then hee had done with all his Astrologicall truths (if he ever told any) all his life long. For assuring him by his skill, that hee should yet live ten yeers longer, though in his heart hee thought no such thing, hee caused him to bee [Page 184] slack and remisse in putting divers men to death, whose end hee had hastned, had hee knowne the haste of his owne, and so they escaped.

Sect. V. Warre betwix [...] Aretas and Herod.

There had been a long grudge betwixt Aretas the King of Arabia Petraea, and Herod the Tetrarch, and a field had beene fought between them before this. For Herod having put away his wife which was Aretas daughter, and having taken Hero­dias (the wife of his owne brother Philip and hee yet living) in her stead, it is no wonder if Aretas dogged him for revenge for this indignity to his Daughter and himselfe. Wherefore hee beginneth to quarrell with him and to seek occasion of warre, by challenge of a territory controvertible, and they come to a pitched battell, in which Herods Army is utterly overthrown, by meanes of some treachery wrought by some fugitives from his brother Philips Tetrarchy which had taken up Armes to fight under his colours: And here, as Iosephus hath observed. It was the observation of divers that this his Army utterly perished through Gods just punishment upon him for the murder of Iohn the Baptist. And it is worth the marking, that this overthrow took beginning from men of that country whence Herodias the causer of that murder, and of the present disqui­etnesse had come. Herod upon this defeat, doubtfull of better successe at another time, for it may bee his conscience told him this was but deserved, betaketh himselfe by letters to Ti­berius, certifying him of the accident, and it is likely, not without much aggravation. The Emperour either displeased at the fortune of Aretas in his victory, or at his audaciousnesse in stirring so within the Empire, or at both together, sendeth angry letters to Vitellius the Governour of Syria, charging him to undertake the warre, and either to bring the rebellious King prisoner alive, or to send his head to Rome. But before the designe came to maturity, Tiberius that had thus threat­ned another mans life had lost his owne, as will appeare here­after: when this first battell was that was so fatall to Herod, it shall not bee insisted on to question, but that this brewing towards a new warre, befell in this yeer, is apparent sufficiently by the sequell.

Sect. I. Macro, all base.

THis man had beene mischievous ever since hee had power to bee so, but now was hee so most of all, that hee might keep that power of his afoot, or might raise it more and more. Hee was used by Tiberius as an instrument to bring down Seianus, the one bad, and the other worse; and after hee had done that, none must stand by his good will, that was likely to stand in his way: Hee was made master of the Praetorian Souldiers in Seia­nus his stead, and as hee possessed his place, so did hee his fa­vour with the Emperour, and the crookednesse of his con­ditions: as if all the honours, fortune, and wickednesse of Seianus had been intailed upon Macro. An agent as fit for Ti­berius as could bee required, and a successor as fit for Seianus. A man as bloody as the Tyrant could desire him, and some­times more then hee set him on worke. Hee was the continuall Alguazil and Inquisitor for the friends and complices of the late ruined Favorite, and under colour of that pursuite, hee tooke out of the way, whosoever would not friend and com­ply with him. Of that number were Cn. Domitius, and Vibi­us Marsus, accused with Albucilla the wife of Satrius secundus, for Adultery, but all three together for conspiracy against the Emperour, yet was there no hand of the Emperours shew­ed for the prosecution of the matter, which shewed the onely spleene and machination of the Blood-hound Macro. Albucilla, [Page 188] whether guilty indeed or knowing that his malice and power would make her so, stabbed her selfe, thinking to have died by her owne hand, but the wound not being deadly, shee was taken away to prison. Grasidius and Fregellanus the pretended Pandars of her adulteries were punished the one with banish­ment, and the other with degradation, and the same penaltie was inflicted upon Laelius Balbus: A man, but justly, paid in his owne coyne, to the rejoycing and content of divers, for hee had been a strong and violent accuser of many innocents. Domitius and Marsus (it may bee) as guilty as the woman, but more discreet, traversed the indictment, and saved their owne lives, partly by the shortnesse of the Emperours life, and partly by the feigned prediction of Thrasyllus, that promised that it should bee long. But too sullen was the indignation of L. Arruntius against Macro, and too desperate his ill conceit of Caius who was to succeed in the Empire, for when hee was inwrapt in the same accusation with the two last named, and might have escaped the same escape that they did, yet despised hee so to outlive the cruelty of Tiberius and Macro, as to come under the greater cruelty of Macro and Caius. No, saith hee, I have lived long enough, and (to my sorrow) too long. Nor doth any thing repent me more, then that thus I have endured an old age under the scornes, dangers and hate, first of Selanus, now of Macro, and alwayes of one great one or another, and that for no other fault then for detesting their flagitiousnesse. It is true indeed that I may survive the old age and weaknesse of Tiberius, but what hopes to doe so by the youth of Caius, and wickednesse of Macro? Can Caius a youth do well being led by Macro, who so corrupted Tiberius in his age? No, I see more tyranny like to come then hath been yet: And therefore will I deliver my selfe from the present misery, and that to come: And with these words and resolution, hee cut his owne veines, and so bled to death: and spent a blood and a spirit, what pitie it was that they should have been so lost? As Macro thus divided his paines in crueltie, betwixt the satisfying of Tiberius his mind and his owne malice, so also did hee, his affections shall I say? or flattery rather, and own-end observances betwixt [Page 189] Tiberius and Caius. For as hee sought to please the one that now ruled, for his owne present security, so did hee, to indear the other that was to succeed, for his future safety: Hereupon he omitted not any opportunitie nor occasion, that he might skrew Caius further and further into Tiberius his favour, and to keepe him there, that he might doe as much for himselfe in­to the favour of Caius. One raritie and non-parallel of ob­sequiousnesse hee shewed to the young Prince, worth recording to his shame, for hee caused his owne wife Ennia Thrasylla to intangle the youthfulnesse of Caius into her love and adulte­ry, and then parted hee with her and gave her to him in marriage. The old Emperour could not but observe this mon­ster of pretended friendship, nor were his old eyes so blind, but hee perceived his flattery plaine in other carriages, in so much that hee brake out to him in these plaine words: Well, thou forsakest the setting Sun, and onely lookest upon the rising.

Sect. II. A wicked woman.

With the wife of Macro, that made her owne prostitution to become her husbands promotion, may not unfitly bee yoa­ked, the mother of Sex. Papinius that made her owne lust her sonnes overthrow: Whether this were the Papinius that was the last yeers Consull, or his sonne, or some other of the same name and family, it is no great matter worth inquiring, but whosoever hee was, infortunate hee was in his mother: for shee caused his end, as shee had given him his beginning. Shee being lately divorced from her husband, betooke herselfe un­to her sonne, whom with flattery and loosenesse shee brought to perpetrate such a thing, that hee could find no remedy for it, when it was done but his owne death. The consequent argueth that the fault was incest, for when hee had cast him­selfe from an high place, and so ended his life, his mother be­ing accused for the occasion was banished the Citie for ten yeers, till the danger of the slipperinesse of her other sons youth was past and over.

Sect. I. Preparations of warre against Aretas.

THe terrible and bitter message of the Emperour to Vi­tellius against King Aretas, must bee obeyed, though more of necessity then of any zeale of Vitellius in He­rods quarrell. He therefore raising what forces he ac­counted fitting for his owne safety in the Emperours favour, and for his safety with the enemy, marcheth toward the seate of the warre, intending to lead his Army through Iu­dea: But hee was diverted from this intention, by the humble supplication of the Jewes to the contrary, who tooke on how contrary it was to their ancient Laws and customes to have any Images and pictures brought into their Country, where­of there was great store in the Romans Armes and Banners. The gentlenesse of the Generall was easily overtreated, and commanding his Army another way, hee himselfe with He­rod and his friends went up to Ierusalem, where hee offered sa­crifice, and removed Ionathan from the High-priesthood, and placed Th [...]ophilus his brother in his stead. This was, saith Iosephus, at a feast of the Jewes, but hee named not which; and Vitellius having stayed there three dayes, on the fourth receiveth letters concerning Tiberius his death. I leave it to bee weighed by the reader whether this festivall were the Passe­over or Pentecost. For on the one hand since Tiberius died about the middle of March as the Roman Historians doe ge­nerally agree, it is s [...]arse possible that the Governour of Syria and the nations of the East should bee unacquainted with it, till Pentecost which was eight or nine weeks after: For all [Page 191] the Empire must as soone as possible [...]ee sworne unto the new Prince, as Vitellius upon the tidings did sweare Iudea, and so long a time might have bred some unconvenience. And yet on the contrary it is very strange, that the intelligence of his death should bee so quick as to get from Rome to Ierusalem betweene the middle of March and the middle of the passeover week.

Vitellius upon the tidings recalleth his Army again, & dispo­seth & billeteth them in the severall places where they had win­tered, for hee knew not whether Caius would be of the same mind with Tiberius about the matter of Aretas and Herod: you may guesse how this news was brooked by the Arabian King, & yet was it no other then what hee looked for, if he beleeved what he himself spake. For hearing of the preparations of Vi­tellius against him, and consulting with Wizards and Augu­ry; This Army, saith hee, shall not come into Arabia, for some of the Commanders shall die; Either hee that commandeth the warre, or hee that undertaketh it, or hee for whom it is undertaken: meaning either Tiberius, Vitellius, or Herod.

Sect. II. An Omen to Agrippa in chaines.

Such another wizardly presage of the Emperours death, had Agrippa at Rome as Iosephus also relateth, who relateth the former. For as hee stood bound before the palace, leaning de­jectedly upon a tree, among many others that were prisoners with him, an Owle came and sate in that tree, to which hee leaned, which a Germane seeing, being one of those that stood there bound, hee asked who hee was that was in the purple, and leaned there: and understanding who hee was: he told him of his inlargement, promotion to honour, and pro­speritie, and that when hee should see that bird againe, hee should die within five dayes after. And thus will the creduli­ty of superstition have the very birds to foretell Tiberius his end, from the Phenix to the Owle.

Sect. I. Tiberius neere his end.

TWice onely did Tiberius proffer to retrne to the Citie after his departure from it, but returned never. The later time was not very long before his end: For be­ing come within the sight of the Citie upon the Appi­an rode, this prodigy (as hee took it) affrighted him back. Hee had a tame Serpent, which comming to feed as hee used to doe with his owne hand, hee found him eaten up by Pismires: upon which ominous accident being advised not to trust him­selfe among the multitude, hee suddenly retired back to Cam­pany, and at Astura hee fell sick. From thence hee removed to Circeii, and thence to Misenum, carrying out his infirmity so well, that hee abated not a whit of his former sports, banquets and voluptuousnesse: whether for dissimulation, or for ha­bituall intemperance, or upon Thrasyllus his prediction, let who will determine. Hee used to mock at Physick, and to scoffe at those, that being thirtie yeers of age, yet would aske other mens counsell, what was good or hurtfull for their own bodies.

Sect. II. His choise of a successor.

But weaknesse at the last gave him warning of his end, & put him in mind to think of his successor: and when hee did so, perplexitie met with such a thought. For whom should hee choose▪ The sonne of Drusus was too young, the sonne of Germanicus was too well beloved, and Claudius was too soft; should hee choose the first or the last, it might helpe to disgrace his judgement, should hee choose the middle, hee might chance to disgrace his owne memory among the people, and for him to looke elsewhere was to disgrace the family of the [Page 193] Caesars. Thus did hee pretend a great deale of care & seriousnesse for the good of the common wealth, whereas his maine ayme and respect was, at his owne credit and his families honour. Well: something hee must pretend to give countenance and credit to his care of the common good. In sine his great deli­beration concluded in this easie issue, namely in a prayer to the Gods to designe his successor, and in an auspicium of his owne hatching, that hee should bee his successor that should come first in to him upon the next morning, which proved to bee Caius. It shewed no great reality nor earnestnesse for the com­mon good in him at all, when so small a thing as this must sway his judgement, & such a trifle be the casting voyce in a mat­ter of so great a moment. His affection was more to young Tibe­rius, his nephew, but his policy reflected more upon Caius: hee had rather Tiberius might have had the rule alone, and yet hee was unwilling that Caius should go without it, seeming to divide his affections betwixt the two, whereas his chiefe thoughts and respects were to his owne selfe. But Caius whom the Gods had cast upon it (as his foolish auspicium per­swaded him) must bee the man, though hee read in his na­ture the very bane of the Empire: and yet for affections sake too must young Tiberius bee joynt heire with him, though hee foresaw and foretold that Caius should murder him. A mon­strous policy: to lay his owne grandchild for a baite, for those jawes that hee knew would devoure him: and this was that by that present cruelty of Caius his owne cruelties that were past might bee forgotten, and the talke of that might not give roome to talke of old Tiberius. This was that pretended care that hee had of the Commonwealth, to bee sure to leave one behind him that should bee worse then himself, that by his greater wickednesse his owne might bee lessened, and that himself might seeme to bee lesse vitious, by the others viti­ousnesse above him. Yet giveth he counsaile to Caius inciting him to goodnes which he himself could never follow, & exhor­ting him to tendernesse towards young Tiberius, which in his heart he was reasonable indifferent whether he followed or no.

Sect. III. His death.

Charicles the Doctor gave notice of his death approaching, to Caius and Macro, though hee stole this judgment and con­jecture but by a sleight. For sitting with the Emperour at a Banquet, and taking on him some earnest and speedy occasion to bee gone to some other place, hee rose from the Table, and pretending to take the Emperours hand to kisse, hee closely and stealingly tryed his Pulse, which Tiberius percei­ving, but not expressing so much, caused him to take his place againe, and the Banquet to bee renewed, and him to sit out the meale. But when the Doctor was got loose from the Ta­ble, and was come to Caius and Macro, and the rest of the adorers of that imperiall Sunne that was now waiting when hee should rise, hee resolved them that his end drew on apace, and was not many daies off: And then was all preparation for the new Emperour when the last gaspe should remove the old. But hee that had used so much dissimulation all his life dissembled even in his dying. For fainting and swooning so very sore, that all conceived hee was departed, and Caius and all his favorites were gone forth to take possession of his new Empire: suddenly the tune is turned, and newes comes forth that Tiberius is revived and calleth for meat: Macro that had often been his instrument of cruelty upon others, [...] the facultie now upon himselfe, and in stead of meate stopt his mouth with a pillow, or with heaping cloaths upon his face and so hee died. There are indeed diversities of opi­nion about the manner of his death, some saying it was thus as is mentioned, others that it was by poyson, others that it was by being denied meat in the intermission of his fits, others that hee rose out of his bed and fell on the floore, no­body being neere him: all which are mentioned by Suetonius. It is not much materiall what his end was, that that is first na­med is most intertained, and certainly it suiteth very well with his deservings, and it is some wonder that he came to such an [Page 195] end no sooner. Hee died the seventeenth of the Calends of Aprill or the sixteenth of March, or if Dion may have his will the seventh, and so the rest of that yeer is accounted the first of Caius.

SECT. IIII. CAIUS.

AN evill Emperour is gone, but a worse is to succeed him. Caius the sonne of Germanicus, a bad child of a good father, inheriting the love and favour of the people for his fathers sake, till hee forfei­ted it, by his reserving the qualities of Tiberius. Hee was surnamed Caligula, from a garbe that hee wore in the Campe, in which hee was bred and educated: from whence hee had the love of the Souldiers, till his barbarous nature lost it. It may seeme incredible, that a worse disposi­tion should ever bee found then that of Tiberius, but the old Politician saw that this was so much beyond it, that it would doe him credit: some impute the fault to his bloody Nurse one Pressilla a Campanian, the custome of which country it was, that the women when they were to give their children suck, they first anointed the Nipple with the blood of an Hedg-hog, to the end their children might bee the more fierce and cruell. This woman was as savage above the rest of the nation, as they were above other women, for her brests were all hairy over, like the beards of men, and her activitie and strength in martiall exercises inferiour to few of the in­fantry of Rome. One day as shee was giving Caligula the Pap, being angry at a young child that stood by her, shee tooke it and tore it in peeces, and with the blood thereof anoin­ted her breasts & so set her nursling Caius to suck both blood [Page 196] and milke. But had not his infancy been educated▪ in such a butchery, the schoole of his youth had beene enough to have habituated him to mischief. For being brought up in the sight, and at the elbow of Tiberius, it would have served to have corrupted the best nature that could bee; but this of his was either never good, or at least was spoiled long before. Yet had he reasonably well learned his Tutors art of dissimulation, so that he hid those Serpentine conditions, not onely before Tiberius his death, but also a while after hee had obtained the Empire. Onely he that had taught him to weave this mantle of dissembling could spie through it, insomuch that he would professe, That Caius lived for the destruction of him and all others. And that hee hatched up a snake for the Roman Empire, and a Phae­ton for all the world. And it proved so both to him and them. For when Tiberius lay a gasping stifled with a pillow prest up­on him, he also throtled him with his hand, and crucified one of his servants that cryed out upon the hideousnesse of the fact. And as for his demeanor toward the State, a little time will give too lamentable witnesse.

Sect. V. Tiberius in a manner cruell being dead.

How welcome news, the tydings of Tiberius death were at Rome, may bee easily conjectured, by any that hath observed his cruelties before. Some cryed out, Tiberius into Tiber, some to the hurdle and Tyburne, some to one thing, some to another, using the more liberty of their tongues against the tyrant now, by how much they had been tyed up the straiter whilst he lived. Nor did the remembrance of his former cruelties onely cause them to rejoice for his death, but a present cruelty, (as if he were bloudy being dead) made him the more odious to them, then alive. For certain men that were but lately condemned, & their execution day falling upon the very day when tydings of his death came to the City (for the Senate did ever allow ten dayes for the condemned persons after their sentence, be­fore their end) the poore men emplored the aide and comfort [Page 197] of every one they met, because Caius to whom they should have sued was not in the City, but they were haled away by the Executioners and strangled.

Sect. VI. Agrippa in a perplexity, and inlarged.

Agrippa was partaker of the common joy, but withall of some mixture of misery, for such variety of fortune had hee tasted ever, and now must hee have a farewell to such vicissi­tudes. Marsy [...] his freeman hearing the rumour in the City, runneth with all speed to certifie his master; and finding him with some company in the wayes toward the Bath, he becke­neth to him with this speech in the Hebrew tongue, The Lion is dead. With which tydings Agrippa was so transported with joy, that the Centurion his Keeper perceived it, and enquiring the reason, and being told it by Agrippa, hee rejoyced with him for the newes, and loseth him from his Bonds. But as they were at Supper, there commeth a contrary report that Tiberius was alive, and would ere long bee in the City. What now thinke you is become of the heart and mettle of Agrippa and his Centurion? Both had done enough by this their pre­sent joy, to procure their endlesse sorrow, and his Keeper the worse of the two; but Agrippa must smart for all for the present. Hee therefore casts him into irons againe, and com­mitteth him to a surer Guard then before: And thus, as his too much eagernesse of Tiberius his death had imprisoned him before, even so doth it now: but the next morning puts him into life again, for the rumour of the old Emperours death, is confirmed by Letters from the ne [...]; and a speciall Warrant commeth from him for the inlarging of Agrippa out of Prison, to the house where hee had used to live be­fore.

Sect. VII. Caius commeth to Rome.

The Corpse of the dead Tyrant is carryed by the Souldiers [Page 198] into the City, Caius himselfe in mourning apparell following the Hearse; and there he maketh his Funeral Oration, & perfor­meth his Obsequies with great pomp & solemnity. And on the very day of his comming to town he had enlarged Agrippa, but that the advice of Antonia perswaded him to hold a while, lest the people should suspect that hee was glad of the death of Ti­berius, if hee should so sodainly set free one that hee had com­mitted for an enemy. But within a few dayes hee is inlarged, and sent for home unto him. And there is hee trimmed, his garments changed, and hee crowned King of the Tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, and his chain of iron, and of his bondage, changed for a chaine of Gold of the same weight. This is that King Agrippa that slew Iames, and imprisoned Peter, and is called Herod, Acts 2.

Sect. VIII. Caius his dissembling.

Caius his beginnings were plausible and popular, dissembling his cursed dispositions under such crafty colours, that the peo­ple were transported with so happy a change (as they suppo­sed) and 160000 Sacrifices were slaine for gratulation in his three first moneths. His teares for Tiberius, his piety to his dead mother and brother, his respect to his living Sisters, his faire words to the Senate, and as faire carriage to the people, his paying of Legacies, his inlarging of Prisoners, his remit­ting of offences, his reviving of good Lawes, &c. made the people to forget either in what schoole of dissimulation he had been brought up, or how soone so great advancement corru­pteth men of little education,; and it made them vainely to hope that they had a Germanicus, because they had his sonne; and that a good Prince could be bequeathed to them by Ti­berius.

Yet could hee not hide the ilnesse of his disposition un­der all these cloakes and coverts of dissembling; for present­ly upon his comming to the City, hee disanulled the will of Tiberius that hee might nullifie the authority of his partner of the same name in the rule and Empire: And yet did hee pay all the Legacies of old Tiberius with bountifull additions of [Page 199] his owne, which shewed tha [...] hee disliked the will, onely be­cause of partnership of Tiberius the younger. Having thus the whole sway and dominion devolved upon himselfe, by the outing of his poore Cousin (for the Senate was made and packed by Macro for such a purpose) hee was received with as much joy and applause, as was possible to expresse, upon the old memory of his father, and the present expectation of him­selfe. Nor was this jocundnesse confined in the narrow bonds of Rome and Italy, but dilated it selfe through all the Empire, in every corner where the hoped benefit, and happy fruit of so great an expectation would have come, had it pro­ved right. Every Country, City and Town was poured forth into exultation and festivity, with a common joy in this common hope. Now could you have seen nothing but Altars, Offerings, Sacrifices, Feasts, Revels, Bankets, Playes, Dancings, merry Faces, crowned Heads, singing Tongues and joyfull Hearts, that the World seemed to bee ravished besides it selfe, & all misery to bee banished out of it, and all the thoughts of a changing fortune utterly forgot. Had Tiberius but spyed this worke out of his Coffin, how would hee have laughed for company, to behold this deludednesse of the people, and dis­simulation of the Prince? And thus lasted this musicke and masking for his first seven moneths, in which the new Em­perour behaved himselfe with that moderation and bravery, as if vertue it selfe had been come among them.

In the eighth moneth a grievous sicknesse seized upon him, and then was all this mirth and melody turned to mourning and lamentation: each man sorrowfull, and women bemoa­ning, as if all the world had been sicke as well as hee. Now were their songs turned into teares, their revelling into pray­ers, and their festivalls to Vows for his recovery. Nay, so far did some straine the expression of their affections, that they vowed their heads and lives for his restoring. Nor could the people bee so much blamed for this their sorrow, as pityed for being thus deceived, nor could it so much bee wondred at that they were deceived, as it was wonderfull that hee could so deceive. For who could have chose but have erred their er­rour, [Page 200] that had seen what they beheld; and w [...]o could have brought them into such an error, but such a one as hee, who was both a Caius and a scholar of Tiberius? When hee paid the Legacies of Tiberius,) hee also discharged those of Iulia which Tiberius had stopped, and added a considerable summe of his own bounty: Hee gathered the ashes of his mother and brother, and committed them to their Urne with his owne hands, choosing a tempestuous season purposely when hee travailed about that businesse, that his piety might bee blowne about the more; and hee instituted annuall festi­valls for them. Nor must his father Germanicus be forgotten, nor indeed could he, nor did hee deserve it, for his memory therefore would hee have the moneth September to bee called by his name, placing him in the Calendar next Augustus. His Grandmother Antonia hee also dignified and deified equally with Livia; and that by the consent and decree of the Senate. His Uncle Claudius hee honoured with partnership with him in the Consulship; and his brother and partner Tiberius, with adoption to put him in future hopes now hee had lost his pre­sent ones; and hee titled him The Prince of the Youth, to stop his mouth belike, when hee had put him beside his being the Prince of Men. But as for his Sisters, the sequel shewed that it was more doting and lust then pure brotherly affection, that caused him to shew these expressions: that in all oaths that were administred to any, this must bee one clause to which they must sweare, That they neither accounted themselves nor their children, dearer then Caius and his Sisters: and this in all the Records of the Consuls, Which bee for the happinesse of Caius and his Sisters, &c. The like popularity used hee like­wise to the people, releasing the condemned, and recalling the banished; condemning on the contrary all enormities in Judi­cature, and banishing all incentives to evill manners. Forgi­ving his own private grievances, and satisfying for injuries done by his Predecessors; that it was no marvaile if the whole State were sick in the sicknesse of such a Prince.

Sect. IX. Caius beginning to shew himselfe in his own colours.

Not to insist longer upon the vizor of this dissembler, but [Page 201] to take him as he was, and not as hee seemed, his nature be­gan more evidently to shew it self after his recovery of his sick­nesse mentioned, and then the State began by degrees to bee sick indeed. His beginnings were in lightnesse, sports, and lavishing of money; but his proceedings were in bestiality, cruelty and effusion of bloud. His Banquets, Plays, Sword­fights, Fightings of Beasts (as 400 Beares, and as many other African wild Beasts at one time) his Musick, Shews, strictnesse that none should bee absent from them, and expensivenesse in all (insomuch that he spent above twenty millions in such va­nities in lesse then three yeares) may bee thought as vertues in him, in comparison of that that followed, and of the mis­chiefes that hee mingled between.

Sect. X. Caius cruell.

The recovery of the Emperour Caius, from that disease under which wee left him ere while, proved the sicknesse of the whole State, and the death of divers. For now hee began to shew himselfe in his owne colours, and to lay open the inside of his barbarous nature, which hitherto hee had hid under strange dissimulation. P. Afranius Petitus a Plebeian, and Atanius Secundus a Knight, had bound themselves by oath, in the Emperours sicknesse, partly in flattery, partly in hope of reward, the one that hee would die on condition the Prince might recover; and the other that he would ven­ture his life in combate on the same condition. Caius un­derstanding of this obligation, and pretending that hee would have neither of them perjured, seeing hee was now well again, constrained them both to performe their vowes, and brought them to repent their flattery with repentance too late and vaine, and to a reward cleane contrary to their expecta­tion. Nor was his cruelty any whit lesse, though for very shame it must be better dissembled, to his Father in Law the noble Silanus. A man hated of him for the two maine things that in humane society are the eyes of love, vertue, and alliance, and so indignly used him, that hee found no way to regain his love, nor any better to avoid his hate then to murder him­selfe [Page 202] with his own hands. Claudia the daughter of Silanus was his wife, but hee divorced her from him, and took Corne­lia Orestilla, from her husband Calpurnius Piso, on their very wedding day, where hee was present at the solemnization, and hee kept her not two months, but sent her to her Piso again.

Sect. XI. Young Tiberius brought to a miserable end.

These entries being made for the fleshing as it were the Ty­rant in bloodinesse and cruelty, he is now made ready and fit to execute a more horrible designe upon his poor brother, part­ner and son by adoption, the young and innocent Tiberius. He poore Prince having been thrust by him out of his right and patrimony, by the nullifying of old Tiberius his will, must now also bee deprived of life. This was it that the old Testa­tor did presage, and yet would leave him for a prey to his inhu­manity. The pretences against this young Prince were, that either hee had been a meanes to cause his sicknesse, or at least had rejoyced in it, and desired his death. A sleighty accusati­on to bring such a Person to death; yet might hee onely have dyed, it might have seemed more tolerable, but the manner of it made the cruelty double. Hee is commanded to die by his own hand, though Tribunes, Centurions, and men of warre fitter farre to have done such an execution stood by and would have done it. He desired but this mercy, that hee might have been slain by some of them, but that was denyed him upon a point of Honor and Justice forsooth, because it was not fit that such a Prince should dye by inferiour hands. The poor Prince offered his neck to every one that stood neare, but they durst not strike for feare of their own: The onely favour that hee could obtaine was this, that they might teach him where to wound himselfe for his soonest dispatch, and so hee did. And thus is the Tyrant delivered as he thinketh from all feare and danger of compartnership and corrivality in the Empire: next will he take a course with those that any way may crosse him in, or advise him against his headlong humors, and of them wee shall heare in their course. The last six months of this year he had taken the Consulship upon himself, and had chosen his Uncle Claudius for his colleague, but wee have reserved the names of the old till now, to avoid confusion.

Sect. I. Cruelties at Rome.

THis yeer began at Rome with a fatall Omen. For on the first of Ianuary, Machaon a servant went up to the shrine of Iupiter Capitolinus, and there having presaged and Prophecied many fearfull and terrible things, first hee slew a whelpe that hee had with him, and then hee slew himself.

These beginnings had answerable sequels, for Caius addicted himselfe wholly to bloodinesse, sometimes for his sports, sometimes in cruell earnest: Hee commanded sword plaies to bee made, in which hee set not man to man, but multitudes to multitudes to slaughter each other: Hee slew in the same manner six and twentie Roman Knights, with great content­ment taken by him in the effusion of their blood: Hee set also another Knight to the same terrible sports, and when hee came off victorious, hee caused him, and his father to bee slaine, and divers others with them inclosing them in a strong Chest or Presse: When once there were not [...]now of poore condem­ned wretches to cast to the wild beasts, hee caused divers that stood upon the Scaffolds for spectators to bee cast unto them, causing their tongues first to bee cut out, that they might not cry or complaine: yet did hee with these cruelties mingle some plausible actions tending to popularitie, as creating of Knights, priviledging the commons, and lavishing in gifts, that strength­ning himselfe with these curtesies in the hearts of some men, hee might with the more confidence bee cruell to other.

Sect. I. An end of Macro.

It cannot bee expected that hee should come to a good end himselfe, that had brought so many to a bad. His course is now come to tast of the same sauce that he had provided for so many others, and it would halfe move the spectator to some kind of pity to see him slaughtered for such a cause as hee was slaughtered for. How hee had been a meanes to curry Caius favour with Tiberius, and to skrew him into the Empire and himselfe into his good opinion, even by the prostitution of his own wife, wee have heard before, and this his extraordi­nary officiousnesse, hee did not forelet or slacken, when hee had brought him where hee desired to have him, to the Empire. But now hee turned his observance a better way, and what hee had done before by basenesse, flattery, and senselesse obsequious­nesse to bring him to the rule, hee changeth into good coun­sell to keep him well in it. For when hee saw him fall asleepe at Banquets amongst his cups, hee would freely check him for it, as being neither for his credit nor for his safety. The like would hee doe when hee saw him misbehave himselfe by light­nesse, profuse laughter, and ridiculous gestures in the theater, and in beholding of plaies: In briefe, so round and plaine was hee with him when hee saw just cause, that in fine the uncoun­selable humorist became his enemy, and at last his death. His end is reported to have been the same with young Tiberius, forced to slay himselfe, and Ennia his wife, or the wife of Caius whether you will, to have been constrained to the same ex­tremity and end with him. An end well befitting and well de­served of them both, but from all men living least deserved from Caius. Philo after the death of Macro placeth the death of M. Silanus, which upon the warrant of Dion wee have set before, and in things so indifferent will not spend labour to examine.

Sect. I. Troubles of the Iews in Alexandria.

FLaccus Avilius was now Governour of Aegypt, and had beene so for some yeers before: A man that ru­led well while Tiberius lived, but after his death, could not govern himselfe. For when hee heard of the death of the old Emperour and the succession of the new, sorrow for the one, and feare of the other did so transport him besides himselfe, that forgetting the bravery and glory where­with hee had governed hitherto, hee let loose the reines of himselfe to these two passions, and the reines of the govern­ment to desperate carelesnesse and neglect. Hee did nothing but weepe for the losse of old Tiberius, to whom hee had been very intimate and deare, and hee might well weep the more, because hee could meet hardly with any that would beare any part and share in that sorrow with him. This his griefe was augmented by the feare that hee had of Caius and of his dis­pleasure, and that by the intelligence that his conscience gave him that hee had deserved it: partly for his propensitie to young Tiberius and siding with him, but chiefely because he had had some hand or at least some consent and inclination to the death of Agrippina, Caius his mother. Both these his mi­serable passions were brought to their height when hee heard of the death of young Tiberius and of his old friend Macro. The thought of these two was the onely comfort hee had against his dejectednesse and discontent, for all his hope was, that these two might make his peace with Caius, whose dis­pleasure hee so much doubted: But what must hee doe now, [Page 208] when they cannot make their owne peace? Hee yeeldeth him­selfe therefore wholly to his discontented mood, and neg­lecteth utterly both himselfe and the State. His old friends hee groweth jealous of and rejecteth: his professed enemies hee re­ceiveth to his favour and to his counsels: These rule him that should have ruled Egypt, and hee had done it worthily, but now is drawne any whither, that ill advise, sullennesse and melan­cholly doth direct him. These his wicked counsellors invent a course to procure his peace and the Emperours favour, a course indeed bloody, barbarous, and inhumane, but such as suited with their owne malice, and (as it proved) tooke place with the Governors desperatenesse and cowardize, if so bee he may bee called a Governor still. Caius the Emperour, say they, is an enemy to the Iewes, and a friend to the Alexandrians: Let this be the opportunitie whereby to worke thy reconciliation, to suffer the citie to rise against the Iewes and to commit outrage upon them, and thou canst not performe an act more acceptable to the Prince, nor more profitable for thy selfe. The wretched Flaccus that tooke to heart no mans misery but his owne, and cared not who suffered, so hee might scape, gave eare to this damnable and devilish coun­sell, and put it in practise, fi [...]st plotting mischiefe against the Jewes in secret, then oppressing them in judgement and in their suites openly, and at the last professing and publish­ing himselfe their r [...]solved enemy.

Sect. II. Agrippa at Alexandria an unexpected and unwilling occasion of further troubles.

Those incendiaries that had kindled this fire will be sure to lose no blast that may make it flame and keepe it burning: Agrip­pa that had not long agoe depaited from Alexandria a poore private man, returneth now thither in prosperitie and a King. Caius that had promoted him to his kingdome, did lovingly direct him by Alexandria, as the safest way to it. Thither hee came with as great privacy as such as personage could doe, and yet was hee espied by the jealous eyes of these rare coun­sellors, [Page 209] and his comming misconstrued, through their malice to the Jewes. They perswade Flaccus that his comming thi­ther was an affront to him in his owne Province, that his Pompe and Traine was more sumptuous then his, that the eyes of all men were upon the new King Agrippa, and in short that his presence there, was his present disgrace and would prove his future disadvantage. The ill governed Governour was ready enough to hearken to such buzzings as these, and to yeeld them impression in his mind, yet durst hee not put any thing in execution against the King for feare of him that sent him. Hee therefore thought it best to carry a fai [...]e outside to Agrippa, and to his face hee speaketh faire and pretendeth friendship, but behinde his backe, hee did not onely descry his hate and revile him in secret, but also connived at those that did so openly: so that within a little while, the King that neither thought nor came for any hurt is made the publick scoffe and scorne throughout the Citie, and on their stages, in their playes, ballads, speeches, houses, streets, there is no language so common nor so currant, as the abusive of Agrippa.

Sect. III. A Pageant of one and more madmen.

This connivence of the Governor shall I call it, or his tolerati­on, or his setting on, or his folly, or what you will, you may well presume that it added boldnesse and impudency enough to the outragious multitude, w^ch commonly in such mischievous­nesse need small incouragement: Their madnesse among other things shewed it selfe in this Pageant, whether more senselesse or spleenatick, if not both alike, let the Reader judge. There was a poore mad man or distracted wretch in the Citie whose name was Charabas, that used to walke up and downe starke naked night and day, heat and cold, the common foole as it were of boyes and young men, with whom they used to make sport. The riotous rout (now set on mischiefe) bring this silly wretch to one of their publick meeting places, and there [Page 210] setting him on high in a seate above all the people that hee might bee seene of all, they put a Diademe of Paper about his head, and mat of sedge about his body in stead of his robes, and a peece of [...]eed for a Scepter in his hand: and thus have they solemnly and suddainly made him a King, and one indeed that had been fit enough for themselves; and one that was indeed but a fit Embleme of their Governor Flaccus, that suffered such a thing. Their mimicall King being thus accoutred with his robes and royaltie, they bring him forth in a solemne state: Before and about him went youths with poles upon their shoul­ders for his guard, by the way as hee went some come to do him homage, others to petition for justice, others to advise him concerning affaires of State, and at last they all of them All haile him with the title of Mare, [...] which in the Syrian tongue, the language of the country of Agrippa, (whom by this very word they shewed that they mocked) betokeneth Lord and Master. And now let the Reader but looke upon this rout of Alexandrians, and let him judge who was the madder, the poore Lunatick that was so used, or they that so used him. For was it not meere madnesse in them thus to taunt and re­vile so great a King, so greatly respected by the Roman Se­nate, and so great a favorite of their Lord and Emperour? But Flaccus the maddest of all that beheld all this, and yet did permit it. And on the other hand let him looke upon the Jewes to whom this sportfull mummery is the preface to misery in good earnest, and if this mockage of their first King with a Crowne, Robe [...], and Scepter of derision, put not the Rea­der in mind of their scorning and usage of their true King and Saviour in the very same manner, hee cannot but remember Barabbas upon the naming of Charabas by the very same sound and rime.

Sect. IIII. More outrage.

The Alexandrians thus countenanced by Flaccus in the deri­sion of the new King of the Jewes, grow to a bou [...]dlesse out­rage against their God. For now they begin to assaile their [Page 211] Synagogues, and there they desire to set up Images: a thing as odious to that nation, as beloved among the Alexandri­ans. For in them is fulfilled that prophesie of Hosea Chap. 3.4. where they neither are as yet to God, nor as yet to any other, but on the one hand detesting false Gods, and yet on the other hand not imbracing the true: hating the Images of any creature for adoration, but withall hating him that is the very Image and Character of the living God, the Crea­tor.

This interprise of profaning and defiling the Synagogues and houses of prayer of the Jewes was not a fearefull and terrible vexation to those of that Citie onely, but what hurt may such an example doe, thinke you, both through Egypt and indeed through all the other Cities of the Empire: What fruits these beginnings brought forth in the same Citie, and elsewhere, wee shall see ere long.

Sect. V. Caius will bee a God.

A speciall incouragement to this insolency at Alexandria was Caius the Emperours demeanor at Rome: A man not fit to bee ranked in the ranke of men, and yet no way with him now but hee will bee a God. The senselesse groundworke of this his impious fancy, hee tooke from this damnable Logick and devilish argumentation. That seeing shepheards and heards-men that are masters of sheepe and cattell, are in a de­gree farre above their beasts and cattell: So hee that was the Lord of all men, was not to bee ranked in the degree of men, but of the Gods: This his opinion founded upon impietie, backed with flattery, and strengthned by his uncontrouled power, hee followed with such vehemency and vigour, that now no Deity must bee thought on but the God Caius, and all the Gods as he pleased were ingrossed into himselfe. Hee changed his Godship when hee thought good, and that with no more adoe then with change of his ga [...]be. To day hee would weare a Lions skin and a golden Club, and then hee was [Page 212] Hercules, to morrow a Kids skin, and an Alepole, and then hee was Bacchus; when hee laid that by it may bee hee would put on his curious Bonnet, and then he was Castor or Pollux: Hee would but lay that by and put on a beamy golden crown, and take bow and Arrowes in his hands, and hee was Apollo, a Cuduceus made him Mercury, and sword, [...]met and gantlet made him Mars: But the terrour that attended him when hee would bee this God last named, walking in his armour, with his drawn sword in his hand, and a band of cut-throats about him, shewed to the people but little of any divine qualities, or celestiall intentions, but terrified them with ex­pectation of devillish cruelty and murders: Sometimes would hee sit betwixt the two statues of Castor and Pollux and indure to bee saluted by the name of the Italian Iupiter; some­times would he sit betwixt the two statues of Castor & Pollux & indure to be saluted by the name of the Italian Iupiter: Some­times would hee sit by Iupiter himselfe and whisper with him, and threaten to banish him out of Italy into Greece: And indeed it had been but an equall change had hee done so, for hee got the most curious peeces of the Gods of that country, and struck off their heads, and on the trunke hee set the repre­sentation of his owne. Hee had a standing statue of gold erected for him, to represent his walking Deitie, which was clothed with the same garbe that hee wore himselfe every day, and to this were offered daily sacrifices as rare and new found out as was his Deity it selfe, Peacocks, Pheasants, and other birds of the greatest raritie and value. So vaine a thing is man deserted and left unto himselfe, that hee will bee a God when hee is in the next forme unto a Devill. The plaine and rustick Gaule hit him right, and spake but the truth, when see­ing him in these his postures of his foolish deity, and laughing, and being asked by Caius what hee thought of him that hee laughed, hee answered boldly and escaped with it, That hee seemed to him to bee a great folly.

Sect. VI. The miseries of the Alexandrian Iewes.

How these manners of the Prince might redound to the [Page 213] calamitie of the Jewes who would worship no God but their own, it is easie to guesse by the common advantages that are al­ways taken in the like cases, by men that are armed with power & weaponed with malice. As this humour of the Emperour was blowne up with flattery and blasphemous clawing at home, so was it soone blazoned and divulged abroad, and they that delighted in many Gods, it was good content­ment, to have them all met in the Center of the new God, all-God, their Prince. But what will become of the Jewes, the onely opposers of such impietie, and what especially of the Alexandrian Jewes, whose tragedy was begun already? This opportunitie suited with the spitefull desires of their adversa­ries, as their adversaries themselves could have desired. For now thinks Flaccus, hee may ingratiate himselfe to Caesar in­deed by being ungracious to the Jewes, and now have the Alexandrians a double forwarding beside their owne malice, their Governour and their Prince.

First Flaccus deprived the Jewes of their Synagogues, Ora­tories and houses of prayer, and therewith as much as in him lay of their religion, then of the benefit of the Citie and Country Lawes, proclaiming them stangers and forreiners, and at last gave free and open libertie to the Alexandrians to use their wills upon them, in what manner and measure their malice thought meet. And now their Tragedy begins.

The Jewes in the Citie were above two parts of five; the Alexandrians driving them out of their owne houses, and ransacking the houses as they went, they force into a strait place of the Citie, where they had not roome to stirre one for another, much lesse to make any orderly ha [...]talia for de­fence of themselves, or for resistance. In this strait both of place and fortune, it is no wonder if they speedily suffered famine who had nothing of their sustenance left them, un­lesse they would have devoured one another. Here are many mouths and no meat, and great complaining but no reliefe. Plenty enough there was in the Citie, but none for them, and abundance of every thing necessary, but pity. The poore [Page 214] crowded, starved, and distressed people, those that had any hope or courage to shift for themselves, streake abroad and steale forth of their inclosure, for food and fresh aire; some to the shore, some into the Citie, some one way, some another, but the misery of them also was no lesse then theirs that staid impounded, but that it was not so lingring. For wheresoe­ver they were caught, as no where could they goe but descri­ed, they were either stoned, clubbed, or burned to death, yea often man, wife, children and whole families so murdred all of a heape. Some they smoaked and choaked to death in a fire where they wanted fewell to burne them out, some they haled with ropes tied about their ankles, up and downe the streets till they were dead, and then neither spared they the dead bodies, but mangled them in peeces. Their Synagogues they all burnt downe, with the losse also of some of the Alex­andrians houses adjoyning, their houses they defaced, and their lives they tooke away, when and wheresoever they could catch them. Flaccus in this bloodinesse, had done enough by connivence and toleration, but hee is not content with this passive tyranny unlesse hee bee an actor himself in the Scene, and bee not behind other in this mischiefe, as hee was be­fore them in authority. Eight and thirty of their Judges and Counsellors (for a Senate of their owne was tolerated by Augustus and allowed them) hee sendeth for by his officers, and binding their hands behind them causeth them thus to bee led along the streets for a derision, and then caused them to bee publickly scourged, some to death, some to the lin­gring out of a miserable life. Hee caused also a pretended search to bee made throughout all the Jews houses for ar­mour, pretending a suspition of their insurrection, but in­tending thereby to give the Souldiers the more advantage for their pillaging and oppression. Hee spared neither age nor sex against whom hee could take an occasion or find cavill, nor reverenced hee any festivall for their execution, nor omit­ted any kind of cruelty for their torture. Here is the first smarting blow to count of that this nation felt, since they [Page 215] called for the blood of the just one upon themselves and upon their children, and some of this City were nimble agents for the compassing of the death of his first martyr Steven, Act. 6.9.

Sect. VII. Agrippa in his owne kingdome.

You may well presume that the stay of Agrippa would not bee long at Alexandria, where his intertainment was so foule, and his invitation to his owne home was so faite and good▪ His welcome thither was not so full of scorne and disgrace, as in the other place, but as full of unkindnesse, because the un­kindnesse was from his owne sister. Herodias, the incestuous wife of Herod the Tetrarch, and once some comfort to this her brother whilest hee was in distresse, growes now, the bitter envier of his prosperity. A woman ever active to the mischiefe of others, but now beginning to twine a whip for her owne backe. It grieveth her to see the unlooked for pompe of the new King Agrippa: A man that had so lately been [...] the hatches of fortune, and in her bilboes, debt and danger, that had but the other day fled from his wife, country, and friends for povertie and shame, unable to pay the monies that hee ought, and which was worse, as unable to borrow more, and now hee is returned againe with a Kingdome, a Crowne, and with pompe and train [...] agreeable to both: Oh how this grated her haughty and emulative spirit, though hee were her brother! Well, whether it were in spite to his promotion, or in disdaine to her degree that was now be­low him, which is the more like, the shower and stormes of her discontents do showre upon her husband. Shee laies in his dish the present spectacle of Agrippaes glory, and his owne inferioritie. Taxeth him with dulnesse and sleepinesse, that would not seeke for a higher dignitie, which might bee had for a journey to Rome; twitteth him for being an un­derling when hee might prevent it, perswadeth him to spare no cost nor travaile for that prevention, and in fine worketh so with him by uncessant clamours, that though hee [Page 216] could well have been contentented to have sitten quiet at home, yet hee is induced or driven to travaile, and shee with him to Rome to Caius. Agrippa was not unacquainted with her discontents and with both their designes, and will not bee far behind in reciprocall requitall of such intentions, but their meeting, pleading and successe at Rome must bee reserved to another yeer.

Sect. Caius the new God, little better then a Devill.

AFter the sight of the goodly Godship of the Empe­perour shewed in little a little before, let us take him now as hee is indeed, little better then a De­vill. A man, the shame and confusion of men, if hee may bee called a man, and so far beyond the vices of any that had gone before, that hee seemed to live to no other purpose then to shew, what the utmost extent of vitiousnesse could doe in the utmost height of power and libertie. You would wonder, but that his defiance of the Gods doth lessen that wonder, how scornefully and despitefully hee used the me­mory and persons of his ancestors, sisters, kindred and best friends: Hee charged Augustus with incest, Livia with base birth, Tiberius but with what hee deserved, his owne mo­ther with bastardize, and whosoever was most neere and most honour to him, with some ignominy and reproach or other. But such words were curtesies in comparison of his actions. All his sisters hee first deflowred, and then prosti­tuted them to others being so deflowred. But his darling si­ster Drusilla, sped somewhat better, if that better were not [Page 217] as bad. To her hee continued his affection, of love or lust whether you will, while shee continued in life, and when shee was dead, hee made her the meanes of his profit as hee had done before of his pleasure; shee was the wife of M. Lapidus, but still the whore of her brother Caius, and after her death hee made her a Goddesse, whom all her life long hee had made his harlot. Altars, statues, vowes, festivals were ordai­ned for her, and Livius Geminius played the knight o'th post, and swore devoutly that hee saw her ascend to heaven, and conversing with the Gods. Such a Deitie had the Ro­mans never knowne before, but onely her brother, and shee troubled them as much in her heaven, as hee did on the earth. For now was it impossible for any man so to behave himselfe, but hee was intrapped on the one hand or the other, about this new found Goddesse. To mourne for her death, it was criminall, because shee was a Deity; and to rejoyce for her Deity was capitall, because shee was dead, so that betwixt this Dilemma, of pietie, teares and devotion, that man was very wary indeed that suffered not inhumanity and vio­lence. For to laugh, feast, bath, sing or dance was mortall, because the Emperours sister and darling was dead, and yet to mourne, or sorrow for her death was as deadly, be­cause shee was immortall. This last stale did hee make of this his deceased sister, when shee would now serve him for no other use, that both sorrow for her mortalitie, and joy for her being immortall did alike bring in money to his treasures, (which were now almost drained of his many millions) either by bribes for the saving of the life of some, or by confiscation upon the Death of others.

But how must hee doe now for another Paramour after his deare Drusilla? Why, that needeth not to breed any great difficultie, when his unbridled lust is not very curious of his choice, and his as unbridled power might choose as it list. Hee first married Lollia Paullina the wife of C. Mem­mius, sending for her from another country where her hus­band was Generall of the Army, and all the reason of this [Page 218] his choice was, because hee was told that her grandmother was an exceeding great beauty; but hee soone put her away againe, and forbad that any should touch her for ever af­ter him. Next came Caeso [...]ia into his affections, and there con­tinued; a mother of three children, and of more age then beauty, but of a lasciviousnesse and beastiality so well be­fitting his, that now hee had met with his match, and it was pitie they should have missed meeting: Hee would some­times, shew her to the Souldiers, in armor, and sometimes to his friends starke naked, transforming her by these vi­cissitudes into two extreames equally unbefitting her sex, to a man and to a beast. By her hee had a daughter whom hee named Iulia Drusilla, and whom hee brought to the shrines of all the Goddesses in Rome, and at last committed to the lap of Minerva for her tutorage and education. But this his behaviour is nothing in comparison of that which followed. Hee slew divers of the Senate, and yet afterward cited them to appeare as if they had been alive, and in the end pretended that they had died by their owne hands, others came off with a scourging, and so they escaped with life, but hee caused the Souldiers to tread on them as they lay, and as they whipped them that they might have them at the more command: And thus hee used some of all rankes and [...] Being disturbed at midnight one night by the noyse of same that were getting places in the Circus against the next day, hee fell upon them with Clubs and slew twenty kn [...]ghts, as many matrons, and an infinite company of the [...] people. Hee threw a great multitude of old men and decrepit housholders to the wild beasts, that hee might [...] such unserviceable men, as hee thought them, out of the way, and hee caused the granaries to bee often shut up, that they that had escaped the wild beasts, might perish with fa­mine▪ Hee used to fatten the beasts that hee desired to have fed with the inhumane diet of humane bodies yet alive, that thereby hee might save other charges: Many men hee first m [...]ngled and maimed, and then condemned to the mines, or [Page 219] to the wild beasts, or to little-ease-prison [...], and some he cau­sed to bee sawed in sunder. Hee forced parents to bee pre­sent at the execution of their children: and for one that could not come to such a miserable spectacle hee sent a letter; and another hee invited to a feast, after hee had caused him to bee a spectator of the execution of his owne sonne. One of the masters of his games that had offended him, he kept in chaines, and caused him to bee beaten every day before his face, till the offensivenesse and stench of his wounded braine obtained his death: A Roman Knight being cast by him to the wild beasts, and crying out of the injustice done to him, hee caused to bee taken out againe, and his tongue to bee cut out, and then hee cast him to them againe. Hee caused all the banished men that were in the Ilands about Italy to bee slaine at once, because having asked one that was banished in the time of Tiberius, what hee did all the time of his exile, and hee answered, that hee prayed continually for the death of Ti­berius and the succession of Caius, hee thought that all the pre­sent exiles prayed for his death likewise. Every tenth day hee caused an execution to bee had of those that were condem­ned, boasting and vaunting that hee scoured the prisons: And ever as any one came to suffer, hee commanded the exe­cutioners to end him with such deliberate tortures, as that hee should bee sure to feele himselfe to die: involving many deaths in one, and causing men that were to die, to live even in death, that they might die with the more paine.