BOOK I.

THE Reign, whose History I am about to write,The Plan of the Work. abounds in Great Events. Here is a Scene of Civil and Foreign Wars, Bloody Battles, Towns attack'd and de­fended with great Conduct and Courage; The Protestants oppress'd in France, and supported in Hungary, Germany, and the Ʋnited Provinces; The Nobility, Clergy, [Page 2]Parlements and People reduced to Slave­ry. A King unable to extricate himself from those Difficulties in which some were still busie to involve him, leaves the Care of Affairs to his Favourites and Mi­nisters. Alike averse to his Mother, his Wife, his Brother; he treats the one ill, and obli­ges the rest to form Leagues at Home and Abroad, and at last to throw themselves in­to the Hands of the ancient Enemies of France. The Princes of the Blood, and the Great Lords disgusted, sometimes at the ill Administration of a Regent, at o­ther times with the excessive Power of a Favourite or Minister, rise under the spe­cious Pretence of a Concern for the Pub­lick Good. The Protestants driven to Ex­tremity by the frequent Infractions of the most inviolable Edict that ever was, at last take Arms to defend the Liberty of their Consciences, and preserve those Se­curities which had been so justly granted them in the preceding Reign.

The Enterprizes of the House of Au­stria on the Princes of Italy, force them to have recourse to the Protection of France, and make an Alliance with her. These Sovereigns, jealous of their Repose and Liberty, see, without concern, the Duke of Savoy give up to the King of France a Place which opens a way into Ita­ly, whenever he shall think fit to send any Aid thither. A great Conqueror coming from the Extremities of the North to de­fend those of his Religion in Germany, o­verthrows [Page 3]the ambitious Projects of the Courts of Vienna and Madrid. The Em­peror trembles, and fears to lose his He­reditary Countries; and France, by the help of a League opportunely made with Sweden, forces from the House of Austria part of her ancient Patrimony. The Suc­cess of the Spanish Arms in Picardy strikes a Terrour into Paris it self. The King of France comes out of his Capital to re­pulse the Enemy, and cannot refrain from Tears to see the Fire advanced so near the Gates of his own Palaces. The Revolu­tions on the other side the Pyrences change the Face of Affairs. Catalonia surrenders to Lewis XIII. and Portugal drives out the Spaniards, and replaces the Duke of B [...]aganza on the Throne of his Ancestors. Philip the IV. in a Consternation leaves Madrid to secure the Country of Arragon, and reduce the Catalonians. But no soon­ [...]r does he begin this Expedition, but he receives the unwelcome News, that France had seized the Town of Perpig­an and the County of Rousillon.

In this Variety of Events there may be [...]und many eminent Instances of Virtue [...]nd Vice, Treachery richly rewarded, [...]e highest Posts of Honour obtained by [...]e most infamous Crimes, some few be­ [...]owed on Merit, great Preferments re­ [...]cted with Contempt, from Motives of [...]eligion and Probity. Some great Lords [...]eanly ransom their Lives and Estates by coming Slaves to an Ambitious and Re­vengeful [Page 4]Cardinal: Others threatned to be made a Sacrifice to his Passions and Interest, with a Noble Haughtiness conti­nue faithful to their Friends, and suf­fer Death with an Heroick Courage.

This Fragment of the Modern Histo­ry of France, which I design to illustrate, is so curious and full of Variety, it would soon tempt a Man who would employ his Time in writing something Diverting and Instructive. However the boldness of the Attempt has often awed me, and perhaps it is above my Abilities. If I praise the principal Actors who appear up­on the Stage, I am in danger of being cen­sured for Flattery; and if I speak too free­ly, I am sure to be charged with Detra­ction. Constant Panegyrick disgusts and incenses most Readers. They love to have the Vices and secret Passions of Men laid open. This Air of Freedom pleases and di­verts them. But if I should indulge this natural Inclination we have to hea [...] others condemned, will not the World too say I am making a Satyr, and not wri [...] ­ting a History?

I shall endeavour then to avoid the [...] two Extremes with all possible Care. have no Inducement to praise or bla [...] Persons who were almost all dead befo [...] I came into the World. What particular Reason can I have to love or hate them The difference of Opinion in Matters Religion and Government shall not hind the from doing Justice to Merit, or con­mending [Page 5]what is worthy of Praise. I am, thanks to God, in a Country where every one enjoys a Happiness, which is so rare in this World, to speak their reasonable Thoughts with freedom. If I am not in a Capacity to do my Country Service. I have the Liberty to deplore its Mis­fortunes.

The State of Europe and of France at the end of the Reign of. Henry IV.Before I enter upon the Matter, I shall promise some few Things of Henry the Fourth, and the End of his Life. Its ne­cessary to know the Posture of Affairs in Europe and France, when this latter lost one of the greatest Monarchs she ever had. He employ'd the first Years of his Reign in reducing by force of Arms, or gaining by Treaties, all who had formed a potent League against him, under Colour of Religion, and in carrying on a War a­gainst Philip II. King of Spain. This Ambitious Monarch had supported the League with a mighty Assistance of Men and Money, out of a Design to place a Prince of his House on the Throne of France, or at least to dismember that Mo­narchy, whose Power was an invincible Obstacle to the vast Projects he had con­ceived. But finding himself worn out with Infirmities of Body, and seeing his Country quite exhausted by the Immense Sums he expended, and the great number of Soldiers and Ships which he lost in his Wars against the Ʋnited Provinces of the Low Countries, England, and France. Philip, I say, after so many Men, and so [Page 6]much Treasure consumed in vain, was glad to make Peace with Henry on such Conditions as the State of France, not less exhausted than Spain, could not give them leave to hope for.

Elizabeth Queen of England, and the States of the Ʋnited Provinces made loud Complaints, that the King abandoned his good and faithful Allies in pre [...]sing [...]o ca­gerly the Conclusion of the Treaty with Philip. T [...], say they, is a sure way to lose the favourable Opportunity of taking those Advantages against Spain, which its low and declining Condition must have put in our Hands. Henry excused this Pro­ceeding of his as well as he could, alledg­ing the Incapacity of his Kingdom to support a Foreign War, after it had been so miserably harass'd by a Domestick one, which had lasted so many Years, and was not yet well extinguished. The Rea­son was specious: But the King seemed impatient to give himself up to his Plea­sures, and with ease to enjoy so fair a Succession, which he had purchased with so much Hazard and Trouble.

It must be own'd Henry had good Rea­son to distrust his Strength for the future The Duke of Mercoeur, penned up in Britany, would not have made his Peace, if he had not believ'd that of Spain en­tirely resolv'd on. Besides, the Protestants of France, who had served a King bred up amongst them, with so much Courage and Constancy, took Umbrage and Jealou­sie. [Page 7]His changing his Religion and the Fa­vours, with which he purchased the friend­ship of the Great Men, who had been Leagued against him, began to Alarm them; and his New Engagements to the Court of Rome, their crael and implacable Ene­my, had like to have cool'd them. Henry pru­dently confirmed his best Subjects by the Edict of Nantes, which was concerted with great Industry and Deliberation. Happy had they been, if the Successors of this good Prince, had left them peace­ably to enjoy what he so justly granted them.

No sooner was Peace setled at home and abroad, but Henry strove to win the Hearts of his Subjects, by publishing he would labour incessantly to make them live in Ease and Plenty. Several Manu­factures were set up, and some certain Duties taken off: It is probable the great Debts he contracted, and the engagement of a great part of his Revenue, would not give him leave to take away divers others very burthensom, and made him give ear to all Projects, for bringing Mo­ney into his own Coffers. But in all this he had the Address to prevent, and stifle all Murmurs by making the French Nati­on since for a long time accustomed to pa­tience, believe his greatest desire was to make them happy. The King flattered him­self, he should check the turbulent humour of divers great Men, and perhaps by de­grees, ruin them by engaging them after [Page 8]his Example, to make excessive expences in Buildings, Play, and other more Cri­minal Pleasures. In this he found his Ac­count in a double manner. It was his na­tural Inclination, though he was a Mana­ger good enough; and those who could embroil the State, would be drained of Money and Credit, and forced to depend on the bounty of their Prince.

This did not succeed in all points, as he had projected it. If the Constable of Mont­morency, the Dukes of Montpensier, and E­pernon, the Mareschals of Bouillon and Bi­ron did not proceed so far, as to take Arms to express their Resentment; some be­cause they were not Rewarded according to their mind, others because some Mini­sters Confidents of the King, had a great­er share in secret Councils than themselves: Yet these I ords created him great Disquiet. The just punishment of Biron, the most im­prudent and violent of all the Malecontents and the Submissions of the Mareschal de Bouillon, Defeated the Conspiracy which Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy, had laid in his Journey to Paris, and Philip the III. the New King of Spain, had promised to support. That of the Marquise de Vernueil, a Mistress of the King, who had foolishly promised to make her his Wife, before he was married to Mary de Medicis, was likely to have had terrible Consequences; but was fortunately broke by the Condemna­tion of d'Entragues, Father of the Mar­chioness; and the Imprisonment of the [Page 9]Count d' Auvergue, her Brother by the Mo­thers side, and Natural Son to Charles the IX.

The King complained, the Court of Spain promised Aid to all his Factious Sub­jects. He shew'd his Resentment publick­ly, when he discovered an Intrigue of the Spanish Ambassador, with a Gentleman of Provence, who undertook to deliver up the Town of Marseilles to Philip the III. Two Rival Powers have ever matter to Recriminate, when the one thinks he can convict the other of a secret Infracti­on of Treaties. The Ambassadour with­out scruple Reproached the King, with as­sisting the Ʋnited Provinces after the Peace of Vervins, and endeavouring to raise the Moors in Spain. In some occasions Henry was not more upright and sincere, than Philip. Princes seldom concern themselves much about so fair a Vertue: No sooner had the King of France setled his Affairs, and amassed several Millions, by the Care and Management of the Duke of Sully, Superintendent of the Finances, but he began to think in earnest, of Hum­bling the Pride of the House of Austria. This was the Language of those times; the World is busi'd at present in Leagues to oppose the Ambitious Designs of France.

Henry waiting only for a Specious Pre­tence to make War on Spain, renewed his ancient Alliances abroad, and carried on Negotiations with diverse Princes, to bring them over to his Interests. By the Trea­ty [Page 10]of Marriage between the Infanta Isa­bella, and Arch-Duke Albert, Philip the II. had given his dear Daughter the So­veraignty of the Provinces, which Spain had at that time in the low Countries. Ca­therine Sister of Isabel, brought Charles Emmanuel Duke of Savoy, her Husband, but a very moderate Fortune. So une­qual a Division, did not satisfie the Am­bition of a Prince, who was always stir­ring to make himself Great, though he could never obtain his Aim. Charles thought the Dutchy of Milan ought in Right to be given up to him; Henry seeks to take the Advantage of Discontent of the Duke: A Proposition is made, to Assist the Duke in the Conquest of a Country, which lay so convenient for him; and to give the Kings Eldest Daughter in Marri­age to his Son. On these Conditions, Charles voluntarily makes a League Of­fensive and Defensive with France.

Some pretend all the Powers of Europe were engaged in it, or at least ought to have been, to confine the House of Au­stria to Spain, and its Hereditary Coun­tries in Germany; but the Project which is ascribed to Henry on this occasion, is strangely Chimerical. If it be true, that this King ever entertained a thought of that kind, and proposed no other end in so vast Enterprize, than the glory of having brought Eu [...]ope to a Balance; Hen­ry doub [...]less was the vainest Man in his Kingdom: Is it not much more probable, [Page 11]that seeing so favourable an occasion to revenge himself on Spain, he was resolved to make his advantage of it.

The Declension of that Monarchy, was visible to all the World. Philip the III. a Prince Inferiour to his Father for his Parts; found it in so ill a condition, that being unable to supply Arch-Duke Al­bert with Provisions necessary for carrying on the War against the Ʋnited Provinces, he was constrained to make a shameful Truce with the States-General; in which he owns them to be free, and Disclaims any Pretension of his own, or the Arch-Dukes over them. We must not think Spain wanted good Generals, brave Offi­cers, or States-Men bred in the Cabinet of Philip II. but the Duke of Lerma her first Minister, had neither Genius nor Ability to gain his Master Reputation abroad, or govern a Monarchy opprest with its own Greatness.

The House of Austria was still weak­er in Germany. The Emperour Rodolphus had no great Vices, but the Vertues which make up the chief Character of a Prince, were wanting in him. Shut up in his Ci­ty of Prague, he employed himself in a­ny thing, rather than Politicks. Had he had good Ministers, he would not have hindred them from acting well. But he had so little care to chuse them, or ob­serve their steps that himself did not know, whether he was well or ill served. Rodol­phus did not live in good understanding [Page 12]with his Brethren. The Arch-Duke Mat­thias, forced him to give up the Kingdom of Hungary to him, and secure to him the Succession to the Crown of Bohemia. Both unable to keep their Subjects of diffe­rent Religion in Peace, were obliged to receive the Conditions which the stronger Party imposed on them.

England is so seated, it ought equally to fear least Spain or France become too Potent. James the First succeeded to Queen Elizabeth, a Princess whose Memory is still dear to the English; for her great Courage, her matchless Prudence, and her sincere Love to her People. Both Crowns strove which should make an Al­liance with the New King. They be­lieved that being more Potent than his Predecessors, by the Union of the Crown of Scotland, to that of England; he would be more able to hold the balance even, or make it incline to which side he pleased. But James still fearful and wavering, go­verned by his Wife or his Favourites, soon shewed the World, he was fitter to ma­nage the Pen, than the Sword; to write on a Question of Civil Law or Divinity, than to Reign gloriously and make himself formidable to his Neighbours. He made a Treaty of Alliance with Henry. Both Kings engaged to assist the Ʋnited Provin­ces, and to defend each other in case ei­ther of them was attacked by the Spani­ards. The Court of Madrid exasperated to find the King of Great Britain, take [Page 13]to a contrary Interest; possibly under­hand countenanced the discontented Party, and the Papists in England, formed that Horrible Attempt, which has since been call'd the Gunpowder Plot. Since that time. James ever dreaded the Spaniards. And they were so Skillful to improve this weak­ness of his, and Avarice of his Ministers, that far from opposing the Enterprizes of the House of Austria, you will find he will pati­ently suffer her to dispossess the Elector Pala­tine, who married a Daughter of England.

Henry IV. prepares for War.In this posture were the Affairs of Eu­rope, when Henry Troops, and bring them to to raise Troops, and bring them to the Frontiers of Champagne. John William, Duke of Cleves, Bergh and Juliers dying without Children, lest a contended Suc­cession. His four Sisters or their Chil­dren, had each different Pretenstions; some Imperial Constitutions contrary to each o­ther, embroil'd the Affair more. Some of these determined the Fees of the Contest­ed Countries to be the right of the Heirs Male; and others supposed Daughters capable of the Succession. Among all the Princes who were pretenders, the Right of John Sigismund Elector of Bran­denburgh, and that of Philip Lewis Palatin of Newburgh, were the most plausible. The first had married the Daughter of the Eldest Sister of the last Duke; and the other was Husband of the second Sister, who maintained, that the Succession was devolved on her, to the prejudice of the [Page 14]Children of her Eldest Sister Deceased, before Duke John William. These two Princes each took possession of a part of those Estates they pretended did entirely belong to them; But it was to be feared, a third stronger than both of them, would make himself Master of the best places, while they made War to drive each other out: Therefore the Landgrave of Hess, their common Friend, made them con­sent to a Provisional Treaty. In this they promised to terminate their Differences Amicably, and by Arbitration; and to joyn their Forces against any who should Attempt to usurp the Countries of Cleves and Juliers. Till this should be decided, it was agreed they should govern Indivi­dually, and in common; and without prejudice to the right of the Emperor, or the other Princes pretenders. The States of the Country Assembled at Dus­seldorp, took this Affair into their Cog­nizance at the Intreaty of the King of France, who already declared for the two Princes.

They were both Protestants, and the Ʋnited Provinces supported them as far as they were able. This gave Umbrage to the Arch-Dukes of the low Countries, whose Estates bordered on one side, on those of Juliers. A certain Prince of their House in Germany, would have been glad to have made his Advantage in this Liti­gious Title. The pretence of Religion is never wanting upon occasion; and here [Page 15]it would have been very seasonable. The Governour of Juliers then is won over, and Leopold of Austria, Bishop of Strasbourg and Passaw, passes secretly into the place. He brought with him a Com­mission from the Emperour, who preten­ded to be the Natural and Soveraign Judge of a Difference arising about the Fiefs of the Empire; and in the mean time, he gave to his Cousin Leopold, the Admini­stration of the contested places.

This Sequestration, seem'd to tend to an Usurpation. By the Addition of the Dutchies of Cleves and Juliers, to its o­ther Hereditary Countries; the House of Austria was in a condition to oppress the German Liberties with more ease. The Neighbourhood of the low Countries, gave the King of Spain an opportunity to send his best Troops to the Assistance of his Kinsmen. This Enterprize ought to have alarmed equally all the Princes of Germany; but the Jealousie caused by dif­ference of Religion, made the Duke of Bavaria, the Electours of Mentz, Triers, and some others, fear the Protestant Par­ty would be too strong, if the disputed Countries should fall to a Prince of that Religion. See then the Catholicks as­semble at Wirtsbourg; and form there a League of which the Duke of Bavaria was Chief, and send a Deputation to Rome and Madrid, to demand Aid of Pope Paul the V. and Philip King of Spain.

On the other hand the Protestants come in great numbers to Hall in Swabia. The Electour and Princes of Saxony, do not appear there. Those of the branch of Weymar and Koburg, had their particular Pretensions to the Dutchies of Cleves and Juliers; and hoped the House of Austria would espouse their right sooner than that of other Princes, more jealous of her grow­ing Greatness. The Elector of Saxony con­tented himself to send to Hall, in conjuncti­on with the King of Denmark, to exhort all the Pretenders to put their Interests, into the Emperours hand. The Resoluti­ons taken in that Assembly were kept pri­vate. The Prince of Anhalt, whom those of Brandenburgh and Newburg, had desired to go on a Negotiation to the Court of France, returned to Hall, accompanied with Boissise Ambassadour from the King. This Minister declared publickly, his Ma­ster would Assist them with all his Strength; and would march himself at the Head of a powerful Army, to oppose the Designs of the House of Austria. The Ʋnited Pro­vinces too, promised to joyn their Troops with those of Henry. The Neighbour­hood of the Contested Countries, made it unsafe for them to suffer them to fall into the hands of a Kinsman or Friend of Spain.

The mortal Displeasure the King of France had, to see the Arch-Dukes of the low Countries, and the King of Spain, receive the Prince of Conde with open [Page 17]Arms, who had secretly withdrawn him­self to Brussels, with the Princess his Wife; and promise him all sort of Assi­stance against the Injustice done him by Henry. This Accident I say, hapning at the same time with the Affair of Cleves and Ju­lie [...]s, urged him more to a War, than the No­ble desire to assist his Allies. Being Resolved to revenge the many Affronts he had recei­ved from Philip the II. and his Son; and to have the Princess of Conde back, what e­ver it cost him. Henry again sent Troops towards the Alps. Lesdiguieres, who from a mean Birth and Fortune, had raised him­self by degrees during the Wars in Dauphi­ny and Provence; and had obtained the staff of Mareschal of France. This Man was sent to conduct to the Duke of Savoy, the Troops designed against Italy, and to At­tack the Milanese in Conjunction with him. Vast Preparations were made. These at first were covered with the ordinary pretence of the Publick Safety, the pre­serving the R [...]pose of Europe; and the maintaining the Kings Allies in their rightful Possession; but a Vile and Criminal Passion made them to encrease, and march with the greatest Expedition. Henry it was said had reason to fear, that his anci­ent Enemies abusing the easiness and re­sentment of the first Prince of the Blood, should excite an Ambition in him, and put it into his Head, to contest the Validity of the Marriage of the King with Mary de Medicis, after a Divorce founded on very [Page 18]frivolous Reasons, and the I egitimacy of his Children by this second Wife; but to speak the Truth, the Absence of his Fair Angel, for so he call'd the Princess of Conde, lay nearer his Heart than any thing besides.

M [...]moires de Bassom­pierre.No sooner did Henrietta Charlotte of Montmorency appear in the World, but the good King became Amorous to the last degree of Folly. The Constable her Fa­ther, would have married her to Bassom­pierre, a Gentleman of Lorrain; who was well received at Court, and in great fa­vour with the King; but Henry broke off this Match when it was very far advan­ced. Bassompierre seemed too likely to engage the Affections of his Wife. The Prince of Conde he thought would be a Husband less troublesom to a Lover, by giving him Diversion in Hunting; he flattered himself he should find time and means to deceive a Man, who was not so discerning and jealous, as the other would have been: In a word, Henry who could not content himself with his own Wife, was willing as he freely said to Bassompeierre, that his nearest Kinsman should be a Comfort and Support to him in his old Age, which he was now entering into.

The Fli [...]ht of the Prince of Conde.The Prince soon perceived the King was desperately in love with the Lady he had married. Henry's Passion appeared more clearly every day than other, he could not keep himself within the Rules [Page 19]of Decency. The new Husband could not contain himself any more. He com­plains, is transported, and throws off all Respect. To make him more complai­sant and tractable, his Pensions are taken away. Notwithstanding his pressing In­stances for the Money promised in Marri­age, he meets with nothing but denial. These Hardships served only to exasperate a young M [...]n whom the Malecontents, and the private Enemies of the King, urg­ed incessantly with Motives of Honour, and encreased his Jealousie, by represent­ing the King was not Master of his Pas­sion, and might be transported by it to some Violence. So that in fine, the Prince of Conde determined to take his Wife with him, and retire into the Low Coun­tries.

The News of their Flight was a Clap of Thunder to the Amorous Old Man. He immediately calls his Ministers, who were his chief Confidents, to concert Mea­sures with them in so nice a Juncture. The Chancellour de Sillery tells him, with a great deal of Gravity, He ought to make Good and Firm Declarations against the Prince of Conde and all his Adherents. Could the slow Proceedings in a Court of Justice be a speedy and effectual Remedy for the Despair of a Lover, who thought himself the most unfortunate Man in the World when the Object of his Passion was separated from him? Villeroy, Secre­tary of S [...]ate, was of Opinion, the King [Page 20]should write to his Ambassadors in Fo­reign Courts, and order them to press the Princes not to receive Conde, who had withdrawn himself without the King's leave, and send him forthwith into France. The Counsel of Villeroy was not heard. This would have required a Negotiation with the Princes into whose Dominions Conde was fled. A delay of this kind did not agree with the Uneasiness and Impa­tience of Henry.

When the Duke of Sully was asked what his Opinion was; I foresaw this Ac­cident; said he to the King. If your Ma­jesty would have followed the Advice I gave you some days since, and put Monsieur the Prince in the Bastile, I would have taken care to have kept him well. That's true, re­ply'd the King, but what must we do now? Nothing, said Sully, after he had mused for a small time near the Window. A Fugitive Subject is soon abandoned by all the World, if his Master do not appear concern­ed to ruin him. If you shew the least eager­ness to have Monsieur the Prince given up, your Enemies will take Pleasure to vex you, by receiving him well, and aiding him. Doubtless this was the best part he had to act; but Henry was too Amorous to take it.

The Counsel of the President Jeannin was more pleasing to him. He propos'd to send a Captain of the Guards after him to bring him back if he could seize him; otherwise, to send immediately to Brussels, [Page 21]where the Prince would not fail to shel­ter himself, and demand him of the Arch­duke and Dutchess, and to menace them with a War if they refused to restore him. Albert and Isabel, added Jeannin, have no Tye to Monsieur the Prince; and the King of Spain will not have time to write to them to keep him. What appearance is there that weak and timorous Persons will for so small a Matter, draw your Majesty's Power on them?

Doubtless the Event would have been as Jeannin had imagin'd, if the famous Am­brose Spinola had not been at that time with the Archdukes. Albert and Isabel, awed by the Menaces of a Warlike King, who had made great Preparations, would have complied with the Desires of Henry. But Spinola with vehemence represented to them; they could not in Humanity re­fuse a Retreat and Protection to a perse­cuted Prince, who asked no more than a Shelter for his Honour and Person against the Insults which he had reason to appre­hend: That at least their Highnesses ought not to give a positive Answer, without first consulting the Catholick King in an Affair of that Importance. So in concert with the Court of Madrid, an Answer was given to those sent by Hen­ry: That the Honour and inviolable Rights of Hospitality would not allow the Archdukes to restore the Prince without his own Consent into the Hands of the King: But their Highnesses would take [Page 22]care he should not do any thing during his stay there against the Respect and O­bedience due to his Sovereign.

So modest a Denial serv'd only to in­flame the King's Anger, and make him more obstinate in his Demands of the Prince and Princess of Conde. He sent Orders every Day to repeat the Instances to the Archdukes. While he was arming powerfully in his Kingdom, the French, who were at Brussels, took Measures to carry off the Princess, who gave ground to believe she was not very averse to it. The People ran to Arms to oppose this Violence. Conde at last resolv'd to retire to Milan: and the Infanta took the Prin­cess into her own Palace. The Arch­dukes had promised not to give her up without the Consent of the Prince.

The Constable of Montmorency, sollici­ted by the King, demanded his Daughter; and the nearest Kindred of the Princess wrote to Brussels as well as he. They alledg­ed, that all the Family would have the Mar­riage annull'd. The King had recourse to the Pope. He pressed him to interpose his Authority, that the Princess being set at liberty, might demand a Dissolution of it. She did not love her Husband, and the Bigotry of the Infanta, who watched her narrowly, was so contrary to the Humour of a young Person accustomed to the Plea­sures of the Court of France, that she seemed not very averse to the Divorce her Kindred proposed to her, at least in ap­pearance. [Page 23]But all these Subtilties wore fruitless. The Archdukes, inflexible in their Word to the Prince, answer'd still to all the Instances and Menaces made them, That they would not restore the Princess without the Consent of her Hus­band, who had entrusted her with them. A very generous Resolution indeed! But is there not ground to think their secret Desire to excite some Commotions in France, to traverse the vast Projects of Henry, inspired them at least as much as their love to Equity and Ju­stice?

Henry IV. prepares to march at the Head of his Army.The great Preparations in France and other places, kept the World in suspense. None doubted the King had some great­er Design than to drive Archduke Leo­pold out of the Countries of Cleves and Juliers. In the mean time the House of Austria appeared Serene: It could not be observed that she made any Provisions against this approaching War, which o­penly threatned her; either because she ex­pected that Stroke, which soon changed the State of Affairs; or that the King of Spain, a stupid and unactive Prince, suffer'd him­self to be perswaded by a weak Minister, that the Ardour of Henry would cool, when the French had spent their first Fire on the Countries of Cleves and Juliers, and some other places of Italy. The King had Thirty Thousand Foot, and Six Thousand Horse in Champagne, Sixty Pieces of Ar­tillery, and abundance of Money and Pro­visions. [Page 24]Twelve Thousand Foot and Two Thousand Horse waited in Dauphine the Orders of Lesdiguieres, to go and join the Duke of Savoy's Army. The Veneti­ans promised to declare themselves, on condition they might have that part of the Milanese which lay most conveniently for them.

Henry burned with Impatience to march at the Head of so fair an Army. Some­times he would try the Arms he design'd to bear in the Day of Battel; at other times he took pleasure to see the brave Prince Maurice of Orange bring him the best Troops of the Ʋnited Provinces. Vex'd at the Advantages which Alexan­der Duke of Parma had gain'd over him in the Sieges of Paris and Roan, he ho­ped to take his Revenge against the Mar­quiss of Spinola, whose Reputation be­gan to equal that of the other. He was the only General now which the House of Austria had to oppose to the King.

Measures were taken for the Admini­stration of Government in his Absence: The Queen was to be Regent, and the Duke of Epernon President of her Coun­cil. It is amazing, that Henry would trust his Wife and Children in the Hands of a Lord whom he never loved, and whose Fidelity was ever suspected by him. But after all, he could never have made a better Choice. Of the Three Princes of the Blood, the first was in the Enemies Hands; Conti passed for a weak Man, [Page 25]and the Count of Soissons was disgusted.1610. Their ancient Enmity, and the strict Tie the Guises had to the Spaniard, made it unsafe for him to trust any of that House. Epernon had Wit, Courage, Honour, and was not without some Vanity. So great a Mark of Respect engaged him to exert himself, to answer the good Opinion the King had shewn of his Prudence and Fi­delity.

Henry had yielded to the Importunities of the Queen,Henry is As­sassinated the 14th of May 1610. who ardently desired to be Crowned in all the Forms. He imagined this Complaisance would make that jea­lous Princess forget the ill Humour the Kings Mistresses, and above all the Mar­quise de Vernueil had so oft put her in. The Ceremony of Consecration was per­form'd at St. Denys, with great Magni­ficence. All things were disposed for the so­lemn Entry of the Queen into the Capital of the Kingdom. When on the Eve of the Day design'd for that Pageantry, Henry going in his Coach to the Arsenal, to confer with the Duke of Sully, Superin­tendant of the Finances, and great Master of the Artillery, received two or three stabs with a Knife, one of which cut through the Artery of the Lungs. He fell down dead on the Duke of Epernon, who was on one side of him, and to whom he was whispering in the Ear, when he re­ceived the first blow.

Francis Ravillac a Native of Angoulême, committed this execrable Parricide the [Page 26]14th day of May, 1610. In the Hurry and Confusion which attend Accidents of this kind, he might have saved himself by hiding his Knife. But perswaded this was an Action worthy of Reward, he kept it in his hand till he was seiz­ed. One of the Kings Gentlemen in ordinary, and some Footmen, would have given him a thousand stabs upon the spot; but the Duke of Epernon remem­bring the fault committed in killing in this manner the Monk, who murthered Henry the III▪ forbid any on pain of Death to touch him. So he was secured, and carried to the Hôtel of Retz. By a Neg­ligence which appear'd suspicious and af­fected, instead of throwing this Wretch into a Dungeon, every one had the liber­ty to speak to him, during the two days he remained there. If the first Persons of the Kingdom thought they had more pressing Affairs than to revenge the Death of the King, what hindred the inferiour Magistrates from doing their Duty, in discovering the Authours of so black an Attempt?

The Queen la­bours to pro­cure her self to be declared Regen [...], during the Minority of Lewis XIII. her Son.The Queen wiped off her Tears as soon as the Chancellour and Villeroy had made her sensible every Moment was precious and she must labour incessantly to make her Advantage of the absence of two o [...] the Princes of the Blood, and the weak­ness of the other, to procure her self to b [...] declared Regent during the Minority o [...] her Son. The new King Lewis XIII▪ [Page 27]was about to begin the tenth year of his Age, being born the 27th of September, 1601. The Dukes of Guise and Epernon, seemed the most proper Persons to execute the Project. The unbounded Ambition of both these Men, made them equally be­lieve, by doing this service to a Foreign Princess unskilled in the Arts of Ruling a Nation, they should make themselves Ma­sters of the Government. Behold then both of them marching through Paris, at the Head of divers Armed Men, to suppress any Tumult might be caused by the unex­pected Death of the King. Guise goes di­rectly to the Town-House, Epernon arrives a little after, and both exhort Lejay Provost of the Merchants, the Echevins and the Citizens met there to continue faithful to the Son of him, whose Loss they Regret­ted, and to take all necessary care to pre­vent Disorder and Confusion.

The Duke of Sully came from the Ar­senal, as soon as he heard of the Death of his good Master. He went to the Louvre, as other Persons of Quality did, who all ran to offer their Services, and swear Fi­delity to the New King, and the Queen his Mother.Memoires de Bassompierre. Surpriz'd to find Bassompi­erre at the head of a great number of Horse; he thought fit to exhort him to take an Oath of Fidelity to Lewis: Well Sir, replyed Bassompierre, in a haugh­ty disdainful Tone, We come here to re­quire that of others, and there is no need of [...]our preaching to us on that Chapter. I can­not [Page 28]tell whether this answer made the Duke suspect these Men went to seize the Arsenal, and the Bastile, and that his Ene­mies were resolved to drive him out as soon as they could. However this was, Sully returns back, shuts himself up in the Ba­stile, takes away all the Bread in the Mar­kets, and Bakers Shops, and writes to the Duke of Rohan his Son-in-Law, Colonel General of the Swisses, to come to Pa­ris with six Thousand Men of that Nati­on, which he commanded in Champagne. In a word, he seems to make Provisions to sustain a Siege, in case any Attempt should be made to Dispossess him without his consent. An Imprudent step and sub­ject to the most Sinister Interpretations, especially in a time of universal Jealousie and Distrust.

Whilst Sully confin'd himself in the Ba­stile. Vie du Due de Epernon L. VI. others were providing for themselves by labouring for the Queen. The Duke of Epernon had placed the Regiment o [...] French Guards on the Pontneuf, and in th [...] Streets round the Convent of Augustin [...] The Parlement was there at that time because the Courts were fitted up for the Feasts prepared against the Crowning o [...] the Queen. As soon as the Chamber were met by the care of the Presiden [...] Seguier, with whom the Duke ha [...] conferr'd, he entered boldly into th [...] Hall, with his Sword taken out of th [...] Belt. It is yet, says he, in the Scabbar [...] with a Rough Menacing Air. If the Quee [...] [Page 29]be not declared Regent before the Court break up, it must be drawn, and I foresee there will be Blood spilt. Some of you Gentlemen, says he, demand time to consider. This is an unseasonable Prudence, What I propose, may be done now without Peril, but to morrow it cannot without Blood. The Duke added somewhat to soften so violent an Advance, The Members lookt on one another, astonished at the Novelty of the Proposi­tion, to put the Administration of the Go­vernment into the hands of the Queen, without the participation of the Princes of the Blood, and the Officers of the Crown. The Magistrates remained for some time in a pensive Silence. The first President de Harlay broke this at last, and said in few words, the Court was obliged to the Duke of Epernon, for the Zeal he had shown for the Publick good, and exhorted him al­ways to retain Sentiments worthy of his Rank and Virtue.

This short and general Answer, made Epernon reflect a little. Far enough from perswading them, the Soldiers were placed [...]round the Covent, only to secure [...] free Debate; the Duke gave occa­sion to believe, he intended to extort a Vote at any rate. He went out of the Hall to give the Chambers liberty to deli­ver their Opinions without Constraint. I [...]ave proposed, said he, as he withdrew, the [...]est way. There is no time to be lost. La [...]uesle, Procurator General, who had his Hopes as well as the rest, concluded in [Page 30]favour of the Queen, and the Parlement awed, declared her Regent during the under Age of her Son.

In the breaking up of the Assembly, the wisest Men deplored more than before, the Misfortune of their Country, in losing a King whose Life was so necessary for its Welfare. Now, said they, are we once again at the Discretion of an Italian Wo­man. What good is to be expected from a Regent, Prodigal, Imperious, and unexperi­enced? Our dependance must be now on Ga­ligai and Conchini her Husband, Confidents of the Queen, and Pensioners of Spain. What Confusions will not their Covetousness and Ambition cause in the Court and Kingdom. If the King, added others, had followed the Advice given him, and drove out that Rab­ble, who were always cherishing Jealousie and Discontent in the Queen, perhaps we might not have had occasion now to bemoan the loss of so good a Prince. It is well known, Conchini and his Wife threatned the Per­son of the King, if he attempted to punish their Villanies. Might not People of this stamp suborn an Assassin?

[...]moi [...]es de [...]gence de M [...]rie de Medicis.The next day all was ferene at Paris. Guise so well managed the humour of the Duke of Sully, that he brought him to the Louvre to pay his Duty to the King and Queen. Villeroy had disposed them to re­ceive him kindly. He insinuated inces­santly to the new Regent, that the anci­ent Ministers of her Husband being most acquainted with Affairs at home, and a­broad, [Page 31]it would not be convenient to make any alteration in the Council. The Secretary of State was afraid the Dis­grace of the Superintendant, might be of dangerous Consequence to the rest. This was an Example might be made use of against Villeroy himself. Sully made a set Speech to the Queen, and being perswa­ded she was averse to the War with Spain, and would unite her self with those her Husband sought to depress; the Duke assured her Majesty, he had endeavoured to divert the late King from his Designs. The Duke of Vendome being luckily there, Sully appeal'd to him for the truth of what he had said to his Father, in his presence. Base Courtier! who Sacrificed so early the Reputation of his Benefactour to his wavering Fortune.

The Provinces followed the Example of the Capital, Catholicks and Prote­stants alike submitted to the Regency of Mary. All was calm in the Armies. At the Sollicitation of his Father-in-Law, the Duke of Rohan had brought the Swis­ses a days march towards Paris; but Sully content with the good Reception of the Queen, sending a speedy Countermand, he returned back. Gonzague Duke of Ne­vers, who commanded the Army in Cham­pagne, made all the Officers swear Allegi­ance, and the Mareschal Lesdiguieres kept that in Dauphine to their Duty. The News being dispersed on all sides, that the new King was Recognized by the Parlement [Page 32]the day after his Fathers Death, and the Regency of the Widow was confirmed there in a Solemn manner; this did not a little conduce to settle the Tranquility of the Remote Provinces.

The Constable, the Peers of the King­dom, and the great Officers of the Crown,Lewis XIII. sits in his Seat of Ju­stice the first time. appear'd in the Parlement. The King came thither followed by the Queen his Mother, the Prince of Conti, and the Count of Enghien, Son of Soissons, who was retired to an Estate in the Country, Disgusted that some mark of Distinction was refused to his Wise at the Queens Coronation. After every one had ta­ken their place, Mary began a small Dis­course which she had premeditated. Scarce had she uttered two or three Words, but a shower of Tears hindred her from pro­ceeding farther. It was doubtful whe­ther they proceeded from Grief or Joy. Every one made what construction he pleased. Resuming her Discourse after a sew Sighs,Mercure Francois. 1610. either Affected or Sincere, I have brought you here my Son, says the Queen, to intreat you to take that care of him, which you are obliged to do. I conjure you to do this by the Memory of his Father, by the Love you ought to have for your selves, and your Zeal for your Country. I will in­struct him to follow your Advice, in all the concerns of State. It is your part to see this be wholsom and good. When she had done, she came down within the Bar, as if she would still give them a liberty to agree in [Page 33]their Opinions concerning the Regency. The Princes, Lords, and Magistrates con­vinced there was more Ceremony than Reality in this, begg'd her to take her place again. Mary skill'd in the Art of Dissimu­lation, suffer'd her self to be prest for a long time, till the Instances she requi­red, seem'd to be a force on her Modesty and Grief.

Young Lewis rehearsed well enough the Discourse prepared for him. It was not omitted, here to insert the young King would follow the Advice of his Parliament. This is a Language which ancient Custom has made usual in the beginning of a Mi­nority, but is never remembred by Prin­ces, when their Authority is once Esta­blished. Ann of Austria, and her Son, said the same thing. Nevertheless we have seen with our own Eyes in the pre­sent Reign, and we shall see in that whose History I now write, that Lewis XIII, and his Successor, have too much given ear to vile Flatterers, who have prompted them to annul the Authority of a Body of Men, on which the Preservation of France does de­pend, Reisel Hist. de Louis XII. & dans son livre de la Monarchie de France, 1. part. chap. VIII. & X. and which was Established, to curb the Absolute power of the King. Thus Men talked in the time of Lewis XIII. And this Discourse is Seditious, under the Reign of Lewis XIV.

The Chancellour assured them, the late King had more than once signified his In­tention, according to divers preceding Examples; that the Queen his Wife should [Page 34]have the Administration of Affairs, in case he died before his Son was a Major. After the Chancellor's Harangue was over, the first President began. He exhorted the young Prince to strive to deserve the Title of Father of his People, as the good King Lewis XII. had done, on whose Throne he sat, and to follow the Instructions which St. Lewis left to Posterity. Servin, Ad­vocate-General, did the same; and all was concluded by the King's Decree, sit­ting in his Seat of Justice, and confirming that made the preceding Day, and by sending it to other Parliaments, and pub­lishing it throughout the Kingdom. The Speeches of these Two great Magistrates would have been worthy of their Gravity and Reputation, if they had given less excessive Praises to a Princess, who ne­ver deserved the most moderate ones.

The New Decree being given out, the King returned with mighty Shouts and Acclamations of the Multitude, who ad­mire whatever strikes their Senses. All Peo­ple wished a long Prosperity to the Son of the Great Henry, crying for Justice on the Authours of his Father's Death. Happy had it been, if the Prayers and Wishes of his Subjects could have obtained for him the Qualities of Mind and Inclinations necessary to tread in the Steps of the good Kings who preceded him; the number of whom is very small. But he had not Genius enough to acquire the one, and his [Page 35]Mother would not permit him to have a Governour to form him for the other.

The Count of Soissons was extremely surprized to find all done in his Absence. He made haste to Paris, Intrigues and Cabals at Court in the begin­ning of the Re­gency of Mary de Medicis. accompanied with Three Hundred Gentlemen on Horseback. To lessen his Discontent, which began to discover it self, he had the Government of Normandy given him. The Regent next re­warded those who had serv [...]d her well. The Pensions of the Princes of the House of Lorrain were very moderate in the prece­ding Reign. But Sully, who strove to sup­port the greatest Enemies of his Religion, raised them to a Hundred thousand Livres. The Duke of Guise obtained Two Hun­dred Thousand Crowns to pay his Debts, and the Queen promised to favour him in the Design he had to marry the Heir­ess of Joyeuse, Widow of the Duke of Montpensier, by whom she had only One Daughter. Epernon was so wealthy, and had such Places, he seem'd above the Gra­tifications of the Court. He was re­warded according to his own Humour. He had great Honours done him, and all the Marks of a particular Distinction. The Queen lodg'd him in the Louvre. I do not, said she,Vie de Duc d' Epernon, L. IV. think my self safe there wihtout him. The Secretaries of State communicated all Dispatches to him. In a word; he seemed on the Point to ren­der himself as formidable now as he had been under the Reign of the weak Hen­ry III.

The Count of Soissons sought his Friendship with great earnestness. He He aimed by this to strengthen himself a­gainst the Prince of Conde, who was invi­ted to return and take his Rank at Court; The Princess of Montpensier was Daughter to a Niece of the Duke of Epernon; and the Count hoped to bring the Wealth of that rich Family into his House, by mar­rying his Son to that Heiress. This Match could not be concluded without the Con­sent of the Uncle. Soissons hated Sully mortally. He flatter'd himself that Eper­non exasperated against that Minister, who had done very ill Offices to the One, and the Other, with the late King, would join with him to rid themselves of their com­mon Enemy, The Duke did not refuse the Friendship of a Prince of the Blood, but would not engage to serve him in all his Projects The Edge of the Count was not taken off by this: He proposes to his new Friend, to stab the Duke of Sully in the Louvre. A base and cowardly Action un­worthy, I will not say of a Prince, but of the meanest Man in the World! It struck with Horror, one who valu'd himself on his Vir­tue and Probity. Epernon reply'd as civil­ly as he could, his Trust would not per­mit him to suffer a Violence of that kind in the King's House. The Count took this Denyal ill. However the secret Desire he had to raise himself above the Prince of Conde, who fill'd a Place that Soissons thought belonged of Right to him, made [Page 37]him dissemble his ill Humour. Could Epernon after this maintain a Friendship with a Man who had discover'd so vil­lainous a Heart? However great a Prince is by his Birth or Interest, he can deserve nothing but Hatred and Contempt, when he once becomes guilty of so black a Crime.

Jealousies broke out, and Intrigues grew numerous,State of Af­fairs in the beginning of the Regency. when the Debates began about forming the Regents Council. The Princes of the Blood justly pretended to have a place there by Right of their Birth. The Constable of Montmorency, and the Duke of Joyeuse, thought they ought not to be excluded. Those of the House of Guise, assured of the good Intentions of the Queen to­wards them, hoped to raise themselves. They were too weak now to flatter them­selves for the future with obtaining the Superiority they formerly had over the House of Bourbon; yet they did not despair at least to rival the Princes of the Blood. But they found at home a great Obstacle to their coming into the Council: Two Lords of the same House could not be called to it. The Duke of Guise was the eldest; but the Age and Experience of the Duke of Mayenne his Uncle, requir'd him to be preferr'd. Hen­ry being dangerously ill some Years before, had a mind to form a Council. He na­med this Lord then, who was heartily reconciled to him, and since that time had [Page 38]given the King Marks of his inviolable Fidelity. This was a great Prejudice in his Favour. The Duke of Nevers too demanded to be admitted, and disputed the Precedence with the Guises. New Per­plexities on all sides!

The Emulation between the Marechal of Bouillon and the Duke of Epernon was grown to so great a height, that it was not possible the one should be in the Council to the Prejudice of the other. This latter was considerable for his Charge of Colonel General of the Foot, and other great Places. The Queen did not dare to give distaste to a haughty and powerful Man, who had just served her in a very Handsome man­ner. Bouillon had a great Heart, a capa­cious and discerning Mind, kept a strict Alliance and constant Intelligence with Foreign Princes. The Sovereignty of Se­dan made him considerable at home and abroad. No one had more Interest than he with the Protestants of France. The late King stood in fear of him. He gave a Check to his turbulent and ambiti­ous Humour, but would not push the Mat­ter to an Extremity. So that the Marechal was capable of doing a great deal of good, if he followed his Reason, or a great deal of Mischief, if he abandoned himself to his Passion. There were other Lords of great Bitth, who might pretend to have a place in the Council, but they were yet of an Age, in which Men of Quality have stronger Inclinations to Pleasure, than to [Page 39]concern themselves in Matters of State. Of this number were the Duke of Ven­dome, the Grand Prior of France, both Natural Sons of Henry Duke of Longue­ville, and the Count of St. Paul, a young­er Brother of the same House.

The Chancellor de Sillery, the Duke of Sully, Villeroy, and the President Jeannin, saw all this Emulation with Pleasure. This left the entire Direction of Affairs to them­selves, under the Name of the Queen. Therefore in the first place they advised her, not to give Distaste to any Person till the first Prince of the Blood should return, and to admit into her Council all the great Lords who demanded a Place there. The greater the number of these was, the less Interest and Power any particular Persons could have. In the mean time, each took his Opportunity to entertain the Re­gent. They took care to prepare Mat­ters to be proposed, to give seemingly some Employment to the Assembly. But these Gentlemen foresaw it would soon degenerate into Confusion: That some would take a distaste themselves, and others might be removed under colour of sending them to execute their Places and Governments.

While these Intrigues employ'd the Courtiers,The Tryal and Execution of Ravillac. the Parliament was busie in the Process of Ravillac. The first Presi­dent, assisted by another, and Two Coun­sellors, examin'd him several times, All that can be drawn from the Interro­gatories [Page 40]now extant, are, That Ravillac was an Enthusiast, who imagining on some Reports, that he had heard, that the King was about to make War on the Pope, and did not concern himself for the Conversion of the Hugonots, took a Resolution to kill a Prince, whom he looked on as an unjust Tyrant. What Ravillac had learnt from the Sermons ef the execrable Preachers of the League, who justified James Cl [...]ment, confirm'd him in his Belief, that any private Man might take away the Life of a Prince who was an Enemy of the Holy Father. Mercure François, 1610. To make War on the Pope, says Ravillac to his Judges, is to make War on God, in as much as the Pope is God, and God is the Pope. This moves our Pity indeed. But do not those Princes, who by a strange sort of Politicks, submit their Dominions to the Pope, deserve our Pity more than Assassins seduced by the Emissaries of the Court of Rome? After the Attempt of John Chastel, Henry was always afraid of the Knife of the League. The Desire he had to keep himself from it, did not a little conduce to make him recal a sort of Peo­ple, who have the Secret to make them­selves formidable to Sovereigns. He load­ed the Jesuites with his Favours. But had he not better provided for the Se­curity of his Life, and the Publick Good, by giving Ear to the wise Re­monstrances of the first President De Harlay?

Ravillac, otherwise ignorant, knew so well how to maintain the Dogm of the So­ciety of Jesuites, and the Leaguing Sorbon, one might easily guess a certain set of Men, had taken care to instruct him. But whe­ther to pleasure a Religious, who call'd him his Friend, and recommended to him in ex­press Words at the Hôtel of Retz, not to ac­cuse honest Men: or that he conceiv'd him­self [...]he horrible Design; the Criminal con­stantly affirmed to the end of his Life, that no Person whatever, Frenchman or Fo­rigner, had put him upon killing a Prince, who had never done him any wrong, and whose Death, though unpunish'd, could do him no good. He was condemned to suffer the Punishment which the Laws of France appoint for such Parricides, and the Sentence was executed on the 27th of May.

The Proceedings of Parlement the same Day Ravillac was executed, are an evident Proof that that Body saw that the Writings and Sermons of some Do­ctors of the Sorbon, The Condem­nation of the Book and Do­ctrine of Ma­riana the Je­suite, (engaged in the League, and poison'd by the Books which the Jesuites publish'd to revive that pernicious Doctrine, which the Faculty of Paris had censur'd in the Year 1413. and was confirm'd by the Council of Constance.) The Decree, I say, made the same Day Ravillac suffered, convinc'd the World, that they thought those Books and Preachments had plunged the Knife in the Heart of Henry and his Predecessor. The Parle­ment therefore ordered the Faculty of [Page 42] Paris to meet and confirm anew their an­cient Censure, authorized by the Coun­cil of Constance, against those who teach. That a Vassal or a Subject may, and ought in Conscience to kill any Tyrant whatever, and Assault him all sort of ways, and that this Action is not contrary to that Oath of Fidelity, which Vassals and Subjects take to their Soveraigns. The Doctors obey'd the order signified to them. The Parlement on the 10th of June gave a­nother Sentence, condemning the Book de Rege & Regis institutione of Mariana the Jesuit, to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman, as containing, says the Decree, diverse execrable Blasphemies a­gainst the late King Henry III. and a­gainst the Persons and States of Kings and Soveraign Princes.

The Jesuits have ever had their Parti­sans and Adversaries. The first were rea­dy to excuse them, and the latter rose up against them with great Zeal and Vehe­mence. The Abbot Dubois preaching at St. Eustace in Paris, undertook in one of his Sermons, to refute the Opinions of Mariana. By a figure of Rhetorick live­ly enough, he addrest his Speech to the good Fathers, and exhorted them strong­ly for the future, to take care in the Books published in the name of their Body, and with Approbation of their Superious, to let nothing pass offensive to France; unless the Jesuits would expose themselves to Dangers, which all their Prudence, strength­en'd [Page 43]by the Power of their Friends, would not be able to avoid. This Discourse made a great Impression on the Audience, They went away enraged against the Society, and the People appeared extreamly incen­sed against them.

Complaint was made to the Queen of this Sermon, and she remitted the Affair to the Archb [...]shop of Paris. Dubois protested before that Prelate, he meant no hurt to the Society. My Love, said he, to Truth, my Grief for the Death of the King, and a just Dread of the fatal Effects that the Do­ctrine of Mariana may produce, such Senti­ments as these, made me speak in that man­ner. The Archbishop of Paris had nothing to reply, and contented himself with ex­horting the Preacher to live well, with all the Servants of God, and particular­ly with the Jesuits. But it had been more to the purpose, to perswade effectu­ally those good Fathers to pardon the Ab­bot, the injury which they thought they had received. I do not know how it came to pass, but Dubois had the Impru­dence to go to Rome the next year, and then they did not want colour, to shut him up in a close Prison.

The Patience of Father Coton Confes­sour to the late King, could not bear to hear the General Exclamation against his Brethren. He resolved to justifie the Society, against the Imputation on the account of Mariana's Book. His Wise and discerning Friends, advised Coton to [Page 44]say nothing, for fear of any Misunder­standing in an Affair that must be so nicely handled. Every one wonder'd that a Man who knew the World so well, and wanted not Prudence, should not take so good Ad­vice. He published a long Letter addres­sed to the Queen, to perswade the World, Mariana was a private Person disown'd by their Body, who had true Notions of the Authority of Princes, and the Obedi­ence due to them. The thing happened at the Friends of the Jesuits had foretold. A thousand Pamphlets were instantly pub­lished against the Fathers Letter. It is full, say they, of Ambiguous Expressions and Tricking. They insulted him on his pretended disclaiming the Doctrine, which was plainly forced to comply with pre­sent necessity. It comes too late, said some, maliciously enough to the good Fa­thers, but perhaps it will not be useless to the Children of him, who is now in his Grave.

Indeed the defence of Coton was weak, and ill put together. What he said of the Complaints of the Provincial Congrega­tion held at Paris some years before, and the Answer of their General Aquaviva, gave an Advantage to the Enemies of the Society. The French Jesuits ha­ving desired their Superiour to stop the Liceace, and Suppress the Books of some Authours, who had written some things to the prejudice of France, the Fa­ther gave them this Answer. We ap­prove the Judgment and Care of your Con­gregation. [Page 45]And we are very sorry, that this was not discover'd till after the Impressi­on of those Books. We have taken order they shall be corrected, and we will have a care that nothing of the like nature shall happen for the future. This is very cold and ambiguous, for an Opinion which al­lows Attempts on the Lives of Soveraigns. Here are some of the Prudential Ma­nagements of the Children of this World. But there is no formal disavowing that execrable Dogm, the Defenders of which deserve an Exemplary punishment.

We must be very simple to believe, that the Superiours of the Society did not know what Mariana and others of the same stamp wrote, till after the Publicati­on of their Works; do's not all the World know what are their Statutes relating to the Publication of their Books. It is to little purpose, that Coton cites several Authours, of different Sentiments from Mariana. If among so many able Men, there was none to be found who maintain Homicide to be absolutely forbid by the Laws of God, it would be a very extraordinary thing. The permission of the Society to print Mariana's Book, is ground enough to con­clude they approve it, or at least do not condemn it as ill. These Writers pass for grave Authours, but according to the Principles of Probability, a Dogm which ows its Birth to, or at least is adopted by the Society in all its Forms; James Cle­ment could on the Authority of Mariana, [Page 46]Assassinate Henry III. And his Successour might be kill'd with a safe Conscience, at least at a time when Sixtus V. and Gre­gory XIV. darted all the Thunder of the Vatican against him.

The Jesuits bore the most violent As­saults of the Preachers of Paris, The Funeral of Henry IV. at the time of Henry's Funerals. The Ce­remony was performed with the usual pomp. The Heart was sent to the College of Jesuits, which the King had founded at la Fleche in Anjou. He had ordered it thus before his Death. Coton made his Funeral Oration there. The Body was first carried to the Cathe­dral Church of Paris, and from thence conveyed to the ordinary Burying-place of the Kings of France. The Bishop of Aire pronounced the Elogy of the Deceas­ed King at Notre Dame, and the Bishop of Angers at St. Denys. Tho' Henry might deserve in the Eyes of the World the Ti­tle of Great, his Vertues and Actions did not deserve the Church of Rome should in­terrupt her Holy Rites, to make his Pa­negyrick in a Pulpit, which ought to be Sacred to the Preaching of the Truth.

What can a good Christian say in praise of a Prince, dead in several Criminal Habits, on the point of putting all Europe in a Flame, and causing a great Effusion of Blood, to satisfie his Ambition, to re­venge himself of his Enemies, who were not in a condition to hurt him, to force a­way a Princess in the face of the World, [Page 47]whose Husband took Refuge, to defend himself from the Solicitations and Pursuits of a King, whom love had deprived of all Senseand Reason? His pretended Con­version was a fair Field for prophane Orators, void of Religion to exercise their Eloquence. Their Triumph in so Important a Conquest, served to cover his ill Life, and impenitent Death. But were they ever assured Henry was sin­cerely a Catholick. Let us leave that to the judgment of God. If it be true, this Princes Conscience was setled in mat­ters of Faith, it is certain his irregular Life, did not do much honour to the Re­ligion which Politicks probably induced him to embrace. The flattering Bishops who praised him after his Death, had ne­ver the Courage to reprove him for his Debauches, as the Protestant Ministers had done before he left them.

At and after the Funeral,The good and ill Qualities of Henry IV. wise Men spoke very differently of the Qualities and Actions of the Deceased King. Some admired his Happiness in coming to the Crown from so remote a Degree, that it was doubted if the Right of Succession could extend so far. Others praised his Valour in War, his undaunted Courage in the most dangerous Occasions, his Ex­perience and Ability in the command of Armies; his Moderation in his good For­tune, his Constancy in Adversity, his Cle­mency to his greatest Enemies, his Affa­bility, his Love to his Subjects, his Pru­dence not to drive them to Extremity, but [Page 48]to leave them to return to their Duty when they went beyond Murmurs; and lastly, the Mildness with which he heard their Remonstrances.

Other more discerning Persons, said there was more Rashness than Prudence in the Bravery of Henry. That he exposed himself to Dangers without Necessity, That if he had met with an Enemy more active and able, than the Duke of Ma­yenne, he would have been forced to fly into England a little after the Death of his Predecessour. That the Heads of the League were better rewarded, than his most faithful Adherents; that instead of being Liberal, he was Prodigal to Persons that deserved nothing. That he gave with Profusion to his Mistresses, and those who served him in his Pleasures. That he had an exorbitant Passion for Play: That he discover'd a covetous Hu­mour, very little agreeable with the Cha­racter of a great Prince: That under the colour of easing the People, he laid on New Taxes. That he introduced into the State, Selling of Offices.

The Ill natured People did not spare to reflect on his Domestick Conduct. They censur'd him sharply for his manner of leav­ing Queen Marguerite, to follow the Gallan­try of her Temper. More insensible than the Emperour Claudius, said they, he suf­fered this new Messalina, whom he owned for his lawful Wife, to dishonour him publickly. Did he intend at his own Expence, to teach [Page 49]those whose Wives he Debauched, to be easie Husbands. All Men spoke with Indigna­tion of his advances towards marrying Gabriéle d'Etrees, and his Ingratitude to Harlay de Sancy, whom he turned out of his Places, for delivering his Thoughts freely on so scandalous a Match. They laught at his promise to the Marquise de Vernueil, given under his own hand Writing, to take her for his Wife, in case she brought him a Boy within the year; His continual jars with the Queen, His easiness in suffering the Insolence of Vernueil, who always spoke of the Queen with the last Con­tempt. So true it is, that Persons of good Sense, will not judge of the Soli­dity of the Merit of a Prince, by studied Panegyricks, flattering Titles, Statues e­rected to him, or pompous Inscriptions engraved on Marble or Brass.

The Resolves of the Coun [...]il, to send Aid to Juliers.Sometime before the Body of Henry was in his Tomb, there was a debate in private concerning the Armies which the late King had Raised, which were very chargeable to keep up. The Opinions were very different about them: It is not a time now, said some Persons, to give it to the House of Austria.Memoires de la regence de Marie de Medicis. A Po­tent and Crafty Enemy, will find ways to embroil the State. His Catholick Majesty proposed to the late King, the double Mar­riage of the Infanta with Mons. the Dau­phin, and of the Prince of Spain, with Madame the Eldest Daughter of France. We ought to Disband the Troops which give [Page 50]Jealousie to the King of Spain, and resume the Negotiation of the two Marriages, to make a firm Alliance. This Mary most ar­dently desired, being Prepossessed by her Italian Confidents, who were corrupted by the Court of Madrid, the new Regent imagined the Establishment of her Pow­er, depended upon her good Under­standing with the Pope, and the King of Spain.

This latter indeed had made diverse steps before the Death of Henry, to con­clude this double Alliance, and Paul V. labour'd to effect it. The Court of Rome hoped to find her Advantage in it. Being convinced it was not possible to ruin the Protestants without the Concurrence of the two Crowns, she labour'd with all her Might, to form an Alliance between those Rival Powers. Whilst the one was busie to overthrow the Protestant In­terest in Germany, and the Low Countries, they Projected to engage the other to re­duce the Hugonots in France. For the King of Great Britain, and the two Nor­thern Crowns, they were not in any great pain about them. The first did not seem difficult to win. Sweden was imployed a­gainst the King of Poland, who attempted to recover the Dominions, of which he thought himself unjustly deprived. The King of Denmark being unable to do any thing of himself, none doubted he woul [...] take that side which James the I. his Bro­ther-in-Law should embrace.

This was the Project of the Courts of Rome and Madrid; but Henry too well understood his own Interest, and that of the rest of Europe, to fall into the snare laid for him. Very far from giving ear to the double Marriage proposed to him, he promised his Eldest Daughter to the Prince of Plemont, and sent Bassompierre into Lorrain to treat with the Duke, who had no Male Children for the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter, with the Dauphin of France. No sooner was Henry dead, but the Court of Rome resumed the Treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns by a double Marriage. The Regent had al­ways desired it, and the private Pensio­ners of Spain supported it with all their Interest, in the Council of France.

The Chancellour was one of the num­ber of those who approved it. But he had reason enough to oppose those who propo­sed to have all the Troops Disbanded. Shall we make the World believe, says he, that we all stand in awe of the King of Spain? Shall we bid Defiance to our best Allies? They will think we intend to aban­ [...]n them. Who will hereafter seek the Alli­ance of this Crown? I think it adviseable to keep up the Army in Champagne, and send A [...]d to Juliers, to drive out Archduke Leo­pold. The Arms in Dauphiné gives more jea­ [...]usie to Spain. This is commanded by a Protestant Mareschal of France. I think [...]hese two Reasons, should move us to Disband it. But common Prudence will not suffer [Page 52]us to disarm our selves entirely, before the return of Monsieur the Prince, before we have certain Information of the Disposition of the Court of Spain, before the Power of the King and Queen Regent be well Esta­blished.

This Advice was looked on as best. The choice of a General to carry the Aid de­sign'd for the Countries of Cleves and Ju­liers, caused new Perplexities. The Mares­chal de Bouillon pretended to that Employ, and Villeroy gave him hopes of it. However the Mareschal De la Chátre was preferr'd to him. The Court would not give an Ab [...] Man, and a Protestant, whom they were jealous of, the Command of an Army de­signed to joyn Prince Maurice, his Friend and Brother-in-Law. Bouillon made a great noise. Must my Religion, said he, exclude me from all Employs due to my Rank and Services. When Mons. the Prince returns, I'll try to make a Party to oppose this new Triumvirate of the Count of Soissons, the Duke of Epernon, and the Cardinal of Joy­euse. These Men would be Masters of all things.

Edicts revo­ked for the ease of the Peo­ple. A De­claration in favour of the Protestants.To hinder the Princes and discontented Lords from causing an Insurrection among the People, or raising the Protestants, they took care to give Satisfaction to every Man. Fífty four Edicts for taxing the People were Revoked, diverse Com­missions were superseded, and the price o [...] Salt abated one fourth part. To remove al [...] Distrust from the Protestants, a Declarati­on [Page 53]on was set forth to confirm the Edict of Nants. Though, as the young King is re­ported to have said, this Formality was not necessary, in regard that Law was Irrevo­cable and Perpetual. Those who had the greatest Interest in the Party, they strove to gain by Presents. The Regent sent word to Du Plessis Mornay, He might ask what he liked best, and that her Majesty would readily grant it.Vie de Mr. du Plessis Mornay [...]. a la fin. No Man shall ever Re­proach me, said that Wise and Religious Gentlewoman, with taking Advantage of the Disasters of my Country, or extort­ing the least thing from a Minor King, or his Distressed Mother. If the Queen order me to be paid, what has been long due to me, I will look on this Order as a new Gratifica­tion.

The Prince of Conde's Re­turn.Affairs were in this Posture, when the Prince of Conde prepared to return into France. No sooner did the Count of Fu­entes hear of the Death of Henry, but he employed all his Wit and Address, to per­swade the Prince not to neglect so fair an Opportunity to make himself King.Mem. de la Regençe de Marie de Medicis. The Divorce of your Kinsman from Margaret of France, and his Marriage with Mary de Medicis, says the crafty Spaniard, are con­trary to the Laws of God, and of the Church. Will you tamely lose a Crown which belongs to you. Have but Courage to assert your Right, you will not want Power or Support. I offer you all the King my M [...]ster can do for you. If the Authority of the Holy See interposed in the Divorce of Henry, we [Page 54]will find a way to engage Paul V. to de­clare null, what his Predecessour did. The Thing is not without Example. Fuentes caused the Project to be proposed to the Pope, who rejected it. Condé did not any more give ear to it, either because the Design appeared Chimerical to him, or re­membring the proceedings against Char­lotte de la Trimoville, his Mother, he did not dare attempt to contest the Legiti­macy of the Children of a King, who had employed all his power to make him so, when a great many thought his Con­dition doubtful. Conde went from Milan to Brussels, to take the Princess his Wife. Firm in his Resolution, to content him­self with the Rank he had in France, he would not suffer himself to be allured by a deceitful Appearance; and therefore prepares to resume his former place at Court. The Regent pressed him every day to it, and his Friends waited with Impatience for him.

T [...]e Arrival of the Prince Conde at Pa­ris.Those of the House of Lorrain, the Mareschal of Bouillon, and the Duke of of Sulli went to Senlis to meet him. And now a new Part began to appear on the Stage. The Regent took Umbrage at this. The Count of Soissons, the Duke of Epernon, and the Cardinal of Joleuse, fearing there was a design to drive them from Court, began to think of defending themselves. Mary alarm'd her self, hearkned to the Ad­vice given her to arm the Parisians. New Officers were chosen, who took an [Page 55]Oath to the Queen in the Town-Hall, and in less than eight days time, above an hun­dred Thousand Men were in Arms. How­ever Conde enter'd Paris, accompanied with fifteen Hundred Gentlemen. He had received intelligence from different Hands, that at the Sollicitation of the Count of Soissons, the Regent would se­cure his Person, and the Mareschal of Bouillon. But the kind Reception he met with from their Majesties, dispersed all these Jealousies.

Two pow­erful [...]a [...]tions at Court The Prince of Conde at the head of one, and the Count Soisson 8 of the other. [...]He declared at first, he had no design to dispute the Regency, which the Queen was in possession of. Notwithstanding this, the frequent Cabals he had with the Heads of his Party sometimes at the Hôtel of Mayenne, and sometimes at the Arse­nal, gave an extream Jealousie. The Duke of Sulii Master of the Artillery which was there, and the Money the late King had lodged in the Bastile, could have furnished Conde with means to undertake something considerable. But he had not the Courage. Either because the Arming the Citizens broke his Measures or the Guises united with him, were more concerned for their own Interests, than the greatness of a Prince, naturally an Enemy of their House. These Men privately had assured the Queen, they only joined themselves to the Prince of Conde, to skreen themselves from the ill Designs of the Count of Soissons, who endeavour'd to depress them, and they should be the first to leave him, [Page 56]if he ever declared against her Ma­jesty.

Conde might have spared the Guises, and might have made the Queen, the Count of Soissons, and all the contrary Faction tremble, by following the Counsel of the Mareschal of Bouillon. Memoires de Dac de Ro­han. This was to re­turn to the Reformed Church, which Henry had forced him to forsake, and de­clare himself Protectour of the Prote­stants in France. Supported by the Expe­rience and Credit of Bouillon, secure of the Money in the Bastile, which Sully could put into his hands, strengthned with a great number of Swisses, which Rohan their Colonel General would have brought to him, followed by all the Protestant No­bility, who would have been at his De­votion, Master of several good and well fortified Cities; with all these great Ad­vantages, the first Prince of the Blood would have balanced the power of the Re­gent, and made himself formidable at home and abroad. But he was only good, to enrich himself like a Country Gentleman, Covetous and Contentious in reasoning a point of Law, or Discus­sing a Question of School Divinity. Some had put it into his Head, to desire the Reversion of the Dignity of Constable, but he had the Mortification to see himself de­nied. Too Happy in obtaining the Hôtel of Condi, now called Conde, which the Queen bought for him.

As soon as the Mareschal of Bouillon, perceived that the Prince,The Mareschal de Bouillon undertakes to Reunite both Pazties. he made his Ac­count of, had neither Genius nor Courage to follow the steps of his Predecessors, he resolved to reconcile himself with the Court. Bouillon would have put him­self at the Head of the Protestants of France. He had thought of this in the pre­ceding Reign. But the Dukes of Sulli and Rohan, the Mareschal Les Diguieres, and divers other considerable Persons of the Party, were no Friends to him. So he made new Protestations of his Devotion to serve their Majesties. He proposes to the Marquess de Coeuvres the Reconciling of the two Princes. I'll undertake to dispose Conde, says the Mareschal to the Mar­quess, if you will treat with Soissons, who has a Regard for you. Sillery, Villeroy, and Jeannin govern, whilst the Princes and great Lords are divided among themselves. Let us Reunite the contrary Parties, without prejudice to the Queens Authority. This is the only way to remove these great Ministers, and reduce the rest to the simple, discharging the Duties of their Places.

The Queen Traverses the Ʋnion of the Princes and great Lords.The Count of Soissons was afraid this was a Trick of the Mareschal. He ima­gined if those of his Party gave ear to Bouillon's Proposition, he would inform the Queen, and create a Distrust in her, of the Count and his Friends. The Car­dinal of Joyeuse was of another Opinion, perhaps he sincerely meant the Good and Repose of the State. The Cardinal then [Page 58]obtained the consent of Soissons, to treat with the Mareschal upon the Subject. The Queen to whom the Count commu­nicated the Accommodation proposed, seem'd to be well satisfied with it; how­ever underhand she Traversed it. The Ministers made her sensible, that if the two Princes of the Blood, the Consta­ble of Monimorency, the Dukes of Guise, and Epernon, the Mareschal of Bouil­lon, and the Cardinal of Joyeuse were once agreed, her Authority would be much diminished by it. The Regent thought it better to keep up Jealousies and Misunderstanding between contrary Fa­ctions, and gain the Heads of both by her Favours.

The Rise of Conchini the new Marquess of Ancre.The Failing of so many Projects, made the Mareschal of Bouillon resolve to retire to Sedan; at the same time preparati­ons were making for the Inauguration of the King. The Mareschals Religion would not give him leave to assist at the Ceremony. But before he left the Court for some time, he was resolved to make a powerful Friend near the Regent. This was Conchini, Husband of Leonora Galigai, a Confident of Mary de Medicis. He had lately bought the Marquisate of Ancre in Picardy. As his Favour encreased eve­ry day, he had obtained the Governments of Peronne, Montdidier, and Roie, in the same Province. So sudden a Rise, made all the Ministers uneasie. I cannot tell whether the Count of Soissons, and those [Page 59]of his Party neglected a New Favourite, whom they did not think able to serve or hurt them. However this was, Conchini strove to gain the good will of the Prince of Conde; This Man was the Instrument which the Queen employed, to divert the Prince and Duke of Guise from hearkning to the Accommodation proposed by the Mare­schal of Bouillon; the Mareschal was too dis­cerning a Man, not to see the Friendship of the Marquess of Ancre, might be of great Service to him. He offer'd to lay down his Place of first Gentleman of the Cham­ber, if Conchini would buy it; the Bar­gain was soon concluded.

The King of Spains Pro­spect in the double Match.All Foreign Princes the Republick of Venice, and that of the Ʋnited Provinces had sent Ambassadours to the New King. The ancient Alliances were renewed, and Lewis with all Solemnity received in the Church of the Feuillans, the Garter which the Ambassadour of England brought him from James I. The Duke of Feria appeared with great Pomp and Splendour in the Name of the King of Spain. Not being able to embroil France, by means of the Prince of Conde, Philip offered his Forces to Mary, against all those who should disturb her in her Regency. The Ambassadour again proposed the double Marriage, which his Master had made an offer of to the late King. Philip knew very well, he could not propose any thing more agreeable to the Regent. The present po­sture of Affairs of the House of Au­stria, [Page 60]required her speedily to conclude a Treaty, which might give her time to settle her Affairs in Germany, and raise Jealousie and Distrust among those Prin­ces, who were Allies of France. And be­cause the Marriage could not so soon be fi­nished, the King obtain'd Mary's Word, that France should not meddle in the Affairs of the House of Austria in Germany, and he engaged himself reciprocally, not to hear any Propositions which the Disaffect­ed Party in France should make him. Behold now how the Court of Madrid was Embarassed.

Differences be­tween the Em­perour Ro­dolphus, and the Archduke Matthias his Brother.The Emperour Rodolphus extremely broken, seem'd not likely to live a long time. Endeavours were used to secure the Empire in the House of Austria, by the Election of a King of the Romans. Rodolphus lived in a misunderstanding with his. Brethren, and the Protestants were ve­ry powerful. The King of Spain was afraid some Men should make use of so favou­rable an Opportunity to remove the Em­pire from a House which possest it for too long a time, and seeks to make it Here­ditary. The Archduke Matthias taking advantage of the weakness of the Em­perour his Brother had carried on in the Year 1608. a Confederacy between the States of Hungary and Austria. He marched sometime after towards Moravia, at the Head of an Army of twenty Thou­sand Men, with a design to compel Ro­dolphus, to yield up the Kingdom of Hun­gary, [Page 61]the Arch-dutchy of Austria, and Stiria, and Moravia. Matthias took the Pretext of ill Administration, and Infracti­ons of the Privileges of those Coun­tries, who after the Example of the an­cient Germans, never gave their Princes an Arbitrary Unlimited Power. A Fun­damental Maxim of Government in all States, formed out of the Ruines of the Roman Empire.

Philip II King of Spain, had attempt­ed to Abolish the Privileges of the He­reditary Provinces of the Low Countries, and he took them away entirely from the Kingdom of Arragon, the first Magistrate of which, would have opposed the un­just Oppressions of Antonio Perez. The Archduke Matthias, next Kinsman to Philip, better instructed than that cruel Tyrant in the Maxims of lawful Govern­ment, made no scruple to place him­self at the Head of the Ʋnited Provinces, for the Defence of their Liberty against the Spaniards. At present too, the same Arch­duke makes without scruple, War on his Brother, who violates the Privileges of the States of Hungary and Austria. If Rodolphus gave just cause for this Opposi­tion, or not, it is not a place here to ex­amine the Fact. I only Remark, that in the first years of an Unfortunate Age, in which Tyranny has Established it self almost every where; there have been some Princes of the House of Austria, have thought their Conscience and Reli­gion [Page 62]allowed them, to stir up People to defend the Liberty of their Countrey, and march at the Head of an Army against their own Brothers.

As soon as the Emperour found the Designs of the Archduke, he convened the States of Bohemia raised Troops, writ to the Elector and Princes of the Empire to demand Aid of them. There was in Bohemia at that time, two power­ful Parties of a contrary Religion, the Catholicks and the Gospellers. Under the name of Gospellers, were comprehended the ancient Hussites; those of the Con­fession of Ausburg, and the Reformed. The States of Bohemia were composed of Per­sons of both one and the other Party. They presented to the Emperour divers Articles for the Regulation of Policy and Justice. The Gospellers in particular required, That the Clergy should not meddle in Civil Af­fairs, That they should not determine Dis­putes concerning Marriage, That they should not acquire Estates in Land, without the consent of the States of the Kingdom. That all Persons should be admitted to places of Judicature, without distinction of Religion. Rodolphus consented to what the States demanded. The Concerns of Religion were remitted to the next As­sembly, which was appointed the end of September following. And the States in conclusion swore to employ their Lives and Fortunes in the Emperour's Service.

Matthias was already at the Gates of Prague with his Army.A Treaty of Peace between the two Bro­thers. After some Ne­gotiations, the two Brothers agreed to name Deputies on both sides, to confer together in a Neighbouring Village; The Peace was concluded on certain Conditi­ons, I will relate the principal ones. That the Emperor should quit the Kingdom of Hungary; the States of the Country should chuse no other King, than Archduke Matthias; that Rodolphus should give him and his Heirs Male, the Archdutchy of Austria, without reserving to himself any Right; That he should succeed to the Kingdom of Bohemia, in case the Emperor died without Issue Male; That the States of Bohemia should ratifie this Article; That the Archduke should promise to maintain their Privileges if the King­dom came to him; That Matthias and his Heirs should have the Administration of Moravia, with the Title of Marquess; That in the Assemblies of the Countries yielded up by Rodolphus, the Archduke should take care to have a certain Annu­al Contribution paid to the Emperor. When the Treaty had been ratified on both sides, Matthias goes to take Pos­session of the Arch-dutchy of Austria. The Catholicks swear Fidelity to him, but the Protestants refuse to do it, and take Arms. By the Perswasion of Leopold of Austria Bishop of Strasburg, of Mellini Cardinal and Nuncio of the Pope, and Forgatsi Bishop of Vienna and Cardinal; [Page 64]the new Soveraign published an Edict, to forbid all his Subjects of Austria the ex­ercise of the Protestant Religion.

Matthias is Elected and Crowned King of Hungary.From Vienna, Matthias passes into Hun­gary. Before they proceeded to Crown the new King, the Lords of the Country pre­sented divers Articles to him, which they required him to swear to observe, viz. That the Protestants should have free exercise of their Religion in all Cities, not except­ing that in which the King resided; That a Palatin should be erected, who should in Conjunction with the Senators, have the Administration of Affairs in case the King did not reside in Hungary; That the Jesuits should not be tolerated, and the Licentious Lives of the Clergy be reformed. On these Conditions Matthias was proclaimed King, and Crowned at Presburgh in the year 1608.

The Discontent of the Prote­stants in Au­stria abated.The Protestants in Austria sent a De­putation to those in Hungary, intreating them to interceed with Matthias in fa­vour of their Brethren, and desiring their Assistance, by virtue of a League Offen­sive and Defensive, still in being between the States of Hungary and Austria, in case Matthias persisted to refuse them the free exercise of their Religion. He replyed to the Instances the Protestant Lords of Hungary made to him; That he would leave all things in the same State they were put in by the Regulation of the Em­peror Maximilian his Father. The Consi­deration, said he, I am obliged to have for [Page 65]the Pope and the Catholick King, will not allow me to grant the Protestants the exer­cise of their Religion in the Towns of Au­stria. Let them lay down their Arms, and I will grant it them abroad. In the mean time, those of both Religions shall be indifferently promoted to places of Judicature. The Hungarian Lords thought this reasonable, and advised the Protestants to accept the Terms, rather than make War.

It is hard to come to a Resolution on a sudden. After some Movements the matter was determined, in the year 1609. At the Intreaty of tha [...] States of Moravia, and by the care of the Archduke Maximilian Brother of the Emperor and King of Hungary, Mat­thias consented That the Lords and Prote­stant Gentlemen of Austria, should have the free exercise of their Religion in their Castles, Villages, and their private Houses for their Family only, when they should be in Town: That they should have Publick exercise of it in three Cities, specified in the Treaty, where the Churches should be equally divided between the Catho­licks and Protestants; That all places should be indifferently given to capable Persons of both Communions. The Pro­testants upon this submitted, and took an Oath of Fidelity to the new King.

Differences about Religion in Bohemia.The Emperor had longer and more difficult Contests with the Gospellers in Bohemia. The Assembly of the States appointed at the end of September 1608. was put off till January following. The [Page 66] Roman Catholicks did all they could to ex­asperate Rodolphus against the Gospellers, and perswaded him, that they enjoyed the exercise of their Religion only by a sim­ple Toleration. The Oath of Subjects, is re­lative to that of a Prince, said the Gospellers with Indignation to Rodolphus, hearken to the ill Advice given him by certain Per­sons; If the Emperor will not keep the Oath he has made to us, we think our selves dis­charged from that we have taken to him. Rodolphus remitted the hearing of their Complaints to the chief Officers of Bohemia, who were all Catholicks. These interessed Judges contemning what the Gospellers alledged in their Defence, they protested in a full Assembly, against all the proceedings of the States, and deman­ded time to give notice to the rest of their Brethren in the Kingdom of what passed, and to inform his Imperial Majesty.

The Gospellers instantly sent a Deputati­on to the King of Hungary, and the Electors and Princes of the Empire, intreating them to intercede with Rodolphus. The Emperor resolved the States should con­tinue to sit, and regulate all Matters of Religion. The Term of their Sessi­ons being expired, the Emperour dismist them, and forbid the Gospellers to meet in the Court of the New Prague, or de­bate of their Affairs there. In vain did they Petition his Majesty to allow them a place of Meeting, for the taking Mea­sures to represent to him the Justice of [Page 67]their Pretensions, and read the Answer which the King of Hungary, and the Electors and Princes of the Empire had sent them. Incensed at the unjust refusal of Rodolphus, the Gospellers take each other by the hand, and mutually swear to lose their Lives in defence of their Liberties and Religion, take Arms in the Court of the new Prague, broke open the Gates, enter and consult what was fit to be done in their Condition. They were not more than three Hundred. Budovitz their chief, lays open to the Assembly the Importance of their Undertaking, the danger they are threatned with, and the ill Designs of their Enemies. Then making an Ardent Pray­er to God, sings the Hymn of the Holy Ghost in the vulgar Tongue. This ani­mates the Assembly with new Zeal and Devotion, they continue to sing and shed Tears in abundance. A great number of Gospellers come presently into them, and all set themselves to sing and weep toge­ther. Notice is given, a great Body of Masqueteers were coming to charge them. Instead of being daunted, they take Cou­rage, come down into the Area, seize all the Avenues, and prepare for a Vigorous Defence. There was about twelve Hun­dred Horse, and three Hundred Harque­busiers. The People of their Religion in Prague, came on all sides to the Assistance of their Brethren, so that there was soon about ten Thousand Men differently Arm­ed. There was a Rainbow seen in the [Page 68] South, and the Sun appeared encircled with this new Phaenomenon. The vulgar naturally addicted to Superstition, inter­pret any thing which seems extraordina­ry, according as their Imagination is more or less heated. And now they conceive great hopes, thinking God has given this as a visible sign of the particular Assistance they had begg'd of him with great Ar­dour. The chief Persons were desired to return into the Hall of the Assembly, and consider what Methods were to be used. The People promised in the mean time, to guard the Avenues with all possi­ble care.

Rodolphus informed of what had passed, sent the first Burgrave of Prague, and the chief Officers of his Court to appease the Tumult. His Imperial Majesty, says the Burgrave in the Hall, cannot imagine for what reason, you have taken Arms. He has always loved you, as his good Subjects. The Emperors Conscience bears him witness, he has faithfully kept his Word in every thing he promised to the States of the King­dom, and hopes you will not be less steddy in your Fidelity to him. He is disposed to sum­mon a new Meeting, to determine all Dis­putes which may arise on the Head of Reli­gion, contrary to the Intention of his Ma­jesty. Budovitz replied in the name of the rest, that the Gospellers humbly thank­ed the Emperor for his good Will towards them, and intreated him to believe, they never design'd an Insurrection against [Page 69]him. We only complain, says he, of certain Persons, who under colour of preserving the Catholick Religion, give his Majesty Ad­vice, which tends to the Subversion of the Government. We hope to make this appear in the next Assembly, which he shall con­vene. Farther we most humbly intreat his Majesty, the Publication of this Meeting, may be made within three Days. This is the only way to prevent those Accidents, we have reason to be afraid off.

The Suspicion which the Gospellers had of the Catholick Party, was the cause of more Commotions; Rodolphus appeased these without much Difficulty, by pub­lishing a Proclamation. In this he own'd, those of the Bohemian Confession, and the Protestants for his good and faithful Subjects, declared that in their Meetings held without his consent, they had no other end than the good of the Kingdom, and his Majesties Service; required all the Deputies to meet in the Castle of Prague, the 25th of May, 1609. and to bring no Soldiers with them, promised on his side to send away all those in his Ser­vice, that so he might leave the States an entire Liberty to settle all matters of Re­ligion. The Gospellers had a solemn Thanksgiving, upon the publishing this Proclamation; but their Enemies every day finding new Pretences to hinder the Conclusion of the matter, the Gospellers began to raise Soldiers, and brought them into Prague.

All preparations were made for a Ci­vil War,The Pacifica­tion of the Trrubles in Bohemia. when at the Intercession of the Elector of Saxony, Rodolphus published a Declaration; That all his Subjects com­municating under one or both kinds, should have free exercise of their Religi­on, and their Service in Bohemian or High-dutch, forbidding the Archbishop of Prague to disturb the Ministers of the other Par­ty in their Worship; That Catholicks and others should equally enjoy the same Pri­vileges; That the Gospellers might build Churches, and found Colleges. This Edict was declared perpetual and irrevo­cable, and those who broke it, were to be punished as Disturbers of the publick Peace. By Virtue of this Grant, the Protestants had the liberty to exercise their Religion in Prague, and the 15th of July, 1609. their Ministers preached publickly in a Church of the Hussites, shut up for a long time before.

None doubted the Jesuits inspired into the Archbishop of Prague, and the other Officers of the Empire the violent Coun­sels, which caused all the preceding Trou­bles. The Catholicks and Gospellers, were alike enraged at them. Both parties reunited to present jointly an Address to the Emperor. In this they represent, that the Jesuits being very poor when they came into Bohemia, had gained con­siderable Wealth, and did not contribute at all to the Charges of the State; for this Reason, they did humbly beseech his [Page 71]Majesty to take care, the good Fathers should not be exempted more than other Churchmen; and for the future, they should not receive any thing by Will or Donation, without the express consent of his Majesty.

A Diet at Pr [...]gue in 1610.The Emperor soon repented of the Trea­ty with Matthias his Brother, and de­manded the Restitution of Austria and Moravia. The Electors and Princes of that Empire, summon'd [...]to meet at Prague in 1610. came thither to endeavour a Reconciliation between the two Brothers. Besides this, they were to Treat of the E­lection of a King of the Romans, and de­termine the Difference about the Succes­sion of Cleves and Juliers. The Elector of Cologne, Ferdinand of Austria Arch­duke of Gratz, and Henry Julius Duke of Brunswick, went to Vienna to confer with the King of Hungary. After a long Negotiation, the two Brothers made a new Treaty. Matthias remained in pos­session of what had been given him, and the weak Rodolphus had only some seem­ing Submissions, and a sort of annual Tribute of a certain number of Tuns of Wine, and a small sum of Money.

The Emperor gives the E­lector of Sax­ony the Coun­tries of Cleves and Juliers.The Diet did not take any Resolution about the Election of a King of the Ro­mans. The Posture of Affairs did not seem very favourable to the House Au­stria. As for the Succession of Cleves and Juliers, the Emperor had a mind to per­plex this matter more. The Archduke [Page 72] Leopold, whose small Army every day re­ceived some check from the Troops of the States-General, or of the Confederate Princes, was not strong enough to pre­serve the contested Countries; Besides Maurice Prince of Orange, prepared in earnest to come and lay Siege to Juliers, with the Auxiliary Troops of France and England. The House of Austria then found it would be impossible for her to re­sist so many Powers united to oppose the Usurpation she designed. The only means she could have recourse to, was to bring the Succession of Cleves and Juliers into the hands of a Protestant Prince, less con­trary to her Interests, than those of Bran­denburgh and Neuburgh. She cast her Eyes on the Elector of Saxony. His House had pretensions on this Litigious Succes­sion, by virtue of several Grants of the Emperor. These had lain dormant a long time, though there had several times been occasion to have presented them. A Daughter Inherited the States of Cleves and Juliers, since the Emperors had gran­ted the House of Saxony a Right to succeed in defect of Heirs Male. But when a fair Soveraignty is the Subject of Dispute, Princes are not very Scrupulous. The least colour of Right, is enough for them to dispose of it, or reserve it for themselves. Rodolphus then gave on cer­tain considerations to the Elector, and House of Saxony, all the Estates which be­longed [Page 73]to the late John William, Duke of Cleves and Juliers.

The Siege and taking Juliers by Maurice Prince of Orange.This had been a more handsom Pre­sent, if when the Act of Concession was put into his Hands, he had at the same time an Army given him to assert his Title. Maurice Prince of Orange, invest­ed the Town of Juliers the 28th of July, with the Troops of the Ʋnited Provinces, join'd by those sent from the King of Eng­land. The 18th of August, the Mares­chal de la Chatre, brought twelve Thou­sand French Foot, and two Thousand Horse. Rauschemberg Governor of the Place, de­fended it with great Prudence and Cou­rage; But Prince Maurice was so great a Master in the Art of Attacking, and taking Towns, that Rauschemberg Capitulated the 1st of September. Thus Juliers was put into the Hands of the Princes of Bran­denburg and Newburg. These were then called the Princes Possessors, to distinguish them from the other Pretenders.

The Meeting at Cologne to adjust the Af­fairs of Cleves and Juliers.After the Surrender of Juliers, some Princes of Germany met at Cologne, to find out some way of Accommodation. The Elector of Triers, and the Count of Ho­henzollern came thither in Quality of Commissioners for the Emperor. Lewis Landgrave of Hess, made divers Proposi­tions. The Princes in possession, did not care to accept them. They tended to a Sequestration into the hands of the Em­peror, and to put the Elector of Saxony in possession of the Litigious Countries, [Page 74]conjointly with the Princes of Branden­burg and Newburg. The French Ambassa­dor proposed another way, which was not liked by the Landgrave, nor the Im­perial Commissioners. The German Prin­ces never love that Foreign Soveraigns should meddle too much with the Affairs of the Empire. There was a great num­ber of Writings on the side of the Posses­sors, the Elector of Saxony, and the Com­missioners of the Emperor; but they could not come to any Agreement. The Assembly broke up, and each one protested for himself; he was not the cause that hindred the Troubles from being pacified. This was the better for Brandenburgh and Newburgh. They continued in peaceable Possession of the Countries of Cleves and Juliers, till the Affair should be determi­ned. The Protestant confederated Prin­ces did them yet very good Service, by obliging Maximilian Duke of Bava­ria, Head of the Catholick League to Disarm, and the Elector of Collen to put a stop to all Hostilities of his Subjects against those of the Country of Ju­liers.

The Coronation of Lewis XIII.The Court of France was then at Rheims, for the Coronation of the young King. The Cardinal of Joycuse representing the Archbishop of the place, performed the Ceremony with the usual Pomp. The Princes of Conde and Conti, the Count of Soissons, the Dukes of Nevers, Elbeuf and Epernon, Represented the ancient Dukes [Page 75]of Burgundy, Normandy, and Aquitain, and the Counts of Thoulouse, Flanders, and Champagne. It is not needful for me to relate in this place, all the particulars of this long Ceremony, it may be found in divers places. There is one thing not to be forgotten, which well deserves our At­tention. Before that which the Credulous People call the Holy Bottle be made use of, the King promises when required by the Prelate who Officiates, to the Bishops and Churches, to preserve their Canonical Privi­ledges, to make good Laws, to do Justice, to protect his Subjects according to the Obli­gations of a King to his People. Two Bishops Peers of France after this, ask all present if they receive this Prince for their King, and all the Orders of the Kingdom ha­ving given their consent, the Solemn Oath of Inauguration is administred to him. A convincing proof, there is a Reciprocal and Relative Engagement between a So­veraign and his Subjects.

Reflections on the Coronation Oath.In an Elective Kingdom, the Subjects oblige themselves only to the Prince, who is chosen on Conditions mutually agreed on in the Act of Election. But in an Here­ditary State, they stand engaged to him whom they have Elected, and to his De­scendants; it being still understood, they shall observe all the Conditions promised by the first of the Royal Family. Thus we see, why each of these in particular is not received as King, till after the Ratifi­cation of the Original Contract made [Page 76]with him, from whom they derive their Pretensions to the Crown. This Maxim is founded on Divine Right, and Natural Equity. The good Frenchmen commonly believed this in the XV. Century;Joan Gerson Oposculo adversus a­dulatores Principurm. Considerat. VIII. It is a gross Mistake, says one of the most Fa­mous and Pious Writers of the Gallican Church, to pretend that a Soveraign has not contracted any Obligation to his Subjects. In the same manner as by Divine Right, Natural Equity, and by the true end of Go­vernment, the latter are bound to continue faithful to, and assist their Prince, so he Reciprocally engaged to be Faithful to them, and protect them. If it shall happen then that a Sovereign shall do manifest Injustices, without having regard to the Remonstrances of his Subjects, they have a Liberty to de­fend themselves according to the Rule of Na­tural Right, which allows every one to repel Violence with all his Might. Claude Des­pence Insti­tution d'un Prince Chré­tien. Another Di­vine of Paris, not less Eminent for his Birth, than his rare Learning, said frank­ly to Henry II. That his Majesty ought to detest a Tyrannick Maxim, more fit for a Turk or Tartar Soveraign, than a Chri­stian Prince; a Maxim I say, since re­ceived at Court, That the King is Master of the Body and the Goods of his Subjects. The Courtiers who instil'd this, Doctrine into Sovereigns, this Judicious Divine with­out Ceremony, calls Dogs and Court-Pa­rasites.

To prevent the ill effects of the bad Politicks of the Cardinal Director of the [Page 77]Education of King Lewis the XIV. they printed the same things during the Mino­rity of that Prince. Neither the Book­seller nor the Author, did dare to set their Name to it. This Book was writ by a Churchman, Eminent for his Learning and Probity.Mr. Jolli Chantre de Nôtre-Dame de Paris Maximes ve­ritables & impnrtantes pour l'insti­tution du Roi. He since enjoyed one of the first Dignities of the Church of Paris; but what was spoken freely to Henry the II. and what was published covertly about 50 years since, the French would have now lost the Memory of, if it were as easie to forget, as it is to be silent, to a­void Danger; all Books of this kind, are now burnt by the hands of the Hangman. Can those unworthy Magistrates who order this, believe that the flames by con­suming of Paper, will erase out of the Hearts of good Frenchmen, those Senti­timents that right Reason hath deeply in­scrib'd in them?

The Oath which James the 1. King of England re­quir [...]d of his P [...]pish Sub­jects caus'd a Dispute con­cerning the Independance of Sovereignty in Temporal Matters.The Parlement of Paris on the 26th day of November, the same year, made a Decree for the Suppression of the Trea­tises which Cardinal Bellarmin a Jesuit had published, concerning the power of the Pope in Temporal Matters; since this new Book was a Consequence of the Dispute of the Author with James the first, King of Great Britain, upon the occasion of the Oath which that Prince required of the Roman Catholicks of England: I will in a few words, Relate the beginning and Progress of the Controversie. After the Horrible Gunpowder Plot, King James thought for [Page 78]his own Safety it was necessary to require the English Papists, to take a particular Oath of Allegiance to him. The Form of this was so ordered, that it might not offend the Conscience of those, who without renouncing their Religion, would pay that duty to their Sovereign, they right­fully ow'd him. In this they acknow­ledg'd, the Pope had no right to Depose Kings, or dispose of their Kingdoms, or any Foreign Prince to Invade them, or Absolve their Subjects of their Oath of Allegiance, or Command them to take Arms against their Sovereign; they pro­mis'd farther to be faithful to the King, and serve him, notwithstanding all that the Pope should attempt against him or his Successors; and to discover all Conspi­racies which should come to their Know­ledge. They Abjured and Detested as Impious and Heretical, the Doctrine of those who teach, it is lawful to Depose and Assassinate Princes, Excommunicated by the Pope; and lastly, they protested they believed, that neither the Pope nor any other power, could dispense with the keeping of their Oath, and Renounced all Dispensations, which the Pope might think fit to give. The thing appear'd reasonable to the English Papists, the Nobility, Gentry, Priests, and all others swore in this Form. George Blackwell nominated Arch-Priest of England by the Pope, not content with taking the Oath [Page 79]himself, wrote in Defence of it against all its Opposers.

Paul V. for­bids the Eng­lish of his Communion, to take the Oath.The Court of Rome made a quite dif­ferent Judgment in the matter. Thinking Men were not surpriz'd at it; a Propo­sition which she makes, one of the Funda­mental Articles of her Religion was here Rejected, as Impious and Heretical. What­ever be said on this Subject, those who approve the Oath, reason inconsequently, if they own the Pope for the Vicar of Jesus Christ. Paul V. scared at these pro­ceedings of the English Catholicks, with­out his Knowledge and Consent, sent a Brief immediately, to forbid them to take an Oath Inconsistent, as he said, with the Catholick Faith, and the Salvation of their Souls. These Expressions are as moving and strong, as if he designed to disswade these poor People from sub­scribing the most Impious Tenets, against the Divinity of Jesus Christ. This thun­dering Brief discompos'd them so much, they thought they could not do better then regard it as Subreptitious or Spu­rious. His Holiness not being well inform'd of the proceedings in Eng­land.

King James his Apology for his Oath, without set­ting his Name to it.They were not suffered long to remain in this voluntary Mistake, Paul soon dis­patch'd another Brief, to confirm the first. Cardinal Bellarmin was the greatest and most eminent Champion of the Pontifical Power, since the Death of Cardinal Baro­nius, which happened not long before [Page 80] Bellarmin I say, wrote a well studied Letter to Blackwell, to reduce him into the right way. A more passionate Remon­strance could scarce have been made, to one who had renounc'd the Gospel, and embrac'd the Alchoran. This made James loose all Patience, he wrote himself to de­fend his Oath against the two Briefs of the Pope, and the Letter of Bellarmin; and now he did not set his Name to the Work. Had not a King better forbore Writing at all, and left this care to ano­ther? This good Prince own'd himself publickly, that it became a King more to Judge than Dispute. A little Jesuit made a Cardinal, by blotting of Paper, was not an Adversary worthy of a great Monarch. Borghese behav'd himself like a King, and James acted the part of a Doctor; one Commanded, and the o­ther Disputed. Except a Prince then, write as Julius Caesar, or Marcus Aurelius, he is in the wrong to become an Author. Juli­an was pleas'd to take his Pen to defend his Philosophick Gravity and Religion, and with all his Learning, made himself Contemptible and Ridiculous.

The King of England de­clares himself Author of the Apology, to the Prin­ces and States of Christen­dom. Bellarmin did not fail to reply to the King, but under a borrowed Name. A Learned Prelate of England, undertook to refute the Cardinal; he shewed that before Gregory the VII. no Ecclesiastical Writer had attempted to maintain the Authority of the Pope, over the Tempo­ralities of Sovereigns. The King of Eng­land [Page 81]caused another Edition of his Apo­logy to be printed, and declared himself the Author of it. Shall I say, he thought in this to do himself Honour, by becom­ing a Champion for the common cause of all Sovereigns, or had a mind to dis­play a Learning not very common in Per­sons of his Rank? The Work appeared with a very pompous Preface at the Head of it. This was a Manifesto, addressed to all the Kings, Princes, and other Re­publicks of Christendom, to give an ac­count of his Oath and his Conduct, with regard to his Roman Catholick Sub­jects. Rouse your selves, it is high time, said the King to them. The Common Inte­rest of all Sovereigns is concerned, a Formi­dable and Obstinate Enemy, is undermining the Foundations of your Power, unless you act in Concert, to put a stop to the Pro­gress he makes every Day; your most incon­testable Right, will be soon Ʋsurped. He that attacks me to day, will declare himself against you to morrow; should a Wise Man stand with his Arms folded, when his Neigh­bours House is on Fire. The Advice was wholsom, but his Majesty of Great Bri­tain, had the Dissatisfaction to hear seve­ral Catholick Princes did not dare to read his Apology, for fear of giving offence to the Pope. A strange Slavery! Can Policy or Superstition, reduce Princes to so mean a Complaisance; to a Bishop who would have great Honour done him, in leaving him the first Subject of the Empire.

Henry IV. of France, was as weak as the rest.Coeffeteau writes against K. James his Apology. He forbid any Translation should be published of that Book, which his good Ally had sent him. His Care and Orders were ineffectual; the Apology ap­peared in French, in spite of him. Coef­feteau a Religious Dominican, after Bishop of Marseille, an Author who successfully began first to give an Elegance and an Agreeable and Neat turn to the French Language; Coeffeteau, I say, was desi­rous to Signalize himself on this occasi­on, and so enter the List against a King. This Man was obliged to speak after the manner used in France, and to own the Independance of Sovereigns, in regard of their Temporal Concerns. But the poor Dominican Embarassed himself ter­ribly. Indeed, says he to the King of Great Britain, If the Catholick Church teacheth this Furious Zeal, if she arms her own Children, against Kings, and puts them on making Attempts against their Lives; she is not only unworthy of their Favours, but deserves to be Exterminated, and her Memory erased by a General Decree of Mankind; but if on the contrary, she con­demns all these Attempts as Parricides, if she desires Princes should securely enjoy their Dominions, have their Armies Victorious, an obedient People, a Faithful Counsel, and all Happiness that can be desired; is not her Greatness Harmless, notwithstanding the Rage of some private Persons whom Despair, and not Religion has pushed on to Brutality. [Page 83]She knows she cannot subsist without the State, that she is born in it, and the State is her Support.

The Catholick Church, this is a word strangely Equivocal in France. If it may be allowed to fignifie a certain Number of the most enlightned and sincere Per­sons in the Roman Communion, the Au­thor I have just now cited may speak Truth. But if by the Catholick Church we must understand, as is more reasona­ble its Supreme Pastor, the great number of those which fill its chief Dignities, its most Famous Writers: I very much fear, the good Coeffeteau has advanced a Noto­rious Falshood. The Pope and Cardinals gave him the Lye in a very Remarkable manner, the very same year he answered King James. Barclay had wrote against Bellarmine, about the Authority of the Pope, and followed the Principles com­monly received amongst the better Men of France. His Book was Condemned at Rome, as well as the Noble History of Mr. De Thou, the Famous Argument of Antony Arnaud, against the Jesuits, and the Sentence it self of the Parlement of Paris, against John Chastel, who had made an Attempt on the Life of Henry IV. That poor Prince was not yet dead. This strange Censure which he endur'd so pa­tiently, did it not serve to Animate the Rage of that Wretch, who Assassinated him the year following? If the preten­ded Head of the Church of Rome, if the [Page 84]Cardinals, and the greatest number of its Paftors did not teach this Furious Zeal; If they condemned their Attempts as Par­ricides, would they have destroyed so many good Books, so Just and so Chri­stian a Sentence? Let us then conclude with the Opinion of the Eminent Coeffe­teau, The Pope and Cardinals deserve to be exterminated, and their Memory erased by a publick Decree of Mankind.

As the Cardinals pretend they are not Inferior to Crown'd Heads;Cardinal Pel­larmine Ad­dresses to the Emperor and Kings of the Popal Commu­nion, his An­swer to the King of Eng­land's Apolo­gy. Bellarmine in the same manner, Addresses to the Em­peror, and the Kings who own God for their Father, and the Catholick Church for their Mother, the Answer which he had some time since made under a borrowed Name, to the King of Great Britain's Apology. It must not be thought strange, says the Car­dinal, that I undertake to refute a King; It is for the Defence of the Faith, I have taken my Pen in hand, after the Example of divers Prelates of Antiquity. Hilary of Poitiers, and Lucifer of Cagliari, have writ against the Haeretical Emperor Con­stantius; Gregory Narianzen, and Cyrill of Alexandria, have Encountred Julian the Apostate. This did James the first draw on himself from a Priest, for turning Controvertist without necessity. If he had contented himself with publishing a Manifesto, to prove the Justice of the Oath he required of his Popish. Subjects, he would have embarass'd the Court of Rome, and its Advocates. But he labour'd [Page 85]to shew the Pope was Antichrist, and that Rome is the Seat of the Son of Perdition. Was not this a way to please the Sove­reigns of the Popes Communion, by fur­nishing them with a pretence for not re­ceiving kindly the Kings Apology, and applauding the Cardinals Answer.

A Deeree of the Parlement of Paris, a­gainst the Treatise of Bellarmine, of the Authority of the Pope.The Dispute stopt there; Bellarmine set himself to reply to Barclay. This Man had refuted what the Cardinal advanced concerning the Authority of the Pope, in the first Volume of his Controversies. The Magistrates opposed the printing them at Paris, and the first Sheets which were work'd of, were Suppressed by or­der of the Solicitor General. As soon as they had notice of the New Book which Bellarmine had published, of the Authori­ty of the Pope in Temporal Matters, Servin Advocate General moved the Parlement, to provide against any Mischiefs which the Publication of so ill a Book might cause. This Magistrate urged the Duty of his Place, obliged him not to be less Diligent or Zealous for the Service of his Master, than Peter de Cugnieres, and John le Cooq his Predecessors had been; the one in the Reign of Philip of Valois, and the other in that of Charles the VI. Far­ther he alledged, the late proceedings of the King of Spain and his Officers, a­gainst that Volume of the Annals of Car­dinal Baronius, wherein the Monarchy of Sicily is attacked. The Chambers meet­ing upon the occasion of this Remon­strance, [Page 90]ordered Cardinal Bellarmines Work to be Supprest; let us now see what was done this year in Spain a­gainst Baronius.

An Edict of the King of Spain, against the XI. Volume of the Ecclesi­astical An­nals of Cardi­nal Baronius.The Kings of Sicily have for a long time, been the only Popes of this little Kingdom. By Virtue of a certain Bull which Pope Ʋrban the Second granted, say they to Roger Count of Sicily, and his Successors, the Sovereign, is Legatus Na­tus or Born Legat of the Holy See. His Spiritual Power is so great, that he Ex­communicates and Absolves by himself, or his Magistrates all Laymen and Eccle­siasticks, Bishops and Cardinals themselves, residing in his Kingdom. This Right, say they farther, though derived from the Holy See, is now Irrevocable, it is the So­vereigns Property. Thus the King of Spain is alike in Spirituals and Temporals, and has the same Right there, as the Pope has in Countries under his Obedi­ence. Joan the foolish Mother of Charles V. and divers other Princesses who Reign­ed alone Sicily, every one of these La­dies were Sanctissimo Padre. This Title was given them, and their Magistrates. They might in this Quality preside in Pro­vincial and National Councils, or sub­stitute others in their Room. The Kings of Spain are so jealous of this rare Prero­gative, that in the Reign of Charles V. a Vice-Roy of Sicily Collected all the Titles and Acts which serve for the Justi­fication of it. Three Authentick Copies [Page 91]of this Collection were drawn at the same time, by order of the Viceroy. In the year 1698. one was exposed to Sale in London; it had been brought away the last time Barcelona was taken by the French, I had it a pretty while in my Hands. The Right Reverend the Bishop of Norwich, curious in all good Books, did not purchase it too dear, considering the rarity of the Manuscript. This is a Collection like that of the Proofs of the Liberties of the Gallican Church. It con­tains chiefly divers Judgments given in the Tribunal, commonly called of the Monarchy of Sicily.

The Cardinal Baronius in the eleventh Tome of his Annals, vigorously Attacked this Spiritual Power, which the Catho­lick Kings ascribe to themselves without Scruple. A Right never heard of, says the Cardinal, A Right that Frederick the Se­cond, and his Children, those unjust Tyrants and Rebellious Persecutors of the Roman Church, never were so Audacious as to u­surp. This caused a great Contest be­tween Baronius and the Cardinal Colonna, who pretended his Brother had no Rea­son to set himself so violently against the King of Spain. The Court of Madrid was so displeased at the Author of the Annals, that she procured him to be excluded in a Conclave, where he had 37 Voices. At last upon the 3d of October, 1610. Philip III. published an Edict, where after great Complaints made against the Invectives of Baronius, [Page 88]and a long Enumeration of the Services which the Kings of Spain and Sicily his Predecessors had done for the Church of Rome, he forbids his Subjects on severe Penalties, to Read or Sell the Eleventh Volume of Baronius Annals, till the place Repugnant with the Monarchy of Sicily was Expunged.

Servin knew very well the example of the King of Spain, was of great weight with Mary de Medicis, who every day contracted new Tyes to Philip; he ho­ped this would hinder the Regent from taking exception at the Proceedings of the Parlement against Bellarmine's Book. The Advocate General was deceived in his Conjecture. The Queen was not less de­voted to the Court of Rome, than that of Madrid. The Nuncio in Spain, did not dare to open his Mouth against the Edict of Philip. The Popes Agent was bolder, and more Successful in France. At his Sollicitation, the Regent ordered the Exe­cution of the Decree of Parlement against Bellarmine's Book, to be Superseded. The Enemies of the Sovereign Power of Kings, ever had Liberty of Speaking and Writing.

Differences of the Marquiss of Aucre, with the Count of So­issons, and Dpke of Epernon.The Marquess of Ancre a Favourite of Mary's, began to be insupportable to the Princes, and first Lords of the Court. In the Kings Journey to Rheims, the Ser­vants of the Machioness had some Contest with those of the Cardinal Joyeuse about Lodgings. Conchini made first Gentle­man of the Chamber, had likewise a [Page 89]Dispute about the Precedence with Belle­garde, Great Esquire at the Publick En­try of the King into Paris, on his return from his Inauguration. The Duke of Epernon, a Kinsman of Bellegarde declared against Conchini; Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis. and the Count of Sois­sons enraged at him, for assisting the Duke of Guise to marry the Dowager of Mont­pensier, would not any more speak to the Marquess of Ancre. The Enmity of two such powerful Men, made him very un­easie; He labour'd to be reconciled to them. Soissons was not very averse to this, but he required the Marquess and his Wife should serve him in two Things, which he passionately desired; to marry the Count of Enghien his Son to the Princess Heiress of Montpensier, and to ruine the Duke of Sully.

Their Reconci­liation,For the first Proposition, the Marquess delivered himself in General Terms, to those who were concerned in this Accom­modation. He spoke more positively on the Article of the Duke of Sully, in case the Ministers would side with him. Con­chini did not love the Duke. He was afraid the Interest of an Old Minister, might be an Obstacle to his growing Favour. Ne­vertheless the Count of Soissons did not dare to conclude this Reconciliation, till the Duke of Epernon was satisfied. It was not so easie to bring down his Haugh­ty and Stubborn Spirit, who pretended to be his own Support, independently on all Favourites. Epernon required, Conchini [Page 86]should come to him, and make him Sa­tisfaction in the presence of the Count of Soissons. He, blown up with his Favour, and New Honour, refused that Submissi­on to the Duke, which he could without meanness make to a Prince of the Blood Soissons found an Expedient, which might be a Salvo for the Nicety of the one, and satisfie the Haughty Humour of the other▪ The President Jeannin had presented Con­chini to the Count; after those Compli­ments had passed, which were agreed o [...] before, the two New Friends sate down to play together. The Game being over It is not enough says Soissons to the Mar­quess, that we are Reconciled. You must have a right understanding with all my good Friends. I am going to make a visit to on [...] of them, I beg your Company. I am dis­posed to do what you please, replyed Conchini They were soon at the Hôtel of Eper­non; all things were carried there to th [...] content of both Parties. That which [...] lookt on as a Trifle amonst Private Me [...] ­passes for a weighty Matter with grea [...] ones.

A Party for­med at Court against the Duke [...] Sul­ly.There was no need to take much pain [...] to gain the Ministers over to act in Con­cert with the others, to ruine the Duke of Sully. He had a Misunderstanding wit [...] Villeroy, the only Man of their Number who had taken pains to keep him in Em­ploy. Sharp and Affronting words pa [...] ­sed between them in the Council, in th [...] Queens Presence. Villeroy who though [Page 87]himself to be the more necessary, and to have the better Interest, leaves the Court. This was a sort of Menace, that he would not return as long as Sully had a share in the Government. The Regent her self was inclin'd to dismiss him. A Protestant could not be very grateful to a Princess, who blindly followed the Impressions of the Court of Rome. Mary disliked too the Au­stere Humour of the Duke, who would not fail to oppose her excessive Expences, and Imprudent Liberalities. The fear of causing Murmurs amongst the Protestants, in dis­carding a Lord of their Religion without Reason, possibly would have restrain'd the Queen, and defeated the Cabals against him. But they reckoned upon the Interest of the Mareschal of Bouillon, with the Party. He mortally hated the Duke of Sully; and the Prince of Conde tempted by the Confiscation of the Estate of a Superintendant, which Bouillon made him cast his Eyes on, Declines interceding for a Man whose Plunder would enrich him,Mem du Duc de Rohan, Liv. 1. a Powerful Spur to make a Prince Act, says one of the Wisest Men of that Time.

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.
BOOK II.

1611. The Quarrel of Bellegarde and Conchi­ni.IN the Year 1611. Conchini entred up­on the Exercise of his New place of first Gentleman of the Chamber. Bel­legarde who had served the preceding year in the same Quality, was loath to leave the Apartment in the Louvre appoint­ed for him, who served in that Quality. [Page 94]The Marquess of Ancre having already Lodgings in the Louvre, upon the account of his Wife; but the latter had not re­spect enough for him, to give him any thing which of Right belonged to himself. The Key of the Apartments was deman­ded of Bellegarde. Divers pretences were found to defer this. The Marquess of Ancre tired with these affected Delays, demands it himself of the Great Esquire, in the Queens Closet. Upon a positive Refusal, several Affronting Words past on both sides, Conchini did not want Cou­rage. He goes out of the Louvre, to a­void a Prohibition of Fighting, and with a Design to demand the Reason of the Affront and Wrong, Bellegarde had done him.

This Quarrel made a great noise at Court,Memoirs de la Regence de Marie de Medicis. every one followed that side his Passion or Interest led him to. The Count of Soissons, and old Friend of the Great Esquires, forgot all his New Ties to the Marquess of Ancre. He threatned Con­chini to drive him from Court, and his Passion of which he seldom was Master, had Transported him farther, if the Mar­quess de Coeuvres his Confident, had not stopt him. Is this the way you take, said the Marquess to him, to compass your De­sign of Marrying your Son to the Prin­cess of Montpensier, and ruine the Duke of Sully your Enemy, to quarrel with the Queen and her Creatures? Bellegarde is your Friend, but, the Duke of Guise whom [Page 95]you don't Love; has he not contracted an Alliance with this Gentleman, by Marrying the Dowager of Montpensier, his near Kinswoman? Do you think for the future, your Interests will be dearer to Bellegarde, than those of the House of Guise; if you have no Consideration for Conchini, at least con­sider your self. The Count began to re­flect a little, when a Gentleman came to tell Coeuvres, the Marquess of Ancre desi­red to have some Discourse with him in the Hôtel d'Etrees. Coeuvres go's instant­ly, exhorts Conchini to consent to an Ac­comodation. Monsieur the Prince, and the Duke of Epernon have offer'd me their Me­diation, says the Marquess of Ancre, but if it comes to that, Monsieur the Count will be more grateful to me. Coeuvres made his Advantage of this Offer. The Count of Soissons valued it as a piece of Merit with the Queen, to accommodate a Quarrel which gave her Majesty some Disturbance.

The Count of Soissons quarrels with the Cardinal of Joyeuse, and the Duke of Epernon. Conchini thought himself extreamly ob­liged to the Count, for having so dexte­rously managed his Honour; Full of Gra­titude the Marquess of Ancre promised Soissons to labour effectually to procure the Marriage of Mr. of Enghien with the Rich Hieress of Montpensier, and to ruin the Duke of Sully. The Queen con­sented in effect to the two Propositions, which the Ministers and Marquess of An­cre strenuously pleaded for; But when the Duke of Epernon, and the Cardinal of [Page 96] Joyeuse came to understand the Queen dis­posed of their grand Niece without their consent, they complained to her Majesty, she had not Communicated to them a Matter which concerned them so nearly. Farther they made great Complaints, that the Count of Soissons had slighted them in carrying on a Matter of that kind with the Regent, without their Privity. This Prince full of Life, but very Indiscreet, took a Pique very unseasonably against two Persons, whom he sought to engage in his Interests. Endeavours were used for an Accommodation, but all in vain. Soissons was too passionate, and Epernon too haughty. The late King had designed the Princess of Montpensier for the Duke of Orleans his second Son, and had decla­red this only to the Cardinal Joyeuse, and the Duke of Epernon; otherwise the Match would have been agreeable to the Niece and the Uncles. But how could they prefer the last Prince of the Blood, to the first Son of France. The young Duke of Orleans died the 17th of Novem­ber this year. In default of him, the Princess of Montpensier was desired for Gaston Duke of Anjou, third Son of Hen­ry IV.

A Quarrel between the Count of So­issons with the Psince of Conti [...]is Brother.The Count of Soissons had the begin­ning of this year two Notorious Quar­rels, one with the Prince of Conti his Brother, and the other with the Duke of Guise. Three days after the Marriage of this latter with the Dowager of Mont­pensier, [Page 97]the Prince of Conti going in the Evening to the Louvre in his Coach, met near the Croix du Tiroir, the Count of Soissons, who likewise was in his. There being a stop in the Street, it was neces­sary one of the two Coaches should put back, to make way for the other. The Counts Gentleman began to be rough, and without observing the Liveries, to use Threats, and command the Princes Coachman to put back immediately. Conti's Men would not yield, bid the Coachman drive on, and fear nothing. The Count of Soissons then saw it was his Elder Brother in the Coach, he instantly sent to make excuses for the Indiscretion of his Gentleman. They protested to the Prince in the Name of the Count, this happened by Accident, and not by Design. The weak Conti was not contented with the Deference which Soissons paid him. When a Man has little Merit, he easily thinks he is despised. To Morrow with your Sword drawn, cries the Prince, as he passed by his Brothers Coach. To stifle brutally for a small point of Honour, all Sense of Religion and Nature, was this the way to make himself less contemp­tible?

The two Prin­ces are recon­ciled.The Regent being informed of what had happened, prays the Prince of Conde to intercede, and Reconcile his Uncles: She sends the Duke of Guise whose Sister Conti had Married, to dispose his Bro­ther-in-Law to receive the Excuses that [Page 98] Soissons made him. Conde and Guise go the same day to the Abby of St. Germain des prez, where the Prince of Conti's Re­sidence was. Whether the Duke had a mind to shew the Princes of the Blood, and his New Wife, that the House of Guise, was not less considerable now, than in the preceding Reigns, or whether it was mere Accident; he went from the Hotel of Montpensier, where he was at that time, attended with an Extraordinary number of Gentlemen on Horseback, to Visit the Prince of Conti, and did not decline pas­sing by the Hotel of Soissons in this mighty Pomp.

In his Return from the Abby of St. Germain, Guise met the Prince of Conde going thither with only four or five Horse­men following him. They Saluted each other; the Duke told Conde, that the Prince of Conti was well disposed, and had promised things should not go farther. If your Highness will give me leave, added the Duke of Guise, I will return back and have the Honour to Accompany you to Mon­sieur the Prince of Conti, and put him in mind of his Promise to me. Conde did not care to accept this Civility of Guise, the Train of one was too different from that of the other; the Prince would have appeared to have done the Duke honour in a day of Triumph. The Chevalier of Guise, Brother to the Duke, left the Com­pany, and followed the Prince of Conde to the Abby of St. Germain. Conti repeat­ed [Page 99]to his Nephew the Assurances he had given his Brother-in-Law, and this Dif­ference was ended.

Another great Difference be­tween the Count of So­issons, and the Duke of Guise,The Duke of Guise only pretended, said he, to perswade the Prince of Conti not to break in such a manner with his Brother. In the mean time he made him­self work with the Count of Soissons. Guise, cryed they, at the Hotel of Sois­sons, had with him a Hundred and Fifty Horse armed, and fit to Fight. It was not without Design, that he affected to pass by this House. He would huff the Princes of the Blood; thinks he to awe us, and shew us, that if the House of Guise should take part with the Prince of Conti their Kins­man, ours would be far inferior. The Count of Soissons Jealous of the great Advanta­ges which the Heiress of Joieuse brought into an Enemies House, believed all these Reports. The Prince of Conde perhaps vext that the Duke of Guise had made a far better appearance in the Eyes of the Peo­ple, than himself, fell into the same Senti­ments, and drew in the Constable of Mont­morency, who still remembred the old Jars between the Mareschal his Brother, and the Guises. The crowd of Lords and Gen­tlemen which came in on all sides to the Hôtel of Guise, served very much to Ex­asperate the two Princes, and the Con­stable.Mem. de Bassompierre mercure. Francois, 1611. The World was amazed to see the Grand-children of the Admiral of Coligny, the Dukes of Sully and Rohan, the Mareschal of Bouillon, and the most [Page 100]considerable of the Protestant Party, for­get the bloody day of St. Bartholomew, and go to offer their Services to the Chil­dren of Balafre, against the Son of the brave Lewis, Prince of Conde.

The Regent and the Ministers feared, this Affair would have troublesome Con­sequences. Orders were given to the In­habitants of the parts of the City, which were nearest the Louvre to be Armed, the Chains were ready to be put cross the Streets, in case there should be need, and the Mareschal of Brisac was sent to the Count of Soissons, to hinder him from coming out of his House. The Marquess of Vitry Captain of the Guards, had or­der to continue near the Duke of Guise, and his Brethren. Soissons was not deny­ed Permission to speak to the Queen, but Guise did not obtain the same Favour. A slight Distinction to content the Nicety of the Princes of the Blood.

When the Council came to consider of a way to put an end to this New Diffe­rence, the Constable demanded Justice of the Queen against the Duke of Guise, who had Insulted, said he, the Count of Soissons, by passing by his House with a hundred and fifty Horse. The Duke of Sully strenuously defended Guise. Was it an Offence, replied he, to Monsieur the Count, to pass by his House. Was not this the Dukes way to discharge the Order her Majesty had given him, to treat with Monsieur the Prince of Conti; Divers of [Page 101]his Friends and Servants Accompanied him. There was no Design in this. A great deal of Company went to Complement the Duke on his Marriage; They followed him to the Abby of St. Germain, was this such an extraordinary Matter. Princes and Lords come every day to the Louvre, atten­ded with such Gentlemen who have a Re­spect for them. The Duke is the Counts Humble Servant. He is disposed to give the Princes of the Blood, what is due to their Birth. Monsieur the Count would have had a proof of this, if he had met the Duke in his way. What more can be re­quired of Monsieur, the Duke of Guise. The Mareschal of Bouillon, and the Duke of Epernon, confirmed what the Duke of Sully said.

The Reconcile­ment of the Duke of Guise. with the Count of Soissons.The Regent sent to ask whether the Count of Soissons was satisfied with the Excuses made for the Duke of Guise. Ve­ry far from accepting them, he denyed Admittance to four of the Council, upon the score they were Friends of, and Rela­ted to the House of Guise. Nothing but a Treaty would serve; the Duke of Guise tired with his long Confinement to his House, consented to Visit the Count of Soissons, and make very humble Excuses to him. But the Duke of Mayenne Un­cle of Guise, laying before him the Con­sequences of a Step, which gave so many Advantages to the sworn Enemies of their House; he recalled his word. Soissons was extremely moved at this, he threat­ned [Page 102]the Regent to leave Paris, if he had not that Satisfaction given him which had been promised. However he was perswaded to content himself with the Duke of Mayenne's, making Excuses to the Queen for the Duke of Guise's marching through the Streets of Paris, with so great a number of Horse. Monsieur of Guise, says the Duke of Mayenne, never designed to cause any Disturbance; he would sooner die, than do any thing Displeasing to your Majesty. For Mons. the Count of Sois­sons, our House will always preserve that Deference and Respect is due to him. When Monsieur the Count will please to be recon­ciled to Messieurs of Guise, they will not fail to Honour him, and be his Humble Servants.

The Queen replyed, she would ac­quaint the Count of Soissons, what the Duke of Mayenne had said; I will speak to him, said she, to forget what is past, and content himself with this Satisfaction. The Prince of Conde on the Queens part went to his Uncle, and told him, her Majesty wished things might stop there. The Count of Soissons promised to con­form himself to her Pleasure. Mayenne by his Address and Resolution, had brought his Nephew with Honour in a very Nice case, if it be true that the Duke of Guise had no ill design; yet he made an Ostentation, which might well give Ʋmbrage to the Princes of the Blood.

In vain did the Duke of Sully thus mean­ly make his Court to the Guises. The Duke of Sul'y's Dis­grace. They would not hinder the accomplishing the Design on foot, to ruin him; their Party indeed made a Mien, as if they would Combine to oppose the Ruine of one, who had taken pains to very good purpose to serve them; but the contrary Cabal, was too Powerful and Zealous. Perhaps too, the House of Guise were not very Solicitous [...] Bottom, to support a Protestant Lord whom the Courts of Rome and Madrid were dissatisfied to see in the chiefest Employs. The Marquiss of Ceuvres was the Man whom the E­nemies of the Duke made use of to sound the true Sentiments of Mareschal of Bou­illon in this matter of Sully. The Interest of their Religion ought to have united these Protestant Lords. Its Preservation depended in part, on a good Understand­ing between them; but Courtiers never think of this. Sully deserves the worst that can befall him, says the Mareschal, Howe­ver I ought not to appear among those who declare against him. It concerns me very much, that those of our Religion should not Reproach me with removing a Man, who is necessary to them in the post he is in. If Bouillon would seriously have avoided that Reproach, should he have join'd him­self to the Count of Soissons? The World saw plainly, the poor Duke of Sully was the Sacrifice in his Reconciliation.

The Prince of Conde and the Count of Soissons, joyntly demanded of the Regent to have him removed. Her Majesty rea­dily granted a thing she desired, no less than they. To keep fair with the Hugo­not Party, who must think it strange Mary should so soon take away the Rewards Sully had deserved by his good Services to the late King. They gave out, and would make Sully himself believe, it was his de­sire to have his Ease. The Regent ci­villy offer'd him a Sum of Money for the Government of the Bastile, which she took away from him at the same time with the place of Superintendent of the Finances. The Duke was very much surprized to see himself taken at his Word, upon Ge­neral Complements made to the Queen. He had protested upon some Occasions to her Majesty, that she might dispose of all that he had.Mercure Francois, 1611. I did not think, said Sully, that such Offers made to ones Prince, were Crime enough to forfeit ones Places. I have now learnt this new Maxim, but I do not repent of having done my Duty.

The Duke shewed great Constancy in his Adversity, and was Skillful enough to conceal his inward Disturbance. He writ a Letter to the Queen, which was filled with fine Thoughts; was not this a Noble Effort of the secret Pride of his Heart, to seek thus to repair his Losses, by making himself Admired. Perhaps he thought he should perswade the World, he deserved those Places, which he could [Page 105]quit with so much equality of Mind [...]nd Disinterestedness. This Greatness of Mind would have appeared less affected, if he had not made a long Enumeration of the Servi­ces he had done for the late King. This was Reproaching his Widow, he might talk plausibly, how that without encrea­sing, nay, by lessening the Excises and Duties, he had paid the immense Debts of his Master, had put the Finances in a good Method, subsisted three great Ar­mies, amassed seventeen Millions in rea­dy Money; the People could not believe him in his Word. Fifty four Edicts re­voked in the beginning of this Reign, were a proof the Superintendent had not yet found the secret to enrich the Prince, and at the same time to ease his Sub­jects.

The first Pre­sident de Har­lay, resigns hi [...] Place. A Cabal to hinder Mr. de Thou from succeeding him.The Duke retired to his Castle of Sully on the Loire; no Superintendent was put in his Room. The Presidents Jeannin, de Chateauneuf, and de Thou, were named for Directors of the Finances. De Thou declined this Employ; this did not suit with a Magistrate so Upright, so Zea­lous for the publick good, and so great a Lover of all good Learning. The Place of first President of the Parliament of Pa­ris, was more worthy of his Noble Am­bition. Christopher de Thou his Father, had filled it with a mighty Reputation. His Memory would have been Irreproach­able, if the necessity of excusing his Ma­ster, had not forced him to seek out for [Page 106]frivolous pretences, to give colour to that cruel Massacre of St. Bartholomew, which this Wise Magistrate abhorr'd in his Heart. Achilles de Harlay succeeded him in the most unhappy and difficult Time, that ever was. All Men still speak with Ho­nour of the Integrity, Justice, and Affa­bility of that great Man. All good French­men cannot forget the Services he did for his Country, when she was almost op­prest by the Efforts of the League.

Worn out with Age and Labour, he desired to lay down his Office.Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medici [...]. All Ho­nest Men wished to see James Augustus de Thou, in the Place his Father had former­ly been, but the Regent too much depen­ded on the Pope. The Knowledge and Moderation of so Learned a Magistrate, did not suit with the Interest of Rome, be­sides the Jesuits had too important Busi­ness to Sollicit in the Parlement of Paris. They did not care a Man who was not less acquainted than his Brother-in-Law had been, with the secret designs of the Society, should preside in the determi­ning the Process they had against the Uni­versity of Paris. Condé who had great Obligations to the President de Thou, promised to assist him in his Pretensions to a Dignity, justly due to his Merit and Services. But the Weak and Ungrateful Prince, had not the Courage to oppose a Cabal of Bigots. Villeroy made his Ad­vantage of this Opportunity, he procu­red Verdun his Kinsman to be preferr'd, who ought to have been content with see­ing [Page 107]himself at the Head of the Parlement of Toulouse.

La d'Escou­man accuses the Marquess of Vernueil, and the Duke of Epernon, of being con­cerned in the Murther of Henry IV.Some few days before his Resignation, Harlay had presided in the Sentence against La d'Escouman. This Creature it is said, did not want either Wit or Address. But her lewd Life ought to have taken away the Credit of her Evidence, if all con­cerned in Villanies, were not of necessity Scandalous Persons. It is not known who put d'Escouman upon presenting her self to Queen Margaret, whom she was known to, and discovering to her, that the Duke of Epernon and the Marquise of Vernueil had suborned Ravaillac. Whether Marga­ret was in a Combination to ruine these two Persons, or was afraid of ill Conse­quences, if she did not give notice of what she heard to the Court; the Princess sent to let the Regent know, that La d'Escou­man had great things to Reveal. Some Persons were ordered to go to the Hôtel of Queen Margaret. They conceal them­selves in an adjoyning Closet, while the Princess makes la d'Escouman repeat with a loud Voice, what she had said. Mar­garet testified the Woman did not vary, but repeated Word for Word before to her, what they had now heard.

She is Con­demned▪Upon the Report made to the Regent, her Majesty ordered her Letter Patents to be dispatched for the Parlement of Paris, to take cognizance of this New Affair. La d'Escouman being examined by the first President de Harlay, accuses two Persons, [Page 108]one of which had been Valet de Chambre, to the Marquess d' Entragues. These Men are Seized, Examined, thrown into a Dungeon, confronted with d'Escouman, who affirms peremptorily, all was true she had charged them with. Farther she declares, the Marchioness of Vernueil had sent Ravaillac to her with a Letter for one Madamoiselle du Tillet; and that in her Presence, du Tillet had spoke to Ravaillac, to Assassinate the late King. But the E­vidence so ill maintain'd her Charge, was so deficient in describing the Person of the Murtherer, and said so many things di­rectly false, that no Credit was given to her Depositions. The two Prisoners were acquitted, and la d'Escouman condemned to close Imprisonment for the rest of her Life.

Reflections on [...] Sentence.The care taken to confine this Wretch­ed Woman, and the keeping her Exami­nation so private, gave occasion for divers Suspicions, and many Reflections. It was pretty commonly believed, Persons of Eminent Quality had a share in this Mystery of Iniquity, and it was not judg'd convenient to disclose it. Some pretended this was only done to spare the Reputation of certain Persons of the first Rank, who had made this use of la d'Es­couman, to ruine their Enemies. So ill and revengeful a Woman as la Vernueil, said they, may well enough be guilty of a great Crime. But is it to be believed, the Queen who mortally hates the Marchioness, [Page 109]would spare her. Could she ever find a fairer opportunity to revenge the frequent Disquiets, which the ill Nature and Raillery of a Rival had given her. The Duke of E­pernon's Interest, added some Judicious Men, could never stifle this Matter. He has powerful Enemies at Court. The Prince of Conde, and the Count of Soissons, de­clare openly against him. The Mareschal de Bouillon, and the Marquess of Ancre strictly tied together, seek to remove and ruine him. If any one reflect on the Conduct of the Duke of Epernon, his Humour and Inclinations; he will not appear capable of so black an Attempt. And if he had Ma­lice enough to conceive it, is he so void of Common Sense, to trust this in the Hands of a Fool, as Ravaillac was? In short, if he sub­orned the Assassin, would he have taken pains to keep him from being killed on the spot, as James Clement was. The Duke of Epernon said, some who were the most prejudiced against him, could not be cal­led to an Account, without bringing in the Queen, whom he served in it. Doubt­less said others to them, it would be much safer and easier to have poison'd the King, than to depend upon a Blow of that Im­portance, on such a Fellow as Ravaillac was.

There was a greater Division in the Court of Prague, than that of Paris, and the Princes of the House of Austria in Germany, lived in a more visible Misun­derstanding, than the Princes of the Blood [Page 110]in France. The Emperor Rodolphus had three Brothers, Matthias, Albert, and Maximilian. The first had forced from his Elder Brother the Kingdom of Hun­gary, and the greatest part of what the House of Austria calls her Hereditary Countries. Albert lived contented with the Provinces of the Low Countries, which the Infanta Isabell brought to him in Mar­riage; and Maximilian having long agoe relinquished his Pretensions to the King­dom of Poland, which he disputed with Sigismund King of Sweden, led a quiet Life with Matthias King of Hungary. These four Brothers had two Cousin Ger­mans, Children of Charles, Brother to the Emperor Maximilian II. The small Country of Gratz in Stiria, did not sa­tisfie the Ambition of Ferdinand, the El­dest of this second Branch of that House, and Leopold the younger Brother, desired something more than the Bishopricks of Strasburg and Passau. Rodolphus and his Brothers had no Children; this gave their Cousins mighty Hopes, but as yet they were a great way off. The King of Hun­gary this year, Married Ann Archdutchess of Austria, and might leave Heirs.

Ferdinand Wisely concealed his vast Ambition, he seemed contented with ma­naging the Pope, and keeping a strict Correspondence with Spain, and seem'd willing to wait patiently for a more fa­vourable Opportunity, to obtain the Suc­cession of his Cousins. All Men looked on [Page 111]the Emperor as a dead Man. The Courts of Rome and Madrid were not very well satisfied, that Matthias kept fair with the Protestants, which he did to prevent being opposed by them, when there should be a Debate about chusing a Successor to his Brother. Perhaps too his Inclination led him to follow the steps of Maximilian II. a very Wife and Moderate Prince. He had had a good Opinion of the Prote­stant Religion, and it is thought would have embraced it, if he had not met with Obstacles from Ferdinand the I. and the Court of Rome. The Emperor his Father pressed by the Pope, threatned Maximi­lian to Disinherit him; but if the Son had shewn greater Resolution, the Father would have found it no easie Matter to have made such an Exclusion valid. I ve­ry much doubt, if he would have dared to attempt it. Ferdinand Archduke of Gratz, was very far from this Moderati­on of Maximilian. He was violent a­gainst the Protestants, to a prodigious de­gree. The Jesuits and Ignorant Monks, who had too great Influence on the Coun­cils of this Prince, and his Descendants, kept him in this extravagant Bigotry, flat­tering him with the Assistance of the Pope, and King of Spain to obtain the Empire, even whilst those of the Elder Branch were yet alive.

The Archduke Leopold had no less Am­bition, but was still more impatient,The Ambiti­ous Designs of Leopold of Austria Bi­shop of Stras­burg, and Passaw on the Kingdom of Bohemia. vext to see himself reduced to live on his Be­nefices, and to find his mighty Designs on the Countries of Cleves and Juliers prove Abortive; he resolved to take his Advantage of the Weakness of Rodolphus, and to make himself King of Bohemia, to the prejudice of Matthias, to whom that Crown was promised, after the Emperors Decease. Leopold had raised a small Ar­my with the consent of Rodolphus, under colour of keeping Juliers against the Con­federate Princes. The Town being ta­ken by the Brave Maurice of Orange, the Arch-duke kept his Troops in his Bishop­rick of Passau, with an intention to em­ploy them in some greater and more pro­sitable Work.

Romeo their General, as Active and Stirring as Leopold, perswaded him to treat with his Friends in the Court of Prague, and the Roman Catholicks in Bo­hemia, who could not endure to see the Gospellers enjoy the free use of their Re­ligion. Leopold designed in the first place, to make an Alteration in the Government of Prague, and Expel divers Lords of the Emperors Council, who were in the King of Hungary's Interests; the thing did not seem practicable in a free Country, as that of Bohemia was. There was a Ne­cessity for him to content himself with gaining over the Catholick Party, and chiefly the Churchmen and Monks, by [Page 113]giving them hopes that if Leopold should enter Prague by force of Arms, he would oblige the Emperor to revoke the Edict in favour of the Gospellers. The Jesuits were the most forward to favour the De­signs of Leopold; they filled their Col­ledge with Canon, Arms, and Ammuni­tion, to make use of in case there should be occasion.

Leopold's Troops [...]arch into Bohemia. Leopolds Army was compos'd of nine Thousand Foot, and four Thousand Horse. They marched strait towards Austria, un­der the Command of Romeo, who found the means to help the Soldiers to Money; in their way they plundered divers consi­derable Castles. King Matthias being unprovided to resist, was very much a­larmed. He writ to his Subjects and Friends to come immediately to his Aid. In the mean time Romeo passes the Danube, ravages whereever he comes, marches in­to Bohemia, under pretence of exacting those Subsidies the Emperor had promised Leopold, for the Subsistence of his Troops. He took two or three important Places, and Leopold joined him when he was at the Gates of the Capital. The States of the Countries amazed at these Motions, prepar'd for a Defence. The Gospellers appear'd more active and warm, than the rest; they were afraid to fall under the Government of one of the House of Gratz. But it was not possible to hinder Leopold from entring into a third part of the Town, which is called the little Prague. [Page 114]He had a good Intelligence there; the two other Quarters which they call the Old and New Prague, defended themselves so vigorously, that Leopold could not make himself Master of them.

Matthias King of Hungary, Marches to the Assistance of Bohemia.During the Confusions which Accidents of this Nature must needs cause, in a Town divided into two Factions, Vio­lent against each other, Rodolphus remain­ed in his Castle, contented with com­manding both Parties by a Herald, to lay down their Arms, he seemed to stand Neuter. His old Piques against his Bro­ther, made him encline to Leopold, who seized on the Castle, and was declared Lieutenant General for the Emperor. The King of Hungary had at that time a Dis­pute with Gabriel Battori, Prince of Transilvania. He chose rather to give up his Pretensions, than to have Bohemia ta­ken from him. Behold him then, at the Head of an Army of eighteen Thousand Men. Leopold and Romeo make a quick Retreat to the Frontiers of Bohemia, as soon as they are informed Matthias was enter'd into the Kingdom; too fortunate in carrying off their Booty, and two Hundred Thousand Florens, which the Emperor gave them. The King of Hun­gary being come to Prague, the States of the Country received him with all possi­ble Magnificence.

Matthias is Crowned King of Bohemia.After some of Rodolphus his Counsellors were clapt into Prison, and others forced to fly, it was no hard Matter to make [Page 115] Rodolphus consent to a Demise of the King­dom of Bohemia, in favour of his Bro­ther. This poor Prince had very good Conditions in appearance made for him, at the Solicitation of the Elector of Saxo­ny, who always was a Friend to the House of Austria. The States of Bohemia too, proposed theirs to the New King, for the securing the Privileges of the Kingdom, and Liberty of Conscience. The City of Prague made some separate Stipulati­ons, and particularly that the Ecclesiasti­cal Jurisdiction should be restrained, and the Abuses of it corrected. After Mat­thias had been Solemnly Crowned at Prague, the 23d of May, by the Cardinal Ditrechstein, an Agreement was made with Leopold, who still had divers Important Places in his Hand. He promised to quit these, upon the payment of a certain Sum of Money. In Conclusion; the King of Hungary and Bohemia, having agreed to some Articles for a perfect Reconcilia­tion with the Emperor, he went to Breslau; his Design was to go and take Possession of Silesia, which had likewise been given up to him. The Bishop of the City, the Lords and States of the Pro­vince, took an Oath of Fidelity to him, and he likewise swore to preserve to them the free Exercise of that Religion, each of them professed before.A Cabal in the Court of France, a­gainst the Duke of Epernon.

The Princes of the House of Austria, lived the rest of that year in a good Un­derstanding, as to outward Appearance; [Page 116]those of the Royal Blood, did the same in France. Conde and Soissons being now combined together, were not content with Supplanting Sully, they resolved farther to ruine the Duke of Epernon, the Mar­quess of Ancre took part with them. He promised the Count of Soissons to remove a Man, who was insupportable to all the Favourites. Epernon hated them in effect, because he loved to engross Favours; he thought no one besides himself, could de­serve it. Conchini provoked by the great Contempt the Duke treated him with, re­solved to humble a Man, who ow'd his Rise to the Favour of Henry the III. and was now more haughty and hard to be bended, than the Princes of the Blood. The more Epernon found his Interest at Court sink, the more he strove to make the Princes of the Blood Sensible, if they would not love him, they should have rea­son to fear him. After the Count of So­issons had threatned to insult him, he went through the Streets of Paris, attended with Seven or Eight Hundred Gentlemen; he would sometimes take Pleasure in go­ing to the Louvre a foot. His Men mar­ched in order of Battle, and when the first were at the Louvre, the last were at the Hôtel of Epernon. The Distance of these is near two thousand Paces.

In the midst of this outward Splendor, the Discontent to see himself Excluded from Publick Business, tormented him ex­ceedingly. The Cardinal of Joyeuse, who [Page 117]only Subsisted by the Dukes Support, re­solved to go to Rome and Divert himself, in the Chapels and Congregations there, since there was no more occasion for him in the Court of France. Epernon desired leave to go to his Estate and Government; this he obtained with the good liking of the Court.Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis. The Regent gave him on this occasion, several Marks of Confidence and Respect. The Prince of Conde had a mind to go and take Possession of the Government of Guienne, and nothing could divert him from this Resolution. His stiffness gave Umbrage to the Court. The Reformed had a civil Assembly at Saumur, and the Regent did not know whether Conde might not have some se­cret design to take his Advantage of this, when he should be in that Neighbourhood. The Duke of Epernon's going to his Go­vernments of Limosin, Angoumois and Xain­tonge bordering on Guienne, gave great Satisfaction. The Queen gave him a thousand Caresses, and recommended earnestly to him to observe Conde's steps. This Precaution was not necessary, the good Prince thought no harm, he was too well satisfied with his feigned Greatness, and acting the part of an Imaginary King on the Stage at Bourdeaux, and elsewhere, he was charmed to see himself received with so much Ceremony, took his Place in the Parliament, made his Progress thrô the several Towns, and heard with great Gravity, the Harangues and Comple­ments [Page 118]of the Magistrates and Gascon Gen­tlemen.

The Marquess of Ancre de­signs to mar­ry his Son to the Princess of Soissons.The Count of Soissons was now the only Person who managed the Queen. The Marquess of Ancre whose Favour en­creased every day, shew'd an extreme De­votion to him. Soissons Transported with bringing so potent a Favourite into the interests of his House, did him all the good Offices he could. He Assisted him in ob­taining the Government of the Town and Citadel of Amiens, in Spight of the Op­position and Discontent which the Count of St. Paul shewed at it. This Lord be­ing a younger Brother of the House of Longueville pretended to this Employ. But Soissons who had an entire Ascendent over him, made him desist. Farther he en­gaged St. Paul, to return out of Picardy where he Commanded, during the Mino­rity of the Duke of Longueville, Memoires de la regence de Marie de Medicis. to pre­vent any Difference that might happen between him and the New Governour of Amiens, if they should meet. Conchini was now risen to such a height, nothing seemed to be above him. There was a Discourse of Marrying his Son to one of the Princesses of Soissons. You have a mind to flatter me said the Favourite, to a Gentleman who made the Offer, but I confess, this Flattery do's not displease me.

He did not long continue in this Mo­desty, he affected at that time.The Count of Soissons ac­cepts the Pro­position. The Generosity of the Duke of Epernon. Conchini had the boldness to say to the Marquess of Coeuvres, a Confident of the Count of Soissons, that the Marriage talked of must be concluded; that a Prince of the Blood would find great Advantages in it, that the Queen had already given her consent. Soissons meanly complyed with this shame­ful Match. He was punished for it, as he deserved. The Ministers laid before the Queen Consequences of a Marriage, which would sooner or later draw on it, the Indignation of the King, the Princes of the Blood, and all sensible Men.Vie du Duc d'Epernon L. VI. Thus the Count of Soissons by this Treaty, only obtained the Scandal and Reproaches of consenting to prostitute his Daughter to a young Italian, whose Father and Mother soon became the Horror of Mankind, not so Wise and Generous as the Duke of Epernon, inferior in Birth to a Prince of the Blood. Conchini caused a Marriage to be proposed for his Daughter, with the Marquess de la Valette, second Son of the Duke. Besides the Great Wealth he would have given with his Daughter, he promised to obtain the Sword of Con­stable of France for Epernon, as soon as the King should be a Major. Far from hearing his Friends and Servants who ad­vised him to accept this Proposition, the Duke rejected it with a Noble Scorn. Nay, he was Angry with those who pres­sed him to make an Alliance, which if [Page 120]rewarded by the first Dignity of the State, would be still the more Scanda­lous.

The Cardinal of Joyeuse took for the pretence of his Journey, the Obligation he had to go to Rome, to perform the Functi­ons of his Dignity of Protector of France; a Pompous and Ridiculous Title, which the Pride of the Court of Rome has in­vented, and the mean Complaisance of Sovereigns has Authorised. These like Monks, have each their Cardinal Protector with the Pope. A Subject who is Agent for his Prince, becomes his Protector at Rome. The Regent Diverted her self at that time at Fontainbleau. There on the 12th of April, she drew up a long In­struction for Joyeuse. No one can read these Pieces without complaining of, or to speak better, contemning Crowned Heads, who suffer such a strange Slavery to be imposed on them. A King must give the Holy Father an account of what he do's at home,Siri Memorie re­condite. Tom II. pag. 502, 503, &c. for the good of his Do­minions; and what Alliances he contracts abroad for their Security. Has he done any thing which is not well relished at Rome, then see him humbly making his Excuses, and taking all ways imaginable to extenu­ate his Fault. He is very Submissive, he promises to do great and mighty wonders on some other Occasion for the Holy See.

What a Pother's here about the Instruction of the Cardinal of Joyeuse! The Regent justifies to Paul V. what she had done in favour of the Protestants. Mary de Medi­cis will have him to inform Paul V. ex­actly of what has been done since the be­ginning of the Regency, without omit­ting the least Particular. To justifie her confirming the Edict of Nantes, he must represent to his Holiness, this was extort­ed from her, to prevent the Jealousies of the Protestants, and disappoint some busie Turbulent Men. The Protestants having Permission granted them to meet for the Regulating other Civil Matters; she pretended it was impossible to do other­wise in a Minority. Endeavours are used to pacifie the Disquiet which that Assem­bly gave the Pope, promising to allow the Hugonots nothing that could be dis­pensed with. The Regent had given se­veral Employs, and bestowed her Favours on some Protestant Lords; for fear the Court of Rome should be alarmed at this, it was said, this was to gain the Heads of the Party over. Paul the V. took it ill, that the Parlement of Paris had made a Decree for the Suppression of Cardinal Bellarmine's Book, against Barclay. Her Majesty is a little Embarassed upon this Article; she is troubled the Defamatory and Scandalous Books of the Gardinal, should give occasion to the Magistrates to concern themselves. But the Queen in Recompence has interposed her Autho­rity, to hinder the Sorbonne from vigorous Censure, which she intended against the [Page 122]Propositions of Bellarmine. It was not thought fit to give the Hugonots so great Advantages; what Baseness, what Trick­ings are here, but this is not all.

The Renewing the Alliances with the Protestant Princes and States, were co­loured with the common good of Christen­dom, and the Example of the King of Spain was alledged, who made a League with the Ʋnited Provinces; all good Of­fices were promised with the Electors and Protestant Princes of Germany, in favour of Matthias King of Hungary, whom the Courts of Rome and Madrid wished to have Elected King of the Romans. In the last place, the Court would make the Old Man believe, they were about to form a Potent League against the Turk and hoped to engage the King of Great Britain, the Ʋnited Provinces, Prince Maurice of Orange, and the rest of the House of Nassau in it. These Men, says the Queen, Lovers of Glory, they will not be uneasie to have this occasion to add more, to that which they acquired by their Valour. The Picture which she makes of King James the I. must not be omitted here. I own continues Mary, that he per­secutes the Catholicks cruelly. But in short [...] he is a Prince who loves nothing but Peace He do's not seek to make himself Great a [...] the Expence of his Neighbours, he declare [...] himself an Enemy to all Subjects, who Re­bel against their Princes. If he could b [...] sure of the Fidelity and good Intentions of th [...] [Page 123]English Catholicks, he would let them live peaceably. As he is very averse to the Cal­vinists, he will soon change in favour of his Catholicks, if they give him no occasion of Suspicion or Distrust.

Complaints of the Court of France, a­gainst the Duke of Sa­voy.The Principal Article of this Instructi­on, regards the Duke of Savoy. He seemed to threaten to Attack the City of Geneva, and the Country of Vaux be­longing to the Canton of Bern. The Queen will have it represented to the Pope, that the Ambition and Turbulent Humour of the Savoyard, would put all Europe in a Flame, and hinder the con­clusion of the League, which it was pre­tended was designed against the common Enemy of Christendom; and that Henry III. and Henry IV. having taken Geneva, and the Country of Vaux into the Protection of their Crown, honour and Justice engaged their Successors to defend the one and the other, in case the Duke of Savoy should attempt to attack them. He beasts, adds the Queen, that his Ho­liness approves and favours his Designs, that it is not probable. The Pope knows better than any other Man in the World, the Humour, Power and Interest of Charles Emanuel. His Enterprize can never succeed. And when the King of Spain shall Reflect on the ill Consequences of these Motions of the Duke, he will be the first Man to Condemn them; Besides it is not well known, what are the true Designs of Charles Emanuel. When we demand why he keeps so many Troops [Page 124]afoot, he answers the Spaniards being in Arms in the Milanese, Prudence requires him to provide for the Security of his Do­minions. The Catholick Swiss Cantons making the same Demands, the Ministers reply, their Master will Reinstate the Bi­shops of Geneva and Lausanne in their an­cient Rights. He promises one thing at the same time he is under contrary Obligations to the King of Spain. We have great rea­son to believe, he keeps secret Intelligence with the Protestants of France, and other Countries. At present he is Intriguing to make an Alliance with the King of Eng­land, by a double Marriage of their Children. For the better understanding this Article, it is necessary for me to take things a little higher, and relate the seve­ral steps of Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, after the Death of Henry IV.

The great Perplexily of the Duke of Savoy, upon the Death of Henry IV.This unforeseen Accident mightily em­barast him, and he was forced to act an hundred different Parts, sometimes to pa­cifie the Court of Spain, incensed against him; at another time to preserve the pow­erful Support he had from France; and lastly, to find an Opportunity to gratifie his unbounded Ambition. In the first place, the Duke was Sollicitous to gai [...] from the Regent a Confirmation of th [...] Promise which Henry had made him, [...] give Madame the Eldest Daughter [...] France, in Marriage to the Prince of Pi [...]mont, whom he preferred to the Prin [...] of Spain, who had likewise been propose [Page 125]to him. If I would make my Son a Great King, said Henry, Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis. like a Man of good Sense, it is not necessary my Daughters should be Queens. Care was taken to amuse Charles Emanuel with fine Words, whilst a Treaty was privately managed with King Philip. As soon as the Duke disco­vered this, he made complaints to the Court of France; but the Regent very far from having regard to his Instances, Demanded of him all the Writings about the Marriage designed by Henry IV.

The rest of the Princes of Italy, not less Embarassed than the Duke of Savoy.The other Sovereigns of Italy were not involved in lesser Difficulties than Charles Emanuel. The Republick of Venice, and some others, had a share in the Designs of Henry, on the side of the Alpes. As soon as they heard of his unfortunate Death, they were all equally afraid Spain deli­vered from so Formidable an Enemy, should now in earnest think of over-run­ning Italy, under colour of chastising the Duke of Savoy, and the rest who kept In­telligence with Henry, in order to drive the Spaniards out of the Milanese. Paul V. scared, sent for the Venetian Ambassador to him. Write instantly to the Seignoury,Siri Memorie recordite. T. II. p. 285, 286. says the Pope, that I intreat them for the love of God to take care, we may all agree in so Terrible a Juncture. Measures must be taken for preserving Italy, and the young King of France. I plainly see he is in great Danger. The Spaniards are busie to create strange Work for him. I am ready [Page 126]to labour in Concert with, and declare my self with the Republick,

The Wise Con­duct of the S [...]nate of Ve­ [...]ice.The Duke of Savoy had sent his Secre­tary to Venice, to press earnestly the Se­nate to conclude with all Speed, a League Offensive and Defensive against the Spa­niards. Siri Memorie recondite. Tom. II. p. 288, 291, They make new Levies, says his Minister, and Distribute Money to draw Of­ficers into their Service. The Duke my Ma­ster, sees these Preparations are more de­signed against him, than any other. He is resolved to continue steddy to his Ʋnion with France, will defend himself to the last gasp of Breath, and sooner submit to the Turk, than Spaniard. You are to consider whether his Fall, will not be followed by that of your Republick. The speedy Conclusion of a League Offensive and Defensive, is the only Means to prevent the Disasters which threa­ten us alike. The Venetians who very well knew the Power of Spain, did not pre­sently take the Alarm. They thought it necessary before they declared, to be well assured of the good Intentions and Concurrence of France, the Minority of the King having changed the face of Af­fairs there. To engage Mary de Medicis to declare her self, the Seignory wisely caused the League Offensive and Defen­sive against Spain, to be proposed to her. The Regent did not in any manner in­tend to pursue the Designs of Henry. This therefore without farther Consideration, she replied to the Senate, that the Under­age of her Son, would not suffer her to [Page 127]engage in a Foreign War; but if the Se­nate thinks it Expedient, that she make a Defensive League for the Safety of Italy, we are ready to give our ancient Allies proofs, we desire nothing more than to preserve and secure that Repose they enjoy.

Upon this Declaration, the Senate an­swered very Wisely to the Duke of Sa­voy; that it very much concerned all the Sovereigns of Italy, to keep a good Un­derstanding, and provide for their common Safety. But it is to be feared, said they, this will only serve to incense the Spaniards more, and encrease the Distrust and Jealou­sie of a Crown, whom it behoves as much, nay more than its Neighbours, to seek for Peace. The Wise, Politick, Old Ministers of Henry IV. saw very well, the Spaniards were not so much to be feared, and there was more Ostentation than Reality, in the threatning Advances of the Court of Madrid. The Death of the Count of Fuentes Governor of Milan, which hap­pened at that time, helped to revive their Courage. They thought Spain would not be able to find a Subject capable of so well Supporting the Reputation of the Crown, and covering so artfully the weak­ness of Philip III. and the Duke of Lerma his first Minister. Pedro Gusman of To­ledo, Count of Fuentes, died aged 85 years, on the 22d of July 1610. He was a Man of extraordinary Capacity, and great Experience in all Civil and Military Affairs. He gained mighty Reputation in [Page 128]the Campagnes of Picardy, about the end of the preceding Age, and especially at the taking of Cambray. But the care he took to profit by the Lessons of his Ma­ster Philip II. sullied the good Quali­ties of so finisht a Statesman and Sol­dier.

The ill De­signs of the Court of Spain, against the Duke of Savoy.As Charles Emanuel was the boldest, and I will add, the most Imprudent of the Italian Princes, to declare against Spain; so he was the first and chief Object, which felt the Displeasure of that Re­vengeful Court. In the first place, all the Spanish Troops in his Service were remanded back. He saw plainly they were seeking for an Occasion to pick a Quarrel with him; being assured of a speedy Aid from the Mareschal Lesdi­guieres his Friend,Siri Memoire re­cordite. Tom. II. p. 282, 304. who commanded in Dauphine, the Duke was not struck with the Threats made him from the King of Spain. He spoke not only like a Man, who was resolved to defend himself Cou­ragiously, but like one who would pur­sue the Designs set on foot before Henry's Death. All the World was so fully con­vinced, that the Superiority of Genius and Strength, which had formerly made Spain formidable, were entirely wanting in Philip III. that Princes far inferior to him, haughtily insulted him.

The Impru­dence and double deal­ing of the Duke of Savoy.The Duke of Savoy might have secure­ly despised all the Threats of the Spani­ards, if he had been more prudent, and less Knavish. Could he not plainly see, France [Page 129]had no design to break with Spain, but that the Regent would stir to prevent him from being Opprest. He ought not then in point of Discretion, to have provoked a Neighbour, who notwithstanding her Weakness, was stronger than a Duke of Savoy. At the same time that Charles Emanuel was earnestly pressing Mary to obtain what the late King had promised him, he was at the same time keeping se­cret Intelligence with the Count of Sois­sons, and the rest of the discontented Lords, and Heads of the Protestant Party, in hopes of kindling a Civil War in France. Being perswaded that the King of Spain would be glad to be reconciled to him, and sought his Friendship; he endeavour­ed to insinuate into the Court of Madrid, that if she would grant him good Condi­tions, he would do her very good Service against France. Both Parties soon saw his Ways. Thus was he equally odious, and suspected in all the Courts of Europe, suf­fered the Disgrace of being humbled in Spain, despised in France and Italy, and hated in his own Country, which he ru­ined by his Chimerical Projects.

Divers Nego­tiations to ob­lige the King [...] of Spain and Duke of Sa­voy, to lay down their Arms in Ita­ly.Whilst these Intrigues were carrying on, the King of Spain was in Arms in Italy, and the Duke of Savoy had a considerable number of Soldiers there. Strange Con­fusions for France, and the Sovereigns of Italy! The Regent was very impatient to Disband the Army in Dauphine, Com­manded by a Hugonot General, but Pru­dence [Page 130]would not suffer her to do it in such a Juncture.Siri Memoire re­c [...]ndite. Tom II. p. 335, 336. The Pope apprehended least the Mareschal Lesdiguieres should pass the Alps, under colour of coming to the As­sistance of the Duke of Savoy. When Mary pressed Charles Emanuel to lay down his Arms, he asked such conditions, as she did not care to grant him. The Pope too made his Instances, that Spain and Savoy should send away those Troops which gave France and Italy so great uneasiness. But Philip pretended Charles Emanuel ought in the first place to lay down his Arms, and make him Satisfaction. The Duke on the contrary alledged, that the weakest ought to stand upon his Guard, when he seemed to be threatned by a Powerful Neighbour; so that the Diffe­rence now seemed only to consist in Cere­mony. Nevertheless the more discerning Men thought, they saw a Collusion here. The Duke Dissatisfied to find the Regent intended in earnest to fall in with the Spa­niard, he began to talk too, of sending Prince Philibert his Son to Madrid.

The King of Spain de­mands the Duke of Sa­voy should first of all make him Satisfaction.Whether it were that the Court of Spain were assured, that the Regent of France would willingly suffer the Duke of Savoy to be humbled, provided no harm were done him; or that Philip was absolutely resolved to reduce his Brother-in-Law, who behaved himself so Haughty at a time, when he sought the King of Spain's Favour; Charles Emanuel received News from Madrid, That his Catholick Ma­jesty [Page 131]was exactly informed of his Ties to the late King of France, and that before the King would consent to an Accommo­dation, he required a very mortifying Preliminary of the Duke of Savoy. Siri Memoire recondite. Tom. II. p. 336, 337. This was, that he should send his Sons, or at least one of them to Madrid, to remain there as a Pledge of their Fathers Fideli­ty; and farther, that he should ask Par­don for his secret Treaties with France, to the prejudice of the Crown of Spain.

Charles Emanuel presently summoned his Council together. No Expedient could be found to evade these hard con­ditions, but to press France earnestly to send a speedy Aid. For now the Spanish Troops in the Milanese seemed ready to pour into Piemont. Lesdiguieres gave the Duke fair words, but Mary de Medicis very far from breaking with Spain, in favour of Charles Emanuel, advised him to send Prince Philibert to Madrid, to pacifie King Philip. Thus did the two Courts make sport with a Man, who thought himself crafty enough to deceive them both. There was no way left, but for Charles Emanuel to assure the Spanish Em­bassador at Turin, that he was disposed to make his Brother-in-Law Satisfaction: He only demanded to have a Suspension of Arms agreed on, and to have Assu­rance given him, that the Governor of Milan would not make any Attempt on Piemont, till the King of Spain should be satisfied. In stead of hearing the Dukes [Page 132]Propositions, they quarrelled with him, demanded he should Renounce all his Treaties with France, not excepting that of his Sons Marriage; and Lastly, Phi­lip's Officers at Milan answered, they had no Orders to grant a Suspension of Arms, or that Security which the Duke of Savoy proposed.

France lays down her Arms in Dauphine, and is jealous of the Spani­ards, who con­tinue in Arms in Italy.At the Solicitation of the Pope, Mary de Medicis had broke the Army of the Mareschal Lesdiguieres in Dauphine. The Regents Council had consented to this more willingly, because they were per­swaded the King of Spain would not dare to begin a War in Italy. Was it probable he could be in a condition to support one there, who had not the boldness to oppose the taking of Juliers by the Confederate Princes. Philip had assured the Pope, his Design was only to mortifie the Duke of Savoy, to give him a Check, and Con­strain him to make him Satisfaction. The rest of the Princes were not displeased to see the Pride of Charles Emanuel humbled. All this while he wasted insensibly, be­cause he would stand on his Guard, and keep up his Troops till the King of Spain Disbanded his. Who could yet be sure that Philip would not at last invade Pie­mont, after he had fatigued the Duke of Savoy, and craftily engaged the Regent to Disarm on the side of the Alpes.

The Council of France was of Opini­on, the Queen should make some Advan­ces, and declare positively she would [Page 133]not abandon the Duke of Savoy. That the Disbanded Troops might soon be brought together, and she would send a powerful Aid into Piemont, if Spain should under­take to attack that Country. Charles Emanuel was very glad, to understand the Regent had Writ to the Pope to com­plain, that the King of Spain continued in Arms, though France had broke her Army in Dauphine; and to assure his Ho­liness of the Resolution taken in Council, to preserve the Country of Savoy. But the Duke of Feria, Ambassador Extraor­dinary of Philip in France, had setled so strict a Correspondence between his Ma­ster and Mary de Medicis, that the Pope could without much Difficulty, dispel the Umbrage which the Regent had taken, and perswaded her to wait quietly the Success of the Journey, which Prince Philibert was about to make into Spain.

Philibert Prince of Sa­voy goes into Spain.The Prince went through Lyons and Bourdeaux, attended by the Count of Verüe, and the Bishop of St. John de Maurienne. These were to be his Directors in so nice a Matter. The Prince Arrives on Post-Horses at Madrid, without having re­ceived the least Civility or Mark of Re­spect from the King his Uncle, in any of the Spanish Towns he past through.Siri Memorie recondite. Tom. II. p. 416, 417, This was to prepare him to appear as a Sup­pliant, to make Satisfaction to a Great King justly incensed against a petty Prince. And now he was to endure all the strain of Spanish Pride. At the first [Page 134]Interview, Philip gave his Nephew an obliging Reception enough. Not one Word was said of the Duke of Savoy; no News of him was asked; the Court af­fected to enquire of the Welfare of the Princes and Princesses of Savoy, with­out making any mention of their Fa­ther.

The Second Audience was more Slip­pery and Difficult. Here was a Submis­sion to be made, to satisfie the Spanish Humour, which might not be too mean and low for the Duke of Savoy. Charles Emanuel stood very much on an Extream Nicety in point of Honour. His Son framed an Harangue, according to the Instructions he brought with him. The Count of Verüe and the Bishop, assisted the young Prince in the drawing it. He learnt it by Heart, and spoke it with a good Grace. It was accompanied with all the Demonstrations of Respect and Submission, which the Dignity of a Prince could allow of. The King was not Dis­pleased with it, but the Duke of Lerma, and the Grandees of Spain, thought very heinously of it, because he had not thrown himself on his Knees before the King, and begged Pardon for the Duke of Savoy. Lerma made great Complaints, and re­quired that the Prince should make Sa­tisfaction by Writing. The Spaniards drew up the Form, and required Phili­bert to Rehearse it in the Kings Pre­sence.

The Savoyards did all they could to spare their Prince so shameful a step;The Form of the Satisfacti­on, which the Prince of Sa­voy made for his Father to the King of Spain. But the Spaniards continued inflexible. Phili­bert was treated very roughly, till he consented to what was required of him. It was in vain, the Count of Verüe repre­sented the Prince had exactly followed the Instruction his Father had given him, and that he had not Orders to make any such Submissions. The Spaniards were pleased to suppose the Prince had a second Instruction, in case their King was not satisfied with what was prescribed in the first. However this be, said they farther, the Duke of Savoy will ever be in a condi­tion to disavow his Sons Action.

After much canvassing the Matter, no other Remedy could be found, but Phi­libert and his Council must agree to the following Form. The Spaniards drew it almost all up; Great Sir, said the Prince of Savoy, the Duke my Lord and Father, sends me hither to throw my self at your Majesties Feet, His Age and Business not giving him leave to come in Person, to in­treat your Majesty on my Knees, to be con­tent with that Satisfaction I make you. I have not Words lively enough, to express the extream Grief the loss of your Majesties Favour has given the Duke my Father. I throw my self once again at your Feet, and resolve never more to rise, but die here, unless your Majesty shall grant me the Fa­vour I sue for; That is, to Receive the Duke my Father, and all our House, into your [Page 136]Royal Protection. In this, Great Sir, you will give us a Mark of your Clemency, in pardoning the greatest Faults, and of the goodness you have always shewn to our House, which is perfectly devoted to you, and Ho­nours you as its Lord and Father. A Prince of your Blood protests this now at your Ma­jesty's Feet, and I will Sign it with mine, if it shall be necessary. The Duke my Fa­ther relies wholly on your Majesty's good Will, and we put our selves all into your Hands. If your Majesty shall receive us in­to your Favour, this will be a new Obligati­on, and indissolubly ties us to become your Majesties Servants.

The Accom­modation of the Duke of Savoy with Spain.The Bishop of St. John de Maurienne, gave the Duke of Savoy an Account of what passed at Madrid. When he heard his Son was received with great Haugh­tiness and Indifference, That the Duke of Lerma boasted he had a Copy of the Trea­ties made with France, and that the Court required Prince Philibert to ask pardon in the Name of his Father; Charles Ema­nuel fell into so furious a Rage, that for a long time, he could not contain himself within the Bounds of Decency. I will sooner lose my Life, [...] Siri Memorie recondite. Tom. II. p. 424, 425. my Children, my Do­minions, than consent to any thing so un­worthy of my Rank. Am I then a Vassal to the Crown of Spain, that I must ask Philip's pardon, for making a Treaty which does not suit [...]ith his Interests? There is now no need for management, thanks be to God, I am not so weak but I can hazard a [Page 137]Battle against Spain. Let them Treat my Son ill; Let them break the Laws of Hos­pitality. These Hardships shall not oblige me to do so mean an Action. When the Pope's Nuncio undertook to represent to the Duke, that the State of his Affairs would not allow him to refuse to make some sort of Submission to his Catholick Majesty, he was more Transported than before, he said a Thousand nasty things; he protest­ed he would never consent tho' the Pope himself should order him.

The Nuncio was not Diverted by this, he briskly told the Duke, that he must not expect any Aid from France, whate­ver happened; if his Country became the Stage of a War, it must unavoidably be ruined. So that Charles Emanuel convin­ced at last by the News he had from France, that the Regent would assist him with all her good Offices at the Court of Spain; he consented Prince Philibert should make Satisfaction, according to the Form agreed on with the Duke of Lerma. The thing was done the 19th of November, 1610. At the Intreaty of the Pope, and the King of France, replied Philip with his usual Gravity; In consideration you are come hither, and the Request you have made me, I will not put in Execution, what I have designed. I will give Marks of my good will to the Duke your Father, as his good Behaviour shall induce me. Prince Philibert made a profound Reverence, and humbly thanked the King for his Ma­jesty's [Page 138]Gracious Regard to the Duke of Savoy had always.

Velasco Con­stable of Ca­stile and Go­vernor of Mi­lan, receives orders to Dis­arm. Philip answered to the Pope and the rest, who prest him to withdraw his Troops out of the Milanese, that he must wait till Velasco, who was appointed to Succeed the Count of Fuentes, was Arri­ved at Milan. He was on the Road when the Prince of Savoy performed the Condi­tions proposed to him. The Pope and Mary de Medicis redoubling their Instan­ces to Philip to Disarm, he was under a necessity of complying. As soon as Ve­lasco was in Possession of his Government, he received Orders from Philip, to Dis­band the Army. The posture of Affairs of the House of Austria in Germany were so bad, and the Kingdom of Spain was so much exhausted of Men and Money, that Philip [...]ad no other way to revenge himself of an inferiour Prince, who had attempted to take the Milanese from him. Nay, France and the Pope were for [...]ed to assist him privately to save his Honour. Without this, Charles Emanuel would have been a Match for him, and the King of Spain would not have dared to attack him.

Different Pro­jects of the Duke of Sa­voy.The Duke of Savoy was ready to burst with Spight, to see himself made the sport of all Europe. He resolved to defer laying down his Arms, as long as he could, and to make his Advantage of the Troops he had on Foot. Sometimes he would de­claim against the King of Spain, and made [Page 139]a Mein, as if he would Disavow all the steps of Prince Philibert. At others, he was violent against the Regent of France, and threatned to make work for her in her own Kingdom, in case she would not perform the Treaties made with the late King. One day he thought of Surprizing Genoa, and for that purpose enter'd into a Negotiation with the Mareschal Les­diguieres, because the thing was not fe­sible, without the Concurrence of France. Some time after he Resumed his old Pro­ject on the City of Geneva; Filled with new Hopes, he strove to engage the Pope and Constable of Castile to favour him in the design to destroy a Common-weath equally hateful to the Courts of Rome and Madrid: Charles Emanuel was on the point of Surprizing Geneva at the end of 1602. Some of his Men were got upon the Walls, and ready to open the Gates to the Duke, who was come near it, if the Enterprize had not been happily disco­vered. In the year 1609, he hoped to succeed better on the side of the Har­bour. The Contrivance was to conceal divers Soldiers in Vessels loaded with Wood, and to run these down the River. The second Attempt was defeated sooner than the first. Du Terrail Head of this En­terprize, imprudently spoke of it to some Persons, who gave the Magistrates of the City notice to be upon their Guards.

After this in the Spring time, 1611. the Duke of Savoy thought to try if he might not succeed better with open Force.The Duke of Savoy resolves to Attack Geneva, and the Country of the Valleys. His Troops were ordered to pass out of Pie­mont into Savoy. This sudden Motion of a Restless Ambitious Prince, gave great Suspicions at first; he strove to conceal his Designs on the Country of Geneva, but the Inhabitants of the Town, and those of the Canton of Bern, soon discovered them. They first Addressed themselves to the Mareschal Lesdiguieres, and desired him to procure Assistance from the Re­gent. Lesdiguieres promised his good Of­fices. Before he wrote to Court, he laid before the Duke his Friend, that Geneva and the Country of Vaux, as being un­der the protection of France, she would not fail to defend them. Charles Emanu­el did not seem to give much heed to these Discourses, and therefore the Mareschal earnestly prest the Queen and her Coun­cel, to oppose the Designs of the Duke, they saw very well the Consequences. La Nove, Son to that Brave and Religious Gentleman, who gain'd so fair a Reputa­tion in the Wars of France, and the Low Countries, had order to go to Geneva with two Thousand Foot, and the Canton of Bern, received New Assurances of the King's Protection.

The Council of France re­solves to pro­tect Geneva and the County of Vaux. Bellegarde Gentleman of the Horse was sent into Burgundy, and the Marquiss of Alincourt to Lyons, to watch the Duke of Savoy's Motions. Berrault appointed [Page 141]Ambassador extraordinary at Turin, went to represent to Charles Emanuel, that his Enterprize would have troublesom Conse­quences, and declare directly that the Re­gents Council were gathering Troops to defend a Town and Country, which the Predecessor of Lewis the XIII. had taken into the Protection of their Crown. The Duke who reckoned on the Assi­stance of the Pope and Governor of Mi­lan, did not desist for all this. The Count of Soissons sent him privately, word to be very reserved to Berrault, a Creature of Villeroy, who aimed to sur­prize and daunt the Duke.Siri Memorie recondite. Tom. II. pag. 463, 464. The Pope's Nuncio in France declared, his Master knew nothing of the Designs of Charles Emanuel; but this Italian Minister main­tained them as well as he could, and strove to prove the Justice of them to the Queen. All this gave Umbrage. This was the reason she earnestly recom­mended to the Cardinal of Joieuse to Dis­course with the Pope upon this Subject, and to Represent the Reasons which France had to oppose the Enterprize which the Duke of Savoy seemed to design.

The Duke of Savoy is for­ced to Dis­arm.The World could not comprehend the Intrigues of this Prince; perhaps he him­self did not very well know what he would have. Charles Emanuel undertakes to make a War on the Protestants; and his chief Prospect is to raise the Hugonots of France, in case he were left alone to act against Geneva. At the same time he [Page 142]proposes to the King of England, a dou­ble Marriage of the Prince of Wales with the Princess of Savoy, and of the Prince of Piemont, with a Daughter of England. It was very difficult at first, to make King James hear the Envoy from Savoy, and yet the Duke pushed the Matter so far, that the Court of Rome was alarmed at it. Paul V. took Measures to break the Treaty, which the King of England and the Duke of Savoy had no great mind to conclude. A Capucin had Or­ders to go to Turin with an Instruction from Cardinal Borghese, to divert Charles Emanuel from thinking on an Alliance with England. All that could ever be guessed of so capricious a Movement, was, that the Duke thought to create a Jealou­sie in France, and bring her by this means to finish the Treaty, or the Marriage of the Eldest Daughter of that Kingdom with the Prince of Piemont. He hoped too, the Pope would break the Treaty of the Double Marriage between France and Spain, and Assist the Prince of Piemont, to Marry the Eldest Daughter of either of those two Crowns, rather than suffer the Duke to bring a Protestant Princess to Turin.

The poor Duke spoil'd all his Affairs, by aiming too much to be crafty. His Intrigue with England did not succeed better than any of the rest. The Regent determined too on the double Marriage between France and Spain, thought no [Page 143]more on the Prince of Piemont, except for Madam Christina, second Daughter to the late King. For his designs on Ge­neva, and the Country of Vaux, these he must quit too. Mary de Medicis had act­ed her part so well with the Pope and King of Spain, that they joyned with her to compel the Duke of Savoy to lay down his Arms. La Varenne was sent from the Court of France to Turin, to conclude this Matter. Charles Emanuel still flatter­ed with some Hopes, the Regent would be his Friend, had a mind to do this with a good Grace. He thought at least to make this Advantage, that Mary de Me­dicis should take in good part, the De­ference which he feigned to have for her Majesty.

A Civil Meet­ing of the Protestants of France.The Queen was the more Solicitous, to put a stop to the Commotions in Savoy, because the Court feared the Protestants met at Saumur, might take Umbrage at it. When the Reformed of France saw there was a necessity for them to defend themselves against those who attacked them with open force, they began to form set Meetings in different Provinces of the Kingdom, to agree on Measures for their Safety, and the free Exercise of their Religion. One or more Provinces joined together, first held their Provinci­al Assembly. Out of these, they deputed a certain number of Gentlemen, of those they called Elders or Ministers, to form the General Assembly, who were to take [Page 144]Resolutions for the common Good of the whole Body. Reason and Natural Equi­ty allow of these sort of Confederacies. The Primitive Christians united, and had their Meetings for the Regulation of their Discipline, and preserving the Purity of the Gospel. After their Example, the Re­formed had their Synods to draw up their Confession of Faith, and form the Government of their Churches. These being born in a Christian State, where Subjects have Privileges and Liberties, had not only their Religion to take care of, but were under an Indispensable Obli­gation to defend their Right, as far as the Rules of Natural Equity and Christianity admit against their King, and a Faction of their Countrymen, who strove to oppress them.

The Sovereign Power ought to hinder as far as may be, all Associations and Meet­ings which may cause Disorder and Con­fusion in a State; but this must be by a due Execution of the Fundamental Laws, and maintaining those Rights and Privi­leges which Subjects cannot without In­justice be deprived of. It is reasonable to alledge, Men ought not to form a State within a State. None would think of this, if they were left peaceably to enjoy their Birthright. But for Princes to pre­tend to prevent Disorders which would never happen, if they were disposed to do Justice; and to use these plausible Maxims, to oppress with more ease those [Page 145]whom they have Sworn to protect, is a Tyranny which it is lawful to oppose. This is ever most dangerous, when it is covered with the fair Colours of the pub­lick Good.

The King of Navarre liked these Princi­ples very well, and thought them solid and conducing to the Welfare and Repose of Civil Society, whilst he was struggling to defend himself against the power of the League; but when he once saw himself Master of a fair Kingdom, he soon aban­don'd those Sentiments, which Interest more than Reason had led him to embrace. Princes never consult this Oracle; they are only entertained with Discourses of Reason, when they are not in a condition capable of understanding it. In the fol­lowing part of their Lives they are flat­tered, and Transported with Passion for their own Greatness. Whatever makes them absolute and Independent, ever seems most Just and Reasonable to them. After the Verification of the Edict of Nants, Henry did not without great diffi­culty, grant the Protestants leave to hold a General Meeting. He was afraid the Lords that resorted to it, or had their Creatures there, should attempt any thing to his prejudice.

Are not the Synods, said the King, suffi­cient to determine Matters of Discipline and Religion? As for Civil Affairs, and the keeping the Edict of Pacification, the two Deputies General which I allow the Pro­testants [Page 146]to have in my Court, can represent to me the Griefs and Complaints of the Pro­vinces. I will take care to do them Justice. This manner of Reasoning had been good, if Henry had had the Knowledge and In­tegrity not to be Surprized by the Popes Nuncio, and other crafty Men, who were ever near him, to Extort something to the Disadvantage of the Reformed. The continual Industry of their Enemies to do them Mischief, made these Meetings al­most Indispensably necessary. The King having come to an Agreement with the Protestants, that they should Nominate six capable Persons for their Agents, and that out of this Number, he should chuse two which he liked best, it was necessary they should meet for the Nomination of these Men.

Henry indeed declared, his Intention was, these Assemblies should only concern themselves in the Choice of fit Persons, to be their Deputies General. But those who resigned this Employ, being to give an Account of what they had Transacted, it was not possible for this Assembly to avoid entring upon the Discussion of some Political Matters. Henry saw this very clearly. The good King contented with, taking Precaution against the Mareschal of Bouillon, and some other Protestant Lords whom he was jealous of, granted a Permission to the Reformed, to meet and Adress their Complaints and Desires to him. The Duke of Sully his Faithful [Page 147]Minister, was a great Assistance to him on these Occasions. He strove to manage all things so, as to give the King Satis­faction, and the most moderate Prote­stants might have no reason to complain, Sully's Station was enough to Embarass any Man. To serve his Master, and content the Reformed, was no easie Matter. Turbulent Restless Spirits were continual­ly Exclaiming, and the Mareschal of Bouil­lon, all whose Motions he observed, con­ceived an Implacable Hatred against him.

The time of Villarnoul and Mirandu exercising their Office,The Prote­stants prepare to hold ano­ther general Meeting. expiring in the year 1611, these two Deputies General followed the Court in the Journey to Rheims. Here they presented a Petition, to beseech his Majesty to permit his Sub­jects of the Reformed Religion, to hold a General Meeting. This Request was too reasonable to be Rejected, especially in a time when there was a necessity to manage every thing. The Kings Letters were dispatcht away the 10th of Octo­ber, Mercure Francois 1611. 1610. He allowed the Reformed to meet at Chatelleraut the 25th of May, in the following year. From that time they prepared in earnest,Mem. du Duc de Rohan. L. 1. Relation de ce qui s'est passe a l'as­semblee de Saumur 1611. apt [...] les Mem. precedente. to present their Grie­vances to the Regent, in expectation of Redress. The Court flattered them with [...]air hopes, the Mareschals of Bouillon and Lesdiguieres, shew a zeal for the Inte­rest of their Religion. They engage Du Plessis Mornay, to draw up Memorials to be sent into the Provinces, that all might [Page 148]agree what to ask of the Regent in the pre­sent Juncture. The Resolves of the Provin­cial Assemblies were brisk enough. Bou­illon do's not conceal these, publishes them at Court, shews Copies of them to Ville­roy, values himself on this to the Ambassa­dours of England, and the Ʋnited Provin­ces, promises to do Wonders in the Assem­bly, then retires to Sedan. This was to let the Regent know, he would take effectual ways to do his Brethren Justice.

The Mareschal of Bouillon suffers himself to be won by the Court.Whether the Mareschal of Bouillon had at that time any ill Intentions, or whether he suffer'd himself after to be won by the Promises and Caresses of the Queen, and her Confidents, God knows. As for Les­diguieres, he had little sense of Christiani­ty; his Life was almost a continual Se­ries of so black Crimes, that the sacred Name may be spared. In short, he was an absolute Libertine. But what ever the secret Designs of Bouillon were, after his return from Sedan, he changed his Lan­guage. In the time of a Minority, said he, to Aersens, Ambassador from the States General, is it not the Duty of good Christians to suffer, rather than form Ca­bals and Intrigues to amend their Condition? In the first place, let us give the young King some Marks of our Loyalty and Devo­tion to his Service. God will give us the rest, when he pleases. I go in this mind to our Meeting, and I will endeavour to inspire the same Thoughts into others. I would here praise his Noble and Generous Sen­timents, [Page 149]if other Memoires than those of the Duke of Rohan did not farther inform me, that a certain Person carried a pro­mise from the Queen, to the Mareschal of Bouillon of the Government of Poitou, which she design'd to take from the Duke of Sully. Villeroy and the Marquess of Ancre, drew up Instructions for Bouillon, they put Money in his Hands to be di­stributed as he should think fit; they gave him Commission to gain several Merce­nary Souls, by New Gratifications from Mary de Medicis.

The Meeting of the Reformed is removed from Chatel­leraut to Saumur. Mercure Francois 1611. Chatelleraut being one of the Towns under the Government of the Duke of Sully, whom they intended to ruin; the Mareschal of Bouillon was of Opinion, the Meeting should not be held there. Saumur seemed to be a place more conve­nient for his designs. The Letters for this Translation were Dated at Fontainbleau, the 2d of May 1611. Before the opening of the Meeting, Bouillon had declared to Du Plessis Mornay, and some other Per­sons of Quality, that he would not be President of it. I think too, added he, this Place ought not to be given to any great Lord; This must needs create Jealousies. But the Mareschals New Engagements to the Court, made him change his Mind.Mem. du Due de Rohan. Liv. 1. Relati­on de l'as­semblee de Saumur. No sooner were they at Saumur, but he declared without farther Ceremony, that he desired to preside. This Distinction, said he, is due to the long and considerable [Page 150]Services I have done for the Reformed Churches of France.

The Dukes of Sully, Rohan, de la Tri­mouille, Soubize, Chatillon, la Force, and divers other Protestants of Quality came to Saumur. Some of these, and the great­est part of the Deputies, had a Distrust of the Mareschal. For this reason they agreed to stand by the first Motion which Bouillon himself had made, not to Elect any Great Lord for their President. Du Plessis Mornay, Governor of the Town and Castle of Saumur, justly valued for his great Knowledge, Religion and Pro­bity, carried it by a Plurality of Voices. At first he refused a Place, which expo­sed him to the Envy and ill Humour of the Mareschal his old Friend. His Oppo­sition was in vain. The Company ear­nestly intreated him, to give on this Oc­casion, New Proofs of his Zeal for main­taining the Reformation, and his usual Integrity in the most difficult Matters. Bouillon shewed visibly his Resentment, and threatned to revenge the Affront done to him. This particularly regarded the Dukes of Rohan and Sully.

The Reconcili­ation of the Mareschal of Bouillon and the Duke of Sully.Reflecting after some time, that this Transport was capable of overthrowing all his Projects, he appeared more calm. Some common Friends proposing a Re­concilement between him and the Duke of Sully, he thought Prudence required this to be done, at least in Appearance. When the Mareschal had Reproached the [Page 151]Duke, that in the late Kings time, he had drawn the Canon out of the Arsenal, to destroy the Town and Church of Se­dan. Let us forget what is past, says he, I will become your Friend and Servant. If you a [...] attacked in Sully upon account of Religion, I will as readily bring down the Canon of Sedan to defend you, as you drew out that of the Arsenal, to destroy me at Sedan. Let us agree for the benefit of our Religion. Conscience and our Common Interest require it; We cannot subsist without an Union. The Party we follow cannot procure us great Advantages, but it is capable of supporting a moderate Fortune. That which is commonly called Great­ness of Soul, is most commonly Vanity and Ostentation. The Mareschal would appear generous, by feigning to Sacrifice a private Injury to the publick Good. And perhaps he was sincere in what he did. The Sense of Religion and Probity, some­times awakes in Noble Minds; but Pas­sion in its turn rising again, stifles every thing that opposes it. Bouillon sought an Advantage from the Reformed, he gave Proofs of it in this Meeting. He disco­vered Vigour in some weighty Affairs; in others blinded by his Hatred and Ambi­tion he could not see, that by serving the Court he scattered the Seeds of fatal Di­vision amongst his Brethren.

The Protestants renew their Oath of Ʋnion.To prevent the ill effects of Differen­ces amongst them, the Protestants thought fit to renew the Oath of Union they had [Page 152]formerly taken on divers Occasions. This Oath was first used amongst them, when they had a Prince of the Blood, and the late King at their Head.Mercure Francois 1611. After he had changed his Religion, he did not shew his Dislike of his Protestant Subjects renewing their Union at Mante under his Eyes, and swearing publickly before the Catholicks of his Party, that they would die in defence of their Confession of Faith. A Just Prince should never complain of an Oath made under his Obedience. In it they protested, they would ever conti­nue Loyal to the King; But Henry being now in peaceable Possession of France, he was much offended at an Act which the King of Navarr had approved off. The Renewing this at Chatelleraut, put him in­to an ill Humour. He resented it highly, that Lesdiguieres had Signed what himself had done under preceding Kings. Sully gave him good Reasons for this proceed­ing. The Reformed would not be afraid of any thing that could happen; Sir, said he to him, if the Crown could make you Im­mortal. But the Memory of St. Bartholo­mew, will strike a Terror into them. We are not ignorant the Catholicks press you, only to give a Toleration for a Time; See then what Reasons the Protestants have to take care for Futurity. When the Reform­ed had so many just Grounds to distrust the Regent and her Council, could it seem strange they should renew their Union at Saumur, but the cry was against them [Page 153]They were ever Reproached with this Oath, in the Reign whose History I am now writing. To make a thing which was Innocent and Necessary in the Opini­on of Henry Criminal; was not this, plain­ly to declare to the poor People, their Ruine was absolutely resolved on?

The Affairs of the Duke of Sully propose [...] in the Meeling at Saumur. Boissise and Bullion Counsellors of State, and Commissioners sent by the King to the Assembly at Saumur, having brought with them hopes of the Favour of the Court, there was a serious design to draw up the Complaints and Requests of the Reformed Party. Whilst this was mana­ging by Persons appointed for that pur­pose, there arose a Debate about the Duke of Sully's Concerns. He feared the Consequences of the Threats, made him to appoint Commissioners to enquire into his past Actions, and proceed against him, if he persisted to refuse to lay down his place of Great Master of the Artille­ry, and his Government of Poitou. To bring him to do this with the better Grace, the Court offered him the choice of two sorts of Recompences, a Dignity as that of Mareschal of France, or a considerable Sum of Money. The Duke desired to keep his Places and Government, and convey both to the Marquess of Rony his Son. He could find no way besides to baffle the Potent Enemies he had at Court, but by engaging all the Hugonot Party to support him and declare loudly their cause [Page 154]was concerned in his Preservation. He took Measures to succeed in this Project, and the Mareschal was no less busie in Traversing it; reckoning the Govern­ment of Poitou his own, by Virtue of the Regents Promise, when Sully should be deprived of it.

The Duke of Sully's Re­monstrance to the Meeting. Sully made a Remonstrance to the Meeting. Under Colour of desiring their Advice, he dextrously insinuated, that his Religion was the only cause of Disgrace, and the Association Oath which he had just now taken, would expose him still farther to the Displeasure of the Court. This was at least true in part;Mercure Francois 1611. the Depu­ties were convinced it was so, and the most Disinterested amongst them, decla­red for Sully. The Consideration all Men had for the Duke of Rohan, a Lord alrea­dy very Eminent for his great Courage, his rare Probity,A Discourse between the Mareschal of Bouillon and the Duke of Rohan; con­cerning the Duke of Sully's Af­fair. his Discernment, and capa­city still encreased the Friends of Sully, whose Daughter he had Married. This was an Invincible Obstacle to Bouillon's designs and embarassed him exceedingly. He thought to surmount, this, by perswa­ding Rohan to abandon his Father-in-Law, pretending his Cause was desperate.

However Ʋpright and Careful a Man be, who has the Administration of the Finances and Artillery, says the Mareschal to the Duke of Rohan, in a Visit he made him when he was ill; It is hard for him to a­void committing some fault, which deserves to be punished, if it be enquired rigorously [Page 155]into. A Superintendent of the Finances, and a Great Master of the Artillery, are not only answerable for what they do them­selves, but for the Management of their Commissioners and Inferior Officers. If the Court should appoint Commissioners to en­quire into the Duke of Sully's Administra­tion, do you think they would not find some plausible Pretence, to take away his Pla­ces. The Assembly and the Reformed, will have no colour of Complaint, nay, though wrong be done to the Duke of Sully. The Matter will be Determined in the usual Forms of Law. For you, My Lord, you make such a Profession of exact Probity. You are so great a Lover of good Order, in a Word, you have so Loyal a French Heart, you will not be able to stir, when the Mat­ter shall be determined Judicially. The Duke of Rohan took this Complement very ill? What, replyed he with some Di­sturbance, after the Great Services the Duke of Sully has done to the late King, shall he become a Prey to those who were always doing Mischief to the State. His Conduct is unblamable, and we do not fear it should be examined. He is a Peer, and cannot be judged but by a Court of Peers. If his Enemies endeavour to bring him be­fore any other Tribunal, his Kinsmen and Friends will never endure such an Indigni­ty. Be assured, My Lord, that I will do my Duty on this Occasion, and will not leave my Father-in-Law to be trampled on.

The Steddiness of the Duke of Rohan, discomposed the Mareschal of Bouillon. The Assembly declares for the Duke of Sully. The Assembly declared for Sully. They pressed him to keep his Places, and par­ticularly that of Great Master of the Ar­tillery. But if he was inclined to accept of a Reward, they intreated him rather to accept of a Dignity, than a Sum of Money. The one suited better with the Duke of Sully's Family, and the other with the good of the Reformed Churches. In the Conclusion, the Assembly declared Sully's particular Interest, and that of the whole Protestant Party were Inseparable on this Occasion; and that they would assist him if any should Attempt to give him Trouble for his Administration, by any unlawful Methods. This Reso­lution was attacked in several Libels. One came out with the Title of the Over­seer of Charenton. This was a Satyr on the Rough and Covetous Humour of the Duke. The Author Admonishes the Re­formed, that this step of theirs in suppor­ting thus highly a private Person, was subject to the most Sinister Interpretati­ons, and they would do well to be mo­derate and reserved.

The Court re­solves to break up the Meeting at Saumur, with all speed.The Court Resented it, that the Re­formed should use such high Language in their Assembly. The Duke of Rohan made a Speech full of Vigour, Courage, and Piety. He was heard with Pleasure, and every Man discovered more Con­stancy than before. That which Rohan [Page 157]then delivered as a Maxim of State, is since become a Prophecy,V. le Discours du Duc de Rohan a Saumur apres ses Memoires in 4. and we see the Accomplishing of it in our Times. Rules of State, says that Lord, change with the Times. No certain Maxims can be laid down. That which is profitable to one King, is prejudicial to another: If when­ever the King of France becomes a Prose­cutor of our Religion, he loses the Protection of it all over Christendom: He enriches some Neighbour with that Title: He does not encrease his Interest in the Church of Rome, he entirely ruins his Kingdom. The Regents Council being devoted to the Court of Rome, was very far from fol­lowing Counsels so safe and conducing to the Wellfare of France. The Consequen­ces of the Union, and good Correspon­dence of the Hugonots, scared the Court. This was enough to break the Double Marriage, which the Queen Negotia­ted. It was resolved therefore to divide the Party, and break up the Assembly, and to do this in such a manner, that they should have no reason to complain of any but themselves.

After some time treating with the Com­missioners of the King about the Paper, Boissise and Bullion declared, they had no Orders to give an Answer, and it was requisite for the Assembly to depute some Persons to the Court, to carry their Com­plaints and Requests. This is done. The Deputies are well received by the Mini­sters. They are amused with fair words; [Page 158]But how were they surprized, when in stead of giving them the Paper with a fa­vourable Answer,V. la Relation de l'assem­blee de Sau­mur apres les Memoires de Rohan in 40. as they were made to hope, the Chancellor declared, this should not be done before the Nomination of six Persons, two of which the King would chuse for Deputies General of the Re­formed Churches. This was in plain French, to tell them the Court would not give them any Answer to the Paper they presented, till after the Dissolution of their Meeting. This could not hold longer than till the Nomination was made, the King having only allowed of it for this purpose. It was in vain to insist, and make very humble Remonstrances. The King never treats with his Subjects, repli­ed the Ministers, He grants what Favours he thinks fit. Proceed to your Nomination. The Paper is answered as favourably as you can wish. Bullion protested this at Sau­mur, with a Curse on his Eternal Dam­nation.

A Division in the Assem­bly at Sau­mur. The Question is only about a Formality, said some Mercenary Slaves of the Court. The King will not deliver to us the favoura­ble Answers which he intends to give us. This is but decent, to shew it is his favour which he voluntarily grants, and not Arti­cles extorted by a long Treaty. It concerns us to obtain what we desire, but in what manner this is indifferent. Those who had most Knowlege and Integrity, were not dazled with this. They saw that if the Assembly were once broke up, they [Page 159]must be content with what Terms the Re­gent would please, and the Remonstran­ces of the two Deputy Generals, would be too weak to oblige the Court to take notice of them. But the Mareschal of Bouillon had gained a very considerable Party. La Varenne, Valet de Chambre of the King sent by the Court, a Man of great Address and Management, went from Door to Door to distribute, or promise Gratifications to those who would pur­chase them.

When the Mareschal of Bouillon thought the Party well enough united, he drew up himself the form of a Letter, which the Regent should write to the Meeting, and sent it privately to Court. The te­nour of this, was to require the Assembly to proceed incessantly to the Nomination of six Persons, to receive the Answers given to their Paper, and then to break up. Those who refused to obey this Order, were declared Rebels; and the lesser Number which were won over by the Mareschal of Bouillon, was Authorised to Name six Persons to the King. The Regent sent the Letter as Bouillon had contrived: This was Communicated in the first place to divers Persons, to sound their Inclinations. Most were of Opini­on they should withdraw, and not hear it read. But Du Plessis Mornay, and the Wisest part, thought the Party made by the Mareschal and the Court, should pay a blind Obedience, and the rest refuse to [Page 160]do it; that such a Separation would cause a fatal Division in the Reformed Church­es. For this reason, they strove to per­swade the most Warm and Zealous to use Prudence and Management on this Oc­casion.

The Wisdom of Du Plessis Mornay, upon this Occasion. We know well enough the Author of this Pernicious Advice, said the Wise Du Ples­sis. Without him our Enemies would not have dared to have attempted a thing of this Consequence. Let us not flatter our selves. He who has began to snare, is not of a Humour to leave it unfinished. He will have the Honour to have Ac­complished that which the Persecuti­ons, Civil Wars, and the Bloody St. Bar­tholomew could not do. Our Ʋnion will be broke, our Churches divided by an unhappy Schism. Let God judge between him who has given this Advice, and us, and make him to see his Fault. Gentlemen, the Judgment of Solomon is before you. Let us shew that we are the true Mother. The Bowels of Jesus Christ are torn in a more cruel Manner, because some among us will not see it. These Men are not con­cerned, to teach us what Obedience is due to the King; we know one another well enough. Whatever happens, let us make our Nomination as the Queen Commands. Our Churches will pardon us for not follow­ing their Instructions, when they see into what danger the ill Advice of some Men has thrown us. The Schism is ready to be formed; This is enough for our Justification. [Page 161]This Discourse full of Religion and Wis­dom, calmed their exasperated Minds. They resolved to hear the Queens Letter read, and obey her Majesty.

The Conclusion of the Meeting at Saumur. Bullion goes the next day in the Morn­ing to the Meeting, presents the Regents Letter, and demands the Kings Orders to be executed. They shall be so replied, Du Plessis Mornay, since we have the Misfortune not to have our Remonstrances heard; but we hope their Majesties will have regard to our Submission, and those Just Re­quests we have made. Do not take it ill, Sir, said he, turning to the Commissioners if I frankly tell you those who have sowed Division amongst us, have not done his Ma­jesty good Service. It was our Ʋnion which setled the late King upon the Throne of his Ancestors; he knew so well the profit of it, that it was renewed and sworn to in his Presence, and in the midst of his Court at Mante. Heaven grant a peaceable Mino­rity to the King, and a happy Regence to the Queen. The more the Reformed are united amongst themselves, the more they will be in a condition to serve their Prince usefully. Three or four of the Court Fa­ction, would have stood up at the Insti­gation of the Commissary, and have made a noise, but the Prudence of the Presi­dent, and the Remonstrances of the rest stopt them.

The fifth of September, the Assembly named the six Persons, out of whom the Court might chuse two for Deputies Ge­neral [Page 162]of the Reformed Churches of France. After this, the Answer made to the Paper of Complaints and Requests was read. What the Court granted was so inconsiderable, that the Persons who declared on that side were filled with Con­fusion and Rage, We'll sooner burst, cry'd one, than stop here. The time of consi­dering was over; The Assembly was broke by the same Writ that permitted them to sit. Let us break up, says Du Plessis. Let every Man leave his Animosi­ties here. It would be an Addition to our Misfortune, to carry these along with us into our Countries. Every one has fail'd, every one has done well. Let us endeavour to ob­tain by a Respectful Silence, and a Christi­an Patience, what we could not gain by our Petitions and Remonstrances.

This was the end of one of the most Famous Protestant Meetings, after three Months Sitting. It was composed of the most Eminent Men for their Birth, Abi­lity, and Experience in Business. They would have been more Successful in their Labours, for the benefit of their Church­es, if they had not furnished the Court with means to make an Advantage of Divisions, by the Ambition and Cove­tousness of some particular Members. This Assembly had given the Regent some Disquiet, and alarmed divers Towns, who imagined the Reformed would now be more potent than ever. When it was found they were broke up without gain­ing [Page 163]any advantage, their Enemies insulted them on all sides, and divers Libels against them were published. In one of these the Anonymous Author, divides the Meeters into three Classes, the Malicious, the Zea­lous, and the Judicious. Under the Name of Malicious, were designed the Duke of Rohan, and the rest who were of Opini­on, they should shew their Resolution to obtain a favourable Answer. These Men said they, only seek to Embroil the Nati­on, and kindle a Civil War. As for the Zealous, they painted these as People whose love to their Religion, made them Suspicious and Diffident. Their ignorant Zeal, said they, their Prepossession, that all endeavours are used to distress them, made these comply with the former. In the last place, the Judicious were the Mares­chal of Bouillon, and those of his Party. Their Obedience and Moderation was praised. A Civil War was in their Opi­nion, the worst of Evils. They would suffer any thing, rather than put the Na­tion into a Flame.

A Book of Du Plessis Mornay a­gainst the Papacy.A New Book of Du Plessis Mornay, enraged the Roman Catholicks strangely. The Title of it was, The Mystery of Ini­quity, or, The History of the Papacy. The Design of the Author was to shew against the Cardinals Baronius and Bellarmine, by what degrees the Monarchy of the Pope was formed, and the several Oppositions which Honest Men made, to the Esta­blishing a Power so contrary to the Spirit [Page 164]of the Gospel. There was nothing very extraordinary in this, the Roman Catho­licks were accustomed to this Contro­versy. It had been handled in an In­finity of Books; the Cut in the Front of this Book, gave greater Offence to them, than all the rest. Paul the V. was repre­sented in it, with the Flattering and Im­pious Inscriptions made for him on the other side of the Mountains. Some Per­sons applied to him, what the Holy Ghost says of Jesus Christ himself, gave him the Title of the most Invincible Monarch of the Christian Common-wealth, the most Ardent Defender of the Papal Omnipo­tence; in short, Vice God. This was a word newly invented to his Honour. Since Men who make a Profession of the Gospel, have pushed Flattery to such an Extravagance, can we admire that Pagans should place their Princes in the number of the Gods, whom they adored?

Du Plessis made him ridiculous by a plea­sant and lucky Remark. By adding the value of the Numeral Letters of the Latin words, which signifie Paul V. Vice God, he found the number 666. which makes the Mysterious number of the Beast spoke of in St. John's Revelation. The Reform­ed applauded this Discovery, and their People being now perswaded that Paul V. was truly the Son of Perdition, whom the Lord Jesus would destroy, by the Breath of his Mouth, and the Glory of his Coming, they flattered themselves they should [Page 165]soon see the Fall of Babylon. Du Plessis himself was so well pleased at the Suc­cess,Vie du M. du Plessis L. III. that his Friends writing to him, that his New Book was a great prejudice to his Fortune, and that Villeroy, and some other Ministers were cold to him, where­as before they intended to have given him some considerable Employ. He com­forted himself without much difficulty on this Cross, and shew'd, he contemned the Threats, which his Enemies exasperated against him, made him on all sides.

The more enlightn'd Persons in the Church of Rome, did only laugh at the Fancy of the Author. This Sportive Wit seemed very seasonable to them, to put to Confusion a Priest who being come to be Bishop of Rome, was pleased to see him­self flatter'd in such an Impious manner. But the Monks and Bigots made a great Noise. The Popes Nuncio was in a ter­rible Heat, and Paul himself sent Briefs to complain of the Outrage done him. The Regent was not less alarmed than the rest. She could not endure to hear it said, the Pope was Antichrist. Besides the Reasons common to all of her Religion, to oppose a Dogm which make them pass for Worshippers of the Beast, Mary de Me­dicis had a particular one. The Validity of her Marriage with Henry, was groun­ded on the Authority of the Pope, who declared his former with Margaret of France, null, and the Regent imagined all who looked on the Pope as Antichrist, [Page 166]could not look upon her as the lawful Wife of Henry the IV. This made her desire to see de Mornay's Book blasted, at least in appearance.

Du Plessis Mornays Book is censured by the faculty of Paris.It is carried to the Sorbonne, the first of August, 1611. The Dean and Do­ctors of the Faculty of Paris, having said a Solemn Mass of the Holy Ghost, met to appoint Doctors to examine the Work. They make the Report the 19th of the same Month, and Condemn the Book, as filled with an Infinity of Blasphemies, Mercure Francois, 1611. and Execrable Impieties against the Catho­lick Faith and Religion, and against the Apostolick See. These big Words only serve to dazle the Simple. They would have the World believe, the Catholick Faith and Religion are inseparable from the Pontifical Authority. Every Doctor, every Magistrate, every Courtier, may believe what he pleases. But Policy do's not allow People to be drawn out of their Ignorance and Superstition. The Cen­sure of the Faculty was made according to the Report of the Doctors, who were deputed to censure it. The Book was detested and condemned as Heretical stuff'd with Furious Zeal, exceeding Sediti­ous, contrary to the Divine, Natural and Canon Law, in short, whatever those good Gentlemen pleased.

Reflections on their Censure.Could they have declared themselves with more Vehemence against the Impi­ous Dogms of Paul of Samosata, Arius or Photinus? To ask these Wise Masters [Page 167] [...]f the Sorbonne, what reason they had [...]o thunder thus on an Author, who de­ [...]ies the Monarchy of the Pope, to be of Di­ [...]ine Institution, would be an useless loss [...]f Time. The Doctors set up for little [...]opes. They thunder, but do not instruct. [...]o they think the Papacy founded on Na­ [...]ural Right? The greatest part of Man­ [...]ind hitherto have not discovered this. [...]trange Blindness indeed! For the Di­ [...]ine Law, they shew us one or two Pas­ [...]ages in the Gospel. The Roman Catho­ [...]cks Disagree about the true sense of these [...]laces, the Gravest Christian Writers did [...]ot see the Primacy of the Pope in them, [...]efore there were any Protestants in the [...]orld. If by the Canon Law the Mo­ [...]ern Decretals are to be understood, we [...]ill submit to Condemnation. But if the [...]ue Canon Law of France be as we are [...]ften told, the ancient Code of Canons, [...]ade or received in the first General [...]ouncils, the Judicious and Disinterested [...]octors of Paris, will find nothing less [...]an the Primacy and Monarchy of the [...]ope there.

It was the Name of Antichrist, which [...]d most disturb the Roman Catholicks. The Pope do's not care to be the Beast, [...]nd those of his Communion will not be [...]is Worshippers. But in short, if it be [...]ue, and it is not commonly denyed in [...]rance, that the Dominion usurped by the [...]opes, is contrary to the Spirit of Jesus [...]hrist, and the Institution of the Apostles, [Page 168]it cannot be denyed that the Pope is An­techrist in this Sense, and that his Mo­narchy is Antechristian. If it be true, as it seems to be, that to rise and oppose what is called God, or what Men adore, be to put a Mans self above those to whom the Lord of all things has said; Ye are Gods, and the Sons of the most High, and to assume Honours which are due to him alone, is it not evident then that the Pope is, or at least resembles very much the Son of Perdition, and the Man of Sin, foretold by St. Paul? As for the Prophecies of St. John the Protestants, are not the first who have applied them to the Pope. There is no need of seeking ways round about, to find Characters very much re­sembling those we see in him. The Com­parison between the Pagans and Christians in these latter times, seems so just, that it is difficult to determine which of the In­terpreters are in the Right, who Explain the Prophecies of the Revelations, of one and the other Rome.

One Ferrier thought to distinguish him­self in the beginning of this Age, by maintaining a publick Thesis at Nismes, where he was Professor of Divinity, that the Pope is Antichrist. The Parlement of Toulouse proceeded against him, but he declined their Jurisdiction, and removed the Affair to the Chamber of the Edict at Castres. Some little time after, the Pro­testants made a New Article of Faith in their National Synod of Gap in Dauphine, [Page 169]in which they declared, that they believed and would maintain; That the Bishop of Rome is properly Antichrist, and the Son Perdition foretold in the Word of God. This New Article was to be the XXXI of the Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches in France. Henry IV. took it ill, than in his Reign they should devise a thing they had never once thought of, when the Disputes were hottest in the times of his Predecessors.

Whether it were that he feared for his own part the Consequences, with regard to his second Marriage, or that he was dis­pleased the Reformed should Reproach him, with leaving the true Religion to become a Worshipper of the Beast; Hen­ry commanded absolutely, this New Arti­cle should be left out. The more Wise and Moderate of the Protestants, disa­vowed what was done at Gap; or at least thought the Synod wanted Prudence and Moderation. The Question of Antichrist was again brought upon the Board, at the Synods of Rochell and St. Maixant. But Hen­ry the IV. constantly opposed the making of an Article of Faith, which did not seem ve­ry necessary to Salvation. Viguier having published a Book with the Title of the Theater of Antichrist, the Jesuit Gontier, a famous Converter of these Times▪ preach­ed against it in a Violent and Seditious manner. The King forbid the publishing of the Book, and imposed Silence on this Outragious Controvertist. Du Plessis Mor­nay's [Page 170]Book, coming out immediately af­ter these Disputes, which were not yet entirely stifled, it is not to be wonder'd that it made such a mighty Uproar. If it be owned, this Gentleman who was very able and judicious in all other things, failed in his usual Consideration and Conduct here; the censure of the Sorbonne is no less extravagant and ridiculous.

Troubles of Aix la Chr­pelle. Mary de Medicis began to take that Method, which has since been so constant­ly followed in the Reign of her Son▪ and is still in our Times. She applied her self to divide the Protestants of France, and weaken them; but did not refuse her good Offices, and the young King's Pro­tection to those of Geneva and Germany. The Marquess de la Vieuville, du Brueil President of Mets, and Villers Hotman, were sent of her part to Aix la Chappelle towards the end of September, to endea­vour to appease the Troubles raised a lit­tle before in that City. The occasion of these was thus. In the year 1598. the Protestant Inhabitants of Aix la Chappelle, Mercure Francois 1611. having drove out the Roman Catholick Ma­gistrates, the City was put under the In­terdict of the Empire. The Elector of Cologne had a Commission to see the Em­peror's Orders put in Execution, and Ac­complished it by the Aid of the Elector of Triers, and the Duke of Cleves. So the Catholick Magistrates were restored, and the Protestant Ministers in their turn, drove out of the City. The Protestants [Page 171]shewing great uneasiness to be thus depri­ved of the Exercise of their Religion, the Catholicks to strengthen their Interest, put themselves under the Protection of Albert, Arch-Duke of the Low Countries. The Revolution which hapned after in the Dutchies of Cleves and Juliers, which Countries fell into the Hands of two Pro­testant Princes, gave some Consolation to those of Aix la Chapelle, who were of the same Religion. They went two Leagues off into a Village in the Country to pray to God, and hear his Word. This displeas­ed the Roman Catholicks. The Magistrates forbid the Protestants to go into that Vil­lage upon pain of Imprisonment, and pay­ing a great Fine. They added to this a Clause, that all who should not be able to pay the Fine, should be banished out of the City.

Some by Vertue of this New Law, suf­fered Imprisonment, and after were con­demned to perpetual Banishment. Their Friends and Neighbours moved with Compassion in taking their leaves of them, went in a considerable Number to the Magistrates, when they were met to present a Petition in favour of those poor Wretches. They alledged, that the Sen­tence against them was contrary to the Privileges of the Inhabitants, and requi­red the Rigour of it to be abated. The Magistrates very far from considering this, Ordered every one to return immediately to their Respective Houses. Those who [Page 172]were thus remanded, began to exclaim against the Hardships of the Magistrates, and the Jesuits whom they lookt on as Au­thors of these violent Counsels. It is now twelve years that we have groaned under this Oppression, said some of them; have we not had Patience long enough? Shall we ne­ver think of Revenging three hundred Fa­milies of our fellow Citizens, driven out of their Country in less than eight days time? The love of Liberty is common to Men and Brutes. But it is the Advantage of Men to have Courage and Industry to defend it, and recover it when it is lost, Our Ancestors have ever preferred Death to Slavery. Let us follow the Examples which they have giv­en us. It is sweeter to die, than endure Ba­nishment. If God bless our just Efforts, for the Preservation of our Estates and Li­berties, We shall obtain the free Exercise of our Religion into the Bargain.

Fired with this warm Speech, several run presently to Arms, and others joyn with them. They sieze the Town-House, oblige the Burgomaster to let out those who were unjustly kept in Prison, sieze the Keys of the Gates, and put up the Chains in all parts of the City. The Pro­testants being Masters of the Town, chose Captains, setled a New City Council, and took all ways they could think of, to prevent Trouble and Confusion. Being persuaded it would be hard to keep peace in the City, as long as any Jesuits remained in it, the New Council sent [Page 173]Men to secure the good Fathers, and se­cure their College. The Consternation they were in, not giving them leave to In­trigue, they withdrew to their Church, to implore the Assistance of God, and their Great Patron Ignatius Loyola, whom the Pope had newly Canonized. When Bigots have rashly brought themselves into danger by their Cabals and Indiscreet Zeal, they have a vain confidence that God will work Miracles to bring them out. The Jesuits were carried to the Town-House, and put under a strong Guard, without having any harm done them. The Superior of their professed House at Paris, was then at Aix la Cha­pelle to drink the Waters. He was treat­ed with all imaginable Respect, as soon as he discovered himself. The Towns­men shewed they did this in consideration of the King of France, and the Queen his Mother.

The Wise and Moderate Catholicks disapproved the Severity of the Magi­strates to the Protestants; several of them would not quit their Places in the City, or the Pretensions they had to them, but seeing in the Conclusion they were the weakest, they had Recourse to Arch-Duke Albert. The Protestants of their side, begged the Assistance of the Prince of Brandenburgh and Newburgh, Masters of the Neighbouring Countries of Cleves and Juliers. Count Solms Governor there for the Princes coming to Aix la Chapelle with [Page 174]a good number of Horse, the Protestants remained absolute in the City. And now they publish a Manifesto, setting forth the Reasons they had to change the Form of their small Commonwealth for a time. In this they offered to agree to these Con­ditions; that those of the Confession of Ausburg, and the Reformed should have free Exercise of their Religon; that a certain Number of Protestants should be admitted to the Magistracy, with a Pro­vision in the last place, that the Jesuits should be expelled the place.

The Regent of France inter­poses to calm the Troubles at Aix la Chapelle.The Arch-Duke Albert, and the Elector of Cologne, had sent Persons on their part to labour for an Accommodation. But the Threats of the Persons cut by Arch-Duke Albert, having Exasperated the Minds of the People, their Mediation was not accepted. The Marquess de la Vieuville and his Collegues, were heard more favourably. After a Wise Remon­strance, they made the Protestants agree to a conditional Treaty, without preju­dice to the Emperor's Power, or what he should order hereafter. The Protestants agreed to wait for his Imperial Majesty's Decision of their Differences with the Ca­tholicks, and that all things in the mean time, without excepting the College of Jesuits, should be Reestablished in the same condition they were, with a Provision that the Protestants should have the free Exercise of their Religion in some conve­nient Place, without the Walls of the an­cient [Page 175]City of Charlemagne. But the Ca­tholick Magistrates refused to Sign the Treaty, upon a pretence that the Empe­por had Commissioned Archduke Albert and the Elector of Cologne, to pacifie the Troubles in such manner as they should think fit.

In vain did Vieuville and his Collegues, make a second Remonstrance to the Ca­tholick Magistrates, to encline them to Peace. They obstinately refused it, and the Jesuits retired into the Catholick Low Countries. And now the Envoys of France caused New Magistrates to be Elected, with the consent of the Protestants. The Ambassador of the Arch-Dukes of the Low Countries at Paris, made an Instance to the Regent, to Annul the Regulations made by the Marquess de la Veuville, and his Collegues. But the Regent being in­formed of the truth of Things, declared to the Envoys of the Princes of Branden­burgh and Neuburgh, and those of Aix la Chapelle, that her Son would not suffer any thing to be done to the prejudice of their Masters.

The Meeting of some Prote­stant Princes of Germany, about the Af­fairs of Cleves and Juliers.They were afraid in Germany, that the Litigious Succession of Cleves and Juliers, would cause a Division among the Prote­stant Princes. The Elector of Branden­burgh and the Duke of Neuburgh had their Pretensions; the Elector of Saxony too was resolved to maintain the Rights of his Fa­mily. The difference of these three great Protestant Houses, was like to give great [Page 176]Advantages to the Roman Catholicks. Di­vers Princes met in May at Introbock near Leipsic in Saxony; to Advise about Means to prevent this unfortunate Clashing, and bring the Pretenders to an Agreement. The Electors of Saxony and Brandenburgh, Mercure Francois 1611. divers Princes of the two Houses, and of that of Hesse, and some other agreed, that the Matter should be decided by the Emperor, the Countries of Cleves and Juliers, should be jointly Possessed and Admin [...]stred by the Elector and Princes of Saxony, together with the Princes of Bran­denburgh and Neuburgh, on condition that the Saxons should advance a certain Sum of Money to the two Princes which were in Possession. The Protestants were glad of this Means, to Reconcile the two E­lectoral Houses. But the Prince of Neu­burgh having refused to consent to it, notwithstanding the whole Assembly of Princes in the Protestant League at Rot­temburg in Bavaria, intreated him earnest­ly to comply; this Treaty of Introbock had no effect.

The Princes of the Protestant League meet at Rottem­burgh in Ba­varia.The several Persecutions which the Reformed suffered in Bavaria, at Bam­bergh, Wirtsburgh, Cologne, Worms, and elsewhere, gave occasion to this Meeting of the Princes of the Protestant League at Rottemburgh. They were glad they still had the liberty to Regulate some com­mon Matters, and take Measures to pre­serve and strengthen their Union. The Emperor sent two Persons of his Part to [Page 177]the Assembly. Complaints were made to these Men,Mercure Francois 1611. of the new Execution of di­vers things, which his Imperial Majesty had promised to the Protestants, and of the Persecutions which those of the Reli­gion suffered in several places. The Em­perors Deputies excused this, as well as they could. His Imperial Majesty, said they, will keep peace among the Subjects of his Hereditary Countries, without any Di­stinction of Religion. But having no Power to Control the Archbishop of Cologne, nor the Bishop of Wirtsburg, and Bambergh, he cannot be Responsible for what those Pre­lates do. The Electors must meet in a lit­tle time at Nuremberg, to debate there of the General Affairs of the Empire. The Emperor desires to act, so as to give every one Satisfaction. The Protestant Princes being accustomed to these sort of Delays, replied in high Terms, if the Emperor de­ferred any longer to keep his Word, they would make such Provision as the State of Affairs should require.

Matthias King of Hungary, who hoped to procure himself to be chosen King of the Romans, sent the Baron de Polheim to Rottembergh, to manage the Princes of the Protestant League. It concerned him not to have them Traverse him in his De­signs. Polheim thanked the Princes for the Affection they shew'd to his Master, assu­red them of the Friendship of Matthias, and communicated to them the Agree­ment made between the Emperor and his [Page 178]Brother. After the Complements which Princes Reciprocally make each other on the like occasions, the Protestants prayed the King of Hungary to forbear all sorts of Violence, to preserve a Respect for the Emperor his Brother, and prevent the Foreigners of his Council, from taking Measures which might disturb the Repose of Germany. The Republick of Venice, the Swiss Cantons, and the Seignoury of Geneva, had likewise sent to the Meeting of the Protestant Princes. The Venetians were upon their Guard against the House of Austria, and especially against the King of Spain, and Ferdinand Archduke of Gratz. The Swisses and the People of Geneva, feared the Enterprizes of the Duke of Savoy. This made them seek the Goodwill of all the Protestant Princes of Germany. A like Assistance was pro­mised to the Seignory of Geneva, and a very civil, obliging Answer was given to the Republick of Venice, and the Swiss Cantons.

The Affair of Aix la Chapelle was brought under debate; The Princes resol­ved to defend the Protestant Citizens if there were occasion for it, but they prest them to live peaceably with the Catho­licks. They undertook to intercede with the Magistrates of Cologne, to admit the Protestants to go without Scandal or Fear of being Disturbed, into the Countries of the Neighbouring Princes, to pray to God with those of their Religion. But if the [Page 179]Magistrates refused to comply with this Request, they were exhorted to suffer pa­tiently, and to avoid committing any Vi­olence. Besides this, they writ to the Bi­shop of Bamberg and Worms, to pray the first not to disturb his Protestant Subjects, and the latter not to introduce the Jesu­its, and to send away those he had admit­ted. I take pleasure in relating these particulars. It shews the Wisdom and Moderation of the Protestant Princes of Germany. They did not take Arms for Religion, till the last Extremity. These Princes farther sent into France, England, and the Ʋnited Provinces to renew the Alliances, and thank the two Kings and the States-General, for the Aid they gave in the War of Cleves and Juliers. In the Conclusion, several Counties and Towns of the Empire upon their desire, were ad­mitted into the League, and the Affairs of greatest consequence, were remitted to the Judgment of the Electoral Diet ap­pointed at Nuremberg.

Christian the Second, Elector of Saxony, The Elector of Saxony's Death. died of an Apoplexy before. John George his Brother succeeded him. Excess of Drinking is a common fault among the German Princes. It is surprizing the un­fortunate and untimely Death of so many of their Kinsmen, as are daily killed by the excess of Wine, should not divert them from a Vice so unbecoming Persons of their Rank, and so contrary to Chri­stianity. Christians ever rewarded the [Page 180]greatest Drinkers best. His Successor was forced to be at a greater charge to redeem the Castles and Lordships which he had lavishly given to the Companions of his Debauches.Mercure Francois 1611. There is a Report that the Princess his Mother sent a Mini­ster to him, to exhort him to leave off that Vice. The Elector placed him at his Table; and knowing he loved Money, promised him a great Golden Cup, if he would drink it off at a certain number of times. The Minister accepted the Condi­tion, but was drunk before he finished it. The Elector caused him to be set in a Chair, and ordered the drunken Preacher to be carried back to the Princess. The next time Madam, he bid them tell her, Make a better choice of your Men. If you would have me profit by your Advices, send such Men as are more proof against the Temptation, than I am. Princes often would want place in History, if it was not necessary now and then to divert the Reader, and paint the Folly of Vice.

The Electoral Diet at Nu­tembergh. John George the New Elector of Saxo­ny, came to Nurembergh with his Col­legues, about the beginning of October, The first Affair treated of there, was the Contest between the Dukes of Deux-Ponts and Neuburgh, about the Admini­stration of the Electorate, during the Mi­nority of the young Count Palatine of the Rhine. Mercure Francois 16 [...], & 1611. This was to continue till he was arrived at 18 years of Age, according to the Golden Bull. Frederick VI. Elector [Page 181] Palatine, deceased the preceding year, had given by his Will the Guardianship of his Children, and the Administration of the Electorate to John Duke of Deux-Ponts. He was received at Heidelbergh in this Quality, notwithstanding the Op­position of Philip Lewis Duke of Neuburgh, who pretended to the Administration, as being the nearest Kinsman, as is appoint­ed in the Golden Bull of the Emperor Charles IV. The Counsellors of the Pala­tinate liked the Duke of Deux-Ponts best, because he was of the Established Religi­on of their Country, whereas Neuburgh was of the Ausburgh Confession. They grounded this Preference on the Exam­ples of several Electors Palatine, who appointed Guardians to their Children, and Administrators of the Electorate, to the prejudice of their nearest Kinsmen. The Affair was remitted to the Emperor. Till a full Decision of the Guardianship and Administration were adjudged with a pro­vision to the Duke of Deux-Ponts. The Electoral Diet of Nurembergh, did not any more give a Defensive Judgment. It was concluded here, that the Duke of Deux-Ponts, should keep the Place of Count Palatine, without prejudice to the Duke of Newburgh's Title.

In the beginning of November, the E­lectors sent a Deputation to the Emperor,The Electors Demands of the Emperor. to represent to him the things which they thought proper to desire from him. These were, that Justice should be Reestablished; [Page 182]That he should chuse more Faithful Coun­sellors; That he should Summon a Ge­neral Diet; That the Electors having no design to chuse a King of the Romans, without the consent of his Imperial Ma­jesty, or to remove the Empire from the House of Austria; Rodolphus would Name his Successor. The Electors assured him at the same time, they did not approve of the Attempts of his Brother Matthias. In the close, they Admonished him that the ill Administration of the Empire pro­ceeded from his Majesty's not following the example of his Predecessors, who used to consult with the Electors.

The Answer of the Empe­ror Rodol­phus. Rodolphus only gave a General Answer. I know, says he, the Empire do's want a King of the Romans. The Electors have spoke to me of chusing one, and I design to Nominate one, who is fit to fill the Place. I should have done this sooner, if the Trou­bles in Bohemia had not entirely taken me up. But before I declare my self, I shall be glad to see a General Diet, and I will be present there. The Electors should take care that I may speak freely there, what I think to be for the good of the Empire. The Electors having received the Emperor's Answer, broke up the 12th of November, after they had resolved to hold a Diet at Francfort in the Month of April, the next year for the Election of a King of the Romans.

Europe was then in Mourning for the Death of Margaret of Austria, The Death of the Queen of Spain. Wife to Philip the III. King of Spain. She left be­hind her four Sons and two Daughters. Philip, Charles, Ferdinand, Alphonso and Ann, whom we shall soon see Queen of France and Margaret. There was a So­lemn Service for the Queen of Spain in the Cathedral Church of Paris. The Princes of Conde, Conti, and the Duke of Guise, performed the Honours, and the Archbishop of Ambrun spoke the Funeral Oration.

The Death of the Duke and Dutchess of Mayenne.The House of Guise had not long be­fore lamented the Death of the Duke of Mayenne, the Famous Head of the Holy League in France. He died at Soissons the beginning of October. The Duke of Aigu­illon his Son Succeeded him, and took the Name of the Duke of Mayenne. The Father had gained a mighty Reputation in War; but his Remissness made him lose many fair opportunities of encreasing it. His Revolt against King Henry the III. was pardonable for the desire he had to Revenge the Death of his two Brothers, if it were lawful, I will not say for a Christian, but for any Man whatever, to kindle a Civil War to Revenge a private Injury. His Opposition of Henry the IV. was not wholly the effect of his Zeal for the Old Religion. The Duke of May­enne was more moderate against this Prince, after he left the Communion of the Re­formed, than before. The ill Humour [Page 184]which the Miscarrying of the League had put him into, made him take in Despair, a Resolution to retire into Spain. But the Clemency, or rather the Policy of Henry, stopt him. The King proposed very Advantagious Conditions to him. The Duke had in some manner deferved well from him, though he strove to ex­clude him from the Crown. Whilst the League was active, Mayenne always op­posed the design of Philip, to procure a Prince of his House to be chosen. Far­ther, he kept the Duke of Guise his Ne­phew steddy, who was dazled with the deceitful promises of the Spaniards. When they proposed to the Duke of Mayenne to follow the Example of Hugh Capet, who reserved the Sovereignty for himself, per­mitting the Governors of Provinces and considerable Towns, to make themselves Dukes and Counts Vassals of the Crown. I would sooner die, replied he generously, than make an Advantage of the Misfortunes of my Country. Henrietta of Savoy his Wife died of Regret a few days after him, and both had the same Funeral Solemnity at Soissons.

The Dutchess of Lorrain, and the Car­dinal de Gon­zaga came to the Court of France.The Court was at Fontainblean, when they heard of the Death of the Duke and Dutchess of Mayenne. The Cardi­nal of Gonzaga, and the Dutchess of Lorrain his Sister, were come thither to pay a Visit to Mary de Medicis their Aunt. They had great Honours done them, and were regaled with all the Diversions [Page 185]which the place afforded. It is reported, the Dutchess of Lorrain came to mention the Match which the late King had pro­posed himself, of his Eldest Son with the Princess of Lorrain. This was the best thing the Regent could do for the young King's advantage.Siri Mem. recon­dite, To. II. p. 577, 578. This Alliance would have brought him the Dutchies of Bar and Lorrain. But the Imprudent Queen managed by the Pensioners of Spain, had contracted so strict an Engagement with the Court of Madrid, that nothing could divert her from the double Marriage which the Pope and Great Duke of Tus­cany carried on with all their Power. The Ambassador of Spain observing strictly all the steps of the Dutchess of Lorrain, talked in big Language. That the King of France could not have two Wives, that his Match with the Infanta was conclu­ded, and that Philip would not suffer him­self to be mocked, without punishing the Authors. If Mary de Medicis had con­temned the Threats of the Spaniards, what harm would have ensued? All true French­men, and especially the Protestants, ex­claimed against this double Match. Eng­land and the Ʋnited Provinces, traversed it with great Application. Aersens Am­bassador from the States General, under­hand excited the Hugenot Party to oppose a Treary which must be prejudicial to all the Protestants in Europe. The Dis­courses of the Spanish Ambassador, were only vain Romances. His weak Master [Page 186]who was over-strained to support his House in Germany, was he in a condition to awe France, who was in a good Union at that time with its Neighbours. But the Regent neither understood her own, nor her Sons true Interest.

The Count of Soissons dis­contented, con­tracts new Ties with the Prince of Conde.Her Ministers jealous that the Count of Soissons their Enemy, would unite him­self with the Marquess of Ancre, took care to push on their Mistress to remove a Prince, who aimed to drive them from Court. The first occasion of Discontent which the Regent gave him, was the re­fusal of a thing she had made him hope for some Months before: The Dutchy of Alenson was engaged to the Duke of Wirtembergh. Soissons who had received Money from the Duke of Savoy, for the Goods and Estate which the Countess his Wife had in Piemont, had a mind to em­ploy it in acquiring that Dutchy, by re­imbursing with his Money, what the Crown owed to the Duke of Wirtem­bergh. In order to this, it was necessary first to obtain the King's consent.Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis. Mary de Medicis prepossessed by her Ministers, refused this to the Count of Soissons, Would you, says she roughly to him, ob­tain a Dutchy which is designed as Honour appropriated to a Son of France? I see you have no small Designs. The Regent fore­saw the Count moved at this Repulse, would discover his Resentment, and for this Reason, she hastily recalled the Prince [Page 187]of Conde and the Duke of Epernon to Court, to oppose him.

The Project of the Queen and the Ministers, did not succeed in every point. The Marquess of Coeuvres a Confident of Soissons, seeing the poor Count thus jarring with the Regent and Ministers, and se­cretly incensed against Conchini, though he always kept in appearance fair with him, though he could have recourse to no­thing now to support him at Court, but to unite himself entirely with the Prince of Conde his Nephew, and oppose all those who combined against him, by the Power of that Interest, which their Birth gives to all Princes of the Blood in France, es­pecially in the time of Minority. Coeuvres then set himself to treat with Beaumont, Son of the first Resident de Harlay, a Confident of the Prince of Conde, who was then expected at Court, to settle a good understanding between the Uncle and Nephew. They agreed the two Princes should see one another in the Beau­mont House, which was not far from Fontainebleau.

This Interview gave the Queen a Jea­lousie, though it was pretended only to be a Divertisement, and a Huntingmatch. The Count of Soissons thought to remove the Umbrage Mary de Medicis took at this, by bringing the Marquess of Ancre over to the Meeting. They go together to Beaumont. After a great deal of Diver­sion in the Day-time, the two Princes en­tertained [Page 188]each other with Discourse, till it was late in the Night. They bind themselves strictly, and mutually promise not to receive any Favour or Satisfacti­on from the Queen, but by common con­sent, and engage that if one be obliged to leave the Court for ill Treatment, the o­ther shall quit it at the same time, and not return but by agreement. This Uni­on was made perpetual, and lasted till the Death of Count Soissons.

The faculty of Paris Censures the three Pa­negyricks of Ignatius Loyola.The Sorbonne was divided as well as the Court: Duval declared for the Jesuits; Filesac Theologue of the Church of Paris, and divers other Eminent Doctors were strangely averse to the Society. The good Fathers are very desirous to appear perfectly prudent, but they are deficient in this point, when they set themselves to Dis­course of their Saint Ignatius, and the Ad­vantages of their Society. Paul the V. their good Friend, having Canonised this Man, (truly extraordinary in more than one manner) and allowed them to celebrate his Feast, the Jesuits did what the Monks do on like occasions: What shall I say, they strove to surpass each o­ther? They gave a thousand fine Specta­cles of Devotion in their Churches. The Men of Wit, who are Spectators of these Ceremonies, cannot forbear Laughing at the Foppery of them. But those who have a real Sense of Religion when they Reflect seriously on the Apotheoses, intro­duced into Christianity, and the Prophane [Page 189]Pageantry in Churches, where the Wor­ [...]hip ought to be Pure and Spiritual. True Christians I say, can they forbear deplo­ [...]ing the strange Corruption of the most Holy, and most August of all Religions? The most prophane part of all these So­ [...]emnities, are the Panegyricks spoke of [...]he New Saints. Here he is set above all others, above the Prophets and Apostles, [...]nd often in parallel with Jesus Christ [...]imself. The Jesuits did not fail to take [...]uch Preachers, as were most disposed to [...]alue Ignatius Loyola. And as the Spani­ [...]rds are more Extravagant in their Super­ [...]ition and Impiety than others, several [...]ermons were made and printed in that Country, with which the Enemies of the [...]ood Fathers in France, diverted the Pub­ [...]ck at the Expence of the Society.

A Limosin Jesuit thought he had done [...] considerable piece of Service, in Transla­ [...]ng three Spanish Sermons preached at evil, Valentia, and Barcelona, on the [...]east of the New Blessed Ignatius of [...]oyola. The one of the Preachers was [...]n Augustin the other two were Domini­ [...]ns. The good Limosin imagined that [...]he Frenchmen seeing his Patron praised by Religious Men of a different Order, [...]ey would easily believe the Institutor [...]f their Society, was the greatest Saint [...] Paradise. But whilst he thought to [...]ork Miracles, he drew a new Storm [...]n his Brethren, who had work enough [...]efore to support themselves at Paris, and [Page 190]elsewhere. Some Learned Men, and Emi­nent for their true Piety, as it was said, brought to Filesac Theologue of Paris, and Curate of St. John in Greve, the French Translation, and four Propositions ex­tracted out of them, desiring to know if the Faculty of Paris thought it fit, a Do­ctor of their Body should give his Appro­bation to such Pieces.

Filesac proposed the Question in one of the Meetings, which the Faculty ordinari­ly have upon the first Day of the Month This was in the beginning of October; One of the Propositions was this, Tha [...] Ignatius with his Name writ on Paper, could do more Miracles than Moses, and a [...] many as the Apostles. The second preten­ded, that the Life of Ignatius was so Ho­ly, and so elevated in the Opinion of Hea­ven, that only the Popes as St. Peter, the Em­presses as the Mother of God, or some S [...] ­vereign Monarch as God the Father, and [...] Holy Son, had the Happiness to see [...] One of the two Dominican Preachers a [...] ­serted, that the Founders of preceding O [...] ­ders were sent by God; but God, added he, [...] these latter Days, has spoken by his Son I [...] ­natius, whom he has made Heir of all thing There is one thing only wanting to consu [...] ­mate his Praise, That God did not make [...] World for him. There was nothing be excepted against in the third Sermo [...] but that the Preachers had advanced, th [...] the Martyr Ignatius was particularly [...] ­voted to the Holy Father, and the Pope [Page 191]Rome, as the lawful Successor of Jesus Christ, and his Vicar upon Earth.

Andrew Duval a Famous Doctor of the Sorbonne, who was in the Interest of the Jesuits and the Court of Rome, opposed the Censure of these four Propositions; They may be piously Interpreted, said he. But the Enemies to the Society prevailed. What Pious Interpretation could Duval give to words which were manifestly Im­pious? The three first Propositions were condemned as False, Heretical, Execrable, Impious, and full of Blasphemies. This Censure was more Just and Judicious, than that of Du Plessis Mornay's Book. The Wise Masters of the Sorbonne, were more Reserved and Circumspect on the fourth Proposition; the Authority of the Pope was concerned here. This contains, said they, two Contradictious Positions. The one is true and Orthodox, that the Pope is the Vicar of Jesus Christ upon Earth. But the other, that the Pope is the Lawful Successor of Jesus Christ, is manifestly False and Heretical. The Jesuit was not long without answering. He wrote an Apolo­getick Letter against the Censure. Here by a Subtilty which a Limosin would ne­ver have thought of, if he had not been in­structed somewhere else besides at Bricue la Gaillarde, he feigned not to have a Copy of the Condemnation. This was to avoid speaking of the Power of the Pope. His Friends, he pretended had sent him an Article quite different from that which the Faculty had Censured. There is nothing [Page 192]more violent than the conclusion of this good Father's Apology. He Reproaches the Doctors of the Sorbonne, as those of their Society always Reproach their Adversa­ries, that they are Huguenots in their Souls. The Sorbonne Curses the Jesuits, says he, while the Hereticks at Charenton, pray to God for the Sorbonists.

Reflections on the Miracles ascribed to Saint Ign [...] ­tius, and the Character given of him.An Author who was Contemporary with the Rise of the Society, honestly owns in the first Edition of his Life of Ignatius, that he wrought no Miracles. He labour'd to give good Reasons, that a Man might be a Saint without doing any. The Establishing a Society which was be­come so Numerous, so Famous and Pow­erful, in so small a time, seem'd a great Miracle to the Author. But this was not enough to Canonize Ignatius; and for this Reason, they were obliged to seek for others. Till this was done, Rome would never put him in her Martyrology. And what Mortification must this be to so good Children, that their Father was not a Saint of the first Order. As soon as once they got it in their Head, that Igna­tius must work Miracles, as well as other Saints, they found a Million of Glorious Ones. The Author who had been too honest, Retracted fifteen years after, as handsomly as he could. His Saint then wrought some every day, if we may be­lieve the second Edition of his Book. As for the flourishing Estate of the Company, be­fore and after the Death of the Founder, [Page 193]those who shall read the History of its Settlement and Progress, will find nothing more than Human in it; if they reflect on the Nature of Mankind, and what is proper to give Interest and Reputation in a Body Composed and Governed as the Church of Rome has been for many Ages.

I am Astonished that Men of Sense and Learning, should become Disciples of such a Person as Ignatius is Represented to be, in the different Histories of his Life, wrote by Jesuits, with too much Sincerity in some places, and too much Art and Disguise in others. But my Surprize is over, when I Reflect that the greatest Men fall into Su­perstition and Trifling. They might fancy there was something Divine in the Irre­gular and Fanatick Fancy of a Spaniard, who imposed on the World by an Ex­terior shew of Gravity and Mortification. When they saw this, they were soon ready to serve him in his vast Designs. Ig­natius who was Master of as much Craft and Dissimulation as any Man in the World, knew how to make his Advan­tage of the Light which the Admirers of his Sanctity gave him, and make the World believe he drew that out of his own Stock, which he learnt from o­thers.

The Jesuits have pusht the Extrava­gance so far, as to compare their Saint with the Caesars and Alexanders. They came nearer the Mark in my mind, who [Page 194]said he was an absolute Don Quixot in De­votion. The good Fathers must have an ill Opinion of Mankind, if they believe them capable of esteeming their Founder, after what they relate themselves of his Paladin and Romantick Actions, of his Whimsical fancy of becoming a Knight of the Virgin, and an Infinity of other Cir­cumstances of his Life.Vie de S. Ig­nace par le P. Bohours. The reading of it politely writ in French, fully convinced me that Melchior Canus, a Learned and Judicious Bishop of the Canaries, saw per­fectly well the Genius of the Man, in a Conference he had with him at Rome. Ignatius there without any necessity told him so many filly Stories of his pretended Sanctity, of the Persecutions he had suf­fered in Spain, of the Revelations and Private Favours he received from God Al­mighty, that this clearsighted Divine soon perceived in him, a great Distraction and Pride of Mind.

Canus adds one very singular Passage. Ignatius brought him a pretended Saint, who was a Member of the Infant Socie­ty. Canus soon discover'd this Compani­on of Ignatius, was an absolute Idiot. He mixt so much Folly and Heresie in his Discourse, that Ignatius was in some Con­fusion. This good Man, says he to Ca­nus, is not an Heretick but his Mind is a little out of order at present. He has his Intervals at times. The New Moon makes him talk so Heretically. A Man who can let a Fool pass on him for a [Page 195]great Saint, can he be very wise himself? Melchior Canus by the Jesuits own Con­fession, had so ill an Opinion of the Insti­tution of their Company, that he applied to them this Prophecy of St. Paul. In the last days there shall be Men lovers of their own selves, Covetous, Boasters, false Accu­sers, Blasphemers, Ʋngrateful, Wicked, Despisers of those that are good, having a Form of Godliness, but denying the Power thereof. The Character of this Prelate might be Rejected, as proceeding from a particular prejudice against the Jesuits, if good Fathers had not given occasion to a certain number of the most Eminent Men of the Roman Communion, to maintain that Canus had Reason. The only Secret the Society has yet found to elude those bloo­dy Reproaches, which are often too well proved, is to recriminate, and set up the cry of a Heretick against those Adversaries who are like to ruin them.

A Distur­bance at Troies in Champagne, about the Set­tlement of the Jesuits in that City.The Inhabitants of Troies in Champagne, do not pass for the most refined People in the World, and yet they have shew a great deal of good Sense, in refusing to receive the Jesuits into their City. When this has been proposed, the Townsmen have ever answered, That Society can ne­ver do any thing but Mischief where-ever it comes, In this Matter they think, as all People formerly did in France, Venice, Germany, Bohemia, Hungary and Poland. The Jesuits found it hard to gain Admis­sion in those Countries, and when they [Page 196]were better known, great endeavours were used to drive them out. The good People of Troies learning Wisdom at the expence of others, remained Inflexible in their Resolution, to continue without any Jesuits among them. It is no small praise to that City, that in the Reign of Lewis XIV. so great a Friend to that Society, they opposed an Intendant, and a Bishop who engaged to establish the Jesuits where they had more than once tryed in vain to place themselves. The good Fathers have rea­son to compare themselves to the Thunder of War, and the Conquerors of Antiquity. They cannot suffer a little corner of the Earth, never so inconsiderable a Town, should have the Courage to hold out a­gainst them.

In the preceding Reign, they made three several Attempts to enter Troies. Henry granted them Letters of Jussion, as they are called, to the Inhabitants to re­ceive them. But the Town had the good Fortune or Industry, to frustrate the Solli­citations of the Jesuits. In the year 1611. they began the Charge again. In an As­sembly held at Troies for the Election of a New Principial of the College, the Bishop, the President, and some of the old Faction of the League, demanded to have the Jesuits let in. But the Chapter of the Cathedral, that of the Collegiate Church of St. Stephen, the greatest Num­ber of the Clergy, the Presidial, the Officers of the Town-house; in short, all [Page 197]who declared for the late King in the time of the League, would have no Jesu­its. It was to no purpose, to say the Queen had ordered they should be admit­ted. In case it be so, said they, we will obey. But we will first go and throw our selves at her Majesties Feet, and make our Humble Remonstrances to her.

The Bishop then seeing it was impossi­ble to Surmount so great an Opposition, broke up the Assembly, under colour of making farther enquiry in a more nume­rous one. This raised a great Commoti­on among a People jealous of their Li­berties and Privileges. The Jesuits Fa­ction had privately dispatcht away to the Court, a Curate of the City, with a Verbal Process drawn up after their man­ner. In this they laid before the Regent, that the Inhabitants desired the Jesuits for the instructing their Youth. As soon as the opposite Party was informed of what had passed, they drew up a Verbal Pro­cess to the contrary, and a Counsellor of the Presidial was sent away with it im­mediately to the Court. The Curate, who was gone some days before, obtain­ed a Letter from the Regent for the hold­ing an extraordinary Meeting. This they hoped would be more favourable to the Jesuits. When the News was spread through the Town, that Father Coton, who interessed himself in this Affair, had sur­prized the Queen, it made a greater Noise than before. It was fear'd the People [Page 198]would rise. Praslin Governor of Troies, applied himself with all diligence to pre­vent Disorder, and all the considerable Bodies in the City met to disavow by an Authentick Act, what the Friends of the Jesuits had done of their own Head. Pi­thou Mayor of the City, the Dean of the Cathedral Church, and two or three o­thers, were named to go and lay their Complaints before the Regent. They set forth the Reasons which they had to refuse the good Fathers a College among them. Some of these were taken from the Situation, the Commerce and Conve­nience of the City, which would not let them admit in the Jesuits. Others were grounded on the Humour and Behaviour of the Society, which did not suit with the Temper of the Inhabitants.

These Honest Patriots said, without disguising the Matter, that the setling so great a number of Jesuits in the best Ci­ties of the Kingdom, might serve to make the Society great, but was Injurious to the Publick. Since our City, added they, was reduced by Henry the IV. we have lived in perfect Tranquility. The Jesuits will come here to revive the old Quarrels of the League. We shall soon have two contrary Factions; one influenced by the Society, who will be the Good Catholicks, and the other the true lov­ers of their Country. The first will ever be crying, we are Hereticks, Latitudinarians, Worldly minded Men, and Lukewarm loose Catholicks. Has not P. Binet had the Inso­lence [Page 199]to treat us in this manner, in a Ser­mon which he preached at Troies? No soon­er do the Jesuits get footing any where, but they pretend strait to govern the World; they sow Divisions, insinuate themselves into Fa­milies to discover their Secrets, what passes between Man and Wife, cannot escape their Curiosity. The Queen being better in­formed of the Affair of Troies, answered to the Petition of the Inhabitants, whose Deputies were presented by the Duke of Nevers, Governor of the Province, that she had been given to understand, the Town desired to have Jesuits. Since it is not so, said her Majesty, I will not con­strain the Inhabitants to receive Men they do not like. She wrote to Praslin to Ad­vise him, and the President for the future to moderate their too Impetuous Zeal for the Settlement of the good Fathers.

The Process of the Ʋniversity of Paris a­gainst the Je­suits, upon the opening their College.The first Project of their Institution, was conceived in the Bosom of the Uni­versity of Paris. But she has always re­garded the Society, as a Monstrous Abor­tion. When the Jesuits began to make themselves known in France, the Faculty of Divinity of Paris declared Solemnly, after a mature Examination of the Bulls, which two Popes had granted them, and the Rules which the Founder prescribed his Disciples, that the New Institution was Dangerous to the Faith, capable of di­sturbing the Peace of the Church, and in one Word, more tending to destroy than edi­fie. When the Jesuits desired to be incor­porated [Page 200]in the University, she rejected them with Indignation and Contempt. When they attempted to teach publickly, she opposed them with Vigour. The Pas­quiers and Arnauds, undertook her De­fence. The Learned Arguments are still extant, in which they lay before the Par­lement of Paris, the Reasons which the University had to declare against this Hermaphrodite Body, said they, which is neither Ecclesiastical nor Regular. The At­tempt of John Chastel against the Person of Henry IV. was the cause which moved the Parlement of Paris, (whose most E­minent Members were bred in that Uni­versity) to give a terrible Sentence a­gainst them, commanding all Jesuits to remove out of Paris, and all other Cities within three days, and out of the King­dom in fifteen, branding them for Corrup­ters of Youth, Disturbers of the Publick Peace, and Enemies to the King and Go­vernment. After, when Henry IV. at the Sollicitation of the Pope, at the Instigati­on of Sillery and Villeroy, and Instances of de la Varenne, the Infamous Minister of his Pleasures, had granted them his Let­ters Patents for their Reestablishment, the President de Harlay employed all the pow­er of his Wit and Eloquence, to perswade the King this Act of his was inconsistent with the Safety of his Person, the Preser­vation of his Authority, and the Welfare of his Kingdom. But neither the De­crees of Sorbonne, nor the excellent Dis­courses [Page 201]of two Illustrious Advocates, nor the wise Remonstrances of the gravest Magistrate of that time, could hinder the King from being worse advised, than the Mayor and good Commonalty of Troies in Champagne. Henry resolved to forget the League, was first conceived among the Jesuits; and that Barricre and Chastel who made an Attempt on his Life, were instructed and pushed on by Varade and Guignard, Jesuits. His Imprudence cost him dear, poor Prince! Ravillac profited by the Doctrines and Lessons of the Wri­ters and Doctors of the Society.

The World was not exceedingly Surpri­zed to see them, within three Months after the bloody Death of Henry IV, when all the Preachers of Paris were exclaiming against the Jesuits, and an Infinity of Pamphlets had been published to expose their Temper and Doctrines, have the boldness to desire a Permission from the New King to open their College of Clermont, Mercure Francois, 1611. which had been shut up ever since their first coming to Paris, and to make their Publick Lectures there. All Men were now pretty well acquainted with the humour of that Body. A long experience had taught them, that they are not confounded with Noise. That Just and Reasonable Confusion, which makes other Men fearful and modest, encreases the Courage and Boldness of these good Fathers. That which most amazed all Honest Men, was to see the Regent and [Page 202]her Council give the Jesuits Letters Pa­tents to be confirmed in Parlement, at the same time that these Magistrates all well affected to the King and Government's Repose, declared peremptorily in their Decrees, that the Doctrines of Mariana, and some other Writers of the Society, had plunged the Knife in the Heart of the two last Kings of France. Father Co­ton was not less busie in the Hall, than at Court. He demanded the entring the King's Letters with the same boldness that he had Sollicited the Regent and her Ministers for them. But the Rector and the Faculties of the University of Paris opposing this, the Decision of the Af­fair was remitted till the following year.

During a pretty long delay caused by the Proceedings and Formalities of Law, the Jesuits got together four-score or a hundred Scholars, whom they taught in the College of Clermont. At length the mat­ter came to a publick Hearing. This was in the Month of December 1611. La Mer­teliere Advocate for the University made a long Discourse, where he repeated with Emphasis, what Pasquier, Arnaud, and the first President de Harlay had formerly said against the Jesuits. He added, all they had been accused of having done in Eng­land, Holland, at Venice, Genoa and else­where. The Divinity of these good Fa­thers was not forgot. He shewed the Cor­ruption and Danger of it. In the last [Page 203]place, the University concluded by the Mouth of her Advocate, that if the Par­lement would not have regard to her wholsom Remonstrances, she should at least have the Consolation of having done her Duty, and having given more than once by her repeated Oppositions, to the Enterprizes of the Society, a certain Te­stimony of her sincere and continual Af­fection for the Service of the King, and the Good of her Coutry. Montholon Ad­vocate for the Jesuits, answered in a very short Discourse. He affected too to speak so low, that the greatest Part of the Au­ditory, could not hear his Defence. Af­ter this, Hardivillier Rector of the Uni­versity, spoke a long Harangue in Latin. This was rather the Declamation of a College Rhetorician, than a Solid and E­loquent Discourse. The Advocate Gene­ral Servin spoke according to Custom after the rest, and concluded in favour of the University.

The Parlement being tired with the Im­portunities of the Jesuits, thought of a good Expedient to free themselves. They proposed to them to subscribe to four Ar­ticles, repugnant to the Doctrines impu­ted to them. You cannot be incorporated with the Ʋniversity, nor have Permission to teach publickly, said the Magistrate to the good Fathers, unless your Sentiments agree with those of the Sorbonne. This Turn was well devised. They foresaw the Je­suits would never sign such Propositions, [Page 204]for fear of incurring Displeasure at Rome, and their Refusal would clear the Par­lement at Court, for not passing the King's Letters. Can we, the Magistrates might have said, allow a Body to teach pub­lickly, which refuses to subscribe the Doctrine commonly received in France? The first President de Verdun, then ordered eight Jesuits to be called, who were in Court, to hear the issue of their Cause. Will you, says he to them, Subscribe these four Propo­sitions, and undertake your General shall likewise do it? The first was, That a Ge­neral Council is above the Pope. The se­cond, That the Pope has no power over the Temporalties of Sovereigns, and that he cannot deprive them by Excommunication. The third, That a Priest who by way of Confession, comes to the Knowledge of a De­sign or Conspiracy against the Person of a King or his Government, or any Act of High Treason, is obliged to Reveal the Matter to the Magistrate. The fourth, That Church­men are Subjects of the Temporal Prince, and Civil Magistrate.

The Provincial of the Jesuits did not know how to extricate himself in this dif­ficulty. In our Statutes, says he with a Modest and Devout Air, taking a Book and setting himself to read, We have a positive Order to obey the Laws of the Coun­try where we live; but we cannot promise any thing for our General. We will write to him upon this Matter, and do all we can to obtain his consent. The Advocate Mon­tholon [Page 205]seeing what Confusion his Clients were in, had a greater Presence of Mind, than the good Father Provincial. The Jesuits, says he, will readily follow the Laws of the Ʋniversity. When these four Propositions shall be Signed by the Sorbon­ne, the Jesuits will not make any scruple of subscribing them. The dextrous Montho­lon knew there were so many Leaguers and Doctors in the Pope's Interest amongst the Sorbonists, that they would never agree in these four Propositions. And if the Fa­culty would have resolved to have Signed them, the Court was so afraid of offend­ing the Pope, they would not have suf­fer'd them to do it. So much Respect and Deference had Mary de Medicis for his Holiness.

The first President himself embarassed by the Advocates Reply, would seem not to understand it; being well pleas'd that the Jesuits had not handsomly explained themselves, on what was proposed to them. He pronounced a Decree, forbidding any of that Society to teach the Youth at Pa­ris, or read any publick Lecture there. The Members of the University Trium­phed, made a thousand Verses, some good, some bad, in praise of their Judges and their Advocate. The Jesuits obeyed the Decree. They dismist their Scholars, con­tinued silent, and did not write at all, or at least did it under the borrowed Names of their Friends. Here they comforted themselves on their Disgrace, shewed the [Page 206]Imprudence of those who would renew Disputes out of Season, which might cre­ate Differences between France and the Pope. Every Man discoursed of the De­cree of Parlement, as his Fancy led him. Some took part with the Jesuits, others with the University. The Pope's Nuncio complained of the Parlements having re­quired such a Subscription of the Jesuits. The Cardinal Gonzaga was then at Paris. He was offended the good Fathers had been so ill spoken of.Mercure Francois 1612. Montholon whose Voice was so low in his short pleading to the Audience, printed a more ample Ar­gument the following year. This Discourse was divided into three Parts. In the two first he justified the Conduct and Instituti­on of the Jesuits. The third answered the Objections made against the Doctrine of the Society, and the Perverse Consequences which its Adversaries drew from it.

Disputes con­cerning Grace and Predesti­nation.The Zeal which the Jesuits shewed the latter end of the last, and the beginning of this Age, for the Doctrine opposite to that of St. Augustin and Thomas Aquinas in the Matter of Grace and Predestinati­on, drew still a greater number of Ene­mies on them, the Advocate of the Uni­versity Reproaching them with this in his Plea. Not only the Order of Dominicans, which is more Potent in Italy and Spain, than in France (where it is trampled on with the rest of the Mendicants) had de­clared openly against the Jesuits. But a great Number of the Doctors of Paris [Page 207]and Louvain, bigotted to the Hypotheses of St. Augustin and Aquinas condemned too against the Society. They decreed it as Pelagian, At least, said they, she attempts to revive the Sentiments of Cassian, and the old Priests, who were called Semipelagians. The Dispute began in Spain, upon occasi­on of a Book of Molina a famous Jesuit.

This Author boasted of having found out a new System to reconcile the Certain­ty of God's Fore-Knowledge, and the O­peration of Grace, with the Liberty of Man. The Invention pleased the Society, and she adopted it. This was a Deviati­on from the first Laws of the Founder, who ordered she should follow the Do­ctrine of Thomas Aquinas. When the Je­suits reproached their Adversaries with maintaining the Sentiments of Luther and Calvin, condemned in the Council of Trent, they recriminated instantly: Your Hypothe­sis, said they to the good Fathers, is the same with that of the ancient Enemies of St. Austin in Gaul.

The Dispute was so warm in Spain, that the Matter was remitted to Rome. Clement VIII, resolved to determine this Contro­versie. It is reported, that he not only made Preparations for this, by a serious Examen of all the Questions, for which he setled a famons Congregation of Divines and Cardinals, but farther had recourse to Prayer, Fasting, and extraordinary Mor­tifications. The Holy Father believed that the Holy Ghost had inspired him to [Page 208]condemn the Sentiments of the Jesuits. The Bull was ready. But to speak after the manner of the People beyond the Mountains, God did not permit Clement to pass on the Church his private Illusions for Divine Oracles. The Pope died very lu [...]kily for the Jesuits. Paul V. pleased with the Zeal the good Fathers had shewn for the Interests of the Holy See, in the Difference between the Pontif and the Re­publick of Venice, suppressed his Predeces­sors Bull. He imposed silence on the Do­minicans and Jesuits. Few, except these two Orders, had engaged publickly in this first Dispute. The Universities of Doway and Louvain declared too against the Jesuits; and their Doctrine of Grace was condemned there. After this the Book of Jansenius, Bishop of Ipres, caused a long and famons Contest in the Faculty of Paris, and all the Gallican Church.

At the same time that Paul V. endea­voured to stifle in his Church the Disputes concerning Grace and Predestination, the Protestants of Holland were divided on the same Questions. Luther, and the first Re­formers had at first embraced the Hypo­thesis of St. Austin, either because they were prepossessed, or because it seemed most proper, to combat the Dogms of the Ro­man Church, and settle those of the Reformation. However Luther him­self, or at least his first Disciples, soon saw the Inconveniences and ill Consequences of the Augustinian System: That of the [Page 209] Greek Fathers appeared both more Ancient and Reasonable. Melancthon took to this; and his moderate Sentiments prevailed with those of the Ausburgh Confession, Calvin, Zanchy, Beza, and the greatest number of the Reformed, adhered strong­ly to the Opinions of St. Austin. Some strain'd them higher, and used harder Ex­pressions. The rigid Thomists did the same in the Roman Church. Towards the be­ginning of this Age divers of the Reform­ed Divines opened their Eyes after the Ex­ample of the Lutherans. Upon examin­ing the Scripture more attentively, the Sense of St. Chrysostom and the ancient Greeks, appeared preferrable to that of the Bishop of Hippo, who did not certainly very well understand the Old or New Te­stament.

The Rise of Arianism in Holland.As the Books of Erasmus, Melancthon and Bulllinger, were much esteemed in Holland, where these Works had much con­duced to give a Relish to the Reformation, so the most knowing of the Magistrates and Laiety were inclined to the mild and mo­derate Sentiments of these Divines on Pre­destination and Grace, rather than the ri­gid Hypothesis of the first Reformers. They thought at least they were very tolerable, and compatible with the Reformation which that Province had embraced. But the greatest part of the Ministers on the contrary, who had only studied Religion,Grotius A­polog. eorum qui Hollan­diae praefue­ [...]unt. in the Books of Calvin and Beza, stifly maintained the Opinions of their Masters. [Page 210]This occasioned a great difference in Reli­gion between the Churchmen and the Ma­gistrates. The one and the other formed a different Idea of what they call'd the Re­formation, or, the Reformed Doctrine. The Ministers meant by these Words, the O­pinions in Divinity, explained by their great Authors, and inserted into the Con­fessions of Faith, which the first Reformers had drawn up. These Servants of God meant well: But they did not consider, that by aiming in their Formularies of Faith and Catechisms to compile a com­pleat and regular Body of Divinity, they inserted their own Speculations as certain and essential Truths. The Magistrates and wise Laity of Holland urged, that the Reformation being only a purer Worship, and more free from vain Superstitions than the Church of Rome, with a greater La­titude of Opinions in things not plainly re­vealed in the Holy Writings, it could not be said the Reformation stood on what some Persons thought the most crabbed and difficult Questions of School Divi­nity.

The Ministers, always warm for their Opinions and Prejudiced, often cried, the Magistrates wanted Zeal for the true Do­ctrine: And these in their turn complained, that the other were stubborn and inflexible, and would force all the World to be of their Mind. When the Churchmen, fir'd with Zeal, brought befor the Magistrates those who opposed the Hypothesis of Cal­vin [Page 211]and Beza, about Predestination and Grace, as Men who subverted the Foun­dations of the Reformation, the more wise and discerning asked these new Inqui­sitors, if it were impossible to be a true Reformed Christian without embracing the Opinions of St. Austin and his Disciples. From the first Reformation in Holland, the contrary Sentiments had always prevailed in the City of Tergow. The States of Holland too had not solemnly approved the Confession of Faith received in the Belgick Churches. Is not this a Proof, that those wife Magistrates thought there were Arti­cles put in this Formulary, which were not absolutely necessary, which ought to be expressed in a more soft manner, and less offensive to those of a different Persuasion from the first Reformers? This appears ve­ry probable, since we read in History, that the States of Holland, in other respects ve­ry averse to the Convocation of a Gene­ral Synod of the Seven United Provinces, consented in the Year 1597. to the hold­ing such an Assembly, where the Confes­sion of the Faith should be exactly revised and amended in a Spirit of Charity and Peace.

For my own part, when I consider the Disputes which have caused such a fatal Division in Holland, I am in pain to com­prehend how Men of Sense can be perswa­ded that the Opinions of St. Austin con­cerning Predestination and Grace, are es­sential to a Reformation of Christianity. [Page 212]How many Holy Men were there in the Times of the greatest Purity of the Church of Rome, whose Thoughts were differen [...] from the Fathers? Cannot we renounce the monstrous and ridiculous Dogm o [...] Transubstantiation, the Religious Wor­ship of Saints and Images, the Fable o [...] Purgatory, Indulgences, the false Tra­ditions of the Church of Rome, the Ty­ranny of the Pope, without believing absolute Predestination, and irresistibl [...] Grace? Did all those honest Men who convinced of the Absurdity and Falsity o [...] the Things which I mentioned, embrace [...] the Reformation, think of the Hypothes [...] of the Bishop of Hippo? Were they anxi­ous to know if it were true or false [...] These abstract and difficult Questions on­ly employed some Doctors, who were pro­jecting to make a compleat System of Di­vinity: Among these who took this pains there were some who preferred the mode­rate Sense of the ancient Greek Fathers Calvin himself was not perswaded, tha [...] his Thoughts of Grace and Predestination were essential to Religion. He took the pains to translate the Common Places o [...] Melancthon into French; whose Thoughts of these Matters were quite different from his own. In his preface, he gives all ima­ginable Praises to Melancthon. Could he in Conscience have done this, if he had been perswaded the Opinions of his Author un­dermined the Foundations of the Refor­mation? Able Divines of the Reformed [Page 213]Churches have publickly maintained, that [...]e Opinons of Universal Grace, of the [...]ower of resisting its Operation, and [...]onditional Predestination, are of the num­ [...]er of those Articles which every one may [...]elieve, without renouncing the Principles [...]f his Religion.

Several learned Hollanders had highly [...]efended this Doctrine before Arminius [...]ad preach'd it at Amsterdam; and taught [...] at Leyden, before Gomar rose up against [...]im. These Books are still extant. It is [...]ue, certain warm Ministers made a stir [...] blast those Works, and ruin their Au­ [...]ors. But the States of Holland always [...]op'd this impetuous Zeal. The Professors [...]d an entire Liberty to teach according to [...]e Sense of Melancthon. And when Ar­ [...]inius was called into that University, [...]one were ignorant of his Opinions: He [...]ad declared them in the Church of Am­ [...]erdam; which gave an advantageous [...]estimony of them. Gomar himself, and [...]vers more of the same Mind with him, [...]tring into a Conference with Arminius, [...]ade no Scruple to say, their Differences [...]d not concern the Grounds of Reforma­ [...]on. It is true, Gomar did not long live [...] a good Understanding with Arminius his [...]ew Collegue; either because his Reputa­ [...]on gave him Umbrage, or the Enemies [...]f Arminius kindled his Choler by some [...]sinuation, and then he vigorously oppo­ [...]d a Man whom he look'd on as Ortho­ [...]x but a little before.

The two Professors had soon their Dis­ciples and Party. The Division was so great in the University of Leyden, that the Affair was brought before the Synod held at Rotterdam. Gomar's Party was the strongest there. The Assembly or­dered, that all the Pastors should subscribe the Confession of Faith and the Catechism. Arminius and his Party refused to obey. There are some things to be amended in both of them, said they: They ought to be consi­dered in a National Synod. We hope to see one meet in a little time. The manner in which Questions should be treated and de­termined in this Synod, caused new Diffi­culties. One side required certain Conditi­ons; others rejected all. In the meantime the ordinary Synods press'd Arminius and his Party, to declare publickly what Excepti­ons they had against the Confession o [...] Faith, and the Catechism, in order to have the Matter duly determined. Armi­nius, perswaded his greatest Enemie [...] would be Judges in such an Assembly, declined the Jurisdiction of a Synod as much as possibly he could. Ʋtenbogard, a Mi­nister of great Reputation in the Hague, his Friend, and of the same Opinion with him­self, did him considerable Service, with se­veral of the chief Persons of the Govern­ment. Never did Synod in its first Steps, and perhaps thro' the whole Course of it more follow the Council of Trent, than the Synod of Dort; except that there were more able Divines at Dort than at Trent. This is [Page 215]not in any manner surprizing, almost all Councils are alike. The same Interests give occasion to them, and the same Pas­sions reign in them.

Arminius presented a Petition to the States of Holland and Westfriezland. In this he desires, that the Council of the Province might take Cognizance of his Affair. His Adversaries on the contrary asserted, that a Dispute, which was purely Theological, ought to be decided in an Assembly of Churchmen. Arminius carried it. Gomar and he were heard by the Magistrates. These Gentlemen made their Report to the States, That the Contest of the two Parties was only about certain subtil Me­ [...]aphysical Questions concerning Grace and Predestination; and that both Parties would do better to leave their Disputes and Animosity, and support themselves mutually with Charity. Gomar was not of this Mind. How! Preface before the Acts of the Synod of Dort. The Dispute is of the last importance, cryed he. I would not ap­pear before the Supreme Tribunal of God with the Sentiments of Arminius. If the States do not find a speedy Remedy to the Evil which so pernicious a Doctrine is like to cause, we shall soon see Altar against Altar, Town against Town, Province against Pro­vince: All will be in Disorder and Confusion. The States of Holland and Westfriezland, always composed of wise and discerning Men, are not so easily carried away with the Passions of Divines. To give their hot heads times to cool, they deferred as long as [Page 216]they could the holding of the ordinary Sy­nod. And when they were obliged to permit it to meet, they ordered no one should speak there of the Controversies between the Arminians and the Goma­rists.

In the mean time Arminius and his Par­ty found themselves always prest by their warm zealous Enemies, to communicate to the other Ministers their Remarks on the Confession of Faith and Catechism. They threatned to proceed against them by way of Church-Censure, if they persisted to refuse. The States of Holland, who de­sired to stifle this Difference if possible▪ saw well, that if Arminius published his Reasons, this would only serve to make the Dispute hotter. The Gomaris [...] would have refuted them; the Armi­nians would have replied; the Synod [...] would have Matter to make their Deter­minations on. For this Reason, the State [...] ordered wisely the Arminian Ministe [...] should send to them their Remarks in Writing, and sealed, to be kept till the first extraordinary Synod should meet to examin the Controversie. All this did no [...] content the Gomarists: Nothing would serve but he must explain himself. And now he desires again to be heard in a Meeting of the States of Holland; being perswaded these Gentlement would have more Equity and Moderation than preju­diced and passionate Ministers. Gomar [Page 217]and he appeared. Arminius delivered his Thoughts on the Principal Articles of Re­ligion, and particularly on Predestination, Grace, the Liberty of Man's Will, the certainty of Salvation, and the Perseve­rance of the Regenerate. He did not for­get at the same time, to shew his Adversa­ries Sentiments were repugnant to the Ju­stice and Goodness of God That his System deprives Man of that Liberty which God has given him; that it conduces to throw Sinners into Despair, to harden 'em in Impenitence, to extinguish the Love and Ardour of Prayer in Believers, and makes the Preaching of the Gospel, and the Remonstrances of their Pastors useless in a Word that it Subverts all Morality and Religion. Arminius said nothing new in all this. Several Persons and Learned Men in Gaul, made the same Objections against the New Doctrine which S. Au­stin introduced in the West.

Gomar spoke next. Convinced that the solid Proofs of Arminius, ought to make a great Impression in the Minds of the States; he thought to elude the Force of them by Reproaches, which signified no­thing at bottom. Is it not a deplorable Thing, said he, that a Professor of our Ʋni­versity should inspire into his Disciples, the Opinions of the Jesuits, and weaken the Proofs which our first Reformers brought, to ruin the Reformation by strengthning the Arguments of the Papists against us. These [Page 218]Declamations are only proper to move an ignorant Populace: Can the Jesuits speak no Truth? Calvin, Beza, and the rest, are they Infallible? Has the Reformation no solid Foundations, but the Speculative Questions of Grace and Predestination? The States did not give any great Atten­tion to Gomar's Discourse. His Party per­suaded they should have more Advantage in an Assembly of Ministers, persisted to demand, that this Dispute should be deci­ded in a Synod. But the States had just reason to fear the Issue. The Experience of several Ages teaches us, that Councils rather increase, than end Divisions.

The way of Conference appeared less dangerous to the States. The two Pro­fessors of Leyden, had order to come to the Hague. This happened in 1610. Ar­minius took four Ministers with him, and Gomar as many. There in Presence of the States of Holland, Arminius began to reduce the Controversie to five Principal Points, which were after the five Famous Articles of the Arminians, concerning Pre­destination, the Death of Jesus Christ for all Men, the necessity of Grace, its Ope­ration on us, and Perseverance. It was not Surprizing at the end of this Confe­rence, to see what ever happens on the like occasions. The Heat was greater than before. Arminius fell ill, and died in a few days after. His Friends and Disci­ples maintained what he had advanced. [Page 219]They boldly preached their Thoughts, and refuted the Gomarists with great Vi­gour and Courage. Afterwards they U­nited themselves more strictly, and then they concerted a Remonstrance, to present in a Body to the States of Holland; they laid down their Sentiments, and the Go­marists on the five Articles. After this, they most Humbly begg'd the Protecti­on of the States, against all Sentences with which the Synods would blast the Persons and Doctrines of the Arminians. Since this Remonstrance, they had the Name of Remonstrants given them.

Vorstius is chosen to suc­ceed Armini­us.In the mean time it was necessary to Elect a Successor to Arminius, in the Di­vinity Chair at Leyden. Vorstius Profes­sor and Minister at Steinfurt, was cho­sen by the Interest of the Remonstrants. This did them a great deal of Mischief. Vorstius was suspected of Socinianism, and not without some Ground. He had published a Book, in which he speaks of the Divine Nature in a very Absurd and Gross manner. From that time the Go­marists charged their Adversaries with se­cretly favouring the Impious Doctrines of Socinus. Their Complaints did not appear ill grounded to a great many Persons. They procured such Disadvantagious Ac­counts of Vorstius, that he was not permit­ted to enter upon the Functions of his Employment, though he was called to it in a Legal manner, and brought good [Page 220]Certificates with him. In the year 1611. there was a more famous Conference at the Hague than before, in the Presence of the States of Holland. These Gentlemen had a mind to pacifie the Troubles, without lying under a necessity of calling an Ex­traordinary Synod. But Divines are not so easily stopt, when their Heads are once hot. There were six Gomarist Ministers on one side, and six Remonstrants on the other. The Learned Episcopius was one of these. He has wondrously well de­fended the Cause of his Party, but has done it a great Injury too. Though he do's not think as Socinus do's of the Tri­nity, the Incarnation, the Nature and O­perations of God; yet he maintains that the Socinian Doctrine is tolerable, and not contrary to the Fundamental Arti­cles of Christianity. The Arminians of Holland embraced the same Sentiment, which makes it to be believed, that Armini­anism and Socinianism are near a kin. Yet these two things are very different. It is common in the Church of England, to find Learned Divines who think in the same manner as Arminius did on the five Articles, and yet vigorously Defend the Decisions of the four first General Councils.

James King of England, opposes the Election of Vorstius.I will not speak of this Conference at the Hague. This was as Fruitless as the preceding ones. Vorstius appeared here. He made a Harangue to the States, to ju­stifie himself, against the Errors impu­ted [Page 221]to him. These Gentlemen were well satisfied. They demanded next of the Ministers of both Parties, if they had any thing to say against Vorstius. The Re­monstrants declared, they thought him Orthodox. But the others alledg'd so much against him, and intervened with so great Opposition, that he continued still without doing any thing, tho' the States were well affected to him.Mercure Francois 1611. The Opposi­tion of James I. King of Great Britain, made the greatest Noise in Europe. Vor­stius's Books were brought to the King, when he was taking the Diversion of Hunting in the Country. King James run over these in less than an Hours time. He saw such Shoals of Heresies with one cast of his Eye, he immediately sent an Extract to his Ambassador to the States-General, with an express Order to de­clare to them from him, that if they suf­fered such a dangerous Man at Leyden, his Majesty would publish a Manifesto to shew the World his Aversion against the Authors of these Heresies, and those who allow them to be taught in their Universities.

The Ambassador punctually executed his Master's Orders. The States-General were a little surprized, to see the King concern himself in an Affair that was purely Domestick. The Zeal which a King shews for the preserving the Purity of the Faith, is not to be blamed. He [Page 222]do's well to extend it beyond his King­dom. But however there are Measures to be kept towards his Allies and Neigh­bours. His Britannick Majesty's Threat was very high and brisk. The States-Ge­neral gave their Answer some days after to the Ambassador. If Vorstius, said they, with great Discretion and Respect, be guilty of the Errors he is accused of, we will not suffer him to teach in Holland. The High Esteem we have of the King of Great Britain's Goodness and Wisdom, gives us grounds to hope, that his Majesty will be satisfied with our Conduct, when he shall be better informed of this Matter, and the Ʋp­rightness of our Intentions. In the mean time, James burnt the Books of Vorstius at London, Oxford and Cambridge. The Reply of the States-General, did not sa­tisfie him. He wrote a long Letter, ex­horting them to Banish Vorstius out of their Provinces. Arminius was treated in this, as an Enemy of God; and for Vorstius, his Majesty looked upon him as a downright Atheist. He concluded his Letter with threatning the States, to separate from the Communion of their Churches, if they suffered so abominable a Man as Vor­stius amongst them.

He was at Leyden before this Letter of King James came. The English Ambas­sador made a long Remonstrance, when he delivered it to the States-General. He gave them the Propositions which his Ma­jesty [Page 223]had extracted out of Vorstius's Books, and exhorted them to shew no less Zeal and Courage, to preserve the Purity of the Faith against so pernicious an Heretick, than they had done in the Defence of their Liberty against the Spaniards. The States-General did not know what to think of the Letter, nor the Harangue. They answered the Ambassador, that the Matter in Question only regarded the particular States of Holland, who were Sovereigns in their own Province. That Vorstius was only at Leyden as a simple In­habitant in the Town, and waited till he should justifie himself in the next Meeting of the States of Holland. For the rest, said they, we humbly thank his Majesty for his Concern for the good of these Provinces, and the preserving the Purity of the Gospel in our Churches.

The States of Holland were not to meet till three or four Months after. This made the English Embassador look upon this Delay as a Civil Denial. And now there was a New Remonstrance from the King his Master to the States-General. This bad a Text after the manner of Ser­mons. The Ambassador began with that place of the Gospel, which orders Bro­therly Correction, and will have those brought before the Church, who will not hearken to it. He complained of their want of Respect to the King, in re­ceiving Vorstius not only in their Country, [Page 224]but in a Famous University. The States-General were threatned a second time with a Manifesto from his Britannick Majesty. These Gentlemen kept their Flegm: They answered, the King should have Satisfaction in the next Meeting of the States of Holland. This was to be in the Month of February, the following year.

In the mean time the King of England saw his Zeal against Vorstius was not so favourably Interpreted,The King of England's Apology for his Conduct in the Business of Vorstius. as he hoped for. Ill-natured Wits Censured him for making Ostentation of his Learning and Divini­ty. Others imputed this to his Ambition, and thought it an Usurpation on the Li­berty of the Provinces for him to concern himself in Matters which Sovereigns are not obliged to give their Neighbours an Account of. The King of Sweden this year, sent a Challenge to the King of Denmark, to fight a Duel with him. A thing not seen since Francis the I, and Charles V. James I. like another sort of Fighting better. To justifie himself from the Sinister Interpretations, put on his Conduct, he took his Pen in Hand, and printed his Apology. In this the King gave an account to the Publick, of what had passed between the States-General and him. His Majesty farther protested, he had no other design than to oppose the Rise of a Heresie, to give the States-Gene­ral a new Mark of his Kindness, and to [Page 225]hinder the young Hollanders and the Eng­lish themselves, who should go to Study at Leyden, from being infected with the Pernicious Opinions, Vorstius should spread there. The King's Apology had the same Fate with all Personal Quarrels. Every one believed as he pleased.

The Revoluti­on in Sweden after the Death of Gustavus Ericson.Let us conclude this year with the Death of Charles the IX. King of Sweden, and speak something of his Elevation to the Throne. He was the youngest Son of Gustavus Ericson, so Famous in History, for having delivered his Country from the Oppression of the Danes, for having by his Great Services, Merited the Crown to be Entailed on his Heirs Male; in short, for setling Luther's Reformation in his Country, and Abridging the too great Power of the Clergy. Eric the Eldest Son of Gustavus, Succeeded him, but wanted the Virtues of his Father. He introdu­ced into Sweden the Dignities of Count and Baron, which before were unknown there. It was thought this was done to di­vide the Nobility among themselves. The too great Union of this Powerful Body, was able to create Trouble to a Family newly raised to the Throne. The Dig­nities bestowed on some, gave a Jealousie to the rest. Those who had most Ambi­tion, made their Court to the King, to obtain the same Distinction. And the New Nobility were obliged to sup­port the Authority of the King, and ad­here [Page 226]here to his Family to preserve their Pri­vileges. Eric made himself Odious by his Cruelties, and Despicable by his De­bauches and Extravagancies. His ill Treat­ment of John Duke of Finland, and Charles Duke of Sudermannia, obliged them to rise and put themselves at the Head of the Malecoutents. These two Princes Attacked Eric in Stockholm it self. He first delivered up his Favourite, whom all the Kingdom Exclaimed against. They inflicted an Infamous punishment on him.

John and Charles would have some­thing more than all this. They agreed to take the Sovereign Power from Eric, who abused it unjustly, and that the Duke of Finland should be declared King, and the Duke of Sudermannia should share with him in the Government, without having any outward Marks of Royalty. John thought himself now discharged from the Oath he had taken, when Eric delivered him out of a close Prison, where he had kept him three or four years. The Duke had given Assurance by a Writing under his Hand, that he would continue faith­ful to the King, and not aspire to the Crown, neither before nor after the Death of the King his Elder Brother, and that he would acknowledge those Children for lawful Heirs of the Kingdom, which Eric had by a Mistress of Mean Birth, whom he afterwards Marryed Solemnly. [Page 227]But John was not very anxious about the Religious observing his Promises. When he was Master of his Eldest Brother, not contented with shutting him up in a Ca­stle, he soon poisoned him. John and Charles continued to attack Stockholm. The Senate of the City delivered it up to them, and poor Eric reduced to Extre­mity, was left to the Discretion of his two Brothers. The States of Sweden de­clared him fallen from the Crown, and John Duke of Finland was set up in his place.

John King of Sweden en­deavours to alter the Reli­gion Esta­blished by his Father.The New King of Sweden was not truer to the Duke of Sudermannia, than he had been to his Predecessor. Charles had no share in the Administration of the Kingdom. Men promise any thing when they are to ascend a Throne; but when they are once Established in it, they find other Principles of Religion and Honour. John had Married Catherine Jagellon Daughter to the King of Poland. Whether the Princess had inspired her Husband with an Aversion to the Protestant Religion, or the Reading the Books and Conversation of able Men of the Papal Communion, had raised doubts in him, or he hoped to be King of Poland, after the Death of Sigismund Augustus, his Brother-in-Law, who had no Children; as soon as John had made a Peace with Denmark by the Treaty of Stetin in Pomerania, he applied himself seriously to change the Religion [Page 228]which his Father had setled in Sweden. It is not a place here to relate all the Ar­tifices he made use of, to prepare the Minds of his People for the Alterations he designed. I shall only observe, that the King who wanted not Wit or Judg­ment, was convinced there were a great many things to be altered in the Worship and Doctrine of the Church of Rome. He can neither be reckoned among the good Catholicks, nor the true Protestants. Ever uncertain and wavering, sometimes he relished the Project of Accommodati­on, which Cassander had given to the Em­peror Maximilian II. at other times he was inclined to the Greek Church. The Answers of Jeremiah Patriarch of Constan­tinople to the Divines of Wirtembergh, pleased him so much, that he once thought to unite with that Communion.

Possevin a Learned Jesuit, whom Pope Gregory the XIII had sent into Sweden, thought he had persuaded King John to Reunite himself in earnest to the Church of Rome. He confessed himself to that Je­suit, the Popes private Nuncio; he re­ceived the Communion in the Form used in that Church. Possevin imposed as a Pennance on him for the Murther of his Brother Eric, whom he had poy­soned, to fast every Wednesday throughout the year. It is said, John observed this Practice regularly all the rest of his Life. Nevertheless he frequented the publick [Page 229]Service of the Church of Sweden. There was a New Liturgy used which himself had introduced, and the Pope refused to approve of. The Mixture of these two Religions, was one of the ways by which this Prince pretended insensibly to bring the People to forsake the Worship and Belief of the Protestants of the Ausburgh Confession.

Several Romish Churchmen came into Sweden. The Irresolution of King John and his Indulgence drew them thither. Se­veral of his own Subjects too favour'd his dissembled Designs. By their manner of Discourse, the more unthinking People took these Preachers for free Protestants. But others observed, in spight of their Disguises, all they spoke tended to insinu­ate into the Minds of the People the Do­ctrines of Popery. The Archbishop of Ʋpsal suffered himself to be won by them. Some Prelates, and divers ignorant or am­bitious Churchmen follow'd his Example. There were some Bishops ordained accord­ing to the Roman Pontifical. The Bishop of Linkoping, several of his Brethren, and a great number of Churchmen, couragi­ously defended the Reformation setled by Gustavus Ericson. The Clergy of the Dut­chy of Sudermannia shewed a firmness of Mind, which much confounded King John. Charles, his Brother, declared highly for the Ausburgh Confession. He opposed this Alteration with all his Might. [Page 230] Neither the King nor I can make any Inno­vation in the Religion established by Law; he replied to those sent to dispose him to comply. All things are well regulated by the last Will and Testament of the late King our Father. We must fix there. For my part I am resolved never to depart from it.

The States of Sweden shew'd great Vi­gour on several Occasions. They repre­sented to the King, that mighty Jealou­sies were risen in Sweden and Foreign Countries; that his Majesty would o­verthrow that Constitution which his Fa­ther had wisely established; and that to put an end to all those Rumours, it con­cerned him to declare publickly, that the Reformation received in that Kingdom, was conformable to the Sense of the Pri­mitive Church. Farther, the States com­manded several Popish Books brought into that Country, to be suppress'd; they press'd the King to place able Men of unble­mish'd Reputation in the Publick Schools to instruct the Youth. In the last place they desired, that Sigismund, the King's eldest Son should be bred in the Protestant Religion, because that young Prince be­gan to give some Umbrage. Queen Ca­therine Jagellon, his Mother, had so strongly tinctured him with the Principles of the Church of Rome, that the Senators, of the Kingdom having one day threatned him that he should lose the Right of [Page 231]Succession to the Crown if he did not soon renounce the Religion he had imbi­bed, and embrace the Ausburgh Confession. I prefer, replied he boldly, the Kingdom of Heaven to all the Crowns in the World. No other Answer could be got from him.

On some Occasions the States of Sweden had more Complaisance for the King. All seem'd dispos'd to receive the new Li­turgy, and the Accommodations he had invented. Charles of Sudermannia, the Clergy of his Provinces, and some great Lords, were the only People who defend­ed the Reformation; but the Interest of the Duke, and the effectual Remonstrances of the rest, brought back several, whose Hopes and Fears had abated their Warmth and Zeal. The King himself had lost much of that Ardor the Jesuit Possevin had inspired into him. Whether he could not accommodate himself to the haughty Hu­mour of Sixtus V. Successor to Gregory XIII, or his Doubts were not sufficiently cleared, or the great Power of his Brother kept him in awe; John humbled the Ca­tholicks, who thought themselves now Masters of all things. He drove out the Jesuits, and demolished their College. Gennila Bielke, whom the King married after the Death of Catherine Jagellon, cool­ed the Fervour her Husband had before shewed for the Roman Religion. Kings often think they do that of their own Heads, which a dextrous and insinuating [Page 232]Woman inspires into them. John King of Sweden, thought he had solid Reasons to doubt of the Truth of the Protestant Re­ligion. But his principal Motive, though he scarce knew it himself, was, his great Complaisance for Catherine Jagellon. The Queen Gennila might have brought him back to his first Religion, in the same manner as the other had seduced him from it.

Sigismond Prince of Sweden is chosen King of Poland,After the Death of Stephen Battori King of Poland, Ann Jagellon his Widow, and Aunt of Sigismond Prince of Sweden managed the Polish Nobility so well, that the greatest part declared for him. The contrary Fa­ction chose the Arch-Duke Maximilian, Brother to the Emperor Rodolphus. But Sigismond's Friends carried it. He was re­ceived in Poland, beat the Arch-Duke; and Maximilian being taken Prisoner, re­deemed his Liberty, by renouncing all his Pretensions to the Crown of Poland. The Swedes made their Conditions before the Prince left that Kingdom; as the Poles made theirs before they received him. The Principal thing which the Senate of Swe­den stipulated with Sigismond was, the preserving the Priviledges and Religion of their Country. They added this Clause in the Treaty, that if the King of Poland, becoming King of Sweden after the Death of his Father, should contravene any of the Articles agreed on, that then the Swedes should be discharged from the Oath of Allegiance they had taken.

It is very probable that Sigismond before his departure from Sweden, urged the King his Father to pursue his Design of causing his new Liturgy to be received, together with the ancient Ceremonies which he had establish'd a little after his coming to the Crown. When Princes have begun a Work that makes a great Figure, they are loth to quit it, and soon resume it, when they see the least Prospect of Success. Sigismond hoped his late Advancement would make it easie for him to accom­plish the Work which his Father had drawn a rough Draught of: And the King of Sweden, strengthned by the new Alli­ance of Poland, flatter'd himself, that Charles of Sudermannia would not dare to oppose him. He was deceived in his Con­jectures. The Churchmen of the Dutchy agreeing perfectly well with the Prince, refused to receive his Liturgy. This di­sturbed the King so much, who was now at greater variance with his Brother than ever, that he thought of recalling Sigis­mond in earnest. The new King himself was tempted to return into his Country. He would willingly have done it, if the Poles had not briskly opposed it. A Foreign Prince is easily dazled with the glittering Title of King of Poland: But he soon takes distaste at the false Lustre of a Crown which only appears fair at a distance. Those who have left their Hereditary Countries to go into Poland, have repent­ed. [Page 234]This is the way to hazard the loss of an Effective Sovereignty for a Title which has more Pomp than Reality. Sigismond knew by Experience the Truth of this Maxim.

The King, his Father, finding so great opposition from the Swedes, who were more upon their Guard since the Election of Sigismond, had nothing else to have Re­course to, but to reconcile himself speedily to the Duke of Sudermannia, and admit him to a Share in the Administration of Affairs. The Apprehensions of John were something lessened by Charles's losing his Wife. She left no Issue behind her; and John pretended his Brother promised him never to think of a second Marriage. If it were so, the Duke in his turn broke his Word. He soon after married Christina, Daughter of Adolphus, Duke of Holstein. It is reported, Sigismond courted this La­dy before he went into Poland. But a Sister of King John diverted the Prince her Nephew from the Match. He after married Constance of Austria, Daughter of Charles, and Sister of Ferdinand Arch-Duke of Gratz in Stiria. Christina, enraged at this Contempt, conceived so great a Ha­tred against Sigismond, that after she was married to Charles of Sudermmannia, she incessantly urged him to force the Crown of Sweden from Sigismond. King John was not well satisfied with this second Marriage of Charles. But his ill Humour did [Page 235]not last long. He died soon after at Stockholm.

The Duke of Sudermannia was active as soon as he heard this News. He set at liber­ty the Senators and Clergymen,Sigismond King of Po­land succeeds in the King­dom of Swe­den. whom the late King had confined for opposing his Designs. Sigismond very much distrusted his Uncle. To prevent his enterprizing any thing to his Prejudice, the new King writes, that he was making all Preparati­ons to come speedily into his Heredita­ry Countries. In the mean time the Duke of Sudermannia takes the Admi­nistration as next of Kin to the King.Puffendorf. Introduction à Histoire, Tom. IV. p. 11. Rhap. 1. & 2. John left another Son by his second Wife; but he was yet a Minor. The Senators, without prejudice to their Oath taken to Sigismond, promised to obey Charles in e­very thing he should order, with their Consent, for the Glory of God, the Pre­servation of the Protestant Religion, and the maintaining the just Rights and Pri­viledges of the Nation. The Duke pro­mised of his Part, not to transact any thing of weight without the Advice and Consent of the Senate. A Council is thereupon assembled at Ʋpsal, to regulate Matters of Religion. They abolished the Liturgy and Ceremonies, introduced by the late King, and reassumed those of the Protestants of the Ausburgh Confession: They elected an Archbishop, who was well affected, and deprived those of the Clergy who had devoted themselves to serve the late King in his Innovations. [Page 236]The Swedes and the Goths only assisted a [...] this Assembly: The other Provinces we [...] afraid of displeasing King Sigismond, i [...] they engaged without his Consent. Th [...] Decrees of the Council were confirmed by the Duke of Sudermannia, by the Se­nate, the Clergy, the Nobility, the Mi­nisters of State, and the Burgo-Master [...] who were present. Those who were no [...] there subscribed after.

Sigismond, and his Uncle Charles, ob­served each other. The Nephew's Di­strust was encreased by Charles his de­manding, that before he left Sweden, his Majesty would give him a Promise under his Hand, that he would confirm the Li­berties and Priviledges of the States of the Kingdom, and suffer them to enjoy the same Freedom of Religion they had done under the Reign of Gustavus Ericson, and in the beginning of the late King's. The Duke of Sudermannia farther represented to the King, that the ill Condition of his Country would not admit him to carry much People away with him. These In­structions and Demands increased Sigis­mond's Jealousie. He thought his Uncle plainly discovered he had vast Designs. Sigismond was resolved not to heed the Duke's Remonstrances. And now Charles had greater Hopes than ever to embarass the new King, when he saw the Poles gave Sigismond leave to go into his Hereditary Country, under Condition to keep his an­cient [Page 237]Oath, not to abandon Poland, as Henry III. King of France, had done; [...]nd that his Majesty should return when he [...]ad setled his Affairs in Sweden, and have [...]is usual Residence amongst them.

The Swedes were disatisfied the new King had plainly declared the Decrees [...]ade at Ʋpsal in his Absence, and without [...]is Consent, to be null. However they re­ [...]eived him with great Marks of Joy [...]nd Affection. Duke Charles withdrew, [...]fter he had made his Compliments to his Majesty. He thought it proper to leave [...]im alone with the Council of his King­ [...]om. The Pope's Nuncio, who was with [...]igismond, much disquieted the Swedes. [...]t was visible the new King hearkened to [...]he Councils of the Court of Rome. He [...]roke the Regulations made at Ʋpsal, and commanded another Archbishop to be chosen. He who was raised to that Dig­ [...]ity, was in his Opinion, an Enemy to the late King. Afterwards he demanded a Church in every great Town, for the Roman Catholicks. The States of the Kingdom and the Clergy, vigorously op­posed his Enterprize, being assured of the Protection of the Duke of Sudermannia. The time of the Coronation approaching, the Senators demanded in the Name of the States of Sweden, that the King should first promise under his Hand-writing, not to hinder the Exercise of the Protestant Religion. Sigismond replied only in ge­neral [Page 238]Terms, that he would give his Sub­jects satisfaction after his Coronation. All these Difficulties retarded the Ceremo­ny.

The Quarrel between King Sigismond and Charles Duke of Su­dermannia.Men cover Liberty and Independence, only for themselves. Very far from pro­curing it for others, they strive by all ways possible, to enslave the rest of the World. The Polish Nobility so Jealous of their Privileges and Liberty, but ac­customed to keep other People in Slave­ry, incessantly cried to their King Sigis­mond, that an Hereditary State is Go­verned otherwise than an Elective King­dom. That in Poland he was subject to the Laws, but in Sweden he was above them. These Maxims easily insinuate themselves into the Mind of a Prince. Sigismond displeased to see himself depen­dant on the Senat of Poland, was better satisfied with being Absolute in Sweden. He Rejected the Petitions presented to him. The Duke of Sudermannia stood Neuter in the beginning of the Dispute. He advised the King to have regard to the just Requests of his Subjects, but he was not very uneasie to find a Difference arise between them by his Denials and Delays. The States secure of Charles As­sistance, abated nothing of their Preten­sions. The stubbornness of the King strangely incensed them, and the Sermons of some zealous Preachers of the Prote­stant Religion, warmed the most cold [Page 239] [...]nd indifferent. They talked of offering [...]he Crown to the Duke, and giving it to Prince John, in case he would not accept [...]t. Being persuaded it was not yet time [...]o hear a Proposition of this kind, he con­ [...]ented himself with going to wait upon [...]he King at Ʋpsal, and strongly backing [...]he Pretensions of the States. The Ne­ [...]hew and the Uncle so heated each other; [...]hey were upon the point of Fighting. They were parted, and as soon reconcil'd, [...]o prevent any Confusion and Disorder in [...]he Kingdom. These Accidents con­ [...]irm'd the States the more in the Reso­ [...]ution they took, to make the King Ex­ [...]lain himself, before they would proceed [...]o his Coronation.

The Popes Nuncio, and such of the Po­ [...]ish Nation as then attended at Sigismond's Court, now perceived clearly that in Pru­ [...]ence he ought not to stand it out any [...]onger, but must yield to the present Ex­gency of Affairs: They told him withal, That he was not bound to keep a Promise ex­ [...]orted from him by Violence. Now Sigis­mond promises 'em any thing they'd have. He reserved only, that he might have the [...]ree Exercise of the Popish Religion for himself within the private Walls of the Castle, where he should make his Resi­dence. But he from that very time, took a Resolution of destroying his Uncle. The Plot of Murdering him at a Play, having miscarried, they undertook to drive at [Page 240]him with all the Vigour and open Vio­lence that was possible. Immediate Or­ders were given to the Polish Army to march toward Stockholm. This made the States of that Kingdom begin to think of their own Security. They Summoned the Inhabitants of the Highlands to come down to their Assistance. In the mean time during all this bustle, the King took no care of the Government, nor of se­curing the quiet of the Kingdom. When any Proposal was made to him by the States, he likewise would make a de­mand of some other thing at their Hands. The Polanders were still at him to return home, and to come to no Conclusion with the Swedes. They flattered themselves, that the wider the Breaches and Divisions grew in Swedeland, the easier it would be to reduce it. So that Sigismond, in fine following their Advice, took thipping for Dantzick. He left Orders how he would have the Kingdom Governed in his Absence; but neither the Duke of Su­dermannia, nor the States, would submit to any of them; as judging the Persons imploy'd therein, to be averse to the Trea­ty concluded at Ʋpsal before the King's Coronation.The States of Swedeland commits the Government of the King­dom during the King's Ab­sence, to the Duke of Su­dermannia.

Soon after his Departure, the States of Swedeland pray'd Charles of Sudermannia, to take upon him the Government. The Duke desired to be excused; yet decla­red at the same time, that neither his [Page 241]Conscience, nor the Love he bore his Country, could ever permit him to com­ply with the Orders left by his Nephew; yet notwithstanding his seeming Modesty, the Duke wanted only to be further court­ed in the Matter. The Senate was to have almost an equal share with him in the Government, and Governors of Towns did exercise a sort of Sovereign­ty in their Jurisdictions. The King had contrived it should be so, as a necessary precaution to ballance his Uncle's Autho­rity, and to lessen his Power. Such a Scheme of Government was not for the Duke's turn. He expected that the Se­nators would abate somewhat of their Rights and Privileges, and that more Au­thority would be allowed him over the Governors of each City. Matters were accordingly brought to that pass, as he would have it. The Duke then, as if he had only yielded to the repeated Address of the Senate, slides into the Saddle of State, and marches to Stokholm: Then, he was wont to say, That the best way of Go­vernment at that juncture, was to put into execution what the King was indespensably bound to perform himself. And are we bound, said he, to obey such Orders of his, that are found to be contrary to his Corona­ [...]ion Oath? As soon as the Duke enter'd [...]tokholm, he Cashier'd the Governour of [...]he Castle for being a Roman Catholick; he [...]lso forbid the Exercise of that Religion [Page 242]within that City, he made great Presents to the Senators, he granted Pensions to the Bishops, and to the Professors of Col­leges, and won his Clergy's and Citizens Love by his Affable and Courteous ways: His Wife Christina was brought to bed at that time, and the Child was Christn'd by the Name of Gustavus Adolphus. This Ceremony was concluded with a splendid Entertainment, which he gave to the Se­nators, and to the chief of the Nobility; The Famous Astronomer Ticho Bradhe, who then Calculated this young Prince's Nativity, pronounced, that he should one day wear a Crown. This was sufficient to raise his Parents hopes to a high pitch It is usual for Persons that are enter'd up­on Difficult and Glorious Designs, to en­tertain such uncertain Prognostications, [...] undoubted Oracles. The Duke of Su­dermania thought that the calling together of the States, would be a means to Esta­blish his Authority. The Confusion in which the King left Matters in Swedeland at his going away, was a Specious pre­tence enough for this Convocation. Charl [...] together with the Senate, writ to the King about it. But he made them no Answer This Silence of his, was by some Inter­preted, as an Assent to this Meeting [...] the States; by others, as an unjust Dissent But if so, the Prime Officers of State i [...] Swedeland, do pretend that in such a Ca [...] they are impowr'd by the ancient Law [...] [Page 243]and Constitutions of the Kingdom, to convene a General Assembly of the States. They met accordingly at Suderkopin. As soon as the News of it came to the King, he charged them not to proceed any fur­ther, declaring that he would never rati­fie such Resolutions, that were taken con­trary to his Will and Pleasure. But no Regard was had to such Prohibitions of the King's. The States maintain'd that their Meeting at this Juncture of time was both Lawful and Necessary for the Welfare of the Kingdom. They then came to a Resolution, not to allow of any other Religion in Swedeland, saving the Protestant Persuasion, according to the Ausburg Confession of Faith. That the Rites and Worship after the manner of Rome, should be every where Abolisht. That Priests of that Communion should hasten out of the Kingdom in a Fortnight's time. The Duke of Sudermania was de­clared Regent during the King's Absence: With this Limitation, that all Affairs should be Administred by him in Concur­rence with the Senate. Many other Laws were ordain'd for the Preservation of the Liberty and Privileges of the Country; and they who would not submit to such Regulations, were declared to be evilly affected toward the Welfare of the Land, and to be Disturbers of the publick Tranquillity.

Charles his Regency seemed now to be well Established;A Misunder­standing be­twixt the Duke of Su­dermania and the Senat. so that Sigismond had no other way left him, but to endeavour to create Jealousies and Divisions betwixt that Duke and the Senate. This took; and it was cunningly carried on. Charles was the more readily disposed to fall out with the Senat, for that he did suspect them with holding a Correspondency with those of the Province of Fineland, who still held for the King. The Senators on th'other hand complained, that he did all things after his own fancy, and dealt harshly with such as opposed his Designs in the least. Charles alledged, that they did wast the Publick Revenue; and had fomented Misunderstanding betwixt the King and him, with a design (as it should seem) to ruin both his Majesty and him­self, that they themselves might thereby become sole Masters. He made a shew of laying down the Administration of Affairs that was committed to him; but was extreamly surprised when he found not one of the Senate opposed that his seeming Resolution. Therefore consider­ing with himself, that he had gone too far to retreat (in hopes to slip his Neck out of the Collar) he again laid hold of the Helm of publick Affairs. He Summon'd a General Assembly of the Senates to be held at Arboga. There the Senate with many of the Nobility formed a di­stinct Party, in opposition to that of the [Page 245]Dukes; many went home again, and there were not very many that came to this Parliament held at Arboga. The Decrees of the Convocation at Ʋpsal, were here confirmed, and whatever was enacted by the late General Diet at Suderkoping. Ad­dresses were made to Charles, to request him not to Abandon the Government at this juncture, with a promise that none should be allowed to have so great a sway as he, in the Administration of publick Affairs. Yet the Senate refused their As­sent to these New Regulations, and the Chancellor with some others left the King­dom upon it.

Such a favourable Conjuncture as this,King Sigis­monds un­successful At­tempt, to re­duce the D. of Suderma­nia by force. prompted Sigismond to march with a good Army towards Swedeland; if he had made more speed, he might have disperst the Duke's Party, which grew weaker every day; but the King's slackness, gave him time to gather strength, and to seise on many fortified Places, and to secure the Fleet. When Sigismond Landed, the E­lector of Brandenbourg, and other Princes of Germany, us'd their Endeavour to Re­concile the Nephew and Uncle, but their Negotiations proved ineffectual. Charles protested, that he only sought the Preser­vation of the Peace of the Privileges, and of the Religion of the Country. But Si­gismond would not trust him. He resol­ved to be the ruine of an Uncle, who openly aspired to no less than the Crown. [Page 246]These two Princes was each of 'em at the Head of his own Army, and there was great likelihood that the Fate of one Battle, would decide the Quarrel. Si­gismond was so overseen, that his Camp was surprised at Linkoping. Part of his Army was kill'd, and some drown'd. To save the remainder, he sued to his Uncle for a Peace. Charles agreed to it, on condition that the five Swedish Senators that were with the King, might be deli­vered up to him; he charged them to be principal Authors of all these Distractions, and that they should be brought to their Tryal for it, at the next Sitting of the States. The two Princes concluded a Treaty: Charles renewed his Oath of Al­legiance to the King. And Sigismond in­gaged that for his part, he would govern the Realm henceforward, according to the Constitution of the Country, and his Coronation Oath. He further promis'd to call a Parliament in four Months time, and that all Matters in Controversy should be there decided, in presence of such Com­missioners as the Emperor, the Confede­rate Kings, and Electors should appoint, on Application made to 'em for it. There were other Stipulations made for the Mu­tual security of both Princes, and for the Disbanding of their Forces on each side. Care was taken to add this farther Arti­cle, That in case King Sigismond perfor­med not this Treaty, his Subjects of [Page 247] Swedeland should be discharged of their Oath of Fidelity to him.

The States of Swedeland depose King Sigismond.The King and Duke had frequent Meet­ings, and all things seem'd dispos'd to­ward a lasting Peace. Charles seemed sincerely inclined to observe the Treaty on his part. But Sigismond vext to the Heart, to see himself forced to submit to his Uncle's Terms, retired secretly into Poland, instead of going to Stokholm, as he had promised. He was no sooner arrived at Dantsick, but that he publisht in all Courts of Europe, that his Uncle was a Traytor, and a Rebel; and therefore pretended that he himself was in no ways bound to the Treaty concluded at Linko­ping. Was it possible for him to do any thing that could more contribute to the promoting of Charles his Designs? who knew accordingly to turn all this to the best Advantage. He therefore so managed the point, that the States met at Linko­ping, where Sigismond was cited, and sum­moned to make good his Promises at the last Treaty of Accommodation, That he would embrace the Protestant Religion, that he would come to make his Resi­dence in Swedeland, or that at least, he would send his Son Prince Ladislaus to be brought up under his Uncle's Tuition, in case that he himself did chuse rather to tarry in Poland. It was at the same time Enacted by the States, that in case the King refused to accept these Terms, that [Page 248]he and his Issue should forfeit all their Right to the Crown of Swedeland, which would be bestowed on a Person capable to govern this Realm, after the Funda­mental Laws of the Land. Whilst Si­gismond dallyed to return an Answer, the Duke of Sudermania was desired to take the Government upon him, and to main­tain the Protestant Religion. The States since held at Stokholm declared, That they were no longer bound to the Oath of Allegiance they had taken to Sigismond, because he had contravened his Grandfa­ther's last Will and Testament, had not performed the Office of a good King, re­fused to observe the Treaty concluded with him at Linkoping, and slighted all Remonstrances made to him. Yet after all this, they made an offer of the Crown to Prince Ladislaus, in case that in a years time, he came to reside in Swedeland, and would be instructed in the Protestant Re­ligion. But that if Sigismond and his Son refused to agree to such reasonable De­mands as these, they Solemnly protested, that neither himself nor his Issue, should be ever capable of pretending to the Crown of Swedeland.

Charles Duke of Suderm­nia, chosen King of Swedeland.Nothing in the World could be more favourable to Charles his Designs, than such a Conjuncture of Affairs as this was. King Sigismond took a fancy to maintain the Claim of the pretended Demetrius in Muscovia. He had afterwards several [Page 249]wrangling Contests with the higher No­bility of Poland, so that whilst he was thus taken up, all he could do in some of the Remotest Provinces of Swedeland, pro­ved to be very weak and unsuccessful. Then the Duke become Master of the Heart of the Country, and of the best Garrisons, summon'd the States to meet at Norkoping in March following, in the stear 1607. To make the World believe that he had no hand in perverting the Loyalty of Sigismond's Subjects, nor of Usurping of his place on the Throne, he offer'd to lay down the Regency commit­ted to him, and even proposed to acco­modate Matters with Sigismond, or to place John the King's Brother on the Throne. The States would have no fur­ther mention of either Sigismond, or of his Son. As for Prince John, whether it was that he more loved his Ease than Ambiti­on, or whether he rightly guess'd at his Uncle's Real Sentiments in the bottom, who made such Proposals but for a shew, but truly coveted the Government for himself; John (I say) did very generously refuse it in outward appearance, decla­ring at the same time, That he was content with his Dutchy of East Gothia, and would always approve himself a faithful Subject, if any Person that was better able to go­vern the Realm than himself, in such Trou­blesom times as these. Charles therefore after so many shews of declining the [Page 250]Crown (which were never thought to be sincere) accepted it at last. It was ever setled on his Heirs Male, and not to de­volve to John, but for want of such Is­sue Male of the Body of Charles. The States being moreover sensible that Queen Catherine Jagellon was the chief Promo­tress of the Troubles and Difficulties, that King John her Husband, and her Son Sigismond had brought the Protestant Re­ligion under, decreed that their King might be only Marry'd to a Protestant. The New King without any more adoe writ to Sigismond, Mercure Francois, 1607, & 1608. and to the Common­wealth of Poland, to give them notice of his Accession to the Crown, and to make them an offer of renewing former Alli­ances betwixt both Kingdoms. The States of Swedeland writ to the same purpose, to the Senate of Poland in particular. Charles was presently after Crown'd at Ʋpsal, together with Christina his Wife, over­joyed to see her self now above Sigis­mond's disdain.

The King of Poland did not vouchsafe to make any Answer to his Uncle's Let­ter, looking on him to be no better than an Usurper. The Senate writ only to the States of Swedeland. The Polanders took upon 'em to tax the Swedes, after an insult­ting way, with Disloyalty towards Sigis­mond; they protested they would own no other as lawful King of Poland, saving him: They inveighed bitterly against [Page 251]the cunning Tricks made use of (as they pretended) by Charles to strip his Nephew of the Crown. The States of Swedeland replied to this Letter by a Manifesto di­rected to the Senate of Poland; wherein they did justifie their own Conduct all a­long towards Sigismond, and the choice they had made of a new King. Some Ar­guments were made use of in this Apology, which were unanswerable by the Senate of Poland, they being levelled peculiarly a­gainst it. On Sigismond's sudden and clandestine Retreat after the Treaty of Linkoping, the Swedes retort it thus on the Polanders: ‘You must needs own, that if your King had served such a slippery Trick, you would have long ago taken a­way the Crown you had bestow'd up­on him. The Act you formerly made against King Henry III. of France, is an evident proof of it. He secretly re­tired, unknown to you, to take Posses­sion of his Father's and of his Uncle's Succession: He soon after writ to you, that he would take care, ye should be as well govern'd as if he were among you in Person: You took no notice of such a Pretence, but immediately proceeded to a new Election. Poland (said you) was never wont to be governed by Deputies. Well, be it so. And what do you make of us, whose Case is no ways inferiour to yours? Swedeland neither cannot be without a King resident in it.’ The Swedes [Page 252]made as pertinent Answers to that Charge of their having called an Assembly of the States without Sigismond's leave. ‘It is a received Custom among us (said they) That the chief Officers of the Realm have a Right to summon an Assembly of the States in the King's Absence; and you have practis'd the same on certain Occasions. It is not so long since that you held a Diet without your King Sigis­mond's leave: It was for the maintain­ing of your Liberties: Well then; and we are resolved to do the like for the preserving of ours.’

The King of Swedeland sends a Chal­lenge to the K. of Denmark. Charles, both before and after his coming to the Crown, was engaged in a War in Livonia against the Polanders. He sometimes got the best; at other times he sustained considerable Losses. But the Polanders had Work enough both at home and in the Parts of Muscovia, that hindred the Advantage they might have taken by a considerable Victory they had obtained in Livonia. After this, Christian IV. King of Denmark, declared War against the King of Swedeland. Perhaps Christian thought he might easily reduce Swedeland, weakned by Civil Divisions, and the Diversion of its main Strength and Army at that present employed abroad, both in Livonia and Muscovia; where Charles supported against the Polanders the Interest of Suski, whom the Muscovites had placed on the Throne. However, the King of Denmark wrote a [Page 253]long Letter in the Year 1611. to the States of Swedeland; wherein he complained of several Losses and Damages, which he pretended himself and Subjects, had su­stained by means of the Swedish Nation. Their Answer did not satisfie Christian; and he doubtless expected a satisfactory one: Denmark therefore declar'd War a­gainst Swedeland. They that have a mind to pick a Quarrel with their Neighbours, are generally more ready to make an Irruption, than those are to make a De­fence. Christian enters into Swedeland, takes the City of Calmar, attacks the I­slands of Oeland and of Borkholm, becomes Master of them. But the King of Den­mark, at his coming back, finds the King of Swedeland incamp'd before him near Calmar.

Then it was that Charles sent a Chal­lenge by a Herald at Arms to King Chri­stian: Copies of it were spread abroad in all Parts of Europe. After some hard and reproachful Expressions that Charles uses against his Enemy, Since you are at the Head of your Army (said he to him) Let us spare the innocent Blood of our Subjects; let us decide our Quarrel in a single Combat, after the laudable Custom of the Grecians of old. I challenge you to it: If you decline fighting, I'll never look on you to be a Man of Honour, or a gallant Soldier. But the King of Den­mark's Answer was much more abuseful. He declared, That whatever Charles charg­ged [Page 254]him with, was but a parcel of impudent Lyes, vended by one who was better at such Railings than at downright fighting at the Head of his Army. As for the Challenge he had received, he said it argued, that Charles stood in need of some Hellebore to purge his Brain withal. Might not such course Lan­guage as this justifie that way of the Greek Poet of old, who is tax'd with representing his Kings and Princes scolding at one a­nother after a mean and scurrilous manner? Truly Princes are much like other Men; they forget themselves too often; they happen to utter Words sometimes unbe­coming their Rank and Character. Here you have a Proof on't.

Death of Charles King of Sweden.It is likely that Christian, by those last Expressions, intended to upbraid Charles with an Apoplexy, of which he had a Fit not long before. Charles required pretty large Supplies of Money for making the necessary Preparations for a War, with which Swedeland was threatned by the King of Denmark. The States refused to grant any; which put him into such a violent Passion, that he fell into a Fit of Apoplexy upon it. This Accident left such ill Symptoms behind, that they brought a Weakness both of Body and Mind on him ever after. It was thought the Grief which seiz'd him to see the Progress the King of Denmark had made over him, did occasion this Re­lapse, which cost Charles his Life, for he [Page 255]died the 31st of October following, being sixty one Years old. His Son Gustavus Adolphus succeeded him. This Prince was yet in his Minority; though not­withstanding he had already given signal Proofs of his Courage and Valour.

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.
BOOK III.

1612. The Condition France was in since Mary of Medicis came to be Regent.THE face of Affairs was quite al­ter'd in Europe, since the Death of Henry the 4th. France was in such a Flourishing Condition both at Home and Abroad, that Spain which a year or two before did stand in extream awe of her, began now by degrees to get the uppermost. The false Maxims of a depraved Policy, with which the Pope and the Duke of Tuscany [Page 218]had slily prepossest an Imprudent Queen, together with some Spanish Pistoles, sea­sonably bestowed among her Cabinet-Councellors (as a great States-man in those times has it) did bring about this sudden Revolution. This Queen Mary of Medi­cis, being perswaded that an Alliance of a double Match to be made between both Crowns, was altogether necessary toward the Establishing of her Authority both a­gainst the Princes of the Blood, and all other Opposers,III. Discours du Duc de Ro­han sur l'Etat de la France Apres ses Memoires in 40. did therefore foment Di­visions both at Court and throughout the Kingdom; She created Jealousies, and gave Umbrage to the best Allies the Crown had; and raised the sinking Spirits of her Sons most formidable Enemies. The Confederacy with England, the Ʋnited Provinces, the Protestant Princes of Ger­many, the Commonwealth of Venice, and the Duke of Savoy, had been the Bul­wark and Strength of France. These Princes who were Apprehensive of the too great Power of the House of Austria, were enter'd into a League with the De­ceased King. The good Correspondency that he took care to maintain in this sort of a Confederacy which he Headed, did keep Spain in awe, and within due bounds. This put Henry in a capacity of underta­king any thing, whenever he should think it most expedient. But so soon as these Allies of France perceived that the Queen Regent was entring into a strict Alliance with the House of Austria, they present­ly [Page 219]grew Jealous, and betook themselves to other Measures. The Venetians did not so openly declare themselves. The Duke of Savoy, extream angry that no regard was now had of the Treaties that had been made between King Henry and him; sought all manner of ways to raise Commotions in France, he had thoughts of siding with Spain, if he might be secured of any thing to content his Ambition. France taking no care to preserve the old good Correspondency that was between the Protestant Princes of Germany, and elsewhere, they fell off, one from another. The House of Austria that has always a watchful Eye to its own Interest, was wise enough to make the best of these Divisions. James King of England might have in this case, suppli­ed the Place of Henry the 4th, and compel'd the Queen Regent to keep to the Model of Government that was left with her by the late King her Husband. The concern of the Protestant Religion, as well as the Wellfare of England, did re­quire, that James should have at that time, thought on't better. But alas, the good Prince never lov'd sincerely either one, or th'other. Such a State of Affairs as this, did well for the Court of Rome. The Popes have been ever Spaniards by Inclination. The Kings of Spain are wont to bring the Popes over to their In­terest, by affecting a great Zeal to ruine Heresie. The aim of these, is to raise [Page 220]their Worldly State; and of the former, to serve those that will best contribute to restore their Spiritual Monarchy. It ap­pears that the Court of France at this time was pleased with this old policy of Spain, whereby to gain the Popes favour. But was it not a little too late to think of this way? The Court of Rome never keeps a Neutrality with France, but when reduced to it by some emergent Necessity. The French have Principles that are op­posite to the Pope's Pretensions, and to the greediness of his Courtiers.

The Factions which had formerly put France into such a Confusion, under the Regency of Catharine of Medicis, were now seen to revive under this Govern­ment of Mary. For the maintaining of her own Authority, Mary took care to bring down the Princes of the Blood Roy­al, as that other Queen her Cousin had done before. She thought fit to make use of the House of Guise, which enter'd into a new Knot with that of the Duke d'E­pernon. Instead of joyning with the real Friends, and Well-wishers of the Crown, she gave her self over to be led by the Popes, and King of Spain's Counsels, who could not grow great, but at the cost of young Lewis. The Princes of the blood understood this great Evil. They were in the Right, but in renouncing their Fore­fathers Religion, they had lost all their Credit. They likewise wanted Strength to oppose the Queen Regent's Designs. [Page 221]They of the Reformed Religion in France being well inclin'd, sought to prevent the Mischief this double Alliance with Spain, would bring on the Head of the Prote­testants. But alas, how could they help themselves? There were now, no Princes of the Blood to Head them any more. The Grandees of that Communion divi­ded more than ever, since the Assembly at Saumur, were now ready to undoe one another. I come now to particulars, of the History of the year 1612. We shall in it begin to see these three different Par­ties following, their Intrigues, and the different condition they are in. The Queen Regent and her Confidents, shall make use of the Kings Authority to co­ver their wicked Designs. The Princes of the Blood shall exclaim against the ill Management of the Government; but either no ear shall be given to what they'll say, or their Mouths shall be stopt by false Promises, or slight Gratifications. The Hugenot Party fully convinced that [...]ll effectual ways are taken to ruine them totally, shall make loud Complaints, and shall bestir themselves without being able to mend their Matters in the least thereby. Their mutual Divisions will hinder them from having sufficient Strength, to cause their just Remonstrances to be heard.

Negotiations touching a double Marri­age betwixt France and Sp [...]in. Cosme Grand Duke of Toscany, now enter'd into a Closer Alliance with the House of Austria, by a Marriage with Magdalen Arch-Dutchess of Grats, does [Page 222]set on foot the Negotiation that was begun by his Father Ferdinand, concerning a double Marriage to be concluded betwixt the two Crowns of France, and of Spain. The better to succeed, for to obtain the Deceased Kings consent, he proposed a third Match between Don Carlos, King Philip the 3d's second Son, and the Princess Christina, second Daughter of France. The King of Spain did offer to give with the Infant the Sovereignty of the Low Countries, after the Arch-Dutchess Isabel­la's Death. But Henry gave no ear to this New Proposal, no more than to the for­mer, being convinced that it was only a Snare for to get him to Abandon the Pro­tection of the Ʋnited Provinces.

As soon as the News of his Death was brought to Madrid, Siri Memorie r [...]ndite. pag. 3 [...]0, & 3 [...] &c. the Duke of Floren­ce's Embassador at that Court, did again s [...]t on foot the Business of the double Marriage. He knew well enough how agreeable it would be to his Ma­ster, to gratifie Mary of Medicis, who had an extream desire this Affair might Succeed. The Duke of Lerma, and the other Spanish Ministers of State, readily agreed to the renewing of this Negotiati­on; but they finding that France was not now so much to be feared as heretofore, they made some other lower Proposals. These Gentlemen would hear no more of that third Marriage of Don Carlos with the Princess Christina, pretending that their King was unwilling to Alienate and [Page 223]cut off for ever, the Sovereignty of the Low Countries, from the Monarchy of Spain; and they did even give out, that Philip was not out of Hopes of reducing the Ʋnited Provinces, as soon as the Truce was expired, or broke. And on pretence, that the Daughters of France do not car­ry along with them into another Family, any Right of Succession to the Crown; the Council of Spain scrupled moreover to give the Eldest Infanta of Spain to the New King of France; so that they would offer only the Second Daughter. Mary of Medicis would have been contented with this it self, so that Philip would also accept of the Second Daughter of France. By this means a way was left to satisfie the Duke of Savoy, who with great ear­nestness challenged, that the promise made to him by the late King, of giving the Eldest Daughter of France in Marriage to the Prince of Piedmont, might be now made good. But Spain would also hinder any such strict Alliance and good Corre­spondency betwixt this Duke Charles Ema­nuel, and the Crown of France. So ma­ny different Views that Spain had, ren­der'd the New Negotiation very dif­ficult.

The Council of Spain out of a desire to defend the Dukes designs,Siri Memorie recondite. Tom II pa [...] 359, 447, 448. choose ra­ther to give the Eldest Daughter to the King of France, than that the Prince of Pi­edmont should go away with the Eldest Daughter of France. So that they came [Page 224]to this Agreement about the latter end of 1610. that Lewis and Prince Philip should each of them Marry the Eldest Daughter of the two Houses of France and Spain, on condition that the Infant Ann that was design'd for the King of France, should renounce all the Pretensions that she or her Children might ever have on any of the Estates belonging to the Monarchy of Spain. This was the only Expedient that was found, to prevent that the King of France's condition in the case, might not be better than those of Philip. Both Kings Authorised the Duke of Tuscany to demand in Marriage the two Princesses in their Names; Mary of Medicis had now obtain'd, what she had a great while longed for. But she knew not how to bring about, that this double Marriage might be liked of in France. Villeroy did Negotiate this Treaty. Being always sus­pected to be a Pensionary of Spain, he used all the Intrigues possible, to com­pass this Business. The Duke of Sulli, before he was put out of Favour, did vigorously oppose the Matter. I'll hinder you well enough (said he) one day in the presence of the Queen Regent, from per­swading her Majesty to suffer her self to be led by all the Figaries of the Popes, and of the King of Spain. The Friendship of the Protestant Potentates is more useful to this State, than that of Paul, and of Phi­lip. The Queen heard all this, without saying a word. But such bold Expressi­ons, [Page 225]and so becoming a true Frenchman, did not a little contribute to hasten the Dukes Disgrace. It was hoped that this Project of the double Marriage, would be carried on very easily, when Sully was removed from the Ministry. The Ma­reschal of Bouillon as less stiff, was looked upon as a fit Person to get this Underta­king to be liked off by the Protestants, both abroad and at home.

The double Marriage is concluded be­tween the two Kings.At the end of the Month of April, 1611. all points were agreed upon. The Treaty of the double Match was Signed, and both Kings promised one to the other Reciprocally in Writing, to accomplish it. The Pope and Great Duke of Florence, were to be the Mediators of it.Siri Memorie re­condite. Tom. II. pag. 524, 525, 526, &c. The Treaty of the particular Match between the King of France, and the Infanta, was to be drawn up and published at Paris; that of the Prince of Spain, at Madrid. Another Treaty was likewise made of a League Defensive between the two Crowns. Lewis and Philip engaged them­selves to give mutually each other certain Succors, in case either of them should be Attacked from Abroad, or any Insurrecti­on was to be supprest within either of their States. The Spaniards had demanded an Offensive League to be made, but the Queen Regent would not consent to it. This was sufficient to convince her, that Philip sought after nothing more, than to make France lose the Amity and Confi­dence she had in the Protestant Princes [Page 226]and States. Mary content to Stipulate, that the two Treaties should remain se­cret for some time, had not the prudence to break off a Negotiation, wherein the Enemies of young Lewis his Prosperity, might serve themselves with an Opportu­nity of laying Snares for him on all sides. The Approaching Assembly of the Re­formed Protestants at Saumur, was the cause why the Queen demanded this De­lay. It was feared, that this News would too much alarm them, and they should take Measures to oppose a design so Con­trary to the Repose and Common Se­curity of all Protestants.

Intrigues at the French Court, as soon as the Treaty about the double Mar­riage came to be known.The Queen and her Confidents em­ploy'd all their Wit and Industry, to gain to their side the Princes of the Blood and the Grandees, to the end the Affair of the double Match might pass without any Contradiction. The Union of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, was one of the greatest Obstacles to get over. Intrigues were laid to Disunite them, and when t'was perceived, they were too stedfast one to t'other, it was endeavour'd to gain them separately, by promises of granting them some new Gratifications.Memoites de l [...] Regence de Marie de tri [...]dicis. Both these re­tired from Court, discontented that a Treaty had been made with Spain, with­out their Knowledge, though express Couriers were dispatcht to give Cardinal de Joyeuse, and the Duke of Epernon notice of it. The Count of Soissons had a de­sign in his Head to remove from Court, [Page 227]the present Ministers of State, and chiefly the Chancellor Sileri, whom he hated more than the rest. Soissons accused this prime Magistrate, of shameful and insati­able Covetousness, in selling Justice pub­lickly to the dishonour of the Govern­ment, and damage of particular Persons, who had any business to Sollicite with him. Though the Count de Soissons was extreamly angry with Conchini, since the rupture of a Marriage between the Son of the one, and the Daughter of the other, yet he kept still some measures with the Marquess of Ancre. They agree'd very well together for displacing Ministers of State. The new favourite believed he should find some Obstacles to the encrease of his Power, as long as they held any Office. After some Negotiations, both the Princes returned to the Court.

The Constable de Montmorency was lu­red in by a Marriage of his Son,Siri Memorie re­condite. Tom. II. pag 599, 600, 601, 609 612. with a Princess of the House of Mantua the Queens Niece. The Mareschal Bouillon said sometimes well in Counsel, that too strict a League with Spain, would be pre­judicial to the State: But at the bottom, he had made his Market. Lesdiguieres longed excessively to be Duke and Peer in all Forms. The hopes which were given him of making the Letters, which he ob­tain'd to be approv'd in Parlement, made him pliable, and complaisant to every thing the Court would have. The Duke de Guise, to whom Mary had recourse in all [Page 228]her perplexities, which the Princes of the Blood had given her, assured her of the Ser­vice of his whole Family, and all their Friends. I have only one Favour to ask of you, Madam, said he to the Queen, which is, that after this Important Service, your Majesty will not abandon us, as you have al­ready done, to the Resentments of the Prin­ces of the Blood.

The Duke of Epernon was yet more necessary to the Queen upon this occasi­on; he was gone from Court much dis­contented, but he was gently dealt with during his Absence; as soon as he came back to Court, they made him all ima­ginable Caresses. The Prince of Conti, the Duke de Guise, and the House of Lor­rain, the Duke de Nevers, all the Courti­ers, except the Creatures of the Prince of Conde, and Count Soissons, paid him extraordinary Honours. The Chancellor, Villeroy and Conchini, shewed him as much respect and deference, as he could possibly wish from them. T'was the surest way to engage this proud and haughty Man, by letting him gain to himself a point of Ho­nour of being Victorious over the Prin­ces of the Blood, and opposing them vi­gorously, when ever they should under­take to break the Treaty of the double Match. The Ambassador of England com­plain'd aloud of this Alliance; but t'was hop'd they could appease his Master, by sending to him the Mareschal de Bouillon. Aersens Ambassador from the Ʋnited Pro­vinces [Page 229]made a great Noise, he moved Heaven and Earth to hinder this Affair, the Consequences of which, appeared to be dreadful to his Republick. Refuge was order'd to go to the Hague, to secure the Amity of Prince Maurice, and the States-General. Lastly, Schomberg was sent to the Protestant Princes in Germany, in order to dissipate the jealousies which this Alliance might give them.

The Double Marriage is in fine carryed in Council.The Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons being come back to Court about the beginning of the year, 1612. all Per­sons were brought about to consent to the double Match, whensoever it should be proposed in Council, but the two Prin­ces were not yet satisfied.Siri Memorie re­condite. To. II. pag. 618. 619, ctc. The same day they were call'd to Council, Conde first demanded, that every one might declare his Opinion according to his degree. Chancellor Sileri spoke much in praise of the Queen's Administration of Affairs, and laid open the great benefit which would accrue to the State from this dou­ble Match. The Duke de Guise set forth the Eloquence, which was natural to his Family. There's no need, said he, of De­liberation upon so Advantageous a Proposi­tion, we ought only to thank God that her Ma­jesty hath happily brought about the Noble design, which Heaven had inspired into her. The Constable Montmorency with the Dukes of Nevers and Epernon, ex­treamly approved of what was said. The Mareschal Bouillon, and Lesdiguieres said [Page 230]only this, that they ought to take care, the New Treaty with the Spaniards might not be prejudicial to the ancient Allian­ces of the Crown, with other Sove­reigns.

At last came the Prince of Conde's turn to speak, but he was so startled with the Duke of Guise's positive way of deliver­ing himself, as that he was quite dasht out of Countenance; and after an indiffe­rent manner said, that, since this was an Affair resolved upon, it was needless to ask our Opinion. It was believ'd; that the two Princes came with a design to oppose the Treaty. The words which the Count de Soissons let fall, confirm'd Persons in this Opinion. You see, Sir, said he, turning himself to the Prince of Conde, that we are dealt with here, as Fools and Serving­men. The Queen vext at this Reproach, would have spoke, but the Chancellor cunningly turn'd her by from it, by pro­posing some other matter to discourse upon; and so it was concluded, that the double Match should be publisht the 25th day of March following, and the New Duke of Mayenne was design'd for an ex­traordinary Embassy to Spain, to demand the Infanta with the usual Ceremonies. The Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, shewed a great weakness upon this occasi­on; their Consciences would not suffer them to approve the thing, and either fear or hope, hinder'd them from speak­ing; as they ought to have done. Sir, [Page 231]then said the Constable to his Son-in-Law the Prince of Conde, you neither know how to Fight with Courage, or yield with Prudence.

The Popes Nuncio's Complaint of the Edict of Parliament, given in fa­vour of the Ʋniversity, against the Jesuits.The Queen Regent found her self o­therwise troubled upon the occasion of an Edict, which the Parliament had made upon the Contest of the University of Paris with the Jesuits, for the opening of their College of Clermont. The good Fa­thers flatter'd themselves that the chief President de Verdun would be as favoura­ble to them, as his Predecessor had been to the contrary; but they were deceived in their Hopes, whether it was that this Magistrate affected to appear Zea­lous for the Liberties of the Gallican Church, or that the Remonstrances of Dr. Richer Syndick of the faculty of Pa­ris, Siri Memorie re­condite. To. II. pag. 624, 625, &c. or the pleadings of the Advocate Ge­neral Servin had convinc'd the chief Presi­dent, that if once the Society should set footing in the University of Paris, it would Establish there its pernicious Do­ctrine; or Lastly, whether it was that Verdun did not love so much the Jesuits at the bottom of his Heart, as other Magi­strates had done; before he pronounc'd the Edict, he put on so gay and content a Countenance, as the good Fathers be­liev'd they had gain'd their Cause: But what was their Mortification, when they understood that t'was ordered them forth­with to Sign a Conformity to the Doctrine of the Sorbonne Schools, and even in what [Page 232]concerned the preservation of the sacred Per­sons of Kings, the maintaining their Royal Authority, and the Liberties of the Galli­can Church, according as it was mentio­ned in the four Articles which had been proposed to them, and were recited in express words in the Edict! From hence was the Society brought to great Extre­mity. They must Subscribe a Doctrine detested by the Court of Rome, or must be exposed a second time to leave the Kingdom. The Curates of Paris had now bound themselves to present joyntly a Petition to the Parliament, that they should be hinder'd from hearing of Con­fession: The University put up another Petition, that the Jesuits might be en­joyn'd to shut up their Colleges, in all the Towns of the Parlement of Paris's Juris­diction where they have taught, without allowing their Letters Patent, which the late King had granted them, to be made good in Parlement. Now the good Fa­thers had no other Remedy, but to make use of the Nuncio's Intercession, and cause the Cardinals and Prelates devoted to the Court of Rome, to act for them.

Ʋbaldini the Popes Nuncio, was very forward to bestir himself in favour of them; he was no less alarm'd than the Jesuits. The chief President brag'd, that he would make the four Articles proposed to the Jesuits, be made Solemnly, re­ceived in the faculty of Paris, and what­ever the Advocate-General maintain'd in [Page 233]his Pleading. The Nuncio in his first Au­dience he had of the Queen, greatly complain'd against the New Edict and Servin: His Discourse ended in earnest Prayers to her Majesty, for this speedy prevention of the Mischief which this for­ward undertaking of the Parlement was making, (said he) against Religion. Mary de Medicis gave the Nuncio good words: But it was not sufficient to have Circumvented a Woman not so clear-sighted, Superstitious to the utmost de­gree, and absolutely depending upon the Pope; for the Ministers of State, and the principal Men in Parlement were to be brought over: The Queen was not in a capacity to do any thing without them, up­on this occasion. The Nuncio sent first his Auditor to the Ministers of State's Houses. There he made a great noise, Is it then come to this pass, saith this Ita­lian, that the Kings Advocates General be­lieve, they have right to propose in Parle­ments, Questions which respect the admini­stration of Sacraments? Doth this Assembly pretend to be the Sovereign Judges of them? If the Edict which it hath set forth, did only oblige the Jesuits to follow the Doctrine received in ev'ry Church, or at least, what the Prelats of the Gallican Church profess to believe, the Matter might have been born withal; but when a Parlement shall con­strain them to conform to what is not taught, but in so small a Corporation as Sorbonne, the Pope must needs condemn so unsuffera­rable [Page 234]a procedure, Then the Auditor in­sisted from the Nuncio, that the Kings Privy Council might make void the Edict of Parlement, or at least Suspend the Ex­ecution of it.

The Nuncio's Railing a­gainst the Ad­vocate Gene­ral Servin.Then the Master on his part bawl'd, and ask'd if the Sorbonne pretended to make a Schism in the Church, by the Adoption of a Doctrine, which was contrary to any received in all other Universities. If this continue, saith he, the Pope will be ob­liged to call a National Council in France, in order to have the Sorbonne Doctrine Condemned there, as Rash, False and Er­roneous. In the mean time his Holiness shall proceed by way of Ecclesiastical Cen­sure against those Doctors, who shall subscribe the Articles which the Parlement proposes to the Jesuits. As for Servin, added this Italian Minister, all the World knows how he is a downright Hugonot, and a Pentioner to the King of England. His Office ought to be taken from him, or he for the future be prohibited to speak any thing that con­cerns Religion, the Pope, the Court of Rome, and the Immunities of the Church. This Man infects the young Lawyers with his evil Sentiments; he strives to serve the Hugonot Party, by breaking the good intelligence betwixt the Court of France, and the Holy Chair, and by sowing Jealou­sie and Distrust betwixt the Pope and the most Christian King. The Nuncio main­tain'd further, that the Clergy of France ought to Excommunicate the Advocate [Page 235]General. If Humane respect, he added, stop the Bishops from doing this, the Pope himself shall proceed against a Man, who meddles with making of New Articles of Faith, and Con­demns for Heresie, Doctrines conformable to the Truth, which the Catholick Church teach­eth. Paul the 5th, could he have dared to undertake the Excommunication of the principal Magistrates of France, for ha­ving stood up for the Interests of the King and State? Would to God, this bold Pope had undertaken it. One might have seen then, how the Gallican Church would have defended this great Article of its Liberties, viz. That a Magistrate can­not be Excommunicated for any thing, that regards the exercise of his Office. I question whether Paul the 5th could have got rid of this Affair, as well as of his Interdiction fulminated against the Repub­lick of Venice.

The Nuncio complain'd chiefly of the Article touching the Seal of Confession, as it refers to ill Attempts upon the Per­sons of Kings and the State; he spoke of this, as if 'twas nothing less than Impiety and Sacrilege. This Doctrine, said he, is against the Security of the Persons of Prin­ces. This is Surprizing; for the Parle­ment intended to do the King good Ser­vice in Establishing, that the Confessor is obliged to Reveal what he knows of ill Attempts, upon the Person of the Prince and State. Observe here, how the Popes Minister argued. Should this be received, [Page 236]he continued. Those who conceive such black Designs, will never come to Confession; a Priest will be no longer able to disswade his Penitent from the execution of his wicked Enterprize. When such sorts of Practices are made known by way of Confession, its permitted to give the Prince or Magistrate notice of them in general Terms, without Naming or describing the Persons; but to use such a way of dissuasion, Discourageth Men from Confession of the Crime, they in­tend, and deprives their Confessors of the means to do this good Service for the Pub­lick. What Ʋbaldini said against the Ar­ticle, touching the Popes Superiority over the Council, was more Malitious, and more capable to affright the Queen Regent. The same Arguments, said he aloud, which the Sorbonne use to establish this Doctrine, prove likewise, that the States General of the Kingdom are above the King. The Hugo­nots, or at least the troublesom Catholicks, will be able to appeal to a future Council from the Sentence of Divorce, which Cle­ment VIII. hath pronounced betwixt the Deceased King and Queen Margaret. The Birth of the King is not certain, according to these Principles, and that Man is in the Right, who provides against the Queen's Regency. This is that which Servin aims at. He's a declared Enemy to the Queen and her Council.

This great bustle rais'd through the Nuncio's means, was the reason why Ma­ry de Medicis and her Ministers, resolved [Page 237]to appease the Italian: But the Grandees and Ministers of State, could not well agree amongst themselves about the Ex­pedients, which ought to be taken. The Grandees were for the Queen's Suspend­ing the Execution of the Parlement's E­dict, for the calling of this Affair to her Counsel, and that the Advocate General should receive a sound Reprimand, and be advised never to engage the Queen a­gain to such Difficulties. The Ministers of State were not of the Grandees mind: They were afraid, least this high dealing should provoke the Parlement: Prudence required, they should handle this Matter much more discreetly in a time of the King's Minority, than at any other time. T'was found at last more convenient, to hinder the Sorbonne with soft words, from explaining themselves upon the four Arti­cles, and to engage the Parlement it self to Limit the Edict, and not to receive any more New Petitions against the Jesu­its.The Nuncio's tampering with the Mem­bers of Parlia­ment, to get this Sentence Mitigated. Conchini was ordered to speak to the Presidents of Parlement from the Queen, and inform them, that her Majesty wisht their Edict were Limited. The Chan­cellor Sileri and Villeroy were further em­ploy'd, for the obtaining the same from the Magistrates.

This Resolution did not at all please the Nuncio: He sees himself sent back to the Parlement to Limit an Edict, by a Ne­gotiation with them, which might not be to the Pope's liking. These Gentlemen [Page 238]are usually more stiff, and have less com­plaisance for the Court of Rome, than Ministers of State are. But now see once again, Ʋbaldini's Auditor besti [...] [...] himself, he goes to visit the chief P [...]i­dent de Verdun. His Master had ordered him to speak to this Magistrate as skillfu­ly, and with as much Civility as he could. The Auditor begins with the great praise of the chief President's Zeal for the good of the Church, his Devotion towards the Holy Chair, his Affection to the Service of the Queen, and his Inclination to do good to the Jesuits, After long Comple­ments after the Italian Fashion, came his Complaints against the Edict of Parle­ment, and Servin's pleading. Lastly, fol­lowed the Instances to this Magistrate, not to lessen the good Opinion Men had of him, but to confirm it, by causing the Edict to be Limited. Verdun excused himself, saying, he was not Master of what the Parlement had ordain'd by a plurality of Voices; he told him, that the Advocate General had not spoke of the Holy Father, but in respectful Terms, and promised, that no more New Petiti­ons against the Jesuits should be received, and measures taken to stifle this Affair. As for what concern'd the Limitation of the Edict, Verdun answer'd, that if the four Articles had not been there in express words, one could not believe the Nuncio had any reason to complain. Then pro­ceeding, We shall see, saith he, in the In­terim, [Page 239]what can be done for his Satisfacti­on. The Auditor insisted, that the Edict would be still reflecting upon the Jesuits, and [...]hat might be therein suppos'd, their [...]ety taught a Doctrine contrary to the Security of the Person of Princes; How, going on, the Auditor said, can they pro­mise with a secure Conscience, to conform to the Sorbonne Doctrine, touching the Li­berties of the Gallican Church? These words include all what the Advocate General had said in his Plea, against the Authority of the Pope, and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.

In vain did the Auditor display all his Eloquence. The chief President remain'd always inflexible to retrench from the Edict any thing which was there said concerning the Liberties of the Gallican Church. The Chancellor and Villeroy having press'd Verdun to this by the Queen's Order; Her Majesty, replyed he Coura­geously, would do better to Dissolve the Par­lement, than oblige it to alter its Acts, for the pleasure of a Foreign Minister. The Act of Parlement Limited. All that could be got from the chief Presi­sident, was, that the four Articles should not be express'd in the Edict, and that where there was mention of the Liber­ties of the Gallican Church, there should be added these words; At all times kept and observ'd within the Realm. 'Twas pro­mised likewise, that the Jesuits should not be constrain'd against their will. The Queen confirm'd all this to the Nun­cio, declaiming very much against poor [Page 240] Servin. I promise you, said she, that he shall not any longer thus escape, we shall make him become more prudent for the fu­ture.

Ʋbaldini was farther Intriguing with the Clergy, for to stir up and incense the Bishops. The Cardinal Perron and Gon­zaga, who was then at Paris, cry'd ev'ry where against the Advocate General, A Heretick, a Heretick. Marquemont Arch­bishop of Lyons, was stoutly busie on his part with the Ministers and Prelates. Ser­vin happening one day to be in the Queen's Closet with Cardinal Gonzaga and Perron; this latter had the boldness to tell the Ad­vocate General, that he was an ignorant Fellow: The Cardinal was become ex­treamly proud from the Applauses, which his easie way of speaking and writing had procured him from the common Peo­ple, who are rather dazled by the false appearance of a brisk and lively fancy, than convinc'd by any solid Reasonings, which the greatest part of Men are not capable to discern. The remains we have of Servin, and the Cardinal suffici­ently prove that the Advocate General knew near as much as Perron. At least this Magistrate had greater Integrity of of Mind, and Sincerity. The Subtile Cardinal dar'd not to take up the Cudgels against Servin, upon the Pope's Authority or Liberties of the Gallican Church; He could not have got the better of him, but he fell upon the Article, touching the Seal [Page 441]of Confession, and as the Cardinal was a great Pratler and Sophister, he entang­led the question after such a manner, for to find Heresies in what the Advocate General had said, as Servin being put to a Nonplus, deny'd what the Cardinal had laid to his Charge.

Cardinal Gonzaga not content to have given a Memoir to the Queen against Ser­vin, had a mind to affront him in her Pre­sence. He call'd Servin Heretick, the King's, Queen's, and States Enemy. The Advocate General reply'd without being mov'd, that his Office obliged him to be careful of what concern'd the Interest of his Master, and the good of the Realm.

I know, Sir, he added, That you have the Honour to be Related to her Majesty. The Quality of being the Queen's Nephew, makes me have a Respect for you; but I am not to give an account of my Behaviour, to any besides the Queen. Gonzaga answer'd, that the best Service Servin could do the King, was never to swerve from the Ca­tholick Faith, and not to divide France and the Holy Chair, and that one could not be a good Servant to the King, and an Enemy to the Pope at the same time. Before you prescribe us Lessons, said Servin, being incen'st at the Cardinal's boldness, who led a Scandalous Life at Paris, you ought to consider, Sir, of shewing us good Examples. The Queen presently interrupted the Advocate General, and dismissing of him, order'd him to give the [Page 242]Cardinal Satisfaction. I don't require any, reply'd, Gonzaga, this Man is not in a capacity to give me any Offence. Poor eva­sion of a Grandee, whom the Truth of a Reproach had touch't to the quick!

The Prelates who were at Paris, Ani­mated by the Archbishop of Lyons, set themselves likewise a crying against the Edict of Parlement, and the Advocate General. They very much blamed the Bishops of Beauvais and Noyon, who [...] present at the Judgment as Ecclesiastical Peers, for that they went not out of the Audience, as soon as they had heard what Servin had said against the Authority of the Holy Chair, and Immu [...]es of the Church. Some were of Opinion to con­demn for Heresie, what the Advocate Ge­neral had said touching Confession: But this did not content the Nuncio. To stop at this one Article, was tacitly to approve all the other, which concern'd the Coun­cil's Superiority over the Pope, and the Liberties of the Gallican Church. The Bishops too did not well agree amongst themselves upon the Article of Confession. They believ'd, that they had not Autho­rity enough to declare in a private Assem­bly, upon a question of this Importance; neither had they the boldness to under­take it. Ʋbaldini had better luck at the Sorbonne; He form'd there a Cabal nu­merous enough to hinder the Paris faculty from declaring upon the Articles: Dr. Duval at the Head of his Party promis'd [Page 243]to answer, in case the Parlement press't them to it, that the Faculty could do no­thing without the Bishops, or without an express Order from the Queen; that the Articles in question had not only a Refe­rence to Religion, but to State Affairs al­so. In the mean time the Jesuits were at a stand, they long'd to open their Col­lege of Clermont: To obtain this Permis­sion,The Jesuits puzl'd how they could content the Court of Rome and the Par­lement at the same time. they were to follow the Advice which the President Seguier their good Friend, and some others, gave to the So­ciety, which was, to content the Parle­ment by a Promise, to conform to the Doctrine generally received in the Uni­versity of Paris. But this exposed them too, to the Indignation of the Holy Fa­ther, and Court of Rome. The Cardinal Perron, the Bishop of Paris, and many o­ther Prelates, Counsell'd them not to con­tent the Parlement so far. Ʋbaldini en­treated them from it, being persuaded, that the Honour of the Holy Chair was concern'd in this Affair. After great Consults, the Provincial accompanied by five other Jesuits, goes without giving no­tice to the Nuncio or Cardinals, to make a Declaration in Writing before the Re­gister of Parlement, like to that which the Provincial had made in Parlement, vivâ voce. The good Fathers believed, they should easily Extricate themselves in this Affair with the Court of Rome, when the thing was done, and should escape with only a chiding from the Nuncio, and [Page 244]their General, who would not be sorry for it at the bottom of his Heart.

As soon as the Nuncio had understood what the Jesuits had done, he was in a furious Passion. Father Coton was or­der'd to wait on him, to Appease him. The oily Tongu'd Jesuit represented to him to little purpose, that his Provincial did not think to do any Mischief in sign­ing what he had already said, viz. That the Rules of the Society required, it should conform to the Sentiments of the Universities, where it had Colleges; that their good Friends counsell'd them to prevent the Troubles which the Parlement would not fail to give them, if the Soci­ety should obstinately refuse to obey the Edict; Lastly, that they had believ'd the Pope to have Reasons, why he did not give them expresly Permission, to submit to a Law which the Parlement would im­pose upon them, but that they hop'd the Pope would not take it ill from them like­wise, to have contented the Parlement, without the knowledge of the Court of Rome. The Nuncio was not paid with these Reasons. Doth it belong to you, said he to Coton, to guess the Intentions of his Holiness? You should have consulted his Mi­nister, who knows them better than any one else. And since you ought to conform to the Sentiments of Ʋniversities, why have you not tarried till the Sorbonne explain'd clear­ly what it believes? In stead of consulting your President Seguier, and the Lawyers, [Page 245]it might have been more expedient to have taken mine, and the Prelates their Advice, who have good Intentions, and have expect­ed Orders from your Father General. Co­ton had nothing to reply; but the business was over. The Nuncio likewise could not further complain to the Queen, of the violence the Parlement had done the Jesuits; for one might have answer'd him, that the good Fathers went of their own accord, without any new Summons, to promise to conform to the Sentiments of the University, and Intentions of the Par­lement. As Equivocations, Silence keep­ing, and Mental Reservation, are always the Society's great help; the Jesuits of Pa­ris made wonderful use of them in the Letters they wrote to the Pope and Car­dinal Borghese his Nephew. Can any one forbear laughing, and see Coton speaking down right to his Holiness, that by the Liberties of the Gallican Church, they understood nothing but the Concordate made betwixt Leo X. and Francis I.

A Book of Doctor Richer Sindic of the Doctors of Pa­ris, occasions there a great stir. Ʋbaldini bestirr'd himself yet farther with the Clergy and Sorbonne, to ruine Richer, Doctor and Syndic of the Faculty at Paris. At the beginning of the year, two Books were put out, one of which brought great trouble to the Author, tho' his Name was not put to it. The first was but a Collection of some Decrees of the Faculty at Paris, upon the Authority of the Pope. T'was intended to prove herein, that the ancient Doctrine of Sor­bonne [Page 246]is, That Jesus Christ hath instituted an Aristocratical Government in his Church. And because the Court of Rome accuseth all those of Huguenotism, who oppose it's Usurpations, the Author of this Collecti­on was willing to prevent this Reproach against the Faculty, in joyning to his Col­lection the Sorbonne Decrees against Lu­ther, and du Plessis Mornai. The second Book unfolds the Hypothesis of the Ari­stocratical Government of the Church. The Title of the Book is, Of Ecclesiasti­cal and Politick Power.

The Author pretended that Spiritual Jurisdiction belongs properly to the Church, and that the Pope and Bishops are but the Instruments and Ministers whom she makes use of, to exercise this Jurisdiction; that Jesus Christ is the Es­sential Head of the Church, of which the Pope is only Head Ministerial, as they term it, and that the Authority of the Pope extends only to particular Church­es, where he is to see, that the Decrees and Canons publish't in General Councils be observ'd; that the Church ought not to be govern'd by one Absolute Monarch, but by the Canons; that Infallibility is given to the Church in general, that is to say, to the Body of the chief Pastors, eve­ry particular Bishop and Pope likewise be­ing subject to Error; that the frequent calling of General Councils is necessary; that the Decrees of the Pope oblige no further, than they are Conformable to the [Page 247]Canons; Lastly, that the Pope cannot impose any Obligation upon the Church against her will, and without her consent to it.

As to politick Power the Author main­tains, that Jesus Christ hath given no Temporal Jurisdiction to the Church, and that she hath not any power to use the Sword, or Constraint; that Censures and Excommunications are the Spiritual Arms of the Church, and that they could not heretofore be employ'd, without the Coun­sel of the Assembly, which they call'd Presbyters; that the King is the Defender and Protector of the Natural, Divine, and Canonical Law, and that in this Quali­ty, he hath right to make Laws, and use the Sword to maintain, what God and the Councils have ordain'd; that Christian Emperors have by Right call'd the first General Council: That Appeals as Ap­peals from Abuse or Error are lawful, and that Sovereigns ought to receive them in quality of being Protectors of the Ca­nons; that the Church hath an indirect Power over Temporal Matters, by way of Persuasion and Excommunication, but not by way of Constraint and Deposition of Sovereigns; that the Decrees of Popes, wherein Sovereigns who don't Ex­terminate Hereticks, are Excommunica­ted, have no more Authority, than the Decrees of Boniface VIII. and other Constitutions of Ambitious and Usurping Popes; that the Examples of Emperors [Page 248]and Princes Excommunicated and Depo­sed by Popes, are facts which can't prove a Right lawfully acquired. And so this Work ended in submitting all these Propositions, to the Judgment of the Church.

Richer's Te­stament at the end of the 2d Vol. of his Works. Edmund Richer had composed this Book at the Entreaty of the chief President Ver­dun. He put it into the Press after the Sentence made betwixt the University of Paris, and the Jesuits. As soon as this Book appear'd, Duval and other Do­ctors of the Popes Faction excited by the Nuncio, made a fearful noise; they got at first too strong and numerous a Cabal, for having the Work to be censur'd at Sor­bonne. Ʋbaldini's Auditor and Forgemont, Mercure Francois, 1612. went from Door to Door to Sollicite the Censure: When the Parlement had cog­nisance of it, they sent for Richer and Forgemont: The first was Reprimanded, for that he had publish't his Book without permission, and any Precedent Exami­nation according to the Statutes. The other Doctor was much blam'd, because he was in League with a Foreigner, to procure by extraordinary ways an As­sembly of the faculty at Paris, which was to Deliberate upon a Work, where the Author treated of many Important Questions, touching the Rights and Li­berties of the Gallican Church. The Par­lement put forth another Act, to prohi­bit the Faculty from proceeding to the Examination of Richer's Book, and to [Page 249]order, that all the Copies should be car­ried to the Registry of Parlement. The most Prudent and most Apprehensive Do­ctors declared themselves for Richer, but Duval and some hot Spirited Men, penn'd bloody Books against him.The Cardinal Perron, and the Bishops of the Province of Sens, con­demn Ri­cher's Book in an Assembly. The outcry was so furious, as they threatned him with nothing less than Transportation to Rome, and sending of him to the Inquisition, to be burn't there afterwards. The greatest and most dangerous Enemy of Richer, was Cardinal Perron, push't on by the Car­dinal Gonzaga, and the Nuncio Ʋbaldini: Perron had the Malice to say in the Queen's Council, that he had been a long time heretofore in the party of the League, that he did not set the Council above the Pope, but because he supposed that the States General are above Kings; Lastly, that he had it in his Eye, to fling at the birth of the King and his State, with the Children of Henry IV. and the Validity of the Marriage of the late King with the Queen Mother. Richer ask't leave to defend himself against the Calumnies of the Cardinal; but the Nuncio made so great a noise on his side, as so just a Re­quest could not be granted him. Ʋbal­dini even threatned to depart presently from Paris, without taking his leave of the King. The Cardinal de Bonzi declar'd one day to Richer from the Chancellor Sileri, that he should be taken into Cu­stody, if he answer'd any of the Libels which his Adversaries publish't against [Page 250]him. How! said Bonzi, The King and Queen his Mother, know how to deal with the little Republick of Geneva. And why will you say, can't their Majesties as well keep the Pope in awe, who, is otherwise more pow­erful than the Seignory of Geneva? Besides that his Spiritual Dominion extends over all the World, he is Sovereign of many Pro­vinces in Italy. T'was thus, that the Grandees imagined their Elevation gave them right to pay others with most ex­travagant Answers.

The Enemies of Richer seeing there was nothing to do in the Sorbonne, by rea­son of the Parlement, they sought some other Means to stain the Reputation of this good Man. Cardinal du Perron was to hold an Assembly at Paris, consisting of the Bishops of the Province of Sens, of which he's the Metropolitan, for to de­pute at a General Assembly of the Cler­gy, to be held in the Month of May, and to Nominate an Agent of the Clergy. An occasion was taken to present Richer's Book to this sort of Provincial Council. The President fail'd not to have it con­demn'd there, as containing many false Propositions Erroneous, Scandalous, Schisma­tical and Heretical, without touching howe­ver, said they, the Rights of the King and Crown of France, or the Rights, Immuni­ties and Liberties of the Gallican Church! Never was there a more Irregular Cen­sure than this. The Prelates had not power to Assemble, but upon some cer­tain [Page 251]Temporal Affairs of the Clergy of their Province; The pretended Cardi­nal's Council was not therefore call'd ac­cording to the rightful Form. Of eight Bishops who compos'd it, five Signed the Condemnation, without having been pre­sent at the Examination of the Book: One might have been surpriz'd, to find there the Name of Gabriel de l'Aubes­pine, Bishop of Orleans, well known by his Books, wherein he endeavours to clear some curious Passages of Ecclesiastical Antiquity, if one did not otherwise know, that this Prelate was a Courtier, who led a Disorderly Life. The Bishop of Orleans, they were won't to say in those days, is writing for the Church, when he hath no more Money to game withal.

The Parlement having taken in hand the Affair of Richer's Book, the Bishops of the Province of Sens could not pro­nounce upon it without encroaching upon the King and Parlement's Authority. They ought to send for the Author, and hear his Defence. At last the Cardinals con­demn'd, and absolv'd at the same time. All the Propositions pretended to be erro­neous and heretical in Richer's Book, re­spected the Rights of the King, and Li­berties of the Gallican Church; and this was the reason why the Fathers of the Council would not meddle: 'Twas ex­pected from their Knowledge and Equi­ty, that they would have declared to the Publick, Richer's Heresies, which have no [Page 252]Relation to the Rights of the Crown, and Privileges of the Gallican Church. Gondi Bishop of Paris, having caused to be pub­lish't in all his Parishes the Decree of the Council, where he was present, Richer appealed as from an Abuse. He presented a Relief of Appeal to be Sealed, but they refused him the Letters he askt for, without any regard to the good Reasons he alledg'd, in offering to justifie himself: The Cabal was so strong, as the Parle­ment dared not receive the Petition which Richer had presented, to demand from the Court, that they would be pleased to order his Letters of Relief should be Sealed. Perron was too subtile to suffer, that the Decree of his Provincial Council should be examin'd in Parlement. The Advocate General would not have fail'd to prove to the Cardinal, that t'was him­self who was downright ignorant, or at least a Malicious Accuser, and Cowardly Flatterer of the Pope.

Recher is de­vested of his Sindic or Headship of the Doctors of the faculty of Paris.Injustice was push't to the utmost a­gainst poor Richer. Some Months after Harlai de Chanvalon, Abbot of St. Victor at Paris, a Man, who according to the Na­ture of his Family, declared for or against the Court of Rome, as the Court of France would have it; the Abbot Chanvalon, I say, propos'd in an Assembly of the Fa­culty of Paris, that another Syndic might be chosen in the room of Richer. The Dr. modestly opposeth this last Effort of his Enemies. The Faculty was divided. [Page 253] Duval was at the Head of 43 cowardly Doctors or Ignoramus's, who upheld the Abbot's Proposal. 25 Doctors of clearer Judgment, and no less fearful, declared for Richer. The Division in the Sorbonne was so great, as the Queen and Parle­ment made a Prohibition, that the Faculty might not proceed to the Election of a New Syndic: But Perron the Nuncio, and other Creatures of the Pope's, stickled so mightily, as notwithstanding all the just Oppositions of Richer and his Friends, the King sent an express Command to the Faculty, to choose a new Syndic. They must obey. Richer protested openly, that he would die in the Communion of the Roman Church; that he was a good Ser­vant to the King and Queen; that he would ever defend without Stubbornness and Ambition, the ancient Doctrine of the Schools at Paris; that he believ'd he ought to oppose the Pernicious and De­testable Doctrine, which was Artificially insinuated. viz. That it is lawful to De­pose Kings, and kill Tyrants: Lastly, that he submitted his Book to the Censure of the Church, and the Faculty of Paris, and his strongest Passion was to see it exa­min'd by equitable and disinteress't Judg­es. What remains to us of Richer, proves, that he suffer'd with much Mode­ration and Patience, the Injustice done to him. Filesac was chosen to Succeed him in the Syndicate.

Amongst all these Troubles, the Queen Regent diverted her self more than Re­ligion or Decency, in the second year of her Mourning would allow of; she Mourn'd not the Tragical Death of the Deceased King, but for meer fashion sake. Nothing, said Mary de Medicis to the Pre­sident Jeannin, whose Son had been Mur­der'd, Nothing hath so much appeas'd my Sorrows after the Death of the King, as the Affairs of the Regency. Her Majesty might have said with more Reality, if she had said, as to see my self Mistress. The Dukes de Vendosme and de Cheureuse were with Bassompierre, Memoires de Bassompierre. to dance a Ball every Sun­day; sometimes at the Prince of Conti's House, sometimes at the Dutchess of Guise's, because the Regent dar'd not to hold publick Assemblies in the Louvre. The double Marriage being solemnly de­clar'd the 25th of March by the Chancel­lor, in presence of their Majesties, the Prince of Conti, the Peers and Officers of the Crown; the Spanish Ambassador gave his consent to it from the King his Ma­ster. From that time he render'd to Ma­dam the Eldest Daughter of France, all the same Honours which the Spaniards give their Queens: But the French Courtiers whose Demeanours are much different from those of the Spaniards, could not for­bear Laughter, observing the Ceremonies, and affected Gravity of the Ambassador. Mary de Medicis had order'd a Magni­ficent Tournament in the Royal Square, [Page 255]for joy of the double Marriage. The three Champions were the Duke de Guise, the Duke de Nevers, and Bassompierre. The Constable and four Marshals of France, were to be Judges. This Festival which doth not deserve a place in any serious History, cost an infinite Deal of Money. Mary spent in shews and indiscreet Libe­rality, the Millions which the Deceased King had spared with too much provi­dence.New Broils at the Court of France. The Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, were not present at the Declara­tion of Marriage. They were retired from Court, with a Resolution not to re­turn till after the King's Majority, and not to Sign the Contract of Marriage. The Queen, said they, is able to finish all alone, what she hath resolv'd upon, Siri Memoire recondite. Tom. II. p. 640, 641, 642, &c. and Negotiated without our Knowledge. God forbid we should do this injury to the late King's Memory, as to consen [...] that the word which he hath given the Duke of Savoy, should not be kept, whose House hath been so many times ally'd to this of France.

Such good Sentiments would deserve prai­ses if Princes did not ordinarily use such Pretensions, when they are acted only by meer Interest. Conde and Soissons did not see that the Regent was forward to grant them the Gratifications, which they were made to hope for. The Queen being strength­ned with the House of Guise, and the Duke of Epernon, assured of the Constable and the Mareschals of Bouillon, and Lesdi­guieres, who had been brought over Dis­contented with what the two Princes had [Page 256]said in Council, when the double Marri­age was propos'd, the Queen seem'd not to be any more concern'd for the Princes of the Blood. The Constable only en­deavour'd to serve them, by putting Mary de Medicis in fear. He oft-times represent­ed to her, that the Civil Wars and Mi­series of the precedent Reigns, had no other cause than the evil Counsel given to Catharine de Medicis, for to despise and lay aside the Princes of the Blood. They, Madam, said he, who insinuate into you the same Methods, think more of Establish­ing their Fortunes and Reputation, than the good of the State: If your Majesty gives ear to them, I foresee that Trouble and Confusion will speedily follow. The Ad­vice of the Constable allyed to the Prin­ces of the Blood, and Enemy to the House of Guise, was look' [...] upon as Partial; the Regent gav [...]o Attention to it, but at the last push. The Guises and the Duke of Epernon Triumph'd, while the Prince of Conde and Soissons were absent. The House of Guise had taken care to order the Tourna­ment. Under pretext of contributing to the Queen's Diversion, they became more pow­erful than ever. Some Satyrical Wits said, that she lookt upon the Chevalier de Guise with too favourable an Eye: He ordinari­ly waited on her at Table, when the Princess de Conti, or the Dutchess de Guise regaled her Majesty. Mary seem'd very much content to look near the fine Hand of the Chevalier, which he himself affect­ed to shew. The Marquess d'Ancre, who [Page 257]all of this House, and the Duke of Eper­non hated, could not endure the great favour shew'd the Guises and their Ally. The Ministers of State were much a­larm'd at it. They thought to pluck down the pride of these two Ambitious Houses. Conchini was so much the more disquieted, for that the Queen was an­gry with him. Mary raised him up to this Greatness, but in consideration of his Wife; and the Marquess did not live kindly with her. His anger at home proceeded some­times so far, as he talk't of leaving the Court: They quarrelled lately at Table with so much heat, as they threw Plates at one another's Head; The Regent up­held the Marchioness: The Guises and the Ministers of State who lov'd not Conchini, took Goligai's part, and bemoaned her, to Exasperate farther the Queen against her Husband. All this set Conchini forward to side with the Princes of the Blood, who had a mind to humble the Guises and Eper­ [...]on, and who pretended to drive away [...]rom Court, the Ministers of State. Con­chini had a mind, especially to do this good [...]urn for the Chancellor. He was busied [...]o obtain for Dole his Creature, and his [...]timate Friend, the Office of Attorney General at the Parlement of Paris, va­ [...]ant by the Death of De la Guesle; but [...]ileri had procured it for Belieure, Allied [...]o the Chancellor's House. To revenge [...]imself of this Affront, Conchini took a [...]esolution to get the Seals taken away [Page 258]from Sileri, and to cause them to be giv­en to Dole.

The Duke of Mayenne is sent to Spain, to make a de­mand of the Infanta in the King's Name.In the mean time the Affair of the dou­ble Marriage was to be made an end of, and Dispatches given to the Duke of Mayenne, which were necessary for to de­mand the Infanta Ann, in the King's Name. The Presence and express consent of all the Princes of the Blood, were of the greatest importance upon this occasion. The Ministers of State employ'd divers Persons to Negotiate the return of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons: But the Uncle and Nephew would not hear­ken to the Ministers, whom they had undertaken to ruine.Memoires de la Regence de Marie de medicis. The Marquess d'Ancre, who had need of the Princes for his own ends, willingly took upon him the Office of going to invite both of them to come to Court. All considerations were promis't, which were due to their Birth Soissons suffer'd himself to be Lured, by the hopes of being Governor of Quille­boeuf in Normandy. After this it was no [...] hard to persuade Conde. The two Prin­ces at first went to Paris, accompanied with 500 Horsemen. The Regent seem'd to be afraid of this, but she recovered her Spirits. They came in few days af­ter to Fontainbleau, where the Cour [...] pass't away the Spring.

The Count de Soissons Friends coun­sell'd him to refuse his consent to the dou­ble Marriage, till he was more assured o [...] what he was to hope for, and hinder th [...] [Page 259]Prince of Conde from giving his; but the Mareschal Lesdiguieres always deceived by the hopes of having made good in Parlement his Brief, to be made Duke and Peer, though the Court had amus'd him for more than Six Months; Lesdi­guieres, I say, persuaded the Count of Soissons to do what the Regent would have him do. The double Match having been then proposed in Council with the Envoy of the Duke of Mayenne and de Puisieux Secretary of State, and Son to the Chancellor; the Business came to a conclusion, without any one's opposing of it: Moreover the Procuration and Instruu­ctions prepared for the Duke of Mayenne were read, who immediately set out on his Journey with Puiseux. The Duke de Pastrana came on his side into France, to demand from the King and Prince of Spain, Madam Elizabeth, the Eldest Daugh­ter of France.

Matthias King of Hun­gary and of Bohemia, is chosen Em­peror after the Death of Ro­dolphus the Second.The year 1612, was stiled the year of Magnificences, by reason of the Festivals and Shews set up in France, Spain, and Naples, for the Publication of the double Marriage betwixt the two Crowns; and in Germany, at the Election of Matthias King of Hungary and Bohemia, who was Proclaim'd and Crown'd Emperor at Francfort. Rodolph the Second his Bro­ther, died at Prague in the beginning of this year, of a Distemper in his Legs. T'was in the 60th year of his Age, and 23d of his Reign. A Prince whom one [Page 260]might judge would Govern well, if he never had arrived to the Sovereign power.Mercure Francois, 1611. After his Death, the Duke of Neubourg contended for the Vicegerency of the Em­pire, with the Duke de Deux-Ponts, as he had already contested the Administra­tion of the [...]alatinate, and the Tutelage of the young Elector. The two Dukes sent their Letters Patents into the Provinces of the Vicariat Palatine, as the Elector of Saxony had sent into his Vicariat for to Ex­hort all the People to remain Peaceable, and seek for Redress before the Vicege­rent of the Empire in all Affairs which are needful, till the approaching Electi­on. But the Duke de Deux-Ponts having been received as Administrator at the Diet at Neuremberg, the preceding year, it was a great step to promote his interest. He was present in the same Quality at the Election of the New Emperor, and there gave his Vote.

The Elector of Mentz according to the right which the Golden Bull gives him, had convok't a Diet at Francfort, to be on the 24th of May. Ferdinand of Bavaria New Elector of Cologne, since the Death of Ernest his Kinsman, arriv'd in the Month of February, whom he Succeeded in full Right, in Quality of Coadjutor nominated. The Archbishop of Treves, and John George Duke of Saxony render'd themselves there. John Sigismond Mar­quess of Brandenburg, sent thither his Em­bassador [Page 261]to stand in his place. Matthias came the last, as King of Bohemia, ac­companied with the Queen his Spouse, and follow'd by 3000 Persons. He had ask't leave of the Electoral College, to have with him a great number of Men, which the Golden Bull does not allow of to Electors in the like occasion. They held their first Meeting in the Town-Hall at Francfort. They observed there all the Formalities which were to precede the Election. The 13th of June the E­lectors went to St. Bartholomew's Church. After they had taken the usual Oath, they went into the Imperial Chamber, and Matthias II. King of Hungary and B [...]e­mia, and Arch-Duke of Austria was E­lected and Proclaimed Emperor. This is not a place to give a Description in of all the Ceremonies, which are practis'd on this occasion. The Concourse of the Princes and Nobility of Germany, makes the finest Sight: Besides the Princes of Sovereign Houses, who came in crouds to Francfort: Besides the Barons, which the Emperor and the Electors had in their Train, there were counted Ninety others who paid their Devoirs to Matthias.

He was Crown'd the 24th of June, with the usual Pomp. The Oath cannot but be approved of, which they made him take, viz. to be a Defender and Pro­tector of the Church in General, and in particular, to govern the Empire accor­ding to the Justice of his Predecessors; [Page 262]to preserve carefully all the Rights of it, to defend the Poor, the Rich, Widows and Orphans; Lastly, to submit himself, and obey Jesus Christ. But is not this the greatest Indignity in the World, that they should put into this Oath the Roman High-Priest, immediately after the Savi­our of the World? The Emperor promi­ses to obey God, and the Pope alike. Strange blindness of Princes, who will not know the Spirit of the Religion they swear to maintain! Let the Bishop of Rome be Sovereign of the same Provinces in Italy; t'is a grand abuse in Religion: But the Emperors and Kings engage to obey him, this is an entire overthrow of the Gospel. They were wont heretofore to say, that the Church is in the Empire; The primitive Christians, did they pretend the Empire to be in the Church? She ought to obey God and Sovereigns; but Emperors and Kings have none but God above them. Thus they thought in the pri­mitive Ages: All the World would think still the same, if Sovereigns would be in­structed in their true Interests, and those of the Religion they profess. By giving great Riches and Principalities to the Clergy, they have given them wherewith they may degrade their Benefactors. Mat­thias having wisht the Empress his Spouse was Crown'd, the Ceremony was per­form'd two days after.

Leonard Donato, Doge of Venice, died al­most at the same time.Antony Memmi cho­sen Doge of Venice after the Death of Leonard Donato. Antony Memmi was Elected in his place the 24th of July, and Crown'd the next Morning. The Dogate of Donato, was famous for the Contest of the Republick with Pope Paul V. who interdicted all the Country of the Seigniory of Venice. The Doge and Se­nate seem'd at first willing to defend cou­rageously the lawful Authority of Sove­reigns, but when they were come to treat of this with the Pope, the Venetians De­generated from the Vigour and Stedfast­ness of their Ancestors, upon the like oc­casions. They yielded cowardly to al­most all the Articles, which the Court of Rome required from them, except the Reestablishment of the Jesuits, who had been gone after the Fulmination of the Interdiction. The Society had done much more Mischief in France, than at Venice. In the mean time being extreamly content to see themselves deliver'd from the good Fathers, these Wise Senators Resisted a longer time, than France, the Solicitations of the Court of Rome, for the Reestablish­ment of their Society. During this quar­rel with the Pope; the Seigniory had for­bid the Subjects of the Republick, under pain of perpetual Banishment, to have any Commerce with the Jesuits, or send their Children to studie in their Colleges. The same Act was this year renew'd,Mercure Francois 1612. upon the account of a Woman of Bresse, who was gone to Castilione to live there, under [Page 264]the direction of the good Fathers. They had Establish't there, I can't tell what Col­lege of Women, and a great many Maids had put themselves into it. The Brissan Lady sold the Estate she had in the States of the Republick, to Augment this New Foundation; but the Senate endea­vour'd to stop the Money that arose from the Alienation, and caused the Venetian Dames to be recall'd, that might have put themselves under the conduct of the Society into the College of Castiglione.

The Mareschal d'Bouillon's Embassy to England.The Mareschal Bouillon was gone ex­traordinary Ambassador into England, and this was to impart to King James the double Marriage, and so dissipate all Suspicions and Jealousies, which this dou­ble Alliance might create in his Majesty: Bouillon had a particular design in this Voyage.Siri Memoire re­condite. Tom. II. p. 684, 685, 686. He was minded to Negotiate a Marriage of the young Elector Palatine, Nephew of the Mareschal's Lady who was of the House of Orange, with the Princess of England. Mary of Medicis, whom the Court of Rome always made use of for it's own ends, had recommended to her Ambassador, that he should complain to the King of great Britain, for that he had enter'd into a League with the Pro­testant Princes of Germany, against the Roman Religion, and to desire his Bri­tannick Majesty to moderate, the Ri­gor of the Laws against the English, who were of the Popish Communion. The Mareschal had besides express Order, to [Page 265]cause King James to Disapprove of the Demeanour of the Reform'd of France, in their last Assembly at Saumur; but especially to bid him beware of the Duke of Rohan, who was the most Zealous of the Protestant Lords. Bouillon had alrea­dy done to Rohan, such ill Offices with the Queen of France, as he himself was enough dispos'd, not to be more favoura­ble to the Duke in the English Court.

King James was easily made to believe, that France thought of nothing but the General good of Christianity, by making this double Allyance with Spain, and that the Regent would not less preserve the Amity of Princes and the States Prote­stants. Bouillon endeavour'd at last to make his Majesty understand, that the Pope would not use violent means a­gainst the Protestants, and that he inten­ded only to Convert them by Preach­ments, and the good Examples of the Clergy. The Mareschal laid hold on this occasion, to insinuate into the King the Regent's Complaints, for that he had enter'd into the Protestant League of Germany, and the entreaty that Mary of Medicis made him in favour of the Eng­lish Papists. I don't know whether this good Prince was enclin'd to believe what the Ambassador had told him, concerning the good Intentions of the Pope. What­ever the Matter was, James answer'd, that the Protestants lookt only to the Reciprocal Defence of the States of the [Page 266]Confederate Princes, and that Religion was not concern'd in it. As to the Eng­lish, who were of the Roman Communi­on, his Majesty protested, he willingly would let them be at Rest, as soon as they could give certain Assurances of their Fidelity and Obedience. Bouillon sent this into France, and then Villeroy im­parted it to the Nuncio, as a great Se­cret. The Regent press'd Ʋbaldini to make his Master acquainted of it, Sub­joyning, that she would write of it to Breves her Ambassador, to the end his Holiness might find some Expedient to content the King of Great Britain.

Memoires de la Regence, de Mary de Medicis.When they came to speak touching the Matters of the Reformed Churches in France, James was not altogether so Tra­ctable. The Duke de Rohan held a great Correspondence with Henry, the King's Eldest Son. This was a very hopeful Prince; he shew'd a Zeal little common to Persons of his Age, for the good of the Protestant Religion. Never did the Ro­man People so much love Germanicus, as the English lov'd this Prince of Wales; and the Father perhaps was not much less jealous of the Applauses they gave his Son, than Tiberius was of old jealous of the Reputation of him whom Augustus made him adopt. Rohan had gain'd over a Gentleman of the Ambassador's Retinue. This secret Friend of the Duke, was to instruct his Britannique Majesty with the truth of all, which pass't in France: Inso­much [Page 267]as the King was well prepared, whenever he was spoke to concerning the Assembly at Saumur. If the Queen your Mistress, reply'd he, to Bouillon, will break Acts agreed to the Protestants of her Realm, I don't pretend, that the Alliance I have made and confirm'd with France, ought to hinder me from succouring and protecting them: When my Neighbours are Attack't in a Quarrel that respects me, Natural Law requires, that I should prevent the Mischief which may arise from thence. Believe me, Monsieur Mareschal, said the King, you must be Reconciled to the Duke of Rohan, I will let him know, 'tis my desire that you live friendly together. Would to God King James and his Children had always preserv'd Sentiments so just and neces­sary for the good of England, and the Reformation; Lewis the XIII. or his Son, had never dared to oppress so many in­nocent Frenchmen. The Mareschal Bouil­lon, who was minded to be fair with the King, did not insist further upon the As­sembly at Saumur. The ill success of his Negotiation upon this point, brought him to Discredit with the Queens Ministers of State. They publish't, that Bouillon had neither follow'd the Intentions or Or­ders of her Majesty. The Mareschal complain'd on his side, that he was not well dealt withal, he pretended that they had a mind to Affront him.

Lesdiguieres was not more content with the Ministers,The Mareschal de Lesdigui­tres is dis­contented. than Bouillon. Whether it was that there was an underhand dealing betwixt the Queen and the Parlement, or that this Assembly really believed, that the prime Dignities ought not to be giv­en to Protestants, never could Lesdiguieres bring it so about, as to have his Brief of Duke and Peer approv'd of. They repre­sented to the Queen,Siri Memorie recondite. Tom. II. p. 696. that Brissac and Fervaques, ancienter Mareschals of France than Lesdiguieres, would have reason to complain, if they had not likewise grant­ed them the same distinction; that the Duke of Rohannez had a Brief from the De­ceased King, which promised him, that no other should be received in Parlement before him. At last, that in a time of Mi­nority, t'was dangerous to discontent the most Illustrious and most Ancient Houses of the Realm, for to pleasure an Upstart. Notwithstanding these Remonstrances, the Queen sent the Orders of her Son for passing his Brief, Lesdiguieres could not yet obtain it, when the Chambers were met to deliberate upon this Affair.Memoires de la Regence. The Suffrages were twice divided; and the Queen who had compass't what she ex­pected from the Mareschal, would not use all her Authority, under pretence that Prudence did not permit her to provoke the Parlement in the present juncture of Affairs. Lesdiguieres vext to see himself play'd upon, joyn'd himself to the Prin­ces [Page 269]of the Blood and others, who had a mind to ruine the Ministers of State.

Mary of Me­dicis brings down the Duke de Gui­ses, and de Epernons Party. Conchini Reconciled to his Wife, made use (the most Artificially t'was possible for him) of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons, in order to diminish the great Authority which the Dukes of Guise and Epernon had taken. Caesar Duke de Vendosme, was joyn'd with them to the good liking of the Queen; but this de­clared Union drew upon him such trou­bles, as he did not expect. As there was need of the presence of the Princes of the Blood, to make an end of the Marriage with the Duke of Pastrana, whom the King of Spain had sent for this purpose; the Queen endeavour'd to content them, by bringing down their opposite Party. Vendosme desired to go and hold the States of Britanny, whereof he was Governor. The Princes of the Blood, to punish him for having been in League with the an­cient Enemies of his Father, and the House of Bourbon, told the Queen in pri­vate, that Caesar might be able easily to make a Party in a Province so far distant, where he had great Reputation and Estate by his Wife, Heiress of the House of Mercoeur. Conchini and the Ministers, made these Reasons of State prevail with Mary de Medicis. When the Duke then of Vendosme came to ask of her leave to go and preside over the Estates of Britanny, her Majesty flatly refus'd it him. The Mareschal de Brissac Lieutenant General [Page 270]of the Province, who had been employ'd to do Caesar this Injury with the Queen, had this Important Commission bestow'd on him. The Duke of Vendosme was so outragiously angry at the Refusal, as that he challenged the Mareschal. This young Gentleman's outrageous Heat, greatly displeas'd the Queen: She with­out tarrying till Caesar and Brissac were Friends, order'd the former to remove from Court, and go to his House at Anet. The other went afterwards on his Jour­ney for Britanny, in spight of all the En­deavours and Intrigues of the Dukes of Guise, Vendosine and Epernon, who were extreamly netled at the Repulses and dis­a greeable Words, which they receiv'd upon this Occasion from the Queen Re­gent.

The Count de Soissons un­dertakes to ruin the pub­lick Ministers of State.This Mortification of the Guise's and Duke of Epernon, rejoyc't the Count of Soissons; but his Revengeful Humour was not as yet satisfied: He plotted in his Head to ruin the Ministers, but especi­ally the Chancellor Sileri. Soisson's Ha­tred against them was so much the more lively and vigorous, for that he thought Sileri, Villeroy and Jeannin, hinder'd the Queen from granting what she had given him ground to hope for. The Prince of Conde was as much impatient of the Court delays, as his Uncle; they both fear'd, lest the Ministers should Mortifie,Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis. and bring down the Princes of the Blood, as well as the Dukes of Guise and Epernon, [Page 271]for to keep up their Credit with the two opposite Parties. The Marquess de Ancre craftily Discours't the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons upon this opinion. The Queen, said he to them, hath good Inten­tions for the Princes of the Blood. She would give you both Satisfaction, if the Ministers did not constantly Represent to her, that t'was dangerous you should be too powerful in two Provinces, so considerable as Norman­dy and Guienne are. This is the reason why the Queen defers so long, to give the Governments of Chateau-Trompette to Monsieur the Prince, Quillebeuf to Mon­sieur the Count: From the first day of the Regency, the Ambitious Conchini had ta­ken a design to alter all things at Court, to remove the Ministers of the deceased King, and put into their places, Persons who should entirely depend upon him. The present Conjuncture of time appear'd favourable to the Marquess d' Ancre, for putting in execution the Project he had contrived.

He undertales to put a grand Affront on the Chancellor Si­leri.One day being with the Prince of Con­de, the Count of Soissons and the Mares­chals Bouillon and Lesdiguieres, he caused them to agree to work out joyntly the entire ruin of the Ministers. The Count de Soissons promis't them at his return from a small Journy, he was to make into Nor­mandy, he would deal with the Chancel­lor Sileri, after a very Outrageous man­ner. Lesdiguieres, who discontent re­turn'd into Dauphiny, promised to give [Page 272]the Princes Succors, and to bring 'em in case of necessity 10000 Foot, and 500 Horse, even to the Gates of Paris. The Duke of Savoy secretly enter'd into all these Intrigues; he entertain'd a Secret Correspondence with the Count de Sois­sons. The desire he had to be Revenged of the Queen Regent, who gave to the Prince of Spain, the Eldest Daughter of France, promised to the Prince of Piedmont, the hopes to make Advantages of the broils of France, and to retake what Henry the IV. had forc't him to give, in exchange for the Marquisate of Saluces; all these Motives spurr'd on Charles Emanuel, to omit nothing of what ever was capa­ble to kindle a Civil War in France by means of the Princes of the Blood, or at least by the Huguenot Party. And for this reason, he constantly Negotiated sometimes with the Count of Soissons, sometimes with Mareschal Lesdiguiers. He renewed his Intrigues, according as he saw one or other Dissatisfied with the Court.

The Marquess de Coeuvres d [...]ver [...]s the Count de So­issons from such a Design.The Prince of Conde and others, had made Count Soissons promise to say no­thing to the Marquess de Coeuvres, his in­timate Friend, of the Complot against the Chancellor. They foresaw that Coeuvres being used to stop the Count when his Choler had carried him too far, he would not fail to Represent to Soissons, that it was unworthy of a Prince of the Blood, to be Outragious against the chief Ma­gistrate [Page 273]of the Realm. The thing hap­pen'd, as they had guess't it. The Count de Soissons could not keep the Secret: He discover'd it to the Marquess de Coeuvres, who shew'd him the troublesom Conse­quences of such like undertakings. But the Subject Matter, was, how to Disin­gage the Count from his Word, which he had given to others. Coeuvres luckily found out a way. The difference that Soissons had in his Journy to Normandy with the Mareschal de Fervacques, on the oc­casion of the Garrison of Quillebeuf, which Fervacques had reinforc't unknown to the Count, this Difference, I say, occasion'd the Marquess de Coeuvres to go several times into Normandy, and to come back again to Court, to give some satisfaction to the Count de Soissons, who complain'd aloud of the Mareschal Fervacques.

Conchini impatient that Soissons did not return time enough to work the ruine of the Chancellor, told himself to the Marquess de Coeuvres at the Mareschal Bouillons House, in the presence of the Prince of Conde, Harlai of Beaumont and Dolé, the Reasons there were to hasten the Count of Sois­sons to return. Coeuvres fain'd not to know any thing of a Plot amongst them against the Chancellor. When they had discover'd it plainly to him, he so lively represented the Indignity of the Action, as they were ashamed of it. If you have wherewithal to prove, said he, that the Chancellor hath not done his Duty, is it not [Page 274]a more honest and surer way to inform the Queen of it, and perswade her Majesty to take the Seals from him, than to outrage unworthily the Chief Justiciary? So great a Violence offer'd, will not fail to pluck more upon your own Heads. Who hereafter will succeed Sileri, when he sees he can't exer­cise the Office with Security, which of times exposeth him who is possest of't, to discon­tent Princes and Grandees, in obeying the King's Orders? The Mareschal de Bouil­lon was the first who yielded to the Remon­strances of Coeuvres. These Reasons, said he, have so much the more reason in them to be received; for that the Marquess gene­rously alledgeth them in favour of one, of whom he hath cause to complain. T'was not then farther thought upon, to put any such bloody Indignity on the Chancel­lor, ev'ry one then took only Measures to destroy his Reputation he had in the Queens Breast.

The Marquess d' Ancres knavery, and double deal­ing. Conchini and his Wife labour'd herein with better Success, than all the rest. This Italian was the falfest Politician in the World. At the same time he made use of the Count Soissons, to destroy the Chan­cellor and Ministers of State, he himself was the Person, who hinder'd the Re­gent from contenting the Prince, in giv­ing of him the Government of Quillebeuf. The Baron Luts Agent for the Marquess d' Ancre, Sollicited in his behalf the Duke of Guise to declare for the Queen, and uphold the Refusal, which she design'd to [Page 275]give the Count of Soissons. Guise was so adverse to this perfidious dealing of Conchini, as he gave notice of it to Sois­sons. The House of Guise, the Cardinal Joyeuse and Bellegarde, Master of the Horse, dissatisfied at what Mary de Medicis had done to the Duke of Vendosme, sought to reunite themselves with the Princes of the Blood, against the Marquess d' Ancre. Only the Duke of Epernon neglected to enter into this new Treaty; whether it was that his Pride hinder'd him from Courting the Princes of the Blood, to confirm his reeling Credit, or that the Rheumatism which then afflicted him, would not give him oppor­tunity to think of Court Intrigues. There was in Guise's Party a pack of French Lords, who were not much better, and perhaps worse than the Marquess d' Ancre. T'was generally believ'd,Persons sub­orn'd to ac­cuse him of Witchcraft. that Bellegarde had this year Suborned some Persons to accuse Conchini, that he had of a long time us'd some Love-spells, by means of a Looking-Glass. This Affair much A­larm'd the Marquess d' Ancre. He believ'd himself now so near his Ruin, as he try'd to make the Duke of Mayenne his Friend to return to Court, who was now at the Foot of the Pirenees to go into Spain. Con­chini intended to serve his Occasions with him and the Count of Soissons, against his Enemies: But he found out a means to rid himself of the Intrigue, without the Duke of Mayenne's Assistance. This oc­casion serv'd him likewise to do the Chan­cellor [Page 276]ill Offices with the Queen. He had got some Commissions to Seal, in order to have his Accuser Examin'd. Si­leri who did not love the Marquess d' Ancre, but favour'd his Enemies, made some Scruples of putting the Seals t' 'em. Con­chini complain'd of this to the Queen, who from that time began to shew to the Chancellor some Displeasure.

Affairs of the Duke of Ro­han at S lean d' Angeli's.The Evil Counsels which the Queen Regent hearken'd to, caus'd her troubles on all sides with the Princes of the Blood, with the Grandees, with the Parlement, and at the end with the Reformed Pro­testants. The Division amongst the prin­cipal Persons of this Communion, affor­ded Mary de Medicis and her Ministers, the means of undertaking certain things against the Edict, which never would have been thought on, if two Men ca­pable to maintain their Religion against the whole World, had liv'd in good In­telligence amongst themselves, and acted Unanimously.Memoires du Duc de Ro­ [...]ohan Livre f. Vie du Plessia [...]rna Livre [...]L. I speak of the Mareschal Bouillon, and the Duke of Rohan. The first serv'd himself with the Queen's Ear, to ruine the other in the good Apprehen­sions she might have of him. What pass't in the Assembly at Saumur, exasperated so much the Mareschal against the Duke, that Bouillon undertook to throw out Ro­han from the Government of St. John d' Angeli, which the Deceased King had be­stow'd upon him: The Duke de Rohan being well advis'd of the evil Offices that [Page 277]were constantly done him at Court, went to justifie himself. After having repre­sented to the Regent, that he had behav'd as a good Man in the Assembly at Sau­mur. I confess to you, Madam, said the Duke, that I oppos'd the Designs of Mon­sieur de Bouillon: But this was done but in order to give your Majesty fresh Tokens of my Fidelity and Zeal, which I have for your Service. I Distrust those Persons who turn Scales, and pay their Services on both Sides: 'Tis seldom known, that such Men are upright in their Intentions. If Monsieur Bouillon had brought his De­signs about in our Assembly at Saumur, he might have understood how to have used them, and prevailed even against your self. When Monsieur Bouillon comes to be the Master amongst us, your Authority shall be never the better Established in this Realm.

The Duke of Rohan upon this occasi­on, prov'd the Truth of a Reflection which he himself made, viz. That a Prince who hath a prejudicate Opinion, is hard to be perswaded. The Regent gave no At­tention to these Remonstrances. The time now of the Election of the Mayor of St. John of Angeli was near. It was a thing of the greatest Importance that could be to the Duke of Rohan, that he who was in the place might not be con­tinued. The adverse Party to the Go­vernor, had got over this Man to their side; and if their Project had succeeded, the Duke had lost all his Authority in [Page 278]the place: Feigning then that his Bro­ther was dangerously sick, he took a Journey suddenly from Paris. Rohan took Soubize in his way, and they both got to St. John d' Angeli. The day of Electi­on being come, a Letter under the King's Privy Seal was produc't, that the Anci­ent Major should continue; this not be­ing to be any Rule for the future, and to be without prejudice to the Privileges of the Inhabitants. The Duke de Rohan Remonstrated, that her Majesty had been ill inform'd of the State of the City, where there was not any thing at all of Divi­sion, as the Letter under the King's Pri­vy Seal had suppos'd, and that they might proceed to a new Election, according to the accustom'd Form; I hope said he; I shall bring her Majesty to agree to it: To this effect I send my Secretary to Court.

The Mareschal Bouillon flatter'd himself, that the Duke of Rohan would infallibly lose himself, whatever Party he would take, in an Affair that was so ticklish for him to manage: If Rohan suffers the former Major to be continued, they wou'd strip him of all his Authority, and if he oppos'd the Court's Orders, this would find it self in a necessity of punishing a Man who neglected to observe the Authority of the King: To engage the Queen after such a manner, as she should not flinch back for the fu­ture; the Mareschal perswaded her to send a more express Order for to conti­tinue the old Major. But the Duke of [Page 279] Rohan being perswaded, that if he lost the Government, he himself was lost without any Redemption; believ'd, that he ought not to obey the Orders which the Queen had sent, as being Sur­prised unwarily by his Enemies: A New Major was chosen; that is to say, three Persons were Nominated, whose Names were sent to the Court, to the end her Majesty might pitch upon one whom she judg'd most proper for the place: Whilst they were expecting an Answer from the Regent, the Keys of the Town were put into the Hands of the Eldest Alderman, and thus the Duke of Rohan made him­self Master of the Town; from whence he caus'd some Subaltern Officers to be put out, who were against him.

This bold Action mightily stir'd up the Queen against the Duke of Rohan? Those whom he had sent to Court, were com­mitted to the Bastile. T'was forbid the Dutchess his Mother, his Wife, his Si­ster, to stir out of Paris. Some Persons proposed to the Counsel, that t'was fit to go and Besiege the Duke in St. John d' Angeli, as a Rebel: Orders were dis­patch't for raising Troops, and sending the Artillery. The Queen publish't a­broad, that she would go her self in Per­son to the Army, which the Mareschal Bouillon and Lesdiguieres were to com­mand, to make the Reformed know, that there was no point of Religion here in Question, but only a Chastisment of a [Page 280]particular Lord, who had Revolted from his Obedience: The Duke as soon as he understood this, published a Manifesto, which he Addres't to the Reform'd Church­es; he gave them notice that his Zeal for their Preservation, brought upon him this Persecution; that the loss of St. John d' Angeli drew along with it other pla­ces of Retreat and Security, and their E­nemies wou'd not stop in so fair a way, after they had taken from him his Go­vernment.Mercure Francois, 1612. The Manifesto ended with a lively Exhortation; The Duke complain'd, because his Enemies had made Informati­on of his Conduct, and that having found him irreprovable, they had inform'd against some Gentlemen, who were not at all faulty of any other Crime, than his giv­ing him a Visit: The Court, said he, fears that our divided Body will reunite, the Reputation Monsieur de Rohan hath acqui­red by his Quality and Probity, which he hath always made profession of, gives Ʋn­brage; must they for this cause apply them­selves by little and little to weaken our Par­ty, and to undoe us by Peacemeals? Let us know our selves, if we would Live and Sub­sist: Let us revive the good Intelligence which was heretofore amongst us: Let us Devote our selves to the Service of our God and our King: Let us work for the Good of our Church, and the State: We were the most judicious and considerable Party, before our Divisions at Saumur. This great Man, who knew better to Fight than to Write, [Page 281]not standing upon Manifesto's only, pre­par'd himself for a courageous De­fence.

Another Manifesto was publish'd on the Queen's side. She took great care therein to advertise the World, that her Majesty complain'd only of the Duke of Rohan's Undertaking. All the French of either Religion, were exhorted in it to relieve their Majesties in the just Design they had to punish a Crime of so dangerous Con­sequence to the Common Good of the State. At last the Queen protested to the Reformed, that Religion not being con­cern'd in this Affair, the Edicts of Pacifi­cation should not be less exactly observ'd. Du Plessis Mornai was then in a great Per­plexity: The Town of Saumur, of which he was Governor, was in the Queen's way in case she went to St. John d' Angeli; and Prudence required, that she would assure her self of that important Passage. Du Plessis did not know which side to take: ‘If I fortifie my self, said this Judicious Gentleman, if I call for Succours, they will attack me under pretence of Rebel­lion. Besides, if I don't think at all of being aware beforehand, I leave a place of Security, which I am entrusted with­al, to the Discretion of our Enemies: Let's run rather the Risque of yielding to Force and Injustice, than augment the hatred they already have against our Reformation, by giving our Enemies a new Pretension of accusing us of Rebel­lion. [Page 282]What Crime can they upbraid me withal? I don't fear their Scrutinies, or their Informations; what have they to find fault with me? I have no part in Mr. Rohan's Concerns. Set upon me for Religion! This would be to set the whole Kingdom on Fire.’ Du Plessis re­solv'd not to stir: He was contented to let the Ministers of State know the trou­blesome Consequence of the ill Counsels, which were given her Majesty, and to exhort them to let the Reformed enjoy peaceably the Repose, which the deceas'd King had granted them with so much Ju­stice and Prudence.

It had been better to have hearkned to the good Counsels Du Plessis gave, if the Enemies which the Duke of Rohan had a­mongst those of his own Religion, had not obstructed it. In the mean time, whether the Regent gave any heed to what the King of England had answer'd to the Marshal Bouillon upon the Subject Matter of the Protestants in France, or that she fear'd many Provinces declaring for the Duke of Rohan, a Civil War might break out in France; her Majesty at last ac­knowledged, that if the Duke of Rohan had withstood her Orders with too much Haughtiness, she likewise had too easily gi­ven way for the King's Authority to be undermined. There was sought then some way to accommodate Matters. Themines, Seneschal of Querci, was sent to St. John d' Angeli, to bring back the Duke. [Page 283] Du Plessis Mornai had given him wise Counsel, to yield willingly and fairly, as if the Queen was in the Right; provided he kept his Government in the same Con­dition as it was before. The Negotiati­on was set on foot on that Condition. The former Major was again put into the Exercise of his Office, and the Sub­altern Officers, whom the Duke of Rohan would not suffer to be in the Town, en­tred there again: But in few Days after there was a new Election, and the Re­gent gave other Employments to those whom the Duke did not at all approve of.

The Reformed Protestants after this held a National Synod at Privas, in Vi­varets: They agreed there, That the Di­vision of the greatest Persons of their Com­munion was going to make Destruction of the Reformation in France. The Synod was resolv'd to make a Reconcilement a­mongst them efficaciously. They wrote to Du Plessis Mornai, to join all his Earn­estness and Diligence to that of the Com­missaries, which the Company had nomi­nated to agitate in this important Affair. The Marshals, Bouillon and Lesdiguieres, not content with the Court, easily con­sented to the Re-union. This made them more formidable to the Regent and her Ministers. The Princes of the Blood, with whom they were lately confederated, should have had more Consideration for Persons who were capable of bringing the [Page 284] Huguenot Party well united on their side. In the Act of Reconciliation, prepar'd by consent with Du Plessis Mornai, the Reform'd Lords mutually promis'd to for­get all that had past; to love one another, to give one another reciprocal Testimo­nies of their Amity, as far as Religion and their bounden Faith to the King would give them leave; to labour jointly for the Advancement of God's Kingdom, and the Repose of their Brethren; to do no­thing which might prejudice the Union and Conformity of the Doctrine and Discipline establish'd in the Reformed Churches of France. The Dukes de Ro­han and de Sulli, the Marshals Bouillon and Lesdigueres, Chatillon, Soubize, La Force, and Du Plessis Mornai, signed the Wri­ting. They agreed further, that the Go­vernours of places of Security, and Gen­tlemen distinguish'd in the Provinces, should be ask'd to subscribe the same.

The Protestation which the National Synod of Privas publish'd in the Name of all the Reformed Churches in France, made a great noise in the World. See here the Occasion. The Regent, in her Letter to the General Assembly at Saumur. had enjoin'd the Deputies to retire into their Provinces, and there make report of the good Intentions of her Majesty. The Reform'd seeing at last that this As­sembly was oblig'd to break up, before they had time to examine the Answer made to their Address of Complaints [Page 285]and Demands, thought to remedy this Misfortune, by convening Provincial Assemblies. The Regent seem'd to suffer these, by ordering the Deputies to make their Report in their Provinces. They assembled then for this Effect; without that the Court could find any thing to say against them. The King's Lieutenants had themselves call'd some; and the Presidents of the Sovereign Court were present at others. The Regent had her self given order to the Commissioners sent to examin the Contravention made against the Edict of Nants, That they should repair to the Provinces, before a­ny Assembly was held. They were pre­sent upon certain Occasions: One can't say then, that these were held without the Knowledge and Sufferance of her Maje­sty. She thought that she had so fully al­low'd them as her Commissioners had had Orders to assist there in Person; and her Officers, with the Magistrates, were pre­sent there likewise.

The Deputies of the Eight Provinces be­ing come afterwards to Paris, with design to finish what the Assembly at Saumur was not able to perform, and to sollicite more favourable Answers to the Remonstrance which they had presented, the Regent found her self in a Perplexity she had not fore­seen. It is to be confess'd, that the way of the Reformed upon this Occasion was not ill contriv'd. This was a Means to hinder their secret and profess'd Enemies [Page 286]from gaining so great Advantages from the Separation of the Assembly of Sau­mur. There was much likelihood that the Duke of Rohan had furnish'd them with this Expedient for to cross the Mar­shal Bouillon, who had deserv'd much at Court, by having manag'd so well Affairs in the Assembly at Saumur, as the Regent could not from thence expect a more fa­vourable Issue. These Deputations put the Regent and her Council at a stand; which was as troublesom as if the Gene­ral Assembly had continued. And the Marshal Bouillon did not now seem to have done such great Feats. It concern'd him to save his Reputation, by seeking some Remedy for this new Inconvenience. A better could not be found out, than to send back the Deputies of the Provinces, as be­ing sent from People who were assembled against the King's Will, or at least with­out his Permission. And for the Court should not scruple this, by reason of the Discontentment that the refusal to hear the Deputies might raise, the Marshal Bouillon took all the Blame upon himself that might ensue.

They went yet further. The Regent had put forth a new Declaration, which forbid the Reform'd to hold for the future these Provincial Assemblies. Consistories, Colloquies, Provincial and National Sy­nods were only allow'd them, upon Con­dition that none should be there besides Mi­nisters and Elders; and that they should [Page 287]treat of nothing, but what concern'd the Doctrine and Discipline of the Reformed Churches in France. The Assemblies held since the Separation of that at Saumar, were in very mild Terms declared un­lawful: And to the end that they who had been present there might not be disquieted, the King pardoned them this pretended Crime, and forbid his Officers from pro­secuting any of them. His Majesty sup­pos'd they went thither with downright Intentions; and that they had no Thoughts of disobeying the deceased King's Orders. The Reformed were ex­tremely surpris'd, they should be pardon'd a Fault, which they pretended to have in no wise committed. Their Deputies Ge­neral presented a Petition to the Parle­ments, for opposing the registring of this Declaration. They protested, that being far from requiring any such Pardon, their Churches look'd upon it as injurious and reflecting; and that none of the Reform­ed intended to make use of it. This Op­position stopp'd the Registring of it: But the Court having got over some of the Reform'd, under pretence, that they had need of it for their own Security, the De­claration was registred and approved of in Forms.

This Affair made a great noise in the National Synod of Privas. 'Twas re­solv'd there, to draw up a publick and so­lemn Protestation, that the Provincial As­semblies had not been held against the [Page 288]King's Will; and that the Reform'd look'd upon the Pardon, which his Majesty had granted them upon this Occasion, as a Reflection which they had not deserv'd. They declar'd at the end of the Act, that they would never make use of the Pardon, which the King pretended to grant 'em, and downright disavow'd those amongst the Protestants, who sought for it. As this caus'd great Stirs in some Provinces, so the Court design'd to appease them by a­nother Declaration put forth in Form to explain the former. His Majesty acknow­ledg'd therein, to be very well satisfied with the Fidelity and Obedience of his Protestant Subjects; but at the bottom he did not remedy the Mischief t'other De­claration had done. The Provincial As­semblies remained forbidden: And this is all that the Court now delivered from the Deputies Sollicitations in­tended.

The Arrival of the Duke of Pastran [...] at Paris was of great use to diminish the Troubles which all these Affairs had given the Queen: He was receiv'd in all the Towns he pass'd through, with extraordi­nary Honours. The Dukes of Nevers and Luxemburgh went to meet him out of the Gates of Paris, accompanied with four o [...] five hundred Horse. He made a Magni­ficent Entry: He had a splendid Equipage and abundance of Men in his Retinue ve­ry well cloath'd. Don Francis and Do [...] Diego de Sylva his Brothers, and many o­ther [Page 289] Spanish Lords were come with him. The King gave him his first Audience the 6th of August. The Princes of the Blood, the Grandees, and the Cardinals Sourdis and Bonzi, were invited to this Ceremo­ny. These endeavour'd to be excus'd, un­der pretence their Dignities would not suf­fer them to be beneath the Princes of the Blood. Ridiculous and insupportable Pre­tension! These Gentlemen, to speak pro­perly, are no better than Priests and Dea­cons of the particular Church of Rome: Since they have been suffer'd insolently to put on Purple, they believe themselves not to be inferiour to crown'd Heads. Mary de Medicis, who had had a mind the Spaniards should see the Court of France in all its Splendour, wish'd that the Car­dinals were present at the Audience. They were told from her, That there should be no distinction of Places, and that every one should sit as he came. The Princes of the Blood strait took their Seats on the Right Hand of the King. The Cardinals, excluded from this place, [...]ut themselves on the side of the Queen. They did not tarry there long: The Prin­ [...]ess Dowager of Condé wou'd not suffer [...]hem above her; and the Regent fear­ [...]ng to cross the Princes of the Blood, [...]ho wou'd not fail to maintain the Right [...]f the Princess, let the Cardinals go out [...]ith Confusion, with their sottish deserv'd [...]mbition.

There was another difference, which made more noise on the King's side. The Duke de Nevers had plac'd himself on the Bench of the Princes of the Blood. The Count de Soissons, busied in speaking with the Prince of Conti, his Brother, was not aware that Nevers had seated himself im­mediately after him. As soon as the Prince of Condé, who sat above his two Uncles, perceiv'd it, he jogs Conti; and he did as much to Soissons, who fail'd not to push at the Duke of Nevers with all his strength. I don't know, said he then, why you croud me after this manner: Because this here is none of your place, replied disdainfully the Prince of Condé. There were interchang'd on one side and 'tother sharp biting Words. We will explain our selves better in another place, said at last the Prince of Condé, gi­ving a Wink upon him to follow him. The Marshal Bouillon run hastily to stop the Prince, who in passing by the Duke, made him understand, that this was a Chal­lenge. The Quarrel was presently made up by Order of the King; and the Re­gent blam'd the Duke of Nevers, because he had seated himself in a Place, which was not design'd but for the Princes of the Blood. The Guises had no [...]mtest abo [...] their Places. The Duke and his Brothe [...] were to go and conduct the Duke [...] Pastrana to his Audience. After the Am­bassador had made his Compliments, and presented to the King and Queen his Ca­tholick Majesty's Letters, he was con­ducted [Page 291]to Madam Elizabeth, design'd for the Prince of Spain, and from thence to the Duke of Anjou's Apartment, to Sa­lute the Prince and his other two Sisters Daughters of France.

Articles of Marriage sign'd between the Prince of Spain, and Eldest Daugh­ter of France.The 25th day of August, the Festival of St. Lewis, was appointed for Sealing the Articles of Marriage between Madam E­lizabeth, and the Prince of Spain. The Duke de Pastrana and Don Innigo de Car­denas, King Philip's Ambassador in ordi­nary into France sign'd them, as the Fa­thers and Sons Proxies; immediately after the King and the Queen his Mother, Ma­dam Elizabeth, and Queen Margarite. The Nuncio and Ambassador of Tuscany, as representing the two Mediators, set their Names after those of the Princes of the Blood. Elizabeth's Dowry was 500000. Crowns in Gold. They were to be paid down the Night before the Consummati­on of Marriage. The Princess renounc'd all the Rights she could pretend to in the Succession of her Father, Mother, and Brothers, without excepting the States which are not Fief-Males, into which the Daughters may Succeed. This Clause had an Eve upon the Rights in the King­dom of Navarre, and Principality of Bearn, which Henry the IV. held in right of his Mother. The Duke of Pastrana tarried yet some days at Paris: He was re­gal'd with all Divertisements possible up­on such an occasion. Having got to Bour­de aux in his return to Spain, he found [Page 292]there the Duke of Mayenne, who came back from Madrid. He had been gone thither to Sign likewise the Articles of Marriage between Lewis XIII. King of France, and Ann Infanta of Spain.

The Duke of Mayenne had received greater Honours in Spain, Entry of the Duke of May­enne into Madrid. than the Duke of Pastrana in France, whether it was that they had regard to his Quality, as Prince of a Sovereign House allied to the House of Austria, or that the Spaniards had an Ambition to outgoe the French in Magnificence and Galantry. He found in his way the Duke of Lerma's Man­sion House.French Mer­cenary 1612. This Favourite gave Or­ders, that Mayenne should be splendidly regaled, and to the end, the Feast might seem more Galant, it appear'd, that all was done at the expense of the Inhabi­tants of Lerma, who were Ravish't with Joy, to have amongst them a Guess so ho­nourably distinguish't. The Duke fail'd not upon this occasion, to set out all his Sumptuous Moveables and Tapistry, the Borders of which were all Embroider'd with Gold, and richly set out with Ru­bies and Emeraulds. The Duke d' Alva de l'Infantado, d' Albuquerque, the Admirante of Castile, and many other Grandees of Spain, accompanied with 500 Cavaliers, whose Horses were proudly Harnas't, went to receive the Duke of Mayenne without Madrid. He made a very fine Entrance: But the long and close Mourn­ing the Ambassador wore for his Father [Page 293]and the Court of Spain, had put on for the Death of the Queen, render'd the Ceremony less Glorious. The 17th of July, the Duke d'Ʋseda conducted the Ambassador to his Audience of the King. The Prince of Spain stood at the left hand of his Majesty and the Duke of Lerma at the right. The Father and Son embrac'd the Embassador, when he drew near to kiss their Hands. This was a Distinction granted to the Quality of the Prince, who was of the House of Lor­rain. After this, he was Conducted to the Audience of the Infanta. The Duke kiss'd her Hand; because her Highness had declar'd, she would use the Embassa­dor, as the Queen had used one of her Subjects.

The Articles of Marriage signed between Lewis the 13th, and the Infanta of Spain.The Signing of the Articles of Marri­age, was fix't to be upon the 22d of Au­gust. All the Court left off their Mourn­ing for that day, besides the King. The Duke of Lerma went to the Ambassador, to Conduct him to the Palace. Neither his Majesty, or the Prince or Infanta of Spain, were present at the Ceremony of Sealing: Two Acts were prepar'd, one in French, and another in Spanish. The Duke of Mayenne, Puisieux Secretary of State, and Vaucelas Ambassador in ordina­ry at Madrid, first sign'd the French Act as Proxies for the most Christian King, and the Queen his Mother. The Duke of Lerma sign'd afterwards in quality of Proxy for the Catholick King's Father, [Page 294]and Guardian of the Infanta. It was af­ter another manner compos'd in the Spa­nish Act: Lerma put there his Name first, and the French after him: The Infanta renounc't for her self and Children, all the Rights of Succession to the States of the Crown of Spain. Two Cases were only excepted: That if the Infanta was a Widow without any Children, she should return into Spain; or that for reason of State, and the publick Weal of the Spa­nish Monarchy, she should Marry again with the consent of the King her Father, or the Prince of Spain her Brother, she shou'd in this second case re-enter into her Rights of succeeding one and th'other. After the signing of the Articles, the Duke of Mayenne was Conducted into a Hall, where the King was with the Prince and Infanta at each side of him; The Am­bassador only made a Reverence to the Father. He harangu'd chiefly the Daugh­ter, in Quality of the Queen of France. When the Duke took his leave some days after, he entreated her to give him some Orders to the King his Master. ‘Assure, him, said the Infanta, that I am very much impatient of seeing him.’ This Answer did not seem grave enough to the Countess d' Altamira her Governess. ‘Ah Madam! cry'd the Spanish Lady; what will the King of France think, when the Duke shall report to him, you have so great a passion for Marriage?’ You have taught me, answer'd the Infants [Page 295]with a great deal of liveliness; ‘that one must always speak the Truth.’ She poor young Princess, had a heart burning for a Husband, who did not make her so hap­py as she fancied he wou'd.

Conspiracy a­gainst the Duke of Parma.We shall see anon, the face of Affairs wholly altered in Italy, by the Death of Francis Duke of Mantua, which happen'd at the end of the year 1611. But before I enter into this particular, which I re­serve for the following year, I think I ought to say somwhat of an Affair, which made a great noise in Italy in the Month of March this present year. Francis Duke of Mantua, had some days agoe succed­ed Vincent his Father, Husband of the Eldest Sister of Mary de Medicis. At this same time Ranutius Duke of Parma, dis­cover'd a Plot laid against him for above a year since, and against all the House of Farnese. He thought that he had suffici­ent Witnesses to believe, that the Deceas­ed Duke Vincent of Mantua, the Cardi­nals Sforza and Este, the Prince of Mode­na, the Duke of Mirandola, and some o­ther Sovereign Princes, had had a part in so horrid a design. Here's what is discover'd now of it. Many Gentlemen, and some La­dies of Quality of the States of the Duke of Parma, and the Neighbouring places, Conspired together to kill him, with all those of his House, and to possess themselves of the Towns of Parma and Placentia, which they were afterwards to deliver up to some Neighbouring Princes, from whom [Page 296]the Conspirators had receiv'd Money. There's this difference betwixt the true Religion and Superstition, that the one Abominates the smallest Crimes, whereas the other can very well accord with the blackest Actions. The Wretches who attempted upon the Life of Henry the IV were confess't, and took the Sacrament afterwards, to prepare themselves for their barbarous Design. They who Conspir'd a little time after against Ranutius Duke of Parma, and against all the House of the Farnese's, swore by the Image of the Vir­gin Mary, to keep their Trust and Fideli­ty one to t'other, and not discover their Enterprise.

Their first Project whereby they might bring their Design about, was to lay hold of the Opportunity, which the Solemn Baptism of the young Prince of Parma af­forded them, where the Cardinal Farnese was to be present with the rest of the Fa­mily. They had resolv'd to slay there Ranutius his Children, the Cardinal, and all the Persons Devoted to the Farneses. The Ceremony of Baptism having been happily put off, the Conspirators not­withstanding continued their Meetings, and took their Measures for the Execu­tion of their Conspiracy: They had al­ready got a great number of Men, and some Neighbouring Princes were to fur­nish them with Soldiers at the appointed time. But seeing that the Ceremony of Baptism was put off too long a time, and that [Page 297]the Plot might be discover'd, the Conspi­rators took a Resolution to set up the Duke of Parma in an Abby, whither he had been retir'd to take the Air, and be devout with the Capuchins, and Assassi­nate him in this place. They were to come after this was done, to Parma in the Night-time, to kill the Dukes Chil­dren, and those of his House, to sack the Palace and City, and possess themselves of the Cittadel. Another Party of the Com­plices were order'd to make themselves Masters, by means of some Intelligence of the City and Castle of Placentia, which they were to deliver up to the Duke of Mantua.

In all Conspiracies which require long time for Execution, and a great number of Complices, there's almost always some one found, who upon consideration re­flects seriously on the Enterprize. The fear of Punishment, the hopes of being well rewarded, the Horrour likewise of the Crime, and Remorse of Conscience, bring them to discover the Contrivance. The Duke of Parma happen'd upon some Persons of this Humour, who gave him notice of the Danger he was threatned withal. After an exact Information of all the particulars of the Conspiracy, Ra­nutius caused a Manifesto to be fixt up in all publick Places, which contain'd the Story of the plotted Enterprise, and the Names of the principal Complices, whom the Duke summon'd to come and justifie [Page 298]themselves: It appear'd, that the Names of some Persons who were considerable for their Degree and Quality, were sup­press't. Vincent Duke of Mantua some days agoe Deceased, was so well describ'd, as ev'ry one presently knew him by the Name of Chief Conspirator, which was given him. The Captain of his Guards was the second Man amongst the Plotters. Francis his Successor complain'd aloud, of the injury done to the Memory of his Fa­ther. For this he demanded Reparation. This Affair was so much nois'd in Italy, insomuch that they fear'd an open breach betwixt the Duke of Parma and the Duke of Mantua. The former had his Re­course to the King of Spain for Protecti­on, for whom the Famous Alexander of Parma, had done Signal Services. And the other, the Queen Regent of France's Nephew, implored the Succors of that Crown. Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy, would intervene for an Accommodation betwixt the two Princes. But t'was strait known, that this Disquieted Spirit sought to embroil them further, and rather raise a War from whence he hop'd for an Ad­vantage, than any ways to make an end of the Differences. The Parties agreed to refer themselves to the Arbitration of the Duke of Ʋrbin, as to one part of the Contest. The Governor of Milan stifled the rest of this Affair in the Name of the King of Spain, and so the Princes [Page 299]dismiss't the Troops which they had rai­sed.

A Proposal of Marriage be­tween Chri­stiana the 2d Daughter of France, and Henry Prince of Wales.To stop the continual Complaints of the Duke of Savoy, the Regent some­times offer'd to give Christina her second Daughter, to the Prince of Piedmont; yet this did not hinder the talk of Mar­rying her to Henry Prince of Wales, the Eldest Son of James the I. King of great Britain. Whether it was that Mary de Medicis had an Ambition to make all her Daughters Queens, or that she wou'd break off the Negotiation already much advanc'd betwixt his Britannick Majesty, and the Duke of Savoy, for Marrying the Prince of Wales with the Princess of Savoy: James had demanded the Eldest Daughter of France; but seeing that the Regent was so far engag'd with Spain, he gave ear to the Duke of Savoy's Proposition, which he had made him. As his Ma­jesty had got in the World a great Name for loving Money very well; so Cosmus Great Duke of Florence, a more Mony­ed Prince than Charles Emanuel, thwart­ed the Design. He offer'd one of his Sisters for the Prince of Wales, with a more con­siderable Fortune. But the Pope perhaps at the Instigation of the Regent, who preten­ded to make the Duke of Savoy amends, by bringing about a Match for the Prince of Piedmont with the Princess of Flo­rence; the Pope, I say, wrote forcea­bly to the Great Duke, for to persuade him from any Alliance, which the Holy [Page 300]Chair could not approve of. Notwith­standing the Pope's Letter, which seem'd to be Precarious, Cosmus thought always to Marry his Sister into England; he press't the Queen to assist him with her good Offices at Rome, to obtain a Dis­pensation; but Mary de Medicis who had other things in her Head, flatly denied him. The Duke of Savoy wrote to his Ambassadors in France, to tell the King of England's Ambassador, that his Highness knowing well the Difference there is be­twixt a Daughter of France, and a Prin­cess of Savoy, Charles Emanuel might not think it strange, that a Daughter of Hen­ry the IV, should be preferr'd before his; but he thought he should receive a sensible Affront, if his Britannick Majesty should Reject a Princess of Savoy, for to Mar­ry his Son into the House of the Me­dicis.

The Regent shew'd so much eagerness for the Marriage of Christina with the Prince of Wales, as Edmonds, Knight and Ambassador from England, believ'd, that after the way Villeroy had spoke to him, it might be King James's fault, if this Affair was not concluded, and that Mary de Medicis would with much willingness yield to him all the Conditions he could ask of her. When the King had heard this News, he order'd Robert Carr Viscount of Rochester, his Favourite, to write to Prince Henry, who was then at Richmond, and pray him to speak freely, [Page 301]if he like'd of the Match. Henry had notice that Christina was not yet nine years of Age, and that her Eldest Sister's Portion was but 500000 Crowns in Gold. ‘But France, said Rochester, seems to have so great a desire for this Marriage, as no one doubts, but she may give more to the Second Daughter, in case the Aug­mentation of her Fortune be insisted up­on.’

The Prince of Wales with great Pru­dence answer'd the King his Father upon all the Articles of the Letter of the Che­valier Edmonds, which he had sent him at the same time. ‘As for the time, said he 'they'l bring the Princess of France into England; I believe, the sooner it is, the better; and that your Majesty ought not to demur hereupon. As long as the Princess shall be in France, the Queen her Mother will be Mistress either to forward the Marriage, or to stave it off; and to oblige her Daughter to give her Consent, or hinder her from it. The younger she is, the more time we shall have, and easiness to instruct her in our Religion, and Convert her. Since they ask of your Majesty to Explain your self, as to the Liberty the Princess shall have in the exercise of her Religion;’ I desire, you, Sir, to answer your Ambas­sador positively, that you will not agree to any other Conditions with France, than what the Duke of Savoy had de­manded, when he offer'd you his Daugh­ter; [Page 302] ‘That is to say, that the Princess shall have the liberty to follow her Reli­gion in private, and in the most Retir'd Chamber of her Apartment. I confess, that these are too strait and narrow Con­ditions; but if France speaks sincerely, I don't question but that she will be con­tented with them.’

Henry very well knew his covetous Fa­thers Humour. For this reason, he had a touch upon the Article of her Fortune, in a somewhat more nice manner. ‘If your Majesty, continued he, regards the greatness of a Dowry, I think you will prefer the Princess of Savoy; she brings with her Two hundred thousand Crowns more than the Lady of France; for at least, I can scarce persuade my self, that the Regent will give more to the second Daughter, than to the El­dest. But if your Majesty lays aside Interest, to do what shall be more to the mind of the General Body of Prote­stants abroad, it seems to me, you will rather encline to France than Savoy. Lastly, concluded the Prince; I fear lest your Majesty should not be content with the indifference I shew for all the Propositions of Marriage which are made me. I most humbly beg your pardon for it. T'is you Sir, who is to take the most advantageous Resolution that may be, for the good of the State. I have but little experience in politick Affairs▪ and can't speak like a Man smitten with [Page 303]Love upon this Occasion.’ I have with the greater willingness inserted into Hi­story this Letter, because it might be perhaps the last he ever writ. T'was dated the 14th of October 1612. and the Prince died the 16th of November.

Having drank some small Beer to quench his Thirst, after hard Riding, he fell dangerously Sick. All the skill of the ablest Physicians, could do no good a­gainst the violence of his Distemper. Hea­ven was deaf to the prayers of all Eng­land, for the recovery of a young Prince Nineteen years of Age, the Hopes and Delight of the Nation. Those Persons who at first affected to shew the greatest grief for his Death, were not sorry for't heartily. At least t'was so believed. The Affliction of the common People was more sincere, and of deeper impression, than that of the Court. ‘They generally said, the Applauses which we have so hearti­ly given the Prince of Wales, have been Ominous and Fatal to him. They who will Reign as absolute Masters, don't love to see their Children too popular. The Affection which young Henry had for Religion, and the Libertie's of his Country, had caus'd the course of life to be cut off, which had been so hap­pily begun.’ Charles his Brother, and Frederick Elector of Palatine, who was come to visit the Princess of England, de­sign'd in Marriage for him, were present at the Funeral in close Mourning. The [Page 304]Tears of the People who accompanied him to the Grave, in reckoning up his Vertues which shin'd already in his Person, and in bewailing the irreparable loss which England had suffer'd, were the greatest Ornament of this Ceremony.

The Prohibition the King his Father made some few days after, to appear at Court in Mourning, redoubled the suspi­tions and indignation of the English-men. Did not he think as a Roman Emperor did once heretofore, that it did not be­come the Majesty of a Prince to sully his Face with Tears, that great Afflictions are for little private Persons; and that Kings may die, but the State is Immortal. This was the reason why King James thought he ought not to Interrupt the Divertise­ments which were usual, at the beginning of a new year. T'was said, that France was not sorry to hear of the Death of the Prince of Wales, who seem'd rather to have the Inclinations of the ancient Kings of England, than of the Kings of Scottish Race; and one could but very badly In­terpret the Sentiments which the Prince shew'd, when he heard of the Death of Henry IV. ‘I have lost, cry'd he, my se­cond Father.’ The common Opinion is, that young Henry had resolv'd to steal away from the English Court, and go learn the Trade of War under the King of France, as soon as he march't at the Head of his Army. At the same time the Prince of Wales lamented the Tragi­cal [Page 305]Death of Henry the IV. a Courtier resolv'd to tell him, that this Occurrence would give his Highness the means of making the pretension of England's Kings to France, more strong and prevalent. ‘Get you gone idle Flatterer, replyed the Prince in Anger; dare you talk to me of making War against an Infant? I am ready to defend him against all those who shall venture to attack him.’ The Son of that Person for whom the Prince had so Noble Sentiments, hath not had this delicate Generosity, though he was much more advanc't in Age.

I doubt whether it be needful to carry the Suspitions of young Henry's Death, as far as many in England have carried them. If it was hasten'd, as the report of Physicians made People believe, the Viscount of Rochester may have commit­ted so horrible a Crime. He and his Wife were accus'd since then, as being guilty of Poysoning. The Prince had no kindness for his Fathers Favourite; he always look't sourly upon him, and shew'd a great Repugnance of Spirit to suffer him near his Person. Robert Carr, a Gen­tleman of a mean Birth in Scotland, ha­ving found out a way to be Page to the King; his pleasant Countenance, fine Stature, insinuating Behaviour pleased him extreamly. In a little time Car was Knighted; and the King disgusted with the Count of Montgomery, set all his Af­fection upon the Scotch Knight. He rai­sed [Page 306]him up further to the Dignity of Vis­count of Rochester, and afterwards to be Duke of Somerset. The Fall of this unwor­thy Favourite was as shameful, as his Rise was astonishing. He at last fell in Love with the Countess of Essex, who sought to engage him; and he afterwards marri­ed her. This is not a fit Place to relate this Lady's Adventures. 'Tis said, that the Prince of Wales was struck with her great Beauty; but Rochester was preferr'd before him. The Despite which the Prince harbour'd from hence, encreased the Aversion he had for his Rival. The Countess having let fall her Glove, as she was dancing, he who had taken it up, presented it to the Prince of Wales, thinking to please him, in giving him an Opportunity of shewing the Lady a Civility, whom he seem'd to have a Kindness for: But Henry threw the Glove back with Disdain; saying, A­nother hath stretched it out. As the Two Lovers were expert in the Art of Poysoning, so, 'tis very probable, they had a mind to be rid of a Prince, and make him away, who would have been a great Impediment to their Repose, and the Establishment of their Fortune.

The Count de Soissons, dead some Days before the Prince of Wales▪ left behind him vacant Places of great Dignity; the Governments of the Dauphiny and of Normandy, with the Office of Lord High-Steward of the King's Houshold. The Regent gave this Office to the new Count, [Page 307]Son of the Deceased, with the Govern­ment of Dauphiny: She was willing to keep that of Normandy to her self, and have it manag'd by a Lieutenant Ge­neral. But the Prince of Conti was to be satisfied, who ask'd for one of his Bro­ther's two Governments. This seem'd ve­ry reasonable, Conti having heretofore gi­ven up the Government of the Dauphinate to the Count. To give him and the Gui­ses some satisfaction, a Sister of whom the Prince had married, it was caus'd to be propos'd to Charles of Valois, Natural Son of King Charles IX. whom we before call'd Count d' Auvergne, and henceforth shall be stil'd Duke of Angoulesme, to lay down the Government of Auvergne. Henry IV. had put him into Prison for a Conspiracy; and the Regent kept him there still. The Marquiss de Coeuvres was ordered to speak to him for accommodating the Matter. The Duke d' Angoulesme, who long'd for his Liberty, accepted the Proposition to obtain his Liberty; and so the Prince of Conti was made Governour of Auvergne.

The Count de Soissons had vast Designs rolling in his Head when he died. 'Twas said, that he had bound himself in a great Correspondence with Henry Prince of Wales, Maurice Prince of Orange, the Duke of Savoy and the Huguenot Party. The Duke of Rohan perceiving him dis­contented with the Regent and her An­cestors, sent to offer him his Services. He did not ask for the Government of Quille­beuf, [Page 308]but only to be in a Condition of gi­ving Entrance to the Succours, which he had projected should come from England and Holland. His greatest Passion and Desire was to remove the Ministers, and quell the Party of the Guises, and of the Duke of Epernon. He would have had the Joy of seeing his Wishes almost fulfill'd, if Death had not taken him hence the first Day of November. The Marquiss and Mar­chioness d'Ancre, had so much prepossess'd the Queen against the Ministers of State, and especially against Sileri, that she be­gan to keep them in the dark as to her Ca­binet Affairs. Galigai had the Insolence to say a thousand offensive things to the Chancellor in presence of the Queen, and to upbraid him with the ill Administrati­on of his Office. Mary de Medicis suffer'd her She-Confident to speak all; and poor Sileri dar'd not to answer a Word for him­self. He was afraid lest the Queen should second the Reproaches, perhaps too true, which were said against him. The Marchioness d'Ancre, being sure of her Mistress's Sentiments, spoke confi­dently, as she was able to put out of Coun­tenance the boldest Man alive. 'Tis a Maxim amongst interested Courtiers, not to be put off and repuls'd easily, and not to quit the Game, but at the last Extremi­ty. The Chancellor went into the Queen's Closet with other Ministers; but there he was afresh mortified. Her Majesty turn'd her Back to him, affecting to [Page 309]speak with a deal-of trust to the President Jeannin.

A new Party was now set up at Court, which having got the upper most, dissipa­ted all the rest. The Prince of Condé head­ed it. The Dukes of Nevers, Maienne, Longueville, the Marshal Bouillon, and the Marquess d' Ancre came into it: The Guises, Epernon, Amville, and their Friends, found their Affairs retarded by these Means. The Duke of Amville was Brother to the Constable Montmorenci; in whose Absence, being gone to his Go­vernment in Languedoc, he joyn'd himself to the Guises, whom he thought had got further into the Queen's Favour than o­thers. The Master of the Horse, Belle­garde, of the same Party, was then at Bour­gundy, as Governour of it. He receiv'd Orders to come presently to Court. Bel­legarde obey'd the more willingly, for that the Duke of Guise had hasten'd him to come to their Relief. As soon as he had reach'd Sens, they gave him notice that the Queen had sent for him, only to put him out of his Government: Understanding this, he went back to it with all speed. The Marquess d' Ancre had laid an Intrigue for causing Bourgundy to be given to the Duke of Mayenne.

There were more open Contentions at the Sorbonne than at the Court.The Jesuit Becanus his Book condem­ned. The Je­suits let loose against the lawful Authority of Sovereigns, publish'd new Books every Day upon this Subject, to court and please [Page 310]the proud Borghese. Becan, a famous Au­thor of the Society, had printed one this Year,Mercure Francois 1611. with this Title, The Controversie of England touching the King and Pope's Au­thority. When Doctor Filezac, new Syndic of the Faculty at Paris, had per­us'd it, he spoke of it to Cardinal Bonzi, to know whether the Queen would think fit the Sorbonne should censure so pernicious a Book. The Nuncio and the Jesuits strove alike to shake off the Blow. Ʋbal­dini saw that the Faculty would not fail to have a fling in its Censure, at the pre­tended Authority of the Holy Chair. The good Fathers feared, lest a new Decree of the Faculty of Paris publish'd through­out all France, might further confirm the common Opinion, That the Society makes Profession to teach constantly a Doctrine, which is contrary to the Authority of Kings, and Security of their Persons. But the Propositions of Becan were so loudly complain'd of, as it was expedient to ap­pease Mens Minds by some Condemnation of them. Here's the Expedient which the Pope's Counsel and the Jesuits resolv'd upon. They told the Queen, that it would be of greater efficacy to have these sorts [...] Books condemned at Rome; and that [...] Censure coming forth from the Holy Chair, would carry more Authority with it, than one from the Faculty of Paris Mary de Medicis was easily drawn into the Snare they had laid for her. She bid the Cardinal Bonzi tell the Syndic of the Fa­culty, [Page 311]That her Majesty would not have the Sorbonne to determine any thing upon Becan's Book, because the Queen had a design to have it condemn'd by the Pope, the Court of Rome, and the good Fathers to make for them this Evasion. If the Sorbonne had left off making a noise, the Examination of the Book had been stopt. Whatever came on't, the Inquisition con­demning a Book in general Terms, with­out specifying any thing, People could not exactly know upon what Point the Condemnation fell; and thus the exorbi­tant Proposition, concerning the Pope's Au­thority, would have been not touch'd or meddled with. It was supposed, that the Inquisition never intended to condemn them.

One Paris having presented in the Sor­bonne, the first of December, some Propositi­ons extracted out of Becan's Book; wherein the Assassination of Kings and Princes was permitted, and many other things con­tain'd, which were contrary to Divine and Humane Laws, the Syndic made a Re­port of what Cardinal Bonzi had told him concerning the Queen's Intentions. Dr. Paris's Mouth being stop'd with this Answer, desir'd, that what he had propos'd, might be register'd; and that a Copy of what the Faculty had concluded upon, might be given him. It was granted him. The first Day of the Year following, the Faculty of Paris deputed four Doctors to represent to the Chancellor, that they de­sired [Page 312]to make a publick Testimony of their Stedfastness for the Service of the King, by censuring Becan's Book; and to make, at least, the Publick know, that it was not their Fault, if so dangerous a Book had not been condemn'd in Forms, or for­mally. They moreover said, that they entreated leave to remonstrate to the Queen upon this, as an Affair of the great­est Importance. Sileri approved the Zeal of the Sorbonne. He gloried, that he had all his Learning in the University of Paris: And so he promised the Doctors to in­troduce them into her Majesty's Presence, Dr. Fayet, who was the Spokesman, told the Regent, that the Faculty of Paris not being accustom'd to receive Orders from the King by the Mouth of any private Person, or by Letters under the Privy-Seal, but only by Letters sealed with the Great Seal, they had obey'd, as soon as it was reported to them what the Cardinal Bonzi had told the Syndic of ther Maje­sty's Intentions. ‘Nevertheless, Ma­dam, said he, the Faculty hath believed it was their duty to receive your Order from your own Mouth. If you don't judge it convenient for us to deliberate upon Jesuit Becan's Book, we most hum­bly entreat your Majesty to take care, that our Silence upon this Occasion be not interpreted as a tacit Approbation of those pernicious Sentiments, which de­prives Kings of their lawful Authority, and justifies their Assassination.’ The [Page 313]Regent answer'd, that she would speak of this Affair to her Council, and that the chancellor should by the Faculty know her Intentions.

Dr. Fayet being come to the Chan­cellor some Days after: The Queen, said Sileri, is inform'd, that the wicked Book of Becan is become too common. Her Maje­sty gives you leave to do what you judge con­venient. 'Tis a great Mischief, that the Sorbonne is divided, for what concerns good Sentiments. Will you never unite and agree again? Fayet answer'd the Chan­cellor, That the Faculty was willing to preserve its ancient Doctrine; and that they had always taught the same Do­ctrine in the Sorbonne, till some certain Per­sons had broach'd there some Foreign O­ [...]inions. The Chancellor commended the Doctors for their Zeal, and gave the Queen's leave to censure Becan's Book; [...]ut the Nuncio Ʋbaldini cunningly turn'd he Blow aside: He being persuaded, that [...]mething would be attempted in France [...]gainst the Jesuit's Work, straitways solli­ [...]ited a Decree from the Inquisition. As [...]on as he receiv'd it, he communicated it [...] the Queen: She being always submis­ [...]ve to the Pope, told the Faculty, that it [...]as sufficient to read the Decree openly in [...]e Sorbonne. The Affair thus rested. One [...]ight be surprized to find Robert Bellar­ [...]in's Name amongst those Cardinals, [...]ho condemn'd the Author's Book, who [...]llow'd Bellarmin's Principles, if it [Page 314]was not known, that the Cardinal promo­ted in the Society, had in a readiness his Equivocations and Mental Restrictions, to condemn with safety of Conscience in the Work of one of his own Fraternity, the Doctrine which he maintain'd as the most Orthodox in the World.

An Edict of Palement a­gainst Sciop­pius's Book.It was the Jesuits alone, who courted Paul V. by writing against James I. King of England, concerning the Authority of Sovereigns and the Holy Chair. Gaspar Scioppius, the most violent Enemy of that Society, would enter the List likewise, and shew some of his fine Latin in this notable Dispute. His Book having been brought from Frankfort-Fair to Paris, there was a Presentment made of it to the Parlement. Scioppius discours'd herein of Henry IV. as if he was a Prince without any Religion. He seem'd to approve of the infamous Action of Ravillac. All Kings and Sovereigns, who let Hereticks live in repose in their States, were, in his Opinion, Hereticks themselves. What do I say? nay, even Turks and Atheists. The Parlement order'd, that this extravagant and impious Book should be burnt by the Hands of the Common Executioner; and that all the Copies should be suppress'd. That it should be branded in England af­ter the same manner,Dictionaire Hist. & Cri­ti (que) de M.. Bayle. is no wonder. But I can't enough admire, the King of Great Britain should suffer a Farce to be acted before him, wherein Scioppius was repre­sented and hang'd upon the Stage. A Re­venge [Page 315]alike unworthy of a Prince and an Author! If his Majesty had look'd upon Scioppius's Work as the Libel of a con­temptible Declamator, should not the King have despis'd it, or at the best, contented himself to have left to the Magistrates the Execution of the Laws against defamatory and pernicious Libels? But to take a Plea­sure to be reveng'd of the Author after such a manner, so little becoming a Crown'd Head, was to shew the Publick, that the Book had touch'd to the Quick the Per­son whom the Author had attack'd.

The Care which his Britannick Maje­sty took at that time to reconcile the King of Denmark with Gustavus Adolphus, Peace betwixt the Crowns of Swedeland and Den­mark. the new King of Swedeland, was a Work more worthy of a Prince. Christian IV. endeavour'd this Year to push on his Conquests in Swedeland. He, accompani­ed with George Duke of Lunenbourg, who had brought him Succour, advanc'd as far as Jenkoping, laying all the Country desolate, where he went. The young Gu­stavus gave now such clear Tokens of his Wisdom and Valour, as that the Queen Christina his Mother left to him the Ad­ministration of the Realm, though he was but yet in the eighteenth Year of his Age. He stopp'd the Enemies Progress, and ob­lig'd him to retire into the Province of Schonen. Gustavus follow'd him thither; and after the way of using Reprisals, he put all to Fire and Sword. The Swedish Army had some disadvantage in their Re­treat. [Page 316]The King of Denmark made a new Irruption into West Gothia. Being aboard the Fleet, he try'd to get near to Stockholm. Gustavus broke the Enemy's Design with an extraordinary Prudence and Courage. At last the Hans Towns, and the United Provinces, troubled that the War betwixt the two Northern Crowns broke off all Commerce in the Baltick Sea, engag'd the King of England to intermediate for a Peace. Christian himself treated with four Swedish Senators. After some Conferen­ces held at the end of this Year, the Trea­ty was concluded at the beginning of the next following. Denmark gave up to the Swedes the City of Calmar, and the Isle of Oeland; but kept E [...]sbourgh for a time, and till the Crown of Swedeland had paid a certain Sum of Money, which Denmark pretended was due to him.

Revolvtions in Muscovy. Gustavus very freely surrender'd some­thing on that side, to be in a Condition of marching towards Muscovia. There was a strong Party who desir'd of him Prince Charles Philip his Brother, whom these Peo­ple intended to set upon the Throne of their Nation. Altho' the Affair of Musco­vy seem to have no Relation to those of France, I think I ought to say some­thing of the surprizing Revolutions which were seen there at the beginning of the XVII. Century. This may give us a more particular Light into the State of Eu [...]pe in Levis XIII. his time. The Czar, John Basilovits, fam'd for his Cru­elties, [Page 317]and the War which the brave Ste­phen Battori King of Poland wag'd against him with so much Glory and Advantage,French Mer­cury, 1605. as the Muscovite was oblig'd to have re­course to the Pope's Intercession for ob­taining a Peace. Basilovitz, I say, had left but two small Children behind him of seven Wives which he had, Theodorus and Demetrius. The eldest, stupid and heartless, succeeded him. Whilst he di­verted himself in ringing of Church-Bells, Boris Frederovits, a Muscovite Lord, who had married his Sister, govern'd the State. This wicked Ambitious Man caus'd young Demetrius to be slain, who dwelt with his Mother in a Castle remote from Mosco: And the better to conceal his Crime, he procured him to be assassinated, whom he made use of to commit this Villany. The Czar Theodore died in a little time after. 'Twas though Boris had poyson'd him. The Masculine Line of the ancient Czars being thus at an end, it was not hard for Boris, Brother-in-Law to this last Prince, to mount up into the Throne. Being as crafty as he was cruel, he had taken care to gain the Love of the People, and to remove far from him, under specious Pre­tences, the Lords, who were in capacity to oppose his Ambition. He was crown'd at Mosco in all Forms and Ceremonies: His bloody and suspicious Nature ren­der'd him quickly odious to the Muscovites. A Nation accustomed to Slavery, doth not so patiently suffer the Tyranny of a Prince [Page 318]newly rais'd up to the Throne, as that which is establisht in a long Succession of one and the same Family.

A Counterfeit Demetrius in Poland.About the year 1604. Boris receiv'd News from Poland, which put him to strange Difficulties. A Russian Monk had carried thither a young Man, who much resembled in Stature and Countenance the Prince Demetrius, whom Boris had caus'd to be put to Death. The Monk first puts this youth into the Service of Vietsnovisky a Polish Lord, who had Marryed the Pa­latin's Daughter of Sendomir, from whence he got into the Palatines Wine-House. When the Monk thought he had prepared Men well enough, he told the Palatine as a Secret, that this young Man was De­metrius, lawful Heir of the Empire of Russia, who had been privately and hap­pily convey'd away from the Cruelty of Boris, by putting another Child in the Prince's room, whom the Tyrant inten­ded to cause to be slain. This adventure was related with such probable Circum­stances, as the Palatine believ'd all that was told him. He presently discover'd the Secret to Sigismond King of Poland, who was willing to be fully acquainted with the pretended Demetrius.

The Youth who neither wanted Wi [...] or Education, Rehearseth the Misfortunes of his Life in the presence of the King, with much Craftiness, and a good Grace; he shew'd certain natural Marks on his Face, and upon one of his Hands, which [Page 319]he pretended to be undeniable Proofs of the truth of his Birth, and then addressing him­self to Sigismond, he thus proceeded. I am, Sir, very happy to have fallen into the hands of a King, who having been himself un­fortunate and persecuted, during his Infan­cy by his Ʋncle, must have the greater Com­passion for my hard Fortune. You was born in the Prison where the Cruel Erric had put your Majesties Father and Mother. The Polanders have made choice of you, before all the Princes in Europe. This distincti­on, Sir, ought to render you the more res­pected by the Swedes your Natural Sub­jects. Another Ambitious Ʋncle raiseth 'em against you, he endeavours to snatch forci­bly away your Patrimony. Thanks be to God, your Majesty is still powerful enough to help me to be Restor'd to mine. As soon as you shall put me into a condition to be thankful for so great a Favour, the Po­landers and Muscovites united together, shall quickly reduce the Swedish Rebel. May Heaven grant, that after this Happy Expedition, we may joyntly set upon the common Enemy of the Christians. If King Sigismond did not believe what was told him, he hop'd however that the Story, whether true or false, might stand him in some stead against the Muscovites. T'was resolv'd upon to Assist the pretended Deme­trius, and to send him first into Lithu mia, that from thence to write to the Pope, he might be nearer Muscovy. He askt of him to do him all the good turns he [Page 320]cou'd in Poland. The Court of Rome always attentive to what is capable of ex­tending her usurpt Domination, willing­ly gave an ear to the Person, who made her hope to Reduce the Russians to the O­bedience of the Holy Chair.

Demetrius enters into Muscovy, and there Crown'd.A private Rumor presently run aboroad at Mosco, that the Prince Demetrius ha­ving scap'd the fury of the Tyrant Boris, shew'd himself near to the Frontiers. The Malecontents and they who lov'd Novel­ty, confirm'd for truth what others had said. The People easily drawn to be­lieve extraordinary Contingencies, and who flatter themselves with finding a mil­der and more supportable Government, seem'd to wait with impatience Deme­trius's coming. Boris inform'd of what had pass't at Poland, and of the practices begun at Mosco, did not know which side to take, whether he should despise this Story, as if it was but a ridiculous Story, the noise of which in a little time va­nisheth, or if he should downright pre­pare himself to press and quell a Party, which seem'd to fortifie it self ev'ry day, both at home and abroad: Persuaded at last that nothing was to be neglected, he caus'd it to be spread abroad on his side, that the pretended Demetrius was a known Mag cian; and after Orders for the safety of the Frontiers, he sent Ambassa­dors to the Diet at Warsaw. They were to complain to the King and Republick of Poland, for that they had Transgress'd the [Page 321]Conditions of Peace made betwixt the two States, by shewing their willingness to uphold the Impostures of the miserable Son of a Priest, and to demand the de­livery of him up to 'em alive or dead. In case the Ambassador cou'd not obtain of 'em a favourable Answer, Boris had order'd 'em to Negotiate with some Po­pish Lords, for to engage them to oppose a design, which the King might have a­gainst him. Sigismond answer'd the Mus­covites in general Terms, and in the mean time, prepared himself underhand to as­sist him, who averr'd himself to be the rightful Heir of the ancient Czars.

Demetrius enter'd into Moscovy at the Head of an Army, consisting of Ten thou­sand Poles and Cossacks, which the Palatine of Sendomir commanded under him. De­metrius and he not having known the ad­vantage they had of so good an occasion to rout the Muscovite Army, were them­selves defeated in the beginning of the year 1605. Demetrius too weak to keep the Field any longer, shut himself up in a Town, which he had before taken; he hop'd to receive new Succors from Po­land, before the Enemy could retake the places which had been taken from him. The Death of Boris, while these things were doing, arriv'd and chang'd the face of Affairs. Tho' the Muscovite Army had sworn fealty to his Son, division got into it in a little time after. All follow'd the Example of some Lords, who decla­red [Page 322]aloud for the pretended Demetrius. The Son and Widow of Boris, were Ap­prehended and Stifled. At length the New Czar is receiv'd and Crown'd at Mosco the last day of July, French Mer­cury 1600. in 1605. The Palatine Sandomir's Daughter, whom Demetrius afterwards Marryed by a Proxy at Craco­via, was conducted in great Pomp the following year to Mosco. Her Father, and her nearest Relations were present at the Ceremony of her Marriage and Coro­nation.

Demetrius and many Po­lish Lords are Massacred at Mosco.The New Princess did not long enjoy her good Fortune. Susky, a Moscovite, to whom Demetrius had pardon'd his Life, a­gainst the Advice of many Persons, who Counsell'd him to let the Sentence of Death be executed, which had pass't a­gainst a Man of a restless and ambitious Spirit, and of whose Fidelity no one could be assured; Susky, I say, and a great number of Muscovite Nobles, had now laid a Plot against Demetrius. They ren­der'd him odious to the Clergy and Peo­ple, by spreading abroad a Rumour, that he design'd to alter Religion, to bring Muscovy into subjection under the Pope and cause Jesuits and Roman Priests to come in: And because the People thought Heaven would not have so much decla­red in favour of the New Czar, if he had been an Impostor, t'was endeavour'd to make it be believ'd, that he had not go [...] so great advantage against Boris and hi [...] Son, but by the help of Magick. This [Page 323]Discourse made so great an Impression, as the People could hardly suffer, that Demetrius should have two or three Com­panies of Foreigners to guard his Palace and Person. The natural Aversion which the Muscovites have for the Poles, made the People yet more apt to receive what they took care to insinuate into them; to wit, that the Treasure of the Czars was to be Transported into Poland, and that the State should be govern'd for the future by a Polish Princess, and other Confidents of the same Nation. Susky and the principal Heads of this Conspira­cy, having taken their Measures by the favour of the Malecontents, to make an Insurrection of the People in Mosco, the 27th of May 1606. came to the Palace at the Head of a great number of armed Men, broke it open with violence, slew the pretended Demetrius betray'd by his best Friends, and did a thousand Indigni­ties to his dead Body. The People af­terwards put all the Polanders to the Sword; 'tis reported, that there died of 'em more than seventeen Hundred. The Palatine of Sendomir was only saved, his Daugh­ter, his Son, and some Lords, who were ev'ry one of them put into private Hou­ses.

Susky is made Czar of Muscovy, and after lays down his Dignity. Susky caus'd himself to be chosen, and Crown'd in the room of Demetrius, whe­ther he was the right, or Counterfeit one; for at last many pretended that he spoke truth. But the Circumstance of [Page 324]the Monk who conducted him into Po­land, and that of his being put into Ser­vice in two different Houses; this I say, makes the History to be very much sus­pected. It seems to me, that a Child of this Importance, shou'd have been first carried to the King of Poland. What had he there to fear from him? Whatever this Affair was, yet to confirm further the People in their Opinion, that this was a Cheat, Susky was willing they shou'd dig up the dead Body of him, whom Bo­ris had caus'd to be Slain. The Bones were carried to Mosco, and the Patriarch order'd that he should be Reverenced as a Martyr. Susky not doubting but that the Poles would wage a War against him, enter'd into a Negotiation with Charles of Sudermania, the New King of Sweden, who sent him Succors under the Conduct of de la Gardie. The Divisions of Sigis­mond with the Palatines of his Realm, did not permit him to attack the Muscovites so soon. In the year 1609. he resolved to take the City of Smolensko, which the Muscovites had taken from the Poles. The Siege or Blockade of this place, lasted two years; and more than two Hundred Thousand Inhabitants died, before it was surrender'd. He sought several times to cause the Siege to be raised. Susky trou­bled at the ill success of his Arms, reti­red into a Monastery, after having laid down the Scepter and Crown.

Muscovy was then divided into three Parties. A New Demetrius was put up,Ladislaus Prince of Po­land, pro­claimed Czar of Muscovy. and a great many declared for him; others to remedy the ill condition Musco­vy was in, would have Ladislaus, King Sigismond's Eldest Son, and a hopeful Prince, set upon the Throne. At last a third Party would have a great Lord of the Country; these being united to La­dislau's Party, he was chosen Czar in his absence, in the year 1610. and the most considerable of the Clergy and Nobility, took an Oath of Fidelity to him. The false Demetrius strove to make himself Master of Mosco; but the Poles having twice beaten him, he was obliged to Re­treat beyond the River Volga. This put the Poles into a condition of undertaking ev'ry thing. They made themselves Ma­sters of the Castles of Mosco, and made it known to King Sigismond, who daily Besieg'd Smolensko, that his Son was Pro­claimed Czar. The Inhabitants offer'd to yield themselves to Ladislaus, Elected So­vereign of Moscovy: But Sigismond was willing to get the place for Poland. The Inhabitants resolved not to separate them­selves from the interest of Moscovy, held still the Siege out, till the Month of June, 1611. So that Sigismond had got but a City al­most quite Dispeopled, and reduc'd to Ashes. The King of Poland, who did not think so much of Establishing his Son in the Throne of Moscovy, as to make ad­vantage of the Country's Divisions, and [Page 326]bring it into Subjection, deferr'd too long to carry Ladislaus into Mosco. He had put off this Affair to the year 1612. but the continual Contentions he had with the Pa­latines, did not suffer him to execute his Project.