AS soon as I received Yours of the 26^th. Instant, I immediately enquired for The short View of the Late Troubles in England, which I found at our Stationers: I fell presently on the Eighth Chapter, which (as you have observ'd) ought to be Correct­ed; the Author endeavouring to make the Grand Conspira­tors in the Long Parliament 41. a Great Occasion of the Irish Insurrection, though not of their Counsell and Contrivance.

I have nothing to plead for those Conspirators, the Event of their Counsels be­ing Shame and Confusion. But ‘there are those alive (writes an Illustrious Per­son) that know how far (at first) their Souls abhorr'd, what afterwards neither Policy or Power could restrain. When (as his Majesty from Breda observes) Through Mistakes and Misunderstandings Many Inconveniencies were produc'd, which were not intended.’ However, we are told, That the Parliament is not to be excus'd from giving great Occasion of Rebellion, besides Suspicion of a Design. Though the Earl of Castlehaven (in his Epistle to his Memoires) which ought however to be reflected on, is so just as to confess, "That the Irish Rebellion brake forth in a "time of settled Peace, without the least Occasion given; which comes now to be consider'd.

The Method the Author takes I am sorry to find, being, That he makes the Con­spiracies and Plots that were charg'd on those of the Irish Profession in England, to be meer Forgery; whence the Irish took a suspition, lest they too should be debarr'd of a Re­ligion derived from their Ancestors 1300 Years.

What was suspected of the English Romanists, I shall not here insist on; it being Notorious that the late Plot (so uneasie to the King, so desperate to the State) hath been like the Dragon in the Apocalyps, long watching to devour the Protestants, though great Subtilty hath been us'd, both in the Chair and Pulpit, to decry what hath been foretold thereof: As if all the Complaints against Popery, these Fifty or Sixty years, had been as Properties only to colour the neglect of more weighty Bu­siness, and affront the Government, till the Event had almost justified the Au­gurism.

But as for the Irish, I must say, if to prevent an Evil (as a great Father of the Je­suits will have it) One may assume Arms, ruin States, invade their Neighbours, and that meerly on a Suspition. I know not who may be secure; otherwise none ever enjoy'd with greater Freedom not a Connivance only of their Religion, but a thorough Practice of it at that day, till their Presumption look'd Authority in the Face. Having ‘Archbishops, and Bishops for all their Sees, most of whom the Pope had [...]ade not long before, and in all likelihood for this Occasion. They had ab [...] [...] hundred [...]hown Convents of several Orders in that Kingdom, and their Prie [...]s, in all parts of it, freely exercising their Function.’ So as in reference to their Religion, they had no reason to expect a Storm, much less That That and their Nation should be extirpated: Which from a Rumor rais'd at an Assize (as 'tis feign'd) from Sr. William Parsons and Sr. Adam Loftus, ‘That an Army of 10000 Scots was to arrive in Ireland, to force the Catholicks to change their Religion, and that Ireland could never do well without a Rebellion, to the End the Rem­nant of the Natives might be extirpated,’ hath begot some Credit, though on so improbable grounds, that 'tis not like that men of such Estates in Ireland, who had been so signally Instrumental to the settlement of that Kingdom in Peace, and had such a Numerous Progeny, should ever hope for a Disturbance there, where the Re­sult must be their certain Ruin: No! This Rumor was hatch'd, as the Rebellion, First to raise Tumults, and then by unjustifiable and improbable Pretences to ground their assuming Arms thereon. It must be confess'd, the Irish were ever zealous as­serters of their Religion; it may be (as we are told) 1300 years; but That was not, as the Learned and Incomparable Archbishop Ʋsher affirms, what is now own'd, the Ancient Religion of the Irish. However; before the Rebellion broke forth, was there ever any thing declared against the Connivance which had been used in that Kingdom ever since the Reformation, of which we have spoke something before? No! Nothing but their inbred hatred to the English tended to make it a National Quarrel; from whence, if many prov'd to be eradicated, their own Guilt begat the Event.

And as for the Irish Committee's being constrain'd (after his Majesties going for Scot­land the 10th. August 41.) to return without any Redress. It's such a Mistake, as there was nothing which this Committee requested, which was not fully granted; His Majesty (as to the Favour this Committee had with the Parliament) expressy decla­ring Also, ‘That those of the Parliament of Ireland, by whom that Rebellion was hatch'd, were (by the Members of the Parliament of England) countenanc'd in their Complaints and Prosecutions.’ Yea the Lord Keeper in his Speeches in the Banquetting House the 21th of April 40. acquaints the Commons (as an Argument to trust the King if they would supply his late Necessities) That the Irish had all that they did desire granted, and had it with Advantage. So as the Irish (how confident soever the View of the Late Troubles in England will have it) can never be said to be exasperated, That under Colour of suppressing them as Rebels (from which all the Water of the Sea cannot wash them) they might b [...]tterly destroy'd or eradicated: Indeed I cannot say, but when the Rebells were in Arms, the least Proceedings against them (how just soever) might be Incentives sufficient to blow up the Sparks in others, which wanted not predispos'd Fuel for Rebellion. But that which the Parliament did then should encourage the Rebels, is a Suggestion so improbable, that those who read the Order of the Lords and Commons in Parliament in England, concerning Ireland, reprinted at Dublin, the 12th. of Nov. wooing the Rebels to Submission, allowing Rewards to such as should do service to the State, and the States frequent offers to the same purpose, must conclude the Parliament neither gave Occasion of (nor had a Design in) the Irish Rebellion: It's wished that those, who cover that Rebellion with these Fig-Leaves, work not in the same Loom.

I cannot say but the Scots were willing to have had larger footing in Ireland than they then had: Yet I do not find (by any Attempt they made) That they ever endan­ger'd the Shouldering of the Natives out. Nay! So far was the Care of the State re­markable before the Rebellion, lest the Scots (menacing England) should offer any Violence on the North of Ireland, as the State Anno 39. sent an Army down thither purposely to awe the Scots, under a Command that very prudently manag'd that Af­fair. And Anno 40. the Earl of Strafford order'd his New-rais'd Army to keep their [Page 3]Rendezvouz in the North, intending to have landed them near Dunbarr Frith in Scotland, the better to divert the Scots from attempting Ireland; Than which there cannot be a greater Proof that the Insolencies of the Scots (how maliciously soe­ver inforc'd) could never be able to have Eradicated the Natives.

But we are told in the next place, That the Eager Prosecution of the Act for the Con­fiscation of the Rebels Lands was not without suspition, That the Members at Westmin­ster urg'd that Act to provoke the Rebels: Whereas, (as Affairs then stood) no other expe­dient could then readily be found, or, if there could, could any thing have been more just, than that the English (by the forfeiture of the Irish Estates) might thereby have been somewhat repair'd, and for the future secur'd in their Station? In reference to which (after his Majesty had propos'd, ‘Whether it were seasonable to declare Reso­lutions, before the Events of a War be seen: He gave them thanks for their Care and chearful Engagement for the Suppression of that Rebellion, upon the speedy effect­ing whereof the Glory of God in the Protestant Profession, the Safety of the British there, His Honour, and that of the Nation so much depended.’

As for the hindring of his Majesty to go over, the Reasons the Parliament gave were so obvious, as his Majesty acquiesced therein; replying in his Answer to the Parlia­ment on that Subject, ‘That he was glad to find the work of Ireland so easie as they seem'd to think it; It not appearing when He sent his Message, and therefore He would stay some time, to see the Event of those great Successes they mention'd, till he had given them a Second Notice.’

And as for the getting of the War into their Own Hands, It's Evident that few would have adventur'd (at that time of Fears and Jealousies) to have advanc'd large Sums, had they not had a Gracious Commission from his Majesty; impowering such per­sons as were recommended to Him by the Parliament, "To advise" order, and "dispose of All things concerning the Government and Defence of that Kingdom; In such a way as should be thought most effectual by the Wisdom and Authority of Parliament! It being known that the Irish won Ground, when the Parliament every hour wither'd in his Affections.

It's generally reported (and thence some have made a Conclusion) That if the 8000 disbanded Irish had been permitted (as promis'd) to have been transported for Spain, the Irish might have wanted an Encouragement to have proceeded in their desperate Enter­prize. It cannot be denied but that the Irish (who were train'd up in that Army) were very serviceable to the Rebels at their first Adventure: And some have thought it an ill Policy in the State There, That the Irish should be instructed in Arms. But certain it was, that the whole 8000 were never design'd to be sent abroad; and for those that were hindred, it was more the Artifice of the Romish Members of Parliament in Ireland, who by very many plausible and insinuating Arguments im­portunately urg'd their stay, than any Motion Inforc'd by the English Parliament, more than that they might be made good Husband-men at home, of which that Kingdom had great need.

As to the want of a Lord Lieutenant in Ireland, (the Earl of Strafford not being long before taken off) it must be acknowledg'd, that he was an Eminent Instrument of State, and had as great an Insight into the Temper and Condition of the Irish, as happily any that preceeded or may succeed him. Yet it must also be allow'd, that the times were of themselves quiet, and the several Humors were not so angerly ga­thered together as to force a Crisis, so as imperfect Plots were easily broken; where­as if he had liv'd to the Season, there being at that time Complications both of Encouragement and Connivance, the Rebellion might have outwatch'd his Provi­dence; Nothing by the Governors, then in place, being attempted like those In­citements which the Conspirators (from his Lordships Government) avow as the Rise and Growth of all their Complaints and Grievances. Besides, within few days after that the Earl of Strafford was beheaded, the Earl of Leicester (who had been imployed in most of the considerable Embassies abroad) was design'd for that Go­vernment; ‘Being thought by his Knowledge in Martial Affairs, and other his great Abilities, to be abundantly capable to reduce the Irish to due Obedience:’ And certainly had he gone over, the Civil and Martial Power having been lodg'd in One hand, there would have been that Expedition in the work, as others, ta­king measures from their Interest, unfortunately prolong'd.

Other things, as The Insurrection of the Scots, from whence the Irish might feign a President, but justly could make That no Example: And The Parliaments unwil­lingness to levy men, till the King had disclaim'd his Power of Pressing; The Parliaments making use of the Money for the Relief of Ireland, might here be insisted on: But what are these to the Motives or Occasion of that Rebellion fully discuss'd in the Treaty at Ʋxbridge? Indeed it may be said that those who in These, or other respects wrought their own Ends, were Obstructers of that War: But nothing appears so plain, as that the unhappy difference betwixt the King and Parliament then, was the chief Obstacle. And for that Particular so much enforc'd, That Orders were made by the House of Parliament in England, encroaching upon the Priviledges of Parli­ament in Ireland, I must confess I am ignorant; unless as to Sr. George Radcliff's Case, who being a Member of the Commons House of Parliament in Ireland, was sent for thence, After a long Debate, whether it would not be a Breach of Privi­ledge of the Parliament there, to demand by Order of the Commons of England a Member thence? Which was unanimously agreed on to be no Breach of Priviledge, for that being impeach'd of Treason, there was no doubt but he might be sent for Thence: No Priviledge of Parliament neither Here nor There being sufficient to Protect him; And accordingly the King writ to his Deputy, that Expedition might be shew'd in that Business, which effectually was done. And I find Sr. John Vaughan (late Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in England) in Craw's Case versus Ramsey fol. 292. makes it evident, "That Ireland is not absolute Sui Juris, decla­ring amongst other things, "That the Parliament There cannot make it self not subject to the Laws, and subordinate to the Parliament of England; which, in that Ireland is a Conquer'd Nation, may easily be allow'd, and not thought much of by any whose Interest is English, or their Hearts Loyal, after such an expence of Treasure, and so much Blood as the English have been prodigal of to subdue that Kingdom.

To conclude, We are told, That the Northern Parts of Ireland were given up to the Scots, and a small Body of the English were sent to preserve the South. That a consider­able Force of the Scots went thither is certain, but what Service they did there more than live upon the Countrey, is to be enquired. Indeed those who were there be­fore acted well, and 'twas thought that the New Scots were sent thither more for Conveniency (the Passage being short) than for any Confidence repos'd in them; His Majesty very materially taking notice, ‘That some of the Articles (by which they came thither) imployed too great Trust for Auxiliary Forces, though to pre­vent greater Delays in the necessary Supply of Ireland, He would not further in­sist on any thing that would delay them.’ And as for the English in the South, their Courage and Conduct every way appeared remarkable, the Cessation being made to their Prejudice and the Causes of it (necessity) evidenced lately (by an Excellent Pen) to be disputable, if not fictitious; serving rather to give the Irish more Security, than advance the English Interest, That the Confederates might Reign alone.

Thus I have run o're the Eighth Chapter you commended to my view in the Short View of the Late Troubles in England, and that not with so severe a Reflection as it required, It being like to be Favour'd, when I may not be heard: But in maintenance of the English Interest in Ireland; the State's Integrity there, and what was holdly attempted by the Irish; you shall ever have the Affection of