A relation of the death of the primitive persecutors written originally in Latin by L.C.F. Lactantius ; Englished by Gilbert Burnet, D.D., to which he hath made a large preface concerning persecution.

The Translators PREFACE.

AMong all the Discoveries that have been made in this Age, of the Books that had been esteemed lost, there is none, since that of the Epistle of St. Clemens, that has been received with more joy than this of Lactantius's Book of the Death of the Persecutors, for which the World is beholding to the happy Industry of the most learned Baluzius, who having found this treasure, not only communicated it to the World, but enriched it with his learned Notes: by which he has added a new Essay, to the many that have already appeared, of his great Sincerity, his profound Learning, and of his solid Judgment: It has been since that time reprinted at Oxford, with shorter Notes; in which there are many happy conjectures, made both for supplying some of the Words that were worn out of the Manuscript Copy, and for correcting some Passages, which the Copyer perhaps writ wrong, and it is upon that Edition that this Translation is made.

The Importance of this Book will be easily apprehended, by those who consider that Lactantius was the politest Writer of his time, in whom one finds somewhat very like Augustus's Age revived; he had also particular Opportunities of being well informed of his Subject, by the Post to which he was advanced in Constantine's Court, of being his Son's Tutor. It is true, his Eloquence carries him often into strains that become an Orator, better than a Historian: for he has a heat of stile, that ought not to be imitated by one that would write History. But he seems to have designed this Book to be a mixed sort of writing, between a Discourse and a History; so that the Figures that agree not to the one, may be allowed to the other.

The Account that he gives of Saint Peter's coming to Rome, cuts off the Fable of his being there for five and twenty years: but if what he sayes of things at so great a distance from his own time, is not thought so Authentical, and if his Authority seems not strong enough to cut off all those Persecutions that are said to have risen between Domitians Reign and Decius's, since he represents all that Interval as a time of a long Peace to the Christians; yet we must at least suppose him, to have been much better Informed of that which▪ fell out during the last Persecution; so that the beginning▪ which h •… assigns to it cuts off all those Legends of Martyrs, that (as is pretended) suffered before that year, and as we cannot doubt of the time in which he tells us the Persecution began, so no more ought we to call in question the Limits that he sets to it; and therefore since he tells us, that Constance ordered only, that the Churches in which the Christians held their Assemblies, should be pulled down, and that he would not carry the Persecution further against the Christians themselves; and since he excepts the Gaules out of those Provinces that felt the Fury of those Edicts, we see what a number of Legends there are to be cut off. For the truth is, that very soon after this Persecution was over, some that loved either to make (or at least to report) very tragical Stories concerning it, seemed to give no Bounds to their Invention upon a Subject that was fruitful enough of it self, and so needed not to have been swelled up by such Additions. The Destruction of the Records that the Christians kept, which were so carefully searched after during this Persecution, gave some colour for those pretended Discoveries; for it served turn to give them credit, to say, that such Relations had been preserved from the Searches of those Inquisitors, and so that they were by accident found out in some corner, where very probably those that forged them, both laid them and found them: and the matter would no doubt have been received with more Credit, if some Dream or Vision had been pretended, as that which had made the Discovery. Of all those Legends none is more copious, nor less credible than that of the Thebean Legion, and that upon many accounts; but as the silence, not only of Eusebius and Sulpitius Severus, but of all the other Writers of the fourth Century, gave a just Prejudice against a Story that begun not to appear till the middle of the fifth Century; so the positive Testimony of Lactantius, who excepts the Gaules from the Persecution, puts an end to the Fable. For tho he shews so great a disposition to speak well of Constance, that this may seem to lessen the Authority of one, who to make his Court with the Son, would naturally raise the Father's Character; yet so remarkable a transaction as that was, could not have been supprest with any sort of Decency, by one that must have certainly heard of it if it was true.

The false appearance of a greatness of mind, that was inferred from Diocletian's resigning the Empire, is also taken off by this Relations; since it is plain, that both Diocletian's Brain was turned, and that he was forced to it; so that his Resignation was not the Effect of his Philosophy, but of the Unnatural Ambition of his Son in Law Maximian.

The Subject of this Discourse, and the Application to which a Translation of it tyed me, together with the present seene of affairs, led my mind very naturally into more general thoughts. •… the Characters of those Ancient Persecutors, such as these, that they had delivered themselves up to all the Brutalities of sensual Pleasure, that they had ruined their Subjects by severe Impositions for maintaining vast Armies, that they had in their Wars, shewed more care than was decent in preserving themselves out of all danger, that they were weak to the most excessive Flatteries, the Profuseness of their Expence in the raising of costly Buildings, their great Success in a course of many years, their Superstitious and Fearful Tempers, and to crown all, the Cruelty that they practised in the Persecution, to which they were uneasily drawn, and in which they begun at first with requiring all to abjure, besides many other particulars; all these, I say, insensibly carry ones thoughts to make Parallels between some Modern Persecutors, and those that are here set forth: but if the respect due to their sublime Character, makes one drive away those less decent sallies of his mind, to which he is carried before he is aware, yet the Importance of this matter leads to speculations that are more General, and by consequence less offensive. And since the Melancholy State of things at present carried me in those Intervals in which I discontinued the dry work of translating, to consider the grounds on which those cruel and persecuting Doctrines and Practices are founded, together with the Motives from which they rise, the Characters that accompany them, and the Effects that follow them; I thought I might be forgiven a little, if I took the liberty to swell up the bulk of this small Book with a Preface of some length; in which my design is not only to expose this ill natured Principle, and to shew, that where-ever it is authorised, it is a more infallible mark of an Antichristian Church, than all the other Characters are of an Infallible Church, to which those pretend, that have died themselves so red in the Blood of others; but likewise to form in the Minds of those who hate Persecution, perhaps only because they either feel it, or are affraid of it, such a Notion of this Matter, as may preserve them from falling into the same Excesses if a Revolution in the State of Affairs should put it in their Power, to use others as hardly as they have been used by them. It has been often observed, that tho a Plea for Moderation is the Sanctuary of all the Unfortunate, yet their Fortunes came no sooner to be changed, but that they insensibly got into that Principle which was so much decried by themselves, when their Affairs were in an ill condition: as if the only quarrel that they had to Persecution, was because they had not the managing of it themselves. I will treat this Subject with all the closeness that the Matter deserves, or that I am capable of; and will avoid the serving up what I am to propose with the garnishings of the fine Sayings of others: for as that would carry me too far, so a good Reason is so much a better thing, than a round Period, or a laboured Sentence, that the Mind finds it self satisfied with the one, whereas the Fancy is only pleased with the other.

All Persecution rises out of an Impatience of Spirit, which makes a man less able to bear Contradiction. There is a Tyranny in most mens nature, which makes them desire to subdue all others by the strength of their understandings: and such men have an implacable hatred to all that do not render themselves to their Reasons; and think that they are affronted when other men refuse to submit to them: so that he who would strike at Persecution in its root, must begin here, and endeavour to soften men, especially towards those who differ from them in matters of Religion. This Imperious temper, when it works upon Subjects of Religion, finds somewhat to raise its spleen, that was of it self Impetuous enough before: and that which is called Fury and Rage, when it is imployed in other Disputes, comes to be called Zeal when it is turned towards the Theories that relate to another World.

But when we consider what a sublime thing Divine Truth is, and what a poor low thing the Mind of Man is, we shall see cause to blunt a little the edge of our Spirits, if they are too sharp in such matters. Man is much governed by Fancy, and Fancy follows the texture of the Animal Spirits, which renders many more capable of apprehending Objects that are some way proportioned to them, and more disposed to follow them; so that Temper prepares men for some Opinions and prepossesses them against others. With th •… reater part of mankind, Education is so powerful, that they are scarce able ever to overcome it; and if Education and Temper have hit together, it will require a very extraordinary elevation to rescue a Man from their force. Men likewise receive with their Impressions of Religion such a respect for them, as makes them look on every thought that calls them in question as criminal: and when persons are bred up to disquiet themselves with Scruples, if they have so much as made a doubt of their Religion, it is not hard to see them adhere so firmly to the Principles of their Education, which stick so fast to the worst sort of men, that even Atheists themselves after all the pains they take to get rid of them, cannot shake them off so entirely, but that they will be apt to return oft upon them. Men that think much, and that Reason well, that are freed from the biass that Interest, Honour, Kindred, and Custom, do give them, and that have leisure to examine matters carefully, may indeed get above all these: yet there are so few that can do this, and there are yet so much fewer that will do it; that it is rather a wonder to see so many change their Perswasions, than to see so few do it. And indeed it is so sublime a Theory to think on God, and his Attributes and Works, or to think of another State, and of the Way that leads to it, that till God furnishes out a new Mission of Apostles with a Measure of those Extraordinary gifts, which he poured out on the Great Pentecost, it is not easy to imagine how the Conversion of Heathen Nations should be made. For tho the Idolatry of some of these is extream gross, yet their Priests have such Symbolical significations for all these Rites, that they do much diminish the horror which is raised by the first sight of them in the minds of Strangers; and since the chief grounds, upon which we prove the Christian Religion, are taken from the Prophecies in the Old Testament and their Accomplishment in the Now, from the Evidence that was given concerning the Miracles, the Death, and the Resurrection of Christ, which we confirm from the Collateral Proofs of the State of that time, of the writings of the Enemies of this Religion, and of that Succession of Authors that in all the Ages that have past since, have mentioned those matters, and cited the Books which we hold to be Divine. All this is so evident to those who can make the Enquiry, that it is strange to find how any one can withstand it; but to Barbarians, who know nothing of it, and who have no way of Informing themselves concerning it, all this can signify nothing. So that in order to the convincing their understandings, (for I do not treat of Gods secret Methods in touching their Consciences) I do not see how we should expect that they should yield easily, unless there were a new Power of working Miracles conferred on those who labour in this work. And what noise soever the Missionaries may make with their Miracles in those remote parts, it is plain, these are all Impostures; for the most necessary of all other Miracles for the Conversion of strange Nations, being the Gift of Tongues, with which the Apostles were so wonderfully furnisht at first, and since they all are forced to acknowledge, that this is wanting to them, we have all possible reason to conclude, that God would not change his Methods, or qualify men to work Wonders, and not give them that which is both the most sensible and the most useful of all others, towards that end for which he authorises them.

But to return from this digression, a man is scarce the Master of his own thoughts: Habit, Constitution, and other things do so concur, that he cannot open his eyes to new Objects, nor see them in a new Light other than that in which he has been accustomed to view them; and a Man can no more change his notions of things, because a set of new Opinions would accomodate him better, than he can change the relish that his senses, his ear or his tast has in their objects; a man may prevaricate, but he still thinks as he thinks; and cannot think otherwise, because he would have himself do so: But if a man is not the master of his own mind, much less is any other man the Master of it. No man has that Superiority over any other mans reason, as to expect, that it should alwayes accomodate it self to his: and the severest exercise of Tyranny must still leave the thoughts at liberty: the forcing a man to say, or do otherwise than he thinks, by threatnings, the execution of which is above his force to endure, is only the delivering over such a person to the rack of his own Conscience here, and to all those miseries hereafter, which must be the portion of Hipocrites, and of Dissemblers with God or Man. Nor is there such an infallible distinction in one mans nature from another, that the one is more like to be in the right than the other: Since therefore, among all those that differ, some must be in the wrong, those that have the power in their hands, may possibly be of the wrong side, and in that case all their Severity is turned against the Truth, and those who believe it. And since God makes the Sun to shine, and the Rain to fall on the just as well as the unjust, Gideons reasoning may be applyed to this matter if Baal is a •… God, let him plead for himself; and the force of Gamaliels Argument, that if it is of Men, it will come to nought; and if it is of God, we must not fight against him. As it silenced an Assembly of very fierce Persecutors, so it is full as strong now, as it was then: For Reason is Eternal, and changeth not. It seems also plain, that those Actions which concern humane Society, belong indeed to the Authority of the Magistrate; but that our thoughts, with relation to God, and such actions as arise out of those thoughts, and in which others have no interest, are Gods Immediate Province; and can belong to no other Jurisdiction. God only knows our thoughts, as he alone can change them; so that a Magistrate by encroaching upon them, breaks in upon Gods propriety, and upon that essential right of humane nature, of worshipping God according to our conviction, which is in us Antecedent to all humane Government, and can never become subject to it.

But if the General Theories from the nature of man, give a very favourable view of what is now advanced, the characters of the Christian Religion, and the many express texts that are in it should determine this matter more positively. The Religion revealed by Moses consisted in Temporal Promises, an Earthly Canaan, and all the blessings of this life; so that since the Iewes had all these things by vertue of that Covenant, it was very reasonable that a violation of that Law should infer a forfeiture of all those Rights, that the Iews held by vertue of it; and therefore it was as just, that a Iew should have been put to death for the violation of those Laws, as it is lawful for us to put a man to death, that coins or clips Money: yet as for Opinions the case was different, even among the Iews: and therefore, tho the Doctrines of the Sadducees struck at the Foundations of all Religion, the Pharisees, when they had the upper hand, never carried the matter so far as to proceed to extremities against them. But what Severities soever might have agreed with the Mosaical dispensation, they seem to be all out of doors under the Christian Religion; which gives us no Earthly Canaan, no Temporal Blessings, nor the Rules for Civil Society: but having found the World in the possession of their Temporal Rights, it only came to superadd to those the Doctrines and Rules of a Divine Discipline, upon which the Happiness or Miseries of another State do depend. Now it seems to be an uncontested Rule in Justice, that in whatsoever Society one is engaged, the Violation of the Laws of that Society can only inser a Forfeiture of all that one had or might have expected by vertue of it: but this cannot be carried so far, as to make one forfeit all that he holds by vertue of any other Society, to which he belongs; and therefore, since we hold our Temporal Estates and Liberties, not by vertue of our Christianity, but as we are the Members of the State or Kingdom to which we belong, our doing any thing that is only contrary to our Religion, may well make us forfeit all that belongs to us by vertue of our Baptismal Covenant; but this ought not to be carried so far as to cut off those Rights that we have antecedent to our Christianity, as we are Men, and the Subjects of a Civil Government. Our Saviour confirmed all this by saying, that his Kingdom was not of this World; that he came not to destroy, but to save; and by giving this Rule of Justice, of doing to others that which we would have others do to us: which would soon let all Persecutors see how differently they act to it: but above all, our Saviour has made the Doctrines of Meekness and Charity, such main Ingredients in his Gospel, that he has made them the Characters by which his Disciples may be every where known; and this Spirit of Love is so diffused thro the whole Writings of the N. Testament, that how hard soever it may be to understand some of the other passages that are in them, yet there is no ambiguity at all in those that set this forth; we are not only restrained from ruining those who differ from us, but we are required to love them, to bear with them, and to deal with them in the Spirit of Meekness: there are some of the Epistles that do not mention several of the Duties Incumbent on Christians, yet there is not one, how short soever, in which this of Love is not proposed, in terms that are both strong and tender; and while the Church of Corinth was almost rent asunder by a variety of Opinions, and by the different Parties that followed the several Teachers that had been among them; St. Paul does not enter much into the Grounds of their Disputes, but recommends Love and Charity to them, in terms that shew how much he himself was Inflamed while he writ them; and he is carried into all the raptures of a Divine Eloquence that so transporting a Subject could inspire: S. Iohn, lived so long as to see a great deal of the first fer vour of the Christian Religion slacken; but when he writ to revive that Spirit, the Argument upon which he dwells chiefly, is to persuade all to love one another, and he does that in the softest and most melting terms that can be imagined. The Controversy concerning the Obligation that lay on the Gentiles for obeying the Mosaical Law, was judged by the Apostles against the Iudaisers, and the Inferences that depended on that Controversy were such, that Saint Paul shews, they went so far as to make void the Death of Christ; yet the same Apostle is gentle to those that without seeing the extent of these consequences, were carried away by those Iudaisers; so that he acknowledges, that in their observing them from a good motive, they were acceptable to God; and that as the Kingdom of God, or the Gospel, consisted not in those scrupulous Distinctions of Meats and of Drinks, but in Righteousness, Peace, and Ioy in the Holy Ghost; so he adds, that every man was to endeavour to be fully persuaded in his own mind, and was not to judge his Brother in such matters, but to leave him to the Judgment of God. This way of managing a Controversie, that was of such importance, and that was maintained with so stiff an Opposition, even to that extraordinary Authority that was lodged in the Apostles, ought to have been the measure upon which all the succeeding Ages of the Church, ought to have formed themselves; and when the Apostles, that had an infallible Assistance, and so might have spoken in a strain of a higher Authority than any that have come after them, yet thought fit to treat of those Matters in such an humble and softning stile, those who cannot pretend to such a direction, ought not to take upon them to dictate, and to threaten and destroy those who differ from them.

It is indeed an amasing thing, to see how much the Christian Church has departed from that Pattern: and when one considers the first beginnings of the Christian and the Mahometan Religion, he is not a little surprised to see the changes that have befallen both. The blessed Author of our Holy Religion, as he was a Pattern for Humility and Charity, so he was made perfect thro Sufferings: and his Religion, as it contains precepts suteable to the Example that he gave, which are set down in the plainest and most persuading Expressions possible, so it gained its first Glory in the World, and obtained its chief Triumphs over it, by the Meekness and Gentleness, and the Love and Charity of those who embraced it: on the contrary, the Mahometan Religion began in the Person of that Impostor, with all the Fierceness of rage, and was carried on by the Sword, by which Mahomet pretended that he was sent of God to convert the World: The Nations that have received the Mahometan Religion, are by their Constitution rough and barbarous: and yet how shameful a reverse of the first beginnings of the two Religions is but too visible to the World: the Mahometans in a course of several Ages are so much softned, that instead of that cruelty with which their Religion appeared at first, they are now so gentle, that those of a Religion, which believes theirs to be only an Imposture, live secure under them, and know the Price that the Liberty of their Conscience must rise to: and that being payed, they enjoy in all other respects the Protection of the Government, together with the publick Exercise of their Religion: whereas on the other hand, that part of the Christian Church, that pretends the highest, has so far departed from the Meekness of its Author, and of his first Followers, that notwithstanding all the polishings of Learning and Civility that are in it, it is now the cruellest and the most implacable Society that has ever yet appeared in the World: if there were no other Evidences but this single one, it is enough to demonstrate, how much that Body has departed from its first Institution: and if our Saviour has given us a short Abridgment of the Character of the Devil in these two qualities, that he is a Lyar and a Murderer, then any Body of men, that has decreed, that faith is not to be kept to Hereticks, and that has also decreed the Murder of so many Innocent Persons, who have done nothing against that Civil Society to which they belong, that deserves a forfeiture of their Lives; such a Body, I say, if we may take our Saviours Character for a Rule, looks more like the Followers of that fallen Spirit, than the Body of which the Lamb of God is the Head. And when we consider the plain and express Words, in which the great Duties of a Holy Life are delivered in Scripture, but most particularly those of Love and Charity, and the Darkness that are in many other passages of which the meaning is more disputable, it looks like an unaccountable Perverseness to see men, who still pretend to make that Book their Rule, yet to be so visibly faulty in executing the one, and so excessively severe in imposing the other, of which I shall content my self to give one single Instance.

Pope Leo the Tenth in the Reformation that he set out, with the concurrence of the Lateran Council, order'd a severe Prosecution to be made of all Hereticks, and that all the Laws against them should be put in execution: but at the same time, he order'd such slight punishment against those that should wilfully and publickly Blaspheme God and Christ, even tho they relapsed in it over and over again, that it is plain he had no mind to deter men with too much severity from the practice of that which was so common in his own Court: a small Fine, or the Forfeiture of the Profits of a Benefice, is all the punishment that he laid on the one, even when Clergy men relapsed in it. This may serve to shew, that tho naturally one is apt to think Blasphemy a much more heinous Crime than Heresy, yet a Pope, together with a Council, which they pretend was General, made a Distinction in the punishing of them, which is very little for their Honour.

The Christians did, during the first Ages, declare highly against all Cruelty on the Account of a Difference of Persuasion in matters of Religion: and tho their Interest Naturally led them to this, yet we pass a very hard Judgment on those times, if we think that they were only of that mind, because the Power was then in the hands of their Enemies. When the Empire turned Christian, the very Heathen Worship was not only tolerated for above a whole Age together, but the Heathens themselves continued to be in the chief Imployments of the Empire: and it is pleasant to see how the Heathens, that had so long persecuted the Christians, and that had contrived the severest of all the Persecutions under Iulian, which very probably had been put in execution, if he had returned victorious from his Persian Expedition, saw the State of things no sooner altered, than they began to imploy all their Eloquence in the behalf of Toleration; as if Liberty of Conscience had been an essential Right of Mankind, from which they ought never to be cut off: and they carry'd this so far, as to pretend, that a difference in Religion tends more to the Honour of God, than a Uniformity in it could do: and so they fancied, that a variety in it was acceptable to God.

The first severity that Christians practised upon one another, was the banishing of Arius, and a few of his Followers: it must be acknowledged, that this seems to be the utmost extent of Civil Authority in those matters: for certainly a Government may put such persons out of its protection, that are Enemies to its Peace, and so banish them upon great occasions, giving them leave to sell their Estates, and to carry away with them all that belongs to them; yet this being all that any Humane Government can claim, it ought not to be applied too easily nor rashly, till it is visible, that all other Remedies are ineffectual, and that the publick Safety can be no other way secured: but tho this severity against Arius had no great effects, yet the Arians had no sooner the Power in their hands, than they put in practtice first all the Contrivances of Craft and Fraud, together with many less crying Violences, under Constance, and they carried this afterwards to a more open Persecution under Valens: and after that, both in Spain and Africk it appeared, that a cruel Spirit was so inherent in that party, that it shewed it self as oft as ever they had it in their Power: but while Valens persecuted in his Division of the Empire, it is observed, that Valentinian his Brother thought it was enough to support the Orthodox, without persecuting the other; Gratian carried the matter further, and tolerated both almost equally. And in the happy turn under Theodosius, at what pains was S. Gregory Nazianzene to restrain the Orthodox from retaliating upon the Arians the ill treatment that they had suffered from them: and not only the Novatians, but even the Arians, continued to have their Churches in the Imperial Cities. The first Instance of the Imploying the Secular Arm against Hereticks, that was set on by any of the Orthodox, was under the Reign of that bloody Tyrant Maximus, and it was managed by two such scandalous Bishops, that their ill Lives is no small Prejudice against every thing that was carried on by such Instruments. This was condemned by the best Bishops of that Age, and the ill Effects of that Severity are very copiously marked by the Historian. One is unwilling, for the sake of those Ages, to reflect on the Rigour that appears in some Laws that are in the Code; yet the mild behaviour of Atticus, Proclus, and some other Bishops, is marked with the praises that were due to it: and it is probable, that those Laws were rather made to terrify, than that they should be executed.

The Donatists, after a Contest of above 120 years continuance, that was managed at first more gently, grew at last so fierce and intolerable, that not being contented with their own Churches, they broke in upon the Churches of those of the Unity: and committed many Outrages on the Persons of some of the Bishops, putting out the Eyes of some, and leaving others for Dead: the Bishops upon that consulted, whether they ought to demand not only the Emperour's Protection, but the Application of the Laws made against Hereticks to the Donatists. S. Austin and some Bishops opposed this for some time; but they yielded at last: and these Laws were so severely executed, that not only the Donatists themselves complained heavily of them, but S. Austin in several Letters that he writ to the Magistrates upon this occasion, made the same complaints; he interceded very earnestly for the Donatists, and said, that it detracted much from the Glory of the Church, that had received so much Honour from the sufferings of the Martyrs, to see others suffer upon the account of the Church: and he told them plainly, that if they did not proceed more moderately, the Bishops would suffer all that could come upon them from the Rage of the Donatists, rather than Complain any more to those who acted so rigorously. Yet tho S. Austin condemn'd the Excesses of the Civil Magistrates in some particulars, he set himself to justify Severity in General, when it was imployed▪ upon the account of Religion, and all the moderate Pleadings for Liberty, that are to be found either in Tertullian, Cyprian, and more copiously in our Author Lactantius, with relation to Heathens, and the like Reasonings that are to be found in Athanasius, Hilary, and Lucifer, with Relation to the Persecutions of the Arians, were in a great measure forgot; Saint Austin had a heat of Imagination, that was very copious, which way soever he turned it: and this was imployed chiefly in allegorising Scripture, so as to bring together a vast number of proofs for every cause that he undertook; without troubling himself to examine critically what the true meaning of those Passages might be: and he is so apt to run out in all his Reasonings into excessive Amplifications, and into all the Figures of copious and uncorrect Eloquence, that it is no wonder to find that passage of our Saviour in the Parable, compel them to enter in, with some other places misapplyed on this occasion.

With that Father the Learning of the Western Church fell very low, so that his Works came to be more read in the succeeding Ages, than the Writings of all the other Fathers: and in this, as in other things, men that knew not how to reason themselves, contented themselves with that lasie and cheap way of copying from him, and of depending on his Authority. The Incursion of the Northern Nations, that overthrew the Roman Empire, and those Polishings of Learning and Civility that fell with it, brought on a Night of Ignorance, that can scarce be apprehended, by those who have not read the Writings of the following Ages: Superstition grew upon the ruins of Learning, and eat up all. The fierce Tempers of the Northern People being mufled up in Ignorance, and wrought on by Superstition, were easily leavened with Cruelty: perhaps the Holy Wars, and what they observed in the Rage as well as in the Successes of the Saracens, heightned this further: at last Heresy came to be reckoned the greatest of all Crimes; and as it condemned men to everlasting Burning so it was thought that those might be well anticipated by temporary ones of the Inquisitors Kindling. It is true, the Church pretended that she would shed no Blood: but all this was insufferable jugling: for the Churchmen declared who were obstinate or relapsed Hereticks; and the Secular Arm was required to be ever in readiness to execute their Sentence. This was not only claimed by the Bishops, but it was made a part of their Oath at their Consecration, that they should Oppose and Persecute Hereticks to the utmost of their power: Nor were they contented to proceed by the common Rules of Justice upon Accusations and Witnesses; but all Forms were superceded, and they by vertue of their Pastoral Authority, (as if that had been given them to Worry their Sheep, and not to Feed them) objected Articles to their Prisoners upon suspition, and required them to purge themselves of them by Oath: and because Bishops were not perhaps all so equally Zealous and Cruel, some of them being Persons of great Quality, so that some remnants of a generous Education, and of their lay pity, might still hang about them; that Bloody Man Dominick took this work to task, and his Order has ever since furnished the World with a set of Inquisitors, compared to whom all that had ever dealt in Tortures in any former times were but Bunglers.

So far has this Melancholy Speculation of the Degeneracy of the Church of Rome carried me: they at last came to extol a Zeal against Heresie as the highest Act of Piety towards God: and since Heresie is reckoned by S. Paul among the Works of the Flesh, it seemed as just to punish it in the severest manner, as it was to punish any of the other Works of the Flesh: and since all Hereticks, were looked on as Persons damned, all Tenderness towards them, and Pity for them, was as far exinguished as it was possible. For a false Religion will not easily have the better of good Nature so entirely, as to root it quite out; tho it must be acknowledged that the Roman Religion has done more towards that, than any other that has ever yet appeared in the World. All the room that was left for good Nature, was the favourable Definition that was given of Heresy: by which Obstinacy was made its peculiar Character, that distinguished it from Error, which lies in a more Innocent Mistake concerning Divine Matters: and as many have explain'd this Obstinacy, it amounts to a continuing in Errour after one is convinced of it. This Notion of Heresy, which has been received by many of the greatest Men even in the Church of Rome it self, seems to agree well with that of St. Paul's ranking Heresy among the Works of the Flesh; for if it is meerly a mistake in the Judgment, in which one continues, because he cannot overcome his persuasion, nor see Reasons that are strong enough to oblige him to change his Mind, such an adhering to Error may be called any thing rather than a Work of the Flesh. But if a Man from a Principle of Interest, Pride, or Discontent, either throws himself into ill Opinions, or continues in them after his Mind is better enlightned, so that he stisles and denies that inward Conviction, then the Reason is very plain, why such an ill Temper of Mind should be reckoned a Work of the Flesh, because it plainly arises out of a depraved Nature.

I will not here enter into so troublesome an Enquiry as it would be, to examine how far an Erroneous Conscience acquits one before God; for that must be left to Him, who will judge every Man according to his Works, and who best knows how far he will accept of a general Repentance of unknown Sins, and of a general Act of Faith, even of Truths that are yet unknown; but as for the Judgments of men, certainly when the other parts of ones life make it clear, not only to a Judgment of Charity, but even to that of Discretion, that he is sincere, and that he means well, it is hard to know when he is Obstinate, and when his Errors become Heresies, that is to say, Works of the Flesh.

So far have I been led upon the consideration of the Spirit of Persecution, that is not only warranted by Custom, and a long continued Practice; but is by the Authority not only of Popes, but even of General Councils, established into a Law on the Church of Rome. I am carried next into a Scene of Thoughts that are more particularly suted to the Doctrines of the Reformed Churches: and here it must be acknowledged, that Persecution is a more justifiable thing according to the Principles of the Church of Rome, than it is according to our Tenets; for the Church of Rome, that pretends to be infallible, has a better Right to demand a blind Submission from all its Subjects, and to treat those roughly who refuse to grant it, than a Church that pretends to nothing but a Power of Order and Government; and that confesses, she may be mistaken. Our being Subject to Error, is unreasonably urged, when men would carry it so far as to make us doubt of all things: yet it ought at least to have this effect on us, as to keep us from being too ready to judge hardly of those who are of another mind, or to use them roughly for it; since it is possible, that they may be in the Right, and that we may be mistaken; at least, they may have very probable Reasons for their Opinions, which if they do not quite justify their Mistakes, yet do very much excuse and lessen them. It is likewise visible, that all severe Proceedings upon the diversity of Opinions, how effectual soever they may be on base-minded men, who will alwayes make Shipwrack of a good Conscience, when it comes in competition with the Love of this present World, yet work quite contrary wise on men of awakned Understandings and generous Souls; instead of gaining on such Persons, these Inspire them with horror at a sort of men who go about to ruin companies of people, that never did them hurt. It is from this, that those Violent Hatreds arise among men of different Persuasions. Every man is not capable to understand an Argument, or to be much disturbed at it: and tho Divines, that carry their Speculations further into the Consequences of Opinions, whether Real or Imaginary, grow hot and angry at one another upon those Heads, yet the people understand them little, and feel them less: but every man feels an Injury, and Nature makes her Inferences very quick upon it: and concludes, that those who use us ill, hate us: and there must be a great degree of Regeneration to keep men from hating those that hate them: upon this arises all the Animosity that is among the several Parties: for every one reckoning himself a Member of that Body to which he associates himself, thinks that he is obliged to resent all the Injuries that are done to his Fellow-members, as much as if they were done to himself in particular: and by the same natural Logick, he casts the Guilt of the Wrongs done his own Party, not only on those Individuals of the other Party, from whom they did more Immediately arise, but upon the whole Body of them: and so here a War is kindled in mens Breasts, and when that is once formed within, it will find some unhappy occasion or other to give it self a vent. Those who are ill used, are in a State, like that of a Mass of humours in the Body, which roul about less perceived, till some unlucky Accident has weakned any part of it; and then they will all discharge themselves on the part that suffers. Men that are uneasie, naturally love Changes: for these are like the shifting of postures, they give some present ease, and they slatter the Patient with the hope of more to follow. The Advice that the old Man of Samnium sent his Son, was certainly very wise; he had Intercepted the whole Roman Army in the Hills, shutting up the Passages so that they could neither go backward nor forward: the Father advised him first to dismiss them all without any Injury, since that would probably oblige the Romans; or if that were not followed, to cut them all off; for that would weaken them considerably: whereas the middle Method, which the General took, of letting them all go, having first put a publick Affront on them, enraged the Romans without weakning them. According to this Advice it seems evident, that all considerable Bodies of Men, that are in any State, are to be set at ease, or to be quite rooted out; and there is nothing wise in this severe Method, but an extream and an unrelenting Persecution, and in this point, if the Church of Rome has forgot the Innocence of the Dove, yet it must be confessed, that she has retained the Wisdom of the Serpent.

Persecution is not only hurtful to those that suffer many hard things by it, but is likewise mischievous to them, by the aversion that it inspires in them to those at whose hands they suffer, by the ill Habit of mind into which it throws them, and by those violent Projects and Convulsions which do very naturally come into the heads of those, who as they feel much, so they fear yet more.

Those that do persecute, tho they seem to triumph for a while, with the Spoils of their Enemies; yet will soon feel how this sinks their Credit extreamly among those that were more Indifferent Spectators, while the Debate was managed with the Pen or Tongue; but they will certainly take part at least in their Compassions with the Miserable; and will be disposed to think ill, not only of those men that are heavy upon their harmless Neighbours, but even of the Cause it self, that is supported by such Methods.

The multitude even of the lowest Order of men has a remnant of good Nature left, which shews it self in the sad looks that all put on at the Executions even of Malefactors: but if a false Religion has not quite extinguished Humanity in its Votaries, this will make a more sensible Impression, when men that have done nothing amiss, and are only in fault because they cannot help thinking as they do, are made Sacrifices to the Rage of others, that perhaps have little more to say for themselves, but that they are in possession of the Law; which in the next Revolution of affairs that may fall out, will be an Argument so much the Stronger for using themselves in the same manner, because it is a just retaliation on them for that which they made others to suffer.

The men of Persecution do also naturally engage themselves into the Intrigues of Courts, and all the Factions of Parties: they enter into Dependances upon Ministers of State, who drive them on to execute all their Passions, and to serve all their Ends: and who have too good understandings themselves not to laugh at the officious forwardness of those who are perhaps more eager than is intended, in the doing of that for which those very persons, whose blind Instruments they are at one time, will reproach them at another.

In short, Persecution does extreamly vitiate the Morals of the Party that manages it. The worst men, so they are furious and violent, are not only connived at, but are even courted: and men otherwise of severer morals, will insensibly slacken, by reason of their Engagments with vicious men, whom they will find themselves forced to cherish and Imploy: and if those who have persecuted others, fall under a Reverse of Fortune, and come to suffer themselves a little of that which they made others feel, as their ill behaviour will deprive them in a great measure, of those Compassions that would otherwise work towards them, so it will raise within them many uneasy Reflections upon their own Actings, which will prove but Melancholy Companions to them in their Afflictions: and these will force them to conclude, that because they shewed no Mercy, therefore they now meet with the requital of Iudgment without Mercy; which how unjust soever it may be, in those by whom they suster, yet they will find it meet to look up to God, and to confess, that just and Righteous are all his Wayes: and it may be reasonably apprehended, that it may have contributed not a little to fill up the measure of the Sins of a Church, and to bring down severe strokes upon them, when the visible Danger, which was apparent from a formidable Enemy, could not turn their thoughts to that side, but that instead of Using Legal and just Precautions for their own Security, they let themselves loose to all the Rages of a mad Prosecution of some poor undiscreet and deluded People; and all this to gratify their own Revenges, or to Insinuate themselves into the Favours of those who do now justly laugh at them, when the turn that they intended is served by their means: and those who would prepare themselves for those hard things which they have reason to expect from a Church that has alwayes delighted to bath her self in Blood, ought seriously to profess their Repentance of this Fury in Instances that may be as Visible and edifying as their Rage has been publick and destructive.

But there remains yet one point, without which I am sensible that this discourse will appear defective; I know it is extream tender in our present Circumstances, yet that does not defer me from venturing on it; it is, How far Protestants ought to Tolerate Papists. It seems at first view the most unreasonable thing in the World, for those to pretend to it, who we are sure must destroy us, as soon as it is in their power to do it. I say, they must do it; since by those Councils, which they themselves hold to be General, the extirpation of Hereticks and the breaking of Faith to them, has been so formally decreed, that it is a foolish piece of presumption to imagine that they can ever lay down those Principles. Infallibility is the bottom upon which their Church is built, and she must be as Infallible in the Rules that she gives of Morality, as she is in her Decisions in Points of Faith: for all the Reasons that are given for private persons depending on the Church for the Rule of their Faith, do bind as strongly to depend likewise on the Church for the Rule of Life and Manners. If we are in danger of forgetting, what was decreed in that Church so long ago, they take pains from time to time to refresh our Memories, not only by their Cruelties in the last Age, for which there was so much more to be said, than for later Barbarities, because the Reformation was lookt on as a revolt then made from established Laws: and if Persecution can be at any time excused, it is in the first beginnings of Heresies, before the Evil has spread it self into greater numbers of men: The Heats that were raised in the first Formation of that Breach, may some way take off from the guilt of the Sacrifices that they made: for men in the first surprises of Anger do seldom Reason true, or Act wisely; but when a whole Age has passed, and those first Heats are in a great measure laid, and when all the Securities that could possibly be demanded have been given, and while these have been enacted into the most Obligatory Laws that could be contrived, which were confirmed by solemn 〈2 pages missing〉 well to my self; yet the Body of the People, that are bred up to the other Points of Popery, and that know nothing of these, which their Priests keep as Mysteries from them, and either deny them quite, or disguise them so that they shew in other Colours to those who believe Implicitly, and who do not give themselves the trouble to enquire into such matters; but think it is safer, as well as easier, to take things upon trust; they I say, are not so formidable as to raise our Fears and Jealousies to so high a pitch: and Secular Priests are naturally a softer sort of men, who have not the sourness that seems to belong to all the Orders that are among them; nor are they so far possessed with the ill-natured and dangerous Opinions that belong to that Church, as to be past cure: and as a softning of rigour towards such, would lay the Apprehensions that Self-preservation does naturally raise in all People, so it would at least make the utmost degree of Severity, that seems reconcilable to the Common Principles of Humane Society, or of Christianity, appear more justifiable, if a restlesness under such easie Circumstances should afterwards drive a Government to it. But the returning of the Severities that our Brethren have suffered at the hands of the men of that Religion on the Papists of England, is a Practice so contrary to the Christian Religion, and to the Principles of the Protestant Religion, that I do not stick to say it, that I had rather see the Church of England fall under a very severe Persecution from the Church of Rome, than see it fall to persecute Papists, when it should come to its turn to be able to do it. The former will only serve to unite us among our selves, and to purge us from our Dross; and in particular from any of the Leaven of the Doctrine of Persecution, that we have not yet quite thrown out; but the other would very much stain the purest and best constituted Church in the World; and it would be too near an approach to the Cruelty of that Church, which we cannot enough detest: but how much soever we must hate their Corruption, we must still remember, that they are men and Christians, tho perhaps of a course grain, and that we our selves are Reformed Christians, who in Imitation of our Blessed Master, must not render evil for evil, but overcome evil with good.

GILBERT BURNET.

A RELATION Of the DEATH Of the PRIMITIVE PERSECUTORS. Written by Lucius Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius; Addressed to Donatus the Confessor.

I. GOD has at last heard you (My dearest Donatus) in those Prayers which you offer up daily to Him, as well as our other Brethren, who by the Vertue of their Faith, and of the glorious Consession that they have made, have acquired to themselves an eternal Crown of Glory. To these Prayers God has hearkned; and has delivered us from our Enemies: and a blessed Peace being now again re-established upon Earth, the Church of God, that was lately laid so low, begins to flourish again: and thro the Mercy of God, his House, that was laid in Ruins by his Enemies, is now rebuilt with a new Magnificence. God has raised up to us Princes, who have repealed all the wicked and bloody Edicts of the late Tyrants; and have so setled the Peace of Mankind, that instead of the Clouds and Storms of the late times, there is now an Universal Calm every where: and after all those Hurricans of Fury and Violence are now blown over, we enjoy a serene Air, and the happy quiet which we had so much long'd for. Now Gods Anger is turned away, and he hearkning to the Prayers of his Servants, has by the Interposition of his Divine Aid, raised up their afflicted and broken Spirits: Now he has wiped away all their Tears, and has put an end to the Conspiracies of their Enemies. Those who had set themselves in opposition to God, are now laid in the dust: Those who had rased the Temples of God, are now become spectacles to the World; and they who had exercised so much Cruelty on the Servants of God, have received at his hands a severe Return of their Rage, and have breathed out their defiled Souls after they had undergone a great many dismal strokes, that were laid on them by the Hand of God. Their punishment was for some time delay'd, but at last it was signal: and in them all succeeding Ages ought to observe the Justice of God in punishing such proud and impious Persecutors suteably to their Crimes. In the manner of their Death, God calls likewise on all at what distance soever, either of time or place, to observe the Greatness and Majesty of his Providence in destroying the Enemies of his Truth. And this will appear yet more evident to us, if we call to mind who have been the Porsecutors of the Church from its first beginning, and if we observe the Severity of the Divine Justice, that has appeared in their punishment.

II. Towards the end of Tiberius's reign, in the Consulate of the two Gemini, our Lord Iesus Christ was crucified by the Iews on the 23. of March. He rose again on the third day, and brought together his Disciples, whom the fear of his Sufferings was beginning to disperse, and he continued with them for the space of 40 dayes on earth, opening their hearts, and expounding the Scriptures to them, which till then had appeared dark and involved. He ordained and instructed them to go and preach this new Doctrine over the World; and he left them a scheme for their conduct, and for the Government of this new Dispensation. When he had finished his Ministry, a Cloud received him, and carried him up into Heaven: and then his eleven Disciples having assumed into their number Matthias and Paul, dispersed themselves over the World for the preaching of the Gospel, as their Master had commanded them: And during the space of 25. years▪ till the beginnings of Nero's reign, they continued founding many Churches in a great many different Cities and Provinces. During Nero's reign, S. Peter came to Rome, and made a great many Converts there, having thro the power of God, that rested on him, wrought several Miracles, and▪ so he formed a Church in this place of Empire. This was brought to Nero's ears, who finding that great multitudes, not only in Rome, but in all other places, were daily falling oft from Idolatry, and were turning to this new Religion, and being carried by his brutal Tyranny to all sorts of Cruelty, he set himself first of all to destroy this Religion, and to persecute the Servants of God: So he both ordered S. Peter to be crucisied, and S. Paul to be beheaded. But he did not escape unpunished: for God had regard to the Sufferings of his People. The Tyrant, as he was dispossessed of the Empire, so he disappeared all of the sudden, nor is there so much as the least remembrance left of the Burial Place of that Brutal Prince. But some have from hence taken up a very foolish Imagination, of his being translated, and of his being preserved alive in some other Region; which they found on some words of the Sybil, that mentions a Murderer of his Mother that had fled away, but that should return again: and they fancy, that as he was the first who persecuted the Christians, so he shall be likewise the last of their Persecutors; and that he is to appear again immediately before the coming of Antichrist: and they judge, (tho very unreasonably) that as there were two of the Antient Prophets who were translated, and who before the last Revolution of time are to appear as the Fore-runners of Christ, when he is to be come again, accompanied with his Saints, to begin his holv and endless Reign; so likewise that Nero shall appear as the Fore-runner of the Devil, who must make way to him, who is to bring a strange Desolation upon Earth, and a Destruction upon all Mankind.

III. After Nero, and the Interval of some few more years, there arose another Tyrant, Domitian, not much Inferior to him: who tho he acted in a most Tyrannical and Arbitrary Manner, being heavy to his People, and no less hated by them, yet he reigned in Peace and Safety for several years, till be began to set himself against God. But as soon as he was set on by the Instigation of the Devil to persecute the Holy Seed, then was he delivered up to the hands of his Enemies. Nor was his being Stabbed thought Punishment enough for his Crimes, but care was taken that no Memory should be left of him to Posterity; for tho he had raised many Magnificent Buildings, & that there were many Monuments of his Empire, both in the Capitol and in other Places, yet the Senate did express such a detestation of him, that they ordered that there should remain no Statue for him, nor so much as the Traces of any Inscription that made mention of his Name: And by a most severe Decree, which they past for this effect, they branded his Memory with eternal Infamy. Thus all the Acts and Edicts of this Tyrant being repealed, the Church did not only recover its former quie •… , but became much more Flourishing under a Succession of many worthy Princes, who as they governed the Roman Empire very happily, so the Church suffered no Hardships under them: and she being thus freed from the Rage of her Enemies, dilated herself both in the Eastern and Western parts, so that there was no corner of the World so remote, nor any Nation of it so wild, that was not visited by this Divine Light, and that was not tamed by its Discipline. But this long peace came at last to an end.

IV. For after many years the execrable Decius persecuted the Church, and who but so vile a man would have set himself against so holy a Doctrine. It seems he was raised up to the Imperial Dignity for this very end, that as soon as he began to rage against God, he might be immediately thrown down: for having marched against the Carpi, who had possessed themselves of Dacia and M •… sia, he was surrounded by the Barbarians, and both he and a great part of his Army was cut off: nor had he so much as the Honours of a Funeral, but as well became one that had set himself against God, his Carcass was exposed as a prey to the Beasts of the Earth, and to the Fowls of the Air.

V. Not long after Decius the Emperour, Valerian was inflamed with the like Rage, and stretched forth his hands against God. In a very little while he shed a great deal of the Blood of the Saints; but God plagued him with a new and unusual sort of Judgment; and in his person there was a new remembrance lest to Posterity of Gods Severity in punishing his Enemies according to their Merit. He was taken Prisoner by the Persians, and so he not only lost the Empire, which he had governed so insolently, but as he had robbed many others of their Liberty, so he likewise lost his own at last, and fell under a most Infamous Slavery. For as oft as Sapores the King of Persia, who took him, had occasion either to mount on Horseback, or to go into his Chariot, he made the Roman Emperour stoop down, that he might make his Back his Step to get up; and whereas the Romans had made some Representations of the Persians being deseated by them, Sapores used to rally Valerian, and to tell him, that the posture in which he lay, was a more real proof to shew on whose side the Victory went, than all the Pictures that the Romans could make▪ Valerian being thus led about in Triumph, lived for some time, so that the Barbarians had in him occasion given for a great while, to treat the very name of a Roman with all possible Indignity and Scorn. And this was the heightning of his Misery, that tho he had a Son, upon whom the Empire had devolved by his Misfortune, yet no Care was taken by the Son either to rescue the Father, or to Revenge his ill Usage. After he had ended his Infamous Life, his Skin was flead off his. Body, and both it and his Guts being tinctured with a red colouring, they were hung up in one of the Temples of the Persian Gods, to be a perpetual remembrance of so remarkable a: Triumph, by which they might always put such Roman Ambassadours as should be sent among them in mind of it, and from so unusual a sight, warn them not to presume too much upon their own strength, but to remember Valerian's fall. But how strange a thing was it to find, that notwithstanding such remarkable Judgments of God upon former Persecutors, there should: arise any that should dare so much as to project, much more to re-act, such crimes against the Majesty of that God that supports and governs all things.

VI. Aurelian, that was naturally Violent and furious, seemed to forget what had befallen Valerian, or if he remembred his Captivity, he did not seem to reflect on his Crimes, or to consider that as the Punishment of them, and so he likewise drew down the Divine Displeasure on himself by his Cruelty: but he lived not long enough to execute what he had designed, and he ended his days in the beginnings of his Rage. For before his Edict against the Christians was sent over all the Provinces of the Empire, he himself was killed at Caenophrurium, a Town in Thrace, by some of his own Domesticks, upon some ill-grounded suspitions that they had conceived of him. It might have been expected, that the succeeding Emperours should have been restrained by so many and such signal Examples: But they were so far from being terrisied by them, that they acted yet with a more daring Boldness against God.

VII. Diocletian, that was the Contriver of all our late Miseries, as he ruined the Empire by his ill Administration, so he could not be kept in from acting likewise in Opposition to God. His Avarice and his Cowardise joined together, had produced great Mischiefs. He assumed to himself three partners in the Empire, having divided it into four parts; and he did so encrease the number of his Troops, that every one of the four had a greater Army than the former Emperours had, who alone governed the whole Empire; and the number of those who received his pay, growing greater than that of those who payed him Taxes, there was such an increase of new Impositions, that those who laboured the ground being exhausted by them, they deserted the Empire, and by this means the best cultivated Soils were turned to Deserts and Woods; and so severe was his Government, that he erected a great many new Charges and Imployments; The Provinces were divided into many separated Jurisdictions: many new Presidents and Courts, Auditors, and other Magistrates were set up both in Towns and Countrys, who took little care of the Administration of Justice, their time being all imployed in Condemnations and Attainders; and they laid so many Taxes upon all sorts of things, that as the Burdens under which the People groaned were encreased every day, so in the levying of them great Violences were likewise committed. All this had been more tolerable, if the mony so raised had circulated among the Souldiers: but the Emperours Avarice was such, that he could not endure to see his Treasure any way diminished; and therefore he was always contriving new ways of raising Money, that so his Exchequer might be always full: and that tho his Expence was great, yet his income might so answer it, that he should never lessen that stock of Mony which by his Exactions he had brought together. After that the many Oppressions which he put in practice had brought a general Dearth upon the Empire, then he set himself to regulate the Prices of all vendible things. There was also much Blood shed upon very slight and trifling accounts; and the People brought Provisions no more to Markets, since they could not get a reasonable price for them: and this encreased the Dearth so much, that at last, after many had died by it, the Law it self was laid aside. To all these Diocletian added an Inclination to build great Fabricks, and this brought a new Charge on several Provinces both for furnishing of Labourers, and Artisicers, and of Wagons for Carriage. He built Palaces for himself, for his Wife, and for his Daughters: and to these he added a Hippodrome, an Arsenal, and a Mint house: so that in a little while a great part of Nicomedia being filled with those Buildings, many of the Inhabitants were forced to leave the Town with their Wives and Children, as if it had been taken by an Enemy: And when he had finished a piece of Building at the cost of ruining some of the Provinces by it, he found some fault or other in it, and then he pulled all down, and gave orders to rebuild it in another manner: nor was this second Building secured from a new caprice, upon which it might be likewise perhaps levelled with the ground. So madly expenceful was he in the design that he took into his head of making Nicomedia equal to Rome it self. I pass over the Ruin of many, who were brought under severe Judgments, that so a colour in Law might be found for seising on their Estates: for this was become such a common practice, that the frequency of committing it had almost authorised it. And this was certain, that wherever a man was the Master of a rich piece of Soil, or of a Noble Building, that seemed to be Crime enough; and a Pretence was quickly sound out for condemning the Owner, as if it had not been enough to seise his Estate, without taking away his Life likewise.

VIII. His Colleague in the Empire, Maximian, surnamed the Herculian, was not unlike him. Nor could they have been cemented into so entire a Friendship, if they had not been both of the same mind, the same Thoughts, the same Inclinations, and the same Designs. In this they differed, that Maximian had more Courage as well as more Avarice than Diocletian; who as he was fearful, so perhaps from that Principle he was less Ravenous. Yet Maximian's Courage consisted rather in a daring to commit Crimes, than in a generous Nobleness of mind. And tho his share comprehended not only Italy it self, the Seat of Empire, but likewise those rich Provinces of Africk and Spain, yet he was not so careful in the management of his Treasure as was necessary: But as oft as he wanted Mony, the richest of the Senators were accused by some Witnesses, that were suborned to swear against them of some practices for the Empire, and thus every day there were new Arts set on foot to get rid of the Eminentest men of the Senate, so that the ravenous Exchequer was often full of this ill-acquired Wealth. That accursed man did also let loose his Appetites not only in those unnatural and hateful Disorders with Boyes, but likewise in the debauching the Daughters of some that were of the first rank. For whensoever he was in any Journey, as he past he had Instruments at hand, to bring Virgins to him by force in the very sight of their Parents. It was on these things that he built his happiness; and he reckoned the chief Felicity of Empire to consist in this, that he denied himself in nothing to which either his vitious Appetite or his Lusts carried him.

I say nothing of Constantius, because he was so very unlike the rest; and did indeed deserve that the whole Empire should fall into his hands.

IX. But the other Maximian who married Diocletians Daughter, was not only worse than the two formerly mentioned, but did exceed the wickedness of the worst Princes that ever were: There was a Barbarous Brutality in his Temper, together with a Cruelty not known to those that were of a Roman Extraction: And no wonder; for his Mother was born beyond the Danube: and when some of those Nations crossed that River, she came along with them, and had setled her self in that part of Dacia which was formed into a Province by Aurelian. His body was suteable to his mind: he was very tall, and most excessively corpulent: and there was a sierceness in his Looks, his Words, and in his whole Behaviour, that gave a very formidable Idea of him. His Father in Law, Diocletian, dreaded him extreamly upon this following account: Narses King of Persia, being encouraged by the success that his Grandfather Sapores had against Valerian, resolved to extend his Empire, and to drive the Romans out of the East: upon which Diocletian, who was naturally very fearful, quite desponded, and searing a fate like Valerians, he durst not undertake that War, but sent Maximian into Armenia, and stayed behind himself, that so he might see what was like to be the issue of this War: Maximian took his measures so well, that finding the Persian Army exceeding numerous, and that they were much encumbred with a vast Equipage, that they drew along with them, their Wives having followed them in this Expedition according to the Ancient Persian Custom: he, I say, got such Advantages against them, that without any considerable loss, he defeated their whole Army. Narses himself escaped, but Maximian took all their Baggage, and so returned with great Glory, which encreased his Insolence, as much as it did his Father-in-Law's Apprehensions of him. For upon so great a Victory▪ he thought it below him to carry only the second rank of Honour, and to be only called Cesar; and when at any time he received Letters addressed to him, with the Inscription Cesar, he used to cry out in his brutal way, Must▪ I be still Cesar? he grew at last to that pitch of Insolence, as to give it out, that Mars was his Father; so that he ought to be lookt on as another Romulus, not considering the prejudice he did to his Mothers honour, of which he made small account, desiring only to be lookt on as begotten by a God. But I will not now enter into the particulars of his Life, that so I may not confound the order of things: for it was after his assuming the Imperial Dignity, of which he forced his Fatherin-Law to strip himself, that he broke loose into all the excesses of Insolence and Fury; in the mean time, tho Diocletian by his own ill conduct, and that of the two Maximians, whom he had taken Co-partners into the Government, (the first as Emperor, and the second as Cesar) had brought great disorder upon the whole State of the Empire, and tho his private crimes were very crying, yet matters prospered in his hands in a very unusual manner, till he came to defile them with the Blood of the Saints; and this carries me to give you an account of the occasion that led him to persecute them.

X. While he was in the East, he being excessively desirous to know what was to be the event of things, offered many Sacrifices, and in their Livers the Diviners searcht for those Indications, upon which they pretended to foretell things to come: But some of his Courtiers, that were Christians, being near him, made the sign of the Cross on their Fore-heads, at which the Devils being frighted away, they were all put in a great Confusion. The Diviners being likewise in disorder, could not find the ordinary Marks that they lookt for in the intrails of the Sacrifices; tho they offered up many, one after another, pretending that the Divinity was not yet appeased; but all the number of their Sacrifices was to no purpose, for no signs appeared: upon which Tages that was set over the Diviners said, either upon some conjecture or upon knowledge, that their Rites did not succeed, because there were some prophane persons that had thrust themselves into their Assembly. Upon which Diocletian being enraged, commanded, that not only all those who were present, but that all the rest of his Courtiers should come and sacrifice to their Gods, and ordered those to be whipped who should refuse to do it. He likewise sent orders to his Military Officers, to require all the Souldiers to sacrifice, and to dismiss such as would not. But this was all that he thought sit to do at first, nor did he suffer his Rage to carry him to farther Extremities against God or his true Religion, till after some time had past, that he came to Winter in Bithinia: and there Galerius Maximian, who was likewise inflamed against the Christians, met him, & engaged the vain Old Man to go on with the Persecution, which he had already begun, concerning whom I have received this account of the grounds of his Fury against our Religion.

XI. His Mother was a superstitious Woman, and was particularly addicted to the devotion of the Gods of the Mountains, so that she offered Sacrifices to them daily, and feasted her Officers with the meat of those Oblations. The Christians would not assist at those entertainments, but gave themselves to Fasting and Prayer, while she and her Company were at those Feasts. Upon this she conceived a hatred of them, and she set on her Son, who was no less superstitious than she her self, by her spiteful Complaints to contrive their Destruction. Diocletian and his Son-in-Law had many secret Consultations during a whole Winter, to which as no body was admitted, so it was generally thought that they were treating about matters of the greatest consequences. The Old Man withstood Maximian's Fury long, and shewed him how pernicious the Council would prove, and how great a Disturbance it would bring upon the Empire: much blood would be shed; for the Christians were observed to be very willing to dye. Therefore he proposed this expedient, that none of that Religion should be suffered to continue in the Court, or in the Army: But all this could not divert the Rage of that Furious Man. Therefore he proposed the asking the Opinions of those in whom they consided; for he had this piece of ill nature, that when he was about to do any thing that was acceptable, he did it of himself, without taking the Advice of others, that so the Praise of it might belong wholly to himself: But when he undertook any thing that was lyable to Censure, he called for many persons to deliver their Opinion upon it, that so others might be charged with the Blame of that in which he was chiefly in fault. Some few Iudges, and some few Military Men were called upon, and according to the Order of their Dignity they were repuired to tell their minds; some that had a particular spleen to the Christian Religion, opined that all the Christians were Enemies to God and to the established Worship, and that therefore they ought to be destroyed. Those that were of another mind, perceiving what was Maximian's design, and being either affraid of him, or desirous to make their Court with him, agreed to the rest in Opinion; yet all this did not prevail on Diocletian; so he resolved to consult the Gods themselves, and sent a Diviner to consult with Apollo, who answered as might have been expected from an Enemy of the Christian Religion. Upon this Diocletian yielded; and as he would not oppose himself to that which not only his Friends and Maximian, but even Apollo had advised, yet he endeavoured to maintain this moderation, that the design might be composed without the shedding of Blood: whereas Maximian moved, that all those who refused to partake in the Sacrifices, should be burnt alive.

XII. A proper and an auspicious day for beginning this work was next sought for; and choice was made of the Festivity of the God Terminus, which was within five days of the end of February, that was the Conclusion of their year: implying by this, that an end was to be put to this Religion. This was the first day of their Executions, and the beginning of those Miseries that not only fell on them, but on the whole Empire. In the morning of that fatal day, in the seventh and eighth Consulate of the two Ancient Emperours, the Prefect accompanied with some Officers, and some of the Receivers, went to the Church, and having forced open the Door, they searched for the Image of God: Not that the Christians had any Images in their Temples, as Lactantius himself testifies, de Origine Erroris, lib. 2. pag. 65, 66, 67, 107, but the Heathens having Images in all their Temples, were ready to conceive the like of them. all the Books of the Scriptures that were there found were burnt, and the Spoil that was made was divided among all that were present: this struck a Terror into many, and many withdrew them. selves from the Storm. The two Princes, who from convenient places viewed all that was done (for that Church stood upon a heighth, so that it was within the prospect of the Palace) were long in debate, whether they should order fire to be set to it: But in this Diocletians Opinion prevailed; for he was affraid lest if the Church had been set on fire, that might have spread it self into the other parts of the City: for it was environed on all hands by a great many Noble Buildings; so that instead of setting fire to, it there was a considerable Body of the Guards, sent with Axes and Mattocks, who in a few hours time levelled that lofty Building with the ground.

XIII. The day after this an Edict was published, by which the Christians were declared incapable of all Honours and Imployments; and that they should be liable to Torture whatsoever might be their Rank and Dignity; all Actions were to be received against them, and they were put out of the protection of the Law, and might not sue neither upon Injuries done them, or Adulteries committed against them, nor for Thefts or Robberies; and they were to loose both their Liberties and their Right of Voting. When this was affixed, one that shewed more of Courage than Discretion in it, took it down and tore it, and rallied the Emperours, who had put among their Titles, that they had triumphed over the Goths and the Sarmatians, that they acted like those whom they pretended that they had subdued; he was presently seised on, and after he had endured several sorts of Torture; he was burnt at last, but suffered all with admirable Patience.

XIV. But Maximian was not satisfied with the Severity of this Edict, so he resolved to draw on Diocletian to consent to further Rigour by this Artifice; he set on some of his Creatures to raise a fire in the Palace, that so he might engage him to an unrelenting Persecution: some parts were burnt down, and the Christians were presently accused as the Common Enemies; and this Fire, that consumed the Palace, raised a most Implacable Rage against them. For it was given out, that they had entred into Consultation with some of the Eunuchs for the Destruction of their Princes, and that two Emperours were well nigh burnt alive in their own House. Diocletian who affected the Reputation of being a Wise and Crafty Man, could not be brought to give any credit to this: but being excessively enraged upon it, he ordered many of his Domesticks to be put to Death in a most terrible manner. So many innocent Persons were brought before him, and were burnt. All the Judges and all the Officers of his Household being authorised thereunto, put all People to Torture, and seemed to vie with one another who should be the first that should discover the bottom of this matter. But nothing could be found out; for none of Maximians Family was put to the Torture. He came and stood by Diocletian, and continued still to inflame him more and more, that so his anger might no way be abated. And a fortnight after the first burning, fire was a second time set to the Palace: But this was observed in time, yet neither could the Author of it be found out. And then Maximian, tho it was in the midst of Winter, left Nicomedia on the same day in which this second Fire was raised, protesting that he went away fearing lest he should be burnt alive.

XV. The Emperour was now set all on fire, and upon this he forced not only all that were of his Household, but all Persons whatsoever, to defile themselves with their Sacrifices; beginning with his Daughter Valeria, and his Wise Prisca. Some of the Eunuchs that were in the greatest Credit, and by whose Directions the whole Affairs of the Palace had been conducted before this Edict, were now put to Death; some Presbyters and Deacons were seised on, and without any proof against them, they were condemned and executed. Persons of all Ages, and of both Sexes were burnt, not singly one by one, but by reason of their numbers, whole Companies of them were burnt all in the same Fire: and their Servants were cast into the Sea, Millstones being tied about their Necks. Nor was this Persecution less violent in all other places: for the Judges were sent to all Temples, and they forced all people to joyn in the Sacrifices. The Prisons were every where full. Unheard of kinds of Torture were invented; and that no man might have the Benefit of the Law that was not a Heathen: they placed Altars in the very Courts of Iustice, and in the publick Offices, that so all who came to sue before them might be put to it first to offer Sacrifice, before they could be admitted to plead: so that men came before their Judges as before their Gods. Nor was this all, Letters were also sent to the other Emperour and to Constance, inviting them to concur in this matter, tho their Opinions had not been before asked, notwithstanding the great Importance of it. The Old Maximian did comply very willingly in Italy; for he was naturally cruel▪ But Constance, that he might not seem to dissent from those that were in rank above him, did indeed give order for the pulling down the Walls of the Houses where the Christians held their Assemblies; for these could be easily rebuilt: but he took care to preserve those true Temples of God, I mean the Christians themselves.

XVI. The whole World was now brought under great vexation, the Gaules only excepted; those three wild Beasts exercised their Cruelty upon all the Provinces from the East to the West. If I had a hundred Tongues, and the strongest Voice, I could not set out all the Forms of Crimes, and all the Names of the Tortures that the Judges in the several Provinces put in practice against so many Holy and Innocent Persons: But what need I engage in this recital, especially to you, My Dear Donatus, who had so extraordinary a share in them. For whereas you first fell into the hands of the Prefect Flaccinus, who was not a small Murderer, you fell next into the Hands of Hierocles, who from being a Deputy was made a President, and had been an Adviser and a Promoter of the Persecution: and in the last place, was brought before Priscillian his Successor, where, as well as before the other two, you gave an Evidence of your unconquered Courage: you were nine several times put to a great many Tortures, and at every one of them you overcame the Rage of your Enemies, by a glorious Confession. In those nine encounters with the Devil you defeated him with his whole Troop of Assistants▪ and by so many Victories you triumphed over the World with all its Terrors. How pleasant was that Triumph in the sight of God, in which instead of White Horses or Elephants about your Chariot, you triumphed over the Emperours themselves, and seem'd to drag them after your Chariot. This is true Victory, when those that have conquered the World, are subdued: for they were overcome and subdued by you, who despising their Impious Edicts, made no account of all the Pomp and Terrors of their Tyrannical Authority. Their Whippings and their Pincers, their Fires and Swords, and all the several shapes of Torture had no effect upon you: No sort of Violence could make you fall from the Faith, and from the true Worship of God▪ This is to be a true Disciple and a true Souldier of Christ; whom no Enemy can overcome, no Wolf can carry out of Gods Fold, no Snare can intangle, no Sorrow can subdue, and no Torture can break. After all those nine Engagements, that proved so glorious to you, the Devil finding himself always overcome by you, durst not assault you any more: for experience had shewed him, that you were not to be vanquished: and since he saw that the Crown of Victory was ready to be bestowed on you, he would not, by provoking you any further, give you the occasion of receiving it so soon. Tho it was not given to you then, it is safely kept for you in the Kingdom of God, as the Recompense of your Vertue and Worth. But now I return to the series of the History.

XVII. Diocletian being now engaged into this wicked design, and having succeeded so well in the Execution of it, went streight to Rome, that so he might celebrate there his entring upon the twentieth year of his Empire, that he was to open upon the Anniversary of his coming to it, which was the twentieth of November. But as soon as that was over, he shewed how little he could bear that Freedom that the Romans had still retained; at which he was so uneasy, that tho the first of Ianuary was very Near, in which he was to enter upon his ninth Consulate, yet he could not be prevailed on to stay to that day, and so he could not bear the staying thirteen days longer at Rome, but he began his Consulate at Ravenna. The Winter was both extream Cold and Rainy, so that the Journey did so affect his health, that it threw him into a lingring sickness, that never went off quite: and being ill all the way, he was forced to be carried for most part in a Litter. His illness lay upon him all the Summer long: about the end of it he continued his Journey, and having come round the Coast of Phrygia, he got at last to Nicomedia, his Sickness being now come to a great height. But tho he was brought very low by it, yet he would needs appear in publick, and assist at the Dedication of the Hippodrome that he had built, which was done at the end of his twentieth year of Empire. His sickness grew at last to such a degree, that Supplications were made to all the Gods for his Life: but on the 13th of December a report was spread all about the Palace, that he was dead: the sad Looks and the Terrour that appeared in all his Courtiers, and the solemn silence that was over all the Court, made that the Report was generally believed: The City of Nicomedia believed him not only dead, but buried; but the next day it was given out that he was yet alive; upon which the countenances of many that were concerned, were much changed: but others believed still that he was dead, and that it was concealed for fear of the Souldiery, lest they should have fallen into some dangerous Consultations, and that therefore his Death was to be kept up till Maximian should come to Nicomedia. This grew to be so Universally believed, that is he had not shewed himself on the first of March, it had not been possible to have perswaded the people that he was still alive. He was strangly altered by a whole years sickness▪ that they to whom he was very well known, could hardly believe him to be the same: He had indeed on the thirteenth of December fallen into so deep a Swoon, that it was thought he was dead, and he never recovered this so entirely, as to be wholly what he had been formerly: for he had ever after this, some fits of Madness, which returned at some▪ times upon him, tho in the Intervals of those fits he had his Understanding very perfect.

XVIII. Not many days after this, Galerius Maximian came to him, not to congratulate upon his recovery, but to force him to resign the Empire: He had made the same attempt upon the elder Maximian, and threatned him with a Civil War if he would not resign; so now he set on Diocletian: He began at first more softly and gently with him; telling him, that he was now become ancient and infirm, and less able to undergo the fatigue of Government, and that therefore he ought to give himself some repose after so much Application and Toil. He set before him Nerva's Example, who resigned the Empire to Trajan: Diocletian answered, that as it was not honourable for him, after he had born so sublime a Character so long, to shut himself up in an obscure Corner, so it could not be safe for him to do it, since during so long a Reign, he must needs have made himself many Enemies. The case was quite different in Nerva, who had past his whole life in retirement; so that his great Age and his unacquaintendness with affairs made him less capable of bearing so great a Burden, which therefore he threw off, and returned to that privacy in which he had spent the former parts of his life. But he offered to Maximian to receive him to an equal Dignity with himself; so that they should be all called Emperours, if that would have contented him. The other, who had now formed a project of making 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉 himse sole Emperour, seeing that from this Title that was offered him, little real Advantage would accrue to him, pretended that the Order which Diocletian had begun, of having two Emperours with the Supream Power, and two Assistants to them in a lower degree of Dignity, ought to be forever maintained: It was an easy thing to preserve a good Correspondence between two Persons, but that could not be composed if there came to be four of equal Dignity: He concluded, that if the Emperour would not retire, and make way for him, he would see to himself; for he would be no longer contented with the low degree in which he had been so long held: He had been now for fifteen years as it were banished to Illiricum, along the River of the Danube, and engaged in constant Wars with the Barbarous Nations; while others were reigning quietly, and in delicious Seats. The Old Man, that was now much broken, having heard all this, and having likewise received Letters from the elder Maximian, that gave him an account of what had been said to himself upon that subject, and had also heard that Galerius Maximian was encreasing his Army; upon this, not without Tears; he consented to that which had been proposed to him; so that which remained was, that the Cesars should be named by the concurring Advices of all the Four. But the other rejected this, and said, that the other two must consent to whatsoever they should resolve on: and indeed, it seemed that there was no room for choice, but that the Sons of the other two must have been named for Cesars. Maxentius was Son to the Elder Maximian, and had married the younger Maximians Daughter. He was a Man of a wicked and vicious Disposition, and was so proud and so willful, that he would not pay the wonted respect of Adoration, neither to his Father, nor to his Father-in-Law; so that he was equally hated of both. Constantine Son to Constance was a most vertuous Youth, and had all the Qualities that could recommend him to the highest Dignity: his Air and Person were graceful; his capacity for Military Affairs, his Probity, and his obliging Deportment, made that he was beloved of the Souldiers, and wished for by all Persons: He was then in Diocletian's Court, and was put by him in the chief Command of the Army. But Maximian had his Objections to both these: as for Maxentius he thought he was not worthy of that Dignity, and he reckoned, that he who had behaved himself so Insolently towards him, while he was a private person, would become intolerable if he were raised so high. Constantine was indeed so amiable a person, that it was thought he would be a better and a gentler Prince than his Father had been: and so he would be able to check him as he pleased: wherefore Maximian resolved to have such persons promoted, who should be always in his power, who should be affraid of him, and should do nothing but by his order, so he proposed Severus: Diocletian excepted to him, as a Mad Extravagant, and Drunken Person, who changed the Day into Night, and the Night into Day: but the other answered, that he had deserved that Dignity well, for he had taken great care of the Army, and had prayed them faithfully; and added, that he had sent him to Maximian the elder, that he might receive the Nomination from him; so this was aggreed to: and when Diocletian asked him, who should be the other, he presented one Daia to him, a young Man, that was half a Barbarian by his Extraction, and whom he had lately ordered to be called Maximin from his own name. For Diocletian had changed his own Name to that, to distinguish him from the other Maximian, who had alwayes maintained his Fidelity to him most religiously. Diocletian asked him, who that young Man was; the other said, he was his Ally: but he sighed, and replied, that he did not propose to him persons that were capable of conducting the Common-wealth; the other said, that he had already tried them. Diocletian insisted and said, that he who was to enter upon the Empire, ought to see to it: and that for his part, he had taken his share of Toil, and had studied to preserve the Common-wealth in a good State during his Empire, but if after his time it should fall into Disorder, it should not be by his fault. All things being thus concerted in secret, on the first of May this great Affair came to be declared. The eyes of all People were on Constantine, not doubting but the Nomination must fall on him: all the Military Men, as well the Souldiers as the Officers, lookt at him, wisht for him, and shewed much Joy in the hopes that they expressed of his Advancement: There was a rising ground at almost three Miles distance from the City, and it was there where Maximian himself had first received the Imperial Purple, in remembrance of which there was a Pillar erected with a Statue of Iupiters upon it. That place was markt out for this Solemnity, and the Army was drawn out about it: and there the Old Man with Tears in his Eyes, told the Souldiers, that he was now become Infirm, and therefore he was resolved to give himself some rest after so much Toil, and to deliver up the Empire to those who were able to undergo the fatigue of it: and that in order to that, he would now name new Cesars. Upon this all mens expectations being raised, he named Severus and Maximin; all people were amased; and since Constantine was standing by, some began to ask whether he had changed his name into Maximin: but to the admiration of all the Spectators, Maximian put by Constantine, and drew out Daia, and shewed him to the people, having stript him of the habit that he wore as a private person: and while all men were surprised, and knew neither who he was, nor of whom he was descended, (tho this unlookt for promotion, had so disordered them, that they testified no aversion to it) Diocletian threw his Purple Robe about him, and so he himself retired to a private State again, and returned to his private name of Diocles, which upon his coming to the Empire he had changed to Diocletian, and thus the Solemnity ended: and the old Emperour, like a Souldier that had obtained his dismission, retired, and drive thro Nicomedia, and so went into his own Countrey. And Daia, that was raised up from following of Cattle thro Woods, and was first a common Souldier, then an Officer, after that a Brigadier, and now at last got to be Cesar, had the East assigned to him, tobe oppressed and ruined by him. And tho he neither understood Military Affairs, nor Matters of State, yet he was now set to conduct Armies instead of feeding Cattle.

XX. Maximian having now effected that which he had projected, in driving out the Old Men, behaved himself as if he had been the sole Emperour of the whole Roman Empire. For tho Constance had the Precedence, and so was to be always named before him, yet he was despised by him, both because he was naturally of a mild temper, and was now much disabled thro the indisposition of his body. He believed that either he would soon die, or that it would be no hard thing to force him to resign his share of the Empire. There was about Maximian one Licinius, who was his ancient Friend; for they had been Comerades from their first Imployments in the Army: and he had now the chief stroke in all Affairs. Maximian had not put him in the nomination of the Cesars, because he would not put him in a rank so far Inferiour to himself as to call him Son, but he reckoned that Constance would soon die, and then he was resolved to receive him to be his Brother and Collegue in the Empire: and thus he projected to establish himself in his Authority, and to be able to carry all things according to his mind; and after he should come to his twentieth year, and celebrate the Festivals of it, as his Predecessors had done, he intended to resign the Empire, and to put his Son in his stead, who was now only nine years old: so that he intended that Licinius and Severus should be the Emperours, and that Maximin and Candidianus should be the Cesars: and thus he being established and secured as much as was possible, should pass the rest of his days in quiet, and great safety. These were his Designs: But he having made God his Enemy, all his Projects came to nothing.

XXI. He having attained the Supream Dignity, set himself to disquiet the World, that was now become subject to him. In his Expedition against the Persians he had observed that Custom which was established among them, by which all those Nations esteemed themselves the Slaves of their Kings: so that they reigned over them with as absolute an Authority, as a Master of a Family does over those of his Houshold. This vile Man intended to establish the same Method of Government in the Roman Empire: and he was so impudent, that ever after that Victory, he used to magnify it: and tho he durst not openly attempt the reducing the Romans to the same State, yet he behaved himself so as if he had considered all others as his Slaves: he began with the degrading those that were in honourable Imployments; for he subjected the Magistrates and the Chief Citizens of the greatest Cities, that were in the eminentest Rank, to the Law of Torture: and upon the slightest accounts, and in Matters that were meerly civil, he would put them to death as the Fancy took him, and for lesser transgressions he put them in Irons; he took such Women of Quality as pleased him out of their own Houses, and brought them by Violence to his Seraglio: and when any were to be whipped, he had posts struck into the ground in his Stables, to which they were tied, and so stretcht out, which was done more Infamously than was wont to be done to the Slaves themselves. What shall I say of his Diversions, and his Pleasure? He had some Bears that he had chosen out in a great many years among all others, that were the biggest and the fiercest that could be found, and that were by Consequence so much the liker to himself: and when he intended to divert himself, he ordered one of these to be brought out, and a Man to be thrown to him, not to be killed by him out-right, but to be eat up in morsels: and as the Limbs of those Wretches were torn asunder, he used to burst out most indecently into Laughter; so that he seldom went to supper before he had shed some mans Blood. As for those that had no Dignity, he condemned them to be burnt: and tho at first he gave the Christians leave to be gone, yet afterwards he not only condemned them to Torture, but to be burnt in flow Fires: the manner of which was this, they were first chained to a post, then there was a gentle Fire set to the Soles of their Feet, by which all the Callus of the Foot was contracted, till at last it fell all off from the Bones; then Flambeaux were lighted and put out, and while they were hot, they clapt them to all the parts of their body, that so they might be tortured all over: and care was taken to keep them alive as long as was possible, by throwing cold Water in their Faces, and by giving them wherewith to wash their Mouths, lest otherwise the Violence of the Misery that they suffered should have quite dried up their Throats, and so choaked them. Thus their Sufferings were lengthned out whole days, till at last their Skin being quite consumed by the Fire, it at last reacht to their Vitals, and then a great Fire was kindled, into which they were thrown, and so their Bodies were burnt to Ashes: and their Bones that were not quite burnt, were gathered, and ground to powder, and thrown into some River, or into the Sea.

XXII. These practices of Cruelty, that were begun upon the Christians, grew in him to such a Habit, that he began to exercise them upon others: he never punished any gently: he seldom banished any, nor did he condemn many to Imprisonment, or to work in Mines: but his daily Iudgments, which past the most easily from him, were the condemning men to be burnt, to be crucified, or to be thrown to Wild Beasts. His Domesticks, and those whom he imploied in his Affairs, were also severely disciplined by him. And as to all Capital Matters, Beheading was thought an extraordinary Grace, which was granted to very few; so that it was lookt on as a Reward for past Services, to have the favour of a gentle Death; yet all these were small Matters. Eloquence was exstinguished by him; the Advocates were destroyed, and all that were learned in the Law, were either banished, or put to death; all sort of Literature were reckoned among the ill Arts, and all learned men were lookt on as ill-affected to the Emperour, and were both hated and ruined by him. The Iudges having superceded all the Lawes, had a Licence given them to do whatsoever they pleased; and Military men, who had no sort of Learning, were made Iudges in the several Provinces, without having so much as Assess •… rs assigned them.

XXIII. He also took care to involve the whole Empire into a general Calamity, and under a common Grievance, by the new Tax that he laid both on the Cities and Provinces: which was so severely levied by the Taxmen that he sent every where, that the state of Affairs lookt as dismall as if the Empire had been over-run by some Enemy, or as if it had been brought under some heavy Bondage. All mens Fields were measured, an account was taken of all their Trees and Vines, and of all Cattle; all men were likewise polled, and where those lists were made, no difference was put between those that lived in Town or Countrey. And as ▪the Taxing was managed in the Towns, without any Distinction of the antient Citizens, and those that were newly come out of the Countrey, so in the Villages all people came with their Children and Slaves to be listed: and upon the slightest suspitions men were whipt or tortured; Children were hanged up in the sight of their Parents; Slaves were dealt with to accuse their Masters, and Wives to accuse their Husbands. When no sort of Evidence could be found, men were forced by Torture to accuse themselves; and when any thing was thus extorted from them, then they were proceeded against as if they had been clearly convicted of those Crimes. No regard was had either to Mens Age or Infirmity: for the Sick and Feeble were taxed as well as the whole: and in the estimate that was made of mens Age, they added years to those that were not yet of Age, as they detracted some from those that were past it. All Places were full of Grief and Sorrow. And he adventured to put in execution against the Romans, and those Provinces that were subjected to them, all that any Conquerours had done to those who being subdued by them, were by the Law of War at their Mercy: as if he would have revenged the Tax that Trajan put on his Ancestors, the Dacians, which he laid on them as a Punishment for their frequent Rebellions. After that all men were thus listed, then so much money was laid upon every mans head, as if he had been to pay so much for his life. Yet this matter was not trusted to the first Taxmen, but new sets of them one after another, were sent about; that new men might always find new matter to work upon; and tho they could really discover nothing, yet they encreased the numbers in the lists that they made, that so it might not be said, that they had been sent to no purpose. By the means of those Oppressions, the Stock of the Cattle was much diminished, and many men died: and yet the Taxes continued still to be levied, even for those that were dead: to such Misery were men reduced, that even Death did not put an end to it. The Beggars were the only persons that were exempted from these Oppressions; for to have nothing to pay, was the only way to be covered from those Exactions: But this Cursed Man took care to put an end to their want; for he gave Orders to gather them all together, and to put them in Vessels, and when they were at Sea, he ordered them to be all drowned. So Compassionate was he, that he was resolved that no body should be extreamly miserable during his reign: thus he found out an effectual Expedient to keep all men from pretending Poverty, as an Excuse from paying the Taxes; but he at the same time, against all the Rules of Humanity, put a multitude of miserable Persons to Death.

XXIV. At last the Judgments of God came to seise on him: and now all that Success which he had hitherto enjoyed came to be changed. While he was appyling himself to those things of which I have given you an account, he had taken no care to destroy or to dethrone Constance; for he was waiting for his Death; yet he did not apprehend that it would come so suddenly as it did. But Constance being now very sick, writ to him that he might send his Son Constantine to him, having made the same desire often before, but to no purpose: for Maximian had no mind to let him go to his Father: on the contrary, he had exposed him to many Dangers, hoping that he would have fallen under some of them; he durst not make an open Attempt upon him, fearing a Civil War, or rather a Mutiny among the Souldiers: but under a pretence of exercising him, he had engaged him to encounter with Wild Beasts, yet all was in vain; for as the Hand of God was visible in protecting him all along, so it appeared most signally now in the last and critical moment; for the Emperour not knowing how he could deny it any longer, granted him at last a pass, which had the Seal put to it, while it was late; but he ordered him to come to him next morning to receive his Commands; and he had resolved either to find some Colour for hindring his Journey, or to send Orders to Severus, to stop him on the Way. Constantine had some apprehension of that which might happen, and therefore as soon as the Emperour went to sleep, after Supper he took Journey, and in the several Stages thro which he past, he carried with him all the Post Horses. The Emperour on purpose to delay him, did not open his door next day till it was noon, and then he called for him: but he heard that he had gone last Night, immediatly after Supper; upon which the Emperour fell into a most violent fit of rage; and ordered some to be sent after him for fetching him back; but when he understood that he carried all the Post Horses with him, so that this could not be done, the Emperour could hardly forbear weeping. Constantine made all the hast that was possible, and found his. Father just breathing out his last. Constance recommended his Son to the Souldiers, and delivered over the Empire to him, and so he ended his Life in all points as he wished to do. Constantine was no sooner possessed of the Empire, then he gave the Christians the free Liberty of their Religion, so that his first Edict was the Restoring the Exercise of this holy Religion.

XXV. Within a few days after this, his Image with the Characters of the Imperial Dignity upon it, was sent to Maximian: he was long in suspence, not knowing what he should do, he once intended to throw both the Image it self, and likewise Him that brought it into the Fire: but his Friends diverted him from this; for they were sensible of the Inconveniences of irritating the Army, who were already displeased, because that no notice was taken of them in the Nomination of the Cesars: and they might probably enough have declared for Constantine, if they should have seen him coming against Maximian at the head of an Army. These Advices prevailed so far upon him, that tho it was much against his Heart, yet he received the Statue, and sent Constantine the Purple, that so it might appear that he had of his own accord received him into the Partnership of the Empire. But this broke all his measures; nor could he now make another Emperour Supernumerary: yet he fell upon this Contrivance, of declaring Severus, who was the Antienter person, Emperour, and Constantine not Emperour (as had been already done) but Cesar only, in Partnership with Maximin, that so instead of being next to himself, he might be the last of the Four.

XXVI. But while he thought that this matter was quite setled, he received a new Alarm, which was, that Maxentius, who was his own Son-in-Law, was declared Emperour at Rome. The occasion of which was this: Maximian having resolved to exhaust the Wealth of the whole Empire by his Impositions, proceeded to that pitch of Madness, that he would not so much as grant the City of Rome an Exemption from 〈◊〉 Tax: so he named the Taxmen, who should go to Rome to take a 〈◊〉 of all that were in the City; he had also at the same time made an attempt upon some of the Priviledges of the Pretorian Bands; so a few of those Guards that were left at Rome, having found a fit Opportunity for it, they first killed some of the Iudges, and perceiving that the People, who were now much irritated, were not ill pleased at this, they declared Maxentius Emperour: When the newes of this was brought to Maximian, he was a little disordered with the first surprise of it, yet he was not much terrified at it. He both hated the Man, and could not resolve to make three Cesars all at a time. He thought it was enough to have been for once constrained to do a thing to which he had not a mind, so he sent for Severus, and persuaded him to assume the Empire, and he sent him against Maxentius with the Army that had been under his Fathers command, and ordered him to march streight to Rome, knowing well that those Souldiers, who had tasted so often of the Pleasures of that place, would not only endeavour to preserve the City, but would desire to make it their chief quarter. Maxentius beginning to reflect on the Boldness of his undertaking; as on the one hand he had some reason to hope, that the Army which had so long been commanded by his Father, might be easily practised upon to declare for himself; so on the other hand he apprehended, that his Father-in-law, searing the same thing, might leave Severus in Illyricum, and might come in person with his own Army to destroy him: upon this he began to contrive the means of securing himself from this danger, which was hanging over his head; so he sent the Purple to his Father, who had lived in Campania ever since his Resignation of the Empire: and he declared him now for the second time Emperour. His Father, who had resigned against his will, and was longing for a Change in the State of Affairs, accepted of it very willingly. In the mean while Severus marched with his Army, and came at last to the very Walls of Rome. But the Souldiers seeing against whom they were come, did immediately abandon him, and went over to him against whom they were sent. Severus being thus forsaken, was forced to fly. But he was met on his way by Maximian the elder, who had now assumed the Empire, so that to avoid him he went to Ravenna, and with a small handful of men he shut himself up in that place: and seeing that he must needs be delivered up, he resolved to prevent that, and both rendred himself, and gave back the Imperial Purple to him, from whom he had received it: but all that he could obtain by this Submission, was a Gentle Death; for order was given to cut his Veins, so that he died easily. Thus did Maximian persecute those that were raised up by himself.

XXVII. But Maximian the elder knew well the Madness of Maximian the younger: and did not doubt but that as soon as the news of Severus his Death should be brought him, he would upon the heat of Anger, into which that might throw him, march immediately with his Army, and would perhaps bring along with him Maximins Forces; and he knew well that he was not strong enough to resist so great an Army, therefore he fortified Rome, and having setled matters in the best method that he could, he marched into Gaule, that so he might engage Constantine into his Interests, by offering him his younger Daughter in Marriage. But the other Maximian having gathered together his Troops, marched into Italy, and came to Rome, resolving to extirpate the Inhabitants, and in particular to destroy all the Senators: but he found all shut against him, and well fortisied: There was no hope of carrying it by a Surprise, and it was a very hard thing to besiege it, nor had he Men enough for the Siege: for he had never before seen Rome, nor knew how great it was; but had fancied that it was no greater than those other Cities which he had seen. Some of the Legions began to have a Horror at the unnatural War, in which the Father in-Law was fighting against his Son-in-Law, and the Roman Souldiers were fighting against the City of Rome; upon which they carried their Colours with them, and deserted, and many others were staggering, so that fearing Severus's Fate, he was so sunk with the Fright into which this threw him, that casting himself at the Souldiers feet, he begged that they would not deliver him up to his Ennemy: and what with his Submissions, and what with the great Promises that he made them, he prevailed over them to continue true to him; but he would not venture more with such Troops: so he marched away in all haste, and in such great Consternation, that if he had been pursued by ever so small a Body, it had been an easy thing to have defeated him quite, whereof being apprehensive, he sent out his Army in Parties on all hands, with Orders to Plunder and Destroy the whole Countrey, that it might not be possible for an Army that might pursue him to find whereupon to subsist; so that all that Part of Italy, thro which this destroying Army had marcht, was quite ruined; all was spoiled, Women were Forced, Virgins were Ravished, and all men were tortured, that they might discover where their Wives, their Daughters or their Treasures were concealed; and the Flocks of Sheep and Herds of Cattle were driven before them, as they used to do the Spoils that they took from the Barbarians; and thus he, who instead of being the Roman Emperour, was now become the Plunderer of Italy, retired back into his own Division, after he had in this Hostile manner destroyed the whole Countrey. He had indeed long before this, at the time of his receiving the Empire, declared himself such an Enemy to the very name of a Roman, that he once intended to have changed the very Designation of the Empire, so that instead of the Roman, it should have been called the Dacian Empire.

XXVIII. After that he had left Italy in this manner, the other Maximian returned out of Gaule, and he & his Son were Masters of that part of the Empire, but the Son was much more considered than the Father, both because he had given the first rise to this Revolution, and that he had invited his Father to his share in it. The Old Man grew uneasy when he saw that he was not in all points the Master, and by an Emulation unworthy of a Man, he envied his Son that respect which he saw was payed him. This went so far with him, that he resolved to drive away his Son, that so he might reign alone; this he thought would be easily effected, and that the Souldiers, who had abandoned Severus, would stick firmly to him. Upon which he called together an Assembly of the People, and the Souldiery, as if he had some matter of great Consequence to be communicated to them. He harangued to them long upon the Miseries that lay on the Commonwealth, and at last he pointed out to his Son, and said, he was the Cause of all those Miseries, and the Chief Occasion of all the Calamities that lay upon the Commonwealth: and thereupon he tore the Imperial Purple from him. He being thus stript of that badge of Dignity, leapt down from the bench on which the Emperour sat, and was well received by the Souldiers, who expressed upon this Occasion so much Anger and Fury, that the Old Man being asfrighted at it, fell into great Disorder, and was driven out of Rome almost as ignominiously as Tarquin the proud had been.

XXIX. He retired first to Gaule, and after that he had staid there for some time, he went to the other Maximian, knowing him to be his Sons Inveterate Enemy: he pretended that he went to concert with him some things relating to the State of the Commonwealth; but his true Design was, that he might under this pretence of Reconciliation, seek an Occasion to Murder him, and so possess himself of his share of the Empire, since he was now thrust out of his own. Diocles was then with the other Maximian, for he had been sent for by him, that so his presence might give some more Authority to his installing of Licinius in Severus's stead. So that both the Old Emperours happned to be present on that occasion: and now there were all at once six Emperours. But Maximian the elder finding that there was a Distraction in the Councils, and that he could not compass his Designs, fled again for the third time; and withdrew into Gaule, with new Projects no less wicked than the former had been: for tho both Constantine and his Father Constance had married two of his Daughters, yet he laid a design against his Life, and in order to his effecting it, he laid aside his Imperial Habit. The Franks were then in Armes, so that Constantine was obliged to march against them. But his Father-in-Law perswaded him, who as yet was in no distrust of him, that it was not necessary to carry his whole Army with him: and that a small Body would be sufficient for defeating those Barbarians; that as he might have the Army that was left behind in his own Power, so Constantine having so few Troops with him, might be Infallibly over-whelmed by the Franks. He was easily wrought on by his Father-in-Law, whose long Experience gave great Authority to his Advices. So after that some dayes were past, and that Maximian believed his Son-in-Law was now engaged among the Barbarians, he again assumed the Purple, brake in upon the publick Treasure, and as he was wont to do, he distributed a large Donative among the Souldiers; and gave out false Reports concerning Constantine: but all this was quickly turned upon him: for Constantine was soon advertised of all that had past, and came back with almost Incredible Diligence, so that Maximian had not time enough to settle himself in his new Usurpation, but was surprised, and was also abandoned by the Souldiery; upon which he fled to Marseilles, and shut himself up within it. Constantine did quickly Invest that place; and having demanded a personal Conference with him from the Walls, he neither reproached nor threatned him, but only asked him, what he himself had done, and what was in Maximians mind, that had pushed him on to act so Indecently as he had done? The other answered him very scurrilously: but those about him set open the gates to Constantines Souldiers: so this rebellious Emperour and treacherous Father-in-Law, was now in Constantines power; who satisfied himself with laying his Crimes before him, and so chiding him for them, he stript him of his Imperial Purple; but carried his resentments no further; and left him both his Life and Liberty.

XXX. But Maximian having lost both the Dignity of an Emperour, and the Regard that was payed to him as a Father-in-Law, and not being able to bear this Lowness of Fortune, fell to contrive new Plots: and such ill use made he of Constantine's forgiving him, that he set on his Daughter Fausta, soliciting her, what with Caresses, and what with Entreaties, to contrive her Husbands Ruine, and promised her a better Husband when that should be once done; so he besought her to leave their Bed-chamber Door sometimes open, she undertook to do all that he begged of her, but revealed all to her Husband: Thus a train was laid for discovering his Treasons, in an undeniable manner; there was an Eunuch put in Constantines place, to suffer what was projected against him. Maximian rose in the dead silence of the Night; and all things seemed favourable to him: he saw some few Guards, that were at some distance from the Bed-chamber; he told them, that he was going to give his Son-in-Law an account of a strange Dream that he had dreamt. So he went in Armed, and having killed the Eunuch, and fancying that he had executed his project, he came out boasting of what he had done. But he was not a little confounded when he saw Constantine coming towards him with some Souldiers about him. The dead body of the Eunuch was drawn out, so that he was manifestly convicted of the Murder: and he was so confounded with this Discovery of his Treachery, that he was, as it were struck dead with it, nor had he any sort of Excuse or Defence ready. The choise of the manner of his Death was left to him, and he made choice of Hanging. Thus this great Emperour, that in the long course of 20 Years Reign, had governed the Roman Empire with so much Glory, was now forced to this most Ignominious End of his Execrable Life.

XXXI. The Judgments of that God, who is the Avenger of his Truth and of his People, were in the next place no less visible upon the other Maximian, that had been indeed the chief Contriver of this Persecution. He was now thinking to celebrate the Festivals of the Twentieth Year of his Reign, and tho he had promised that upon that occasion he would restore some of those severe Exactions by which he had ruined so many of the Provinces; yet now instead of performing it, he made use of this Solemnity to lay new Taxes upon them. It is not easy to set forth the Severity of these Impositions that he raised upon this occasion, chiefly of those which were laid on the Corn. There were Souldiers, or rather Hangmen, that waited on all the Taxmasters: and men did not know whither to turn them. The Officers came with their unreasonable Demands, and those who had not wherewith to satisfy them, were subjected to great Variety of Tortures from which they had no way to save themselves, but by doing that which was impossible for them: Men were beset with such numbers of Souldiers, that they could hardly breath for them: there was little or no cessation in the Trouble to which they were put all the year round; the very Iudges and the Souldiers that attended upon them, fell into many Quarrels amongst themselves: there was not a Barn nor a Vineyard that was not severely visited; nor indeed was there enough left to preserve men alive. But tho this may seem a very Intolerable thing thus to snatch out of mens Mouths that Bread which they had earned by their Labour, yet all this was softned by the hopes that were given of what the Emperour was to do in his twentieth year. It was expected that men should appear in rich Clothes, and bring much Gold and Silver along with them, but it was not possible to provide this, except by the sale of the product of the Ground; and when this mad Tyrant destroyed all that, so that all men were ruined in order to the raising of that Treasure, which was designed to be laid out when the twentieth year should come; yet the Emperour lived not long enough for that.

XXXII. When Licinius was declared Emperour, Maximin resented it extreamly, and would neither be contented any longer with the Title of Cesar, nor allow Licinius the Precedence: Upon this Maximian sent many Messengers to him, to induce him to submit to the Order that he had setled; and to pay the Respect that was due to Licinius's Age, and to his Gray Hairs. But Maximin stood upon his terms, and very boldly said, that he to whom the Purple had been first given, ought alwayes to be considered as the Ancienter Emperour: and so he would neither yield to Maximians Intreaties, nor to his Commands. The Tyrant was extreamly troubled at this, and in his brutal way he complained of Maximins Ingratitude, whom he had raised from so mean a state to so great a Dignity; of which the other was now so unmindful as to reject all his Orders, and his most earnest Desires. But when he saw that nothing could prevail on him, he resolved to put an end to this second rank of Dignity, and so to extinguish the Title of Cesar; therefore as he declared himself and Licinius the Emperours, so he declared Maxentius and Constantine the Sons of the Emperours, (by which Maximin was quite shut out.) But he not daunted with this, writ to him that upon the last occasion of a great Assembly that met in the Field of Mars, he had been saluted Emperour by the Army. Maximian received this with great Regret, but yet upon it he declared all the four Emperours.

XXXIII. In the eighteenth year of his Reign, he was visited by God with an Incurable Stroke: An Ulcer bred in his Secret Parts, which daily grew and spread. The Phisitians used both Incisians, and other Medecines; but tho they brought it to a Cicatrice, and seem'd to have healed it, yet it festred, and broke out again, and the Humour did so corrode the Vessels, that a Vein burst, upon which he lost so much Blood, that it had almost cost him his Life; for it was very hard to stop it. A new Cure was carried on with that success, that the Wound was again brought to a Cicatrice. But upon a little shaking of his Body, the Vein broke again, and he lost at this second time more Blood than he had done at first. He became pale, sunk, and wasted to nothing. So that the Low estate of his Body made that he lost no more Blood. But now his Wound became more dangerous, outward Applications had no effect any more upon it: The Cancer spread it self still further, and the more it was cut, it seemed to grow so much the faster; all the most famous Phisitians that were every where searcht for, began to lose hopes. And while all humane means became ineffectual, recourse was bad to their False Gods, and Prayers were made for his Recovery to Apollo and Esculapius. And some relief was pretended to have come from Apollo. But he grew still worse and worse. His Death seemed very near, for the Cancer had consumed all the bottom of his Belly; his Guts were laid open, and were likewise rotting, and his whole Breech was overrun with the Putrifaction; some bold, but unhappy Phisitians would not for all this give over, and tho they had no hope of success, yet they were still trying new Remedies. Those drove the Evil inwards, even thro his Bones to the very Marrow, and now Worms began to breed within him. The Smell that came from him was so noysome, that it was felt not only over all the Palace, but in the very City likewise; and the Passages of his Urin and Excrements were now mixed, all the Membranes being corroded that separated them. He was eat up by Vermine, and the whole Mass of his Body turned into an universal Rottenness. With all this, he had most intolerable Pains, so that he often bellowed out, as if it had been a Bull wounded. Some living Animals, and others that were boild, were applied to the putrified parts, to try if the heat would draw out the Vermine: and this indeed opened as it were a vast Hive of them: yet a second Imposthumation discovered yet a much greater Swarm, so that his Gutts seemed to dissolve all into Worms. A Hydropsy joyned to all his other ills, did strangely disfigure his Body: all his upper parts were exhausted quite, and dried like a meer Skeleton, covered with a Dead-like Skin: but at the same time all his Lower Parts were swelled up like Bladders, so that the Shape of his Feet was scarce to be seen any more. In all this Misery did he languish a full year. His Conscience was at last awakned, and he was forced to give praise to God: so that in the Intervals of his pains, he cried often out, that he would rebuild the Church of Nicomedia, and that he would repair the Mischiefs that he had done: and being in his last Agonies, he published this following Edict.

XXXIV. Vide Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 8. cap. 1. Among our other Cares, for the Profit and Advantage of the Common-wealth, one was to reduce all people to observe the Ancient Lawes, and the Puplick Discipline of the Romans; and in particular to oblige the Christians, who had forsaken the Religion of their Fathers, to return to a better Mind: Having observed, that they, by what Reasons so ever moved to it, had been guilty of the Wilfulness, and even Madness of forsaking the Ancient Institutions of the first Christians: and that according to their different humours and Fancies, they were framing new Lawes, by which they might govern themselves, and were falling into Divisions, and forming many separated Assemblies: upon this, we gave out our Edicts, obliging them to return back to their first Institutions; which had great Effects on many; but while great numbers continued still firm to their Rules, and as on the one hand they did not offer that Worship, and that Devotion to the Gods that is due, so on the other hand they did not adore the God of the Christians. We therefore having regard to all these things, and being moved by our Princely Compassion and our constant Custom of Gentleness towards all men, have thought fit to extend this our Grace and Pity even towards the Christians: and therefore we do not only suffer them to continue in their Religion, but suffer them to hold Assemblies for their Worship; provided always that they do nothing contrary to the Established Discipline. By another Ordinance we will signify our pleasure to our Iudges, for their Direction. In the mean while we expect that the Christians, in return to this our Clemency, shall pray to God for our Health, and for the continuance of the Prosperity of the Common-wealth; and so they may still hope to enjoy our Protection in their respective Dwellings.

XXXV. This Edict was published at Nicomedia, the last of April in Maximian's Eighth Consulate, and Maximin's Third. Then when the Prison Doors were set open, were you, My Dear Donatus, with the other Prisoners set at Liberty, after you had been for the space of six years shut up. Yet all this did not turn away the Judgments of God from Maximian: His Putrefaction went on still, till it had quite wasted his whole Substance; so that not many days after the Publication of this Edict, he breathed out his last, having recommended his Wife and his Son to Licinius, and having put them into his Hands. This came to be known in Nicomedia before the end of May, so that he did not attain to his twentieth year of Empire, which was not to begin before the first of March following.

XXXVI. As soon as ever Maximin had heard the News of his Death, he being then in the East, made all the hast that was possible to take into his possession all those Provinces: and as Licinius lingered, he possessed himself of all to the Straits of Thrace: and when he came into Bithinia, he took care to recommend himself to the Favour of the People, by discharging them of the Tax that was laid on them. By this means the two Emperours were now in ill Terms, and almost engaged in a War: For they lay with their Armies on the opposite shores. But expedients were found out for the making up of all their Differences; and they had an Enterview upon the Sea, in which they were not only reconciled, but they entred into an Alliance: Maximin went back, reckoning that he was now secure, and so he governed Syria and Egypt just as he had done formerly: and tho the Christians were now received under the Protection of the Government, yet he broke all this, and he set on underhand the Procuring Addresses from the several Cities to be made to him, for hindring the Christians to build Meeting Houses within their Bounds; that he might seem to be in some sort forced to do that which he had resolved on of his own Accord. So having granted the Demand of those Addresses, he made the Chief of the Priests in the several Cities out of those who were of the Government of the City, which had not been practised in any former time, and he ordered them to offer every day Sacrifices to all the Gods, and to call in the Assistance of all the Ancient Priests, for looking after the Christians, that they might neither have Publick Meeting-Houses, nor assemble themselves in Secret for their Worship: and required them that they should seise on them where-ever they could find them, and either force them to offer Sacrifice, or deliver them to the Magistrates. And not contented with this Subordination that he had setled among the Priests, he ordered one in every Province to be over all the Priests of the Province; and as he raised them up to this high degree of Authority, so for adding some Splendor to it, he ordered them to wear that sort of white Habits edged about with Gold, which might only be worn by the Chief Officers of the Court. He was resolved to put the same things in execution against the Christians in the other Provinces, which he had already done in the East. For that he might seem merciful towards them, he would not suffer them to be put to Death, but he ordered many other Punishments against them, such as the Picking out their Eyes, the Cutting off their Hands or Feet, and the Cutting off their Noses or their Ears.

XXXVII. While he was designing all these things, he received Letters from Constantine, which put him in such a fright, that he resolved to dissemble for some time. Yet whensoever any Christian was found out, he was drowned secretly and in the Night; nor did he discontinue his Custom of offering Sacrifices every day in the Palace. He also began another Custom, of ordering all the Meat that was to be served up to his Table, to be offered up first by the Priests at some Altar, and not to be killed by his own Cooks; so that nothing was presented to his Table, but that which had passed thro some Rites or other of their Idolatry; by which means it was that none could eat with him, without being in some manner or other polluted with those Abominations. In all other things he followed the pattern that his Master had set him: For if there was any thing left by Diocletians or Maximians Oppressions, he took care to raise all that so exactly, as to be sure to leave nothing to any that should come after him: so that without any sort of shame, he robbed the People of all they had: He shut up all mens Granaries and Storehouses, and forced them to pay by an Advance the Taxes of the year to come. So that there not being seed to sow the Ground, this brought on a most intolerable Famine. Whole Droves of Cattle and Sheep were brought for his daily Sacrifices, with which he fed his Domesticks and his Souldiers so copiously, that they came to despise the Corn, that was brought them for their Provision, so that without any Care they threw it often out of Doors. And as he had a vast Army, so he clothed his Guards very richly, and furnished them with much Gold, and the commonest and rawest of his Souldiers had Silver in abundance given them. He was also extream liberal to the Barbarians. All the Praise that is due to him is, that he was like those merciful Robbers, who are contented to strip men without killing them; for if he did not put People to Death, that so he might seise on their Estates, yet upon every occasion he either took away all they had, or gave it to such as begged it of him.

XXXVIII. But there was one Monstrous Wickedness, that exceeded all the rest, which he carried to such a blind and brutal degree, that one cannot find Words equal to it, for the Indignation which this must give, carries ones Thoughts further than his Tongue will serve him, to set it forth as it ought to be.

His Eunuchs, and the other Instruments of his Appetites, searcht in all Places, and wheresoever they found a beautiful Woman, she was dragged away without any regard had of her Husband or her Parents: Those whom he Imployed in this Service, stript both married Women and Maids, and so viewed them naked, and if any refused to submit to this, she was drowned as guilty of High Treason. Several married Men, whose Wives were thus violently taken from them, not being able to bear the Grief which this gave them, murdered themselves: and under this Monster, there was no other Security for Modesty, but Ugliness. At last he carried this Licentiousness to such a pitch, that no Body was suffered to marry without his leave, and without his taking all Liberties with the Bride, before the Bridegroom was admitted. He took the Daughters of the Men of Quality, and after he himself had corrupted them, he gave them to his Slaves to marry them. His Courtiers were easily induced to follow his wicked Example, and to defile the Beds of such as depended on them: for they saw that no Body durst punish it. Those who were of ordinary rank, were ravished by every body at his Pleasure; and such as were of the Chief rank, and so could not be ravished, were begged of the Emperour as Boons, and when he signed any such grant, the Father durst not refuse it, but saw that he must either die, or accept of some Barbarian for his Son-in-Law. For he had scarce any other Domesticks or Guards, but such as had been driven out of their Countrys by the Goths in the twentieth year of Diocletians Reign, during that Festivity. All these came and delivered themselves up to Maximian, and so he made use of those who had fled from being enslaved by the Goths, as his Instruments for enslaving the Romans. Maximin being environed with such Guards, and depending so entirely upon them as he did, treated all the rest of the East with the utmost degree of Contempt.

XXXIX He made this the measure of his Appetites, to esteem every thing lawful to which his Desires carried him; And according to this Rule, tho he had acknowledged the Empress Valeria, that was Maximians Widdow, his adopted Mother, yet that did not secure her; she had come to live in his Court, reckoning that she would be safer there than in any other place, since he had a Wife of his own. But nothing was Sacred to him, when he was pushed on by his impure Appetites; she was yet in deep mourning, the year not being out, when he proposed Marriage to her, offering to divorce his Wife, if she would accept of him. Her answer was such as could have been expected from her; that she could not treat of her Marriage, while she was yet in her Mournings, and while the Ashes of her Husband, his adopted Father, were not yet quite cold. She added, that it was a strange piece of Impiety in him, to offer to put away his Wife, who had been always faithful to him: which let her see what she herself might look for from him; and in the last place, it seemed to her no small Crime, as it was a thing without an Example, for a Woman of her rank to think of a second Husband. All this was reported to Maximin in her name: But he was so enraged at it, that his brutal Desires were now changed into Wrath and Fury. He presently put her under a Proscription, he seised on her goods, he took her Servants from her, and tortured some of her Eunuchs to Death; and sent her and her Mother into Banishment; but not to any certain place: but ordered her to be hurried about from place to place: and he charged such Women as were dearest to her, with Adultery, and upon that forged pretence he condemned them.

XL. There was an Ancient Woman of Quality, whom Valeria had always considered as a Mother, and Maximin believed that the refusal that was made of him, was advised by her; so he ordered Eratineus the President to put her to an Infamous Death; with her he ordered two other Women of the same Quality to be likewise executed. The one was Mother to one of the Vestal Virgins of Rome, the other was the Widdow of a Senator and was the Empresses Kinswoman: but both their Crime was, that as they were Beautiful, so they were no less modest. They were violently seised on, not as if they had been to be carried before a Court of Justice, but as if they had fallen into the hands of Robbers, yet there was no Accuser to lay any thing to their Charge. But a Iew was found out, who being condemned for some other Crimes, hoped to obtain his pardon by becoming a false Witness against them. The Judge who condemned them upon this Evidence, carried them out of Town to their Execution with a Guard; for he was affraid that he should have been stoned by the people, This Tragedy was acted at Nice. The few being put to the Torture, was forced to accuse the Women as he had been instructed: and when they offered to say any thing for themselves, they were beaten by the Tormenters; so that notwithstanding their Innocence, they were condemned. There was a great Lamentation raised upon this, not only by the Husband of one of them, to whom his Wife was extream dear, but by all the Multitude, that so unusual a Spectacle had brought together: and so apprehensive were the Judges of the Peoples using force for rescuing those Persons out of their Hands, that there was drawn about them a Body of Archers, and others of the lightly armed Souldiers: and with this Guard were they led out to Execution. Nor was there any care taken of their Burial, for their Servants were forced to abandon them; yet some of their Friends, moved with Compassion, came secretly and buried them. The Adulterous Iew had not the Pardon that was promised him, so seeing that he was to be hanged, he discovered all this Mystery, and with his last breath he declared to all that were looking on, that the Women had suffered Unjustly.

XLI. The Empress being now banished to the Deserts of Syria, found a secret Way of acquainting her Father Diocletian with her Condition. He upon that sent to Maximin, and desired that his Daughter might be sent to him; but tho he repeated this over and over again, all was without effect: So after all, he sent a Kinsman of his own, that was an Officer of the Army, in a high Post, and in great Credit, to whom he gave in charge, to put Maximin in Mind of the Obligations that he had received from him: but this Intercession was as ineffectual as the others had formerly been.

XLII. At this time Constantine gave Order that the Statues of Maximian the Elder, should be every where pulled down; and that such Pictures or Figures of him, as had been any where set up, should be removed. Now Diocletians Statues and His being alwayes coupled together, the Disgrace of the one drew the others likewise after it. Diocletian seeing this Affront put on his Statues, which no Emperour before him had ever seen done in his own time, and being now over-charged with this redoubling of Grief, he resolved to put an end to his Life. He was in a perpetual Uneasiness, and could neither eat nor sleep. He was heard to sigh and groan continually, and was seen oft to weep; and to be tumbling sometimes on his Bed, and sometimes on the Ground. Thus he that had reigned over the Roman Empire for twenty years, was now so cast down and mortified, that he dyed partly of Hunger, and partly thro Anguish of Spirit.

XLIII. There was only one of the Enemies of God now left alive, namely Maximin, whose Fall and Death comes to be related in the next place. He bare a great Envy to Licinius ever since he had been preferred by Maximian to himself; and tho he had lately entred into an Alliance with him, yet when he heard that Licinius was engaging himself into a straiter Alliance with Constantine, and was going to marry his Sister, he concluded that this Union of those two Emperours, must certainly be fatal to himself; So he sent secretly to Rome, and writ very kindly to Maxentius, desiring his Alliance and Friendship, which Maxentius embraced very readily, as if it had been somewhat sent him from Heaven; for he had declared War against Constantine, upon the pretence of Revenging his Fathers Blood. From this some have imagined, that the Father had only pretended to fall out with his Son, that he might have the more Credit with the other Emperours; and by that means find an occasion of Destroying them all; that so He and his Son might have the whole Empire between them: but this is a Mistake; for it is certain, that Maximian the Elder had a mind to destroy his Son with the rest, and that when this was done, he intended that Diocletian & he should again re-assume the Empire.

XLIV. Now the War was begun between Maxentius and Constantine, which Maxentius managed by his Generals, but would not stir out of Rome himself; having had a Response, that whensoever he went out of the Gates of Rome, he should perish. He had much the better Army: for he had not only those Troops that had abandoned Severus, but likewise others that he had brought together out of Manritania and Italy. The two Armies fought, and Maxentius's had the better; yet Constantine did not for that lose Heart, but having resolved to put all to hazard, he marched on to the Gates of Rome, and posted his Army at the other side of the Milvian Bridge: the 27th of October was now near, which was the Anniversary of Maxentius's coming to the Empire: and now his fifth year was almost out. Constantine was warned in a Dream to put the Divine Mark, the Sign of the Cross, upon the Shields of his Souldiers, and so to give Battel; he took care to execute this, and ordered the Letter X with the Letters of the Name of Christ mixed in a Monogramme, to be drawn on all their Shields; and having made this his Distinction, he drew out his Army. The Enemy's Forces came likewise out, and crossed the Bridge, but Maxentius himself came not with them; they drew up both in the same manner, and both sides fought with great Courage, neither of them giving Ground to the other; in the mean while there was a Sedition raised in Rome, and an Out-cry was made against Maxentius, as if he had taken more care of himself than of the Publick; and while he was entertaining the People with the Spectacles of the Hippodrome, there was a Universal Cry raised, that Constantine could not be withstood; this put him into a great Disorder, so he made the Sybilline Books to be searcht, in which it was found, that the Enemy of the Romans was to perish that Day. This gave him such assured hopes of Victory, that he marched out in Person to his Army: as soon as he had passed the Bridge, it was broke behind him. Upon this the Battel was renewed, and the Hand of God appeared over the Armies. Maxentius was beat, and when he thought to repass the Bridge, he found it broke, and was carried by the crowd of his men, that were flying, into the Tiber, and so was drowned there. An end being thus put to the War, Constantine was declared Emperour, with great Expression of Joy, both by the Senate and People of Rome. Among Maxentius's Papers he found Maximins Letters, by which he discovered his treacherous Designs against himself: He also saw the Imperial Statues that he had sent to Maxentius. The Senate did Constantine the Honour to order his Name to be put first in order, before the other Emperours▪ tho that was claimed by Maximin, who was as much struck with the news that was brought to him of Romes being thus freed from Tyranny, as if it had been a Defeat given himself; and as soon as he heard of the Senates Decree, giving Constantine the Precedence, he treated Constantine in a most reproachful and insolent manner.

XLV. Constantine having setled matters at Rome, went during the Winter to Millan: and thither did Licinius come to marry his Sister. Maximin hearing that they were now amused with the Solemnities of this Wedding, marcht with his Army out of Syria during the bitter Cold of the Winter; and having harassed his Army with great Marches, he got to Bithinia: for the Season was very severe, and both by Snow and Rains the Wayes were very deep; and what with Cold and what with hard Labour, he lost all his Horse, so that all along where he had marched, he might have been traced by them; which was but an ill Omen to his Men: Nor did he stop within his own Limits, but having crost the Straits of Thrace, he came with his Army to the Gates of Bysance. There was a Garrison put within that Place by Licinius for all Events; so he shudied first to corrupt the Souldiers by Presents and Promises, and then to terrify them by threatning them with a Siege; but both the one and the other proved equally ineffectual: they had eleven days assigned them, for advertising the Emperour, and having no return from him, they being disheartned by the smallness of their Numbers, rendred themselves. From thence he advanced to Heraclea; and being stopt there in the same manner as at Bysance, he lost some days there likewise. But by this time Licinius having marcht as quick as was possible, had got to Adrianople with a few men about him; in the meanwhile Maximin having likewise taken Perinthus, which gave him a new stop, he advanced 18 Miles beyond it, where he posted himself: he could go no further; for Licinius had possessed himself of the Post that lay next to that, which was likewise eighteen mile distant from it; and having drawn together as great a Body as he could on the sudden, he marched on towards Maximin, on design rather to hinder his Progress, than to enter into action; for as he did not intend to fight, so he had no Prospect of Victory; for he had not above 30000. men: whereas Maximin was at the Head of an Army of 70000: for Licinius's Army was scattered over a great many Provinces, and he could not bring all his Troops together in so short a time.

XLVI. While the two Armies were thus so near one another, that it was expected that the matter should come to a speedy Decision, Maximin made a Vow to Iupiter, That if he got the Victory, he would utterly extinguish the very Name of a Christian. The next night an Angel appeared to Licinius in his sleep, and ordered him to rise immediately, and joyn with his whole Army in calling on the Great God, and promised him an assured Victory in case he should do this. Licinius dreamt, that after this he rose, and that the Angel dictated to him the very Words in which he should osser up his Prayers. And as soon as he was awake, he called for one of his Secretaries, and ordered him to write down the Words, which were these, We pray to thee, O Great God; we pray to thee, O Holy God; we commit the Iustice of our Cause to thee; we commit our Lives to thee; we commit this our Empire to thee. It is by thee that we do live; our Conquests and our Happiness come from thee: O thou great and good God, hear our Prayers; we stretch out our hands to thee: hear us therefore thou Holy and Great God▪ Many Copies were quickly made of this Prayer, which were sent about to all the Ossicers, and all were required to make their Souldiers get it by heart. This raised the Courage of the whole Army, who now lookt on the Victory as assured, since it was so Divinely fore▪ told. Maximin resolved to give Battel on the first of May, which was the Anniversary of his coming to the Empire, this being now the eighth year compleat since he was raised to that Dignity: and thus it happened, that as Maxentius was defeated at Rome on his Anniversary, so Maximin run the same Fortune on his; only Maximin would needs anticipate his own Ruin; for he would needs sight the Day before it, that so he might celebrate his Anniversary with the more Pomp, when he had defeated his Enemy. When Licinius heard that Maximin's Army was advancing, he likewise drew out his, so that they were in view one of another. There lay between them a great and barren Plain, called Serenum. Licinius's men laid down their Shields, and took off their Head pieces, and with hands lifted up to Heaven, they said their Prayer, the Emperour himself beginning, and the Officers and Souldiers following him in it; which was pronounced so loud, that the other Army that was to fall before them, heard the noise of it. The Prayer was three times repeated, and that being done, the Souldiers being now wonderfully animated, put on their Headpieces, and took up their Shields. The Emperours themselves parlyed a little; Maximin would hearken to no Propositions of Peace; for he despised Licinius, and fancied that all his Souldiers would have deserted him, because he was more sparing in his Bounty to them; whereas Maximin was extreamly prosuse; and as he had begun with Licinius, not doubting but that his Army would without giving any stroke come over to him, so when he had thus doubled his Forces, he resolved to go against Constantine.

XLVII. The two Armies drew at last so near one another, that the Signals were given, and the Ensigns on both sides advanced; Licinius's men gave the Charge with great Vigour; but the others were so disordered and terrified, that they could neither draw their Swords nor throw their Darts: Maximin run about on all hands, perswading Licinius's Men to turn over to him, what with Presents, what by Intereaties; but all was to no effect; and being charged in person, he was forced to retire. His Army fell before the Enemy without being able to make any Resistance; and that vast body of men was mowed down by a handful. They seemed to have forgot their Rank, their Courage, and their former Exploits; and the hand of God was visible in delivering them over to have their Throats cut by their Enemies, as if they had come into the Field for an Execution, and not for a Battle. When Maximin saw that the matter went far otherwise than he had lookt for, and that great numbers of his men were killed, he threw away his Purple, and put on the Habit of a Slave, and so crossed the Straits; for now the one half of his Army was destroyed, and the other half either fled or rendered it self. And since the Emperour had deserted his Army, the Souldiers were not at all ashamed of deserting his Interests: he made great hast; for in a Night and a Day he sled to Nicomedia; and got thither the first of May in the Night, which was an hundred and theerscore Miles distance from the place where the Battel was fought: he staied not long there, but having taken along with him his Sons and his Wife, and some few of his Domesticks, he went to the East; yet he stopt in Cappadosia, and there he took the Purple again, having gathered together some Souldiers partly of his own Straglers, and partly of some Troops that came to him from the East.

XLVIII. Licinius, after he had distributed a part of his Army into Quarters, crossed the Straits, and went over to Bithinia with the rest. When he entred into Nicomedia, he offered up his Thanksgivings to God, by whose Aid he had obtained the Victory: and on the thirteenth of Iune, Constantine and he being now in their third Consulate, the following Edist was sent to the President.

Whereas both I Constantine the Emperour, and I Licinius the Emperour, had a very succesful congress at Millan, in which we treated of all things that related to the profit and safety of the Publick; among other matters we thought that nothing could be of greater Advantage to our People, or concern our selves more, than the setling of those matters, in which the Worship of the Deity consisted; and therefore we judged it meet to allow to all Christians and others, free Liberty to follow that Religion which they should like best: that by this means that Supream Deity, which dwells on high, might be gracious and favourable to us, and to all our Subjects: therefore upon due Deliberation and weighty Reasons, we have thought sit, that no man may be denied the Liberty of Professing either the Christian Religion, or any other, as he shall judge it best; that so the Great God, whom we worship with free minds, may in all things bless us with his gracious Favour and Protection. Therefore we will have you to know, that we have thought fit to annull all those Restrictions, that might seem to be in our former Edict addressed to you, relating to the Christians: and we do now ordain, that every one that is disposed to adhere to that Religion, shall be suffered to continue in it with all Freedom, and without any Disquiet or Molestation: and we have explained this the more copiously to you, that so you might understand that we have given a free and absolute Liberty to the said Christians to profess their Religion. And since we have allowed this Liberty to them, you will likewise understand, that we allow the like free and full Liberty to all those who profess any other Religion; that só according to the quiet to which we have brought the Empire, every man may enjoy the free Exercise or that Religion of which he shall make choice▪ for we will do nothing by which any man may suffer any prejudice either in his Honour, or upon the account of his Religion. With Relation to the Christians, we have thought it sit likewise to add this particular; that the Places in which they used to hold their Assemblies, and concerning which there were some Rules set in a former Edict addrest to you, that have been purchased either from our Exchequer, or from some particular persons, shall be restored to them, without any Excuses or Delayes; and without either Asking or taking of any Money from them upon that account. We order likewise Restitution to be made by all that have obtained Grants of them; and that all such as may have either purchased them, or obtained Grants of them, shall in order to their being repaired by us for their loss, go to some Magistrate, that so we, according to our Clemency, may relieve them. In the mean while, we order you to take care, that without any further Delay, Restitution be made to the Christians. And whereas the Christians had besides those Places in which they used to hold their Assemblies, others likewise that belonged to them as a Body corporate; that is to say, to their Churches in common, and not to any particular persons among them; we comprehend all these under the same Law; and order them also to be restored to the Corporations or Assemblies of the Christians, and that without any Fraud or Dispute, upon the fore-mentioned Terms; that those who restore them freely, may hope to be recompensed by us according to our Bounty. In all which matters you are required to give your most effectual Assistance to the Bodies Corporate of the Christians, that so our Pleasure may be the more speedly executed; and by which we shall the more effectually secure the publick Peace. And we will be hereby assured, that the Divine Favour, of which we have had hitherto such Proofs, shall always watch over us, and that we our selves shall be always succesful, as well as the publick happy. And that the Tenor of this our Gracious Edict may be universally known, we order you to affix attested Copies of it in all places, that so no man may pretend Ignorance.

When the Edict was published, Licinius did likewise by Word of Mouth entreat all persons, to see the Meeting-Houses of the Christians restored again to them: and thus from the first beginning of the Persecution, and from the Destruction of the Church of Nicomedia, to the Rebuilding of it, there were ten years and about four Moneths.

XLIX. But while Licinius was pursuing after Maximin, he still sled before him, and possessed himself of the narrow passages of Mount Taurus, where he built Forts to stop them up, that so it might not be possible for Licinius to pass them; but he took a compass to the right hand: and when Maximin saw that there was now nothing to stop him, he fled to Tarsus; but being like to be shut up there, both by Sea and Land, and seeing no possibility of escape, the Anguish of his Spirit and his Fear, made him fly to Death, as the only way to escape from those Evils with which God was pursuing him. He first eat and drunk to a great excess, as is ordinary for those to do who reckon that it is their last meal that they eat, and then he took Poyson; but his Stomach being so over-charged, made that the Poyson had not a present operation on him; but instead of killing him out-right, it threw him into a lingering Torment, not unlike the Plague; by which his Life was so far lengthned out to him, that he felt his Misery long: The Poyson began now to work violently on him, it burned his Vitals so much, that his insufferable Pains threw him into a Phrenesy; so that for four Days time he eat Earth, which he dug up with his Hands, and swallowed it up very greedily. The Rages of his Pain were so intolerable, that he run his Head against a Wall with such force, that his Eyes started out of the Eyeholes; but as he lost the Sight of his Eyes, a Vision represented himself to his Imagination, as standing to be judged by God, who seemed to have Hosts of Ministers about him all in White Garments; at this sight he cried out as if he had been put to the Torture, and said, that it was others, and not he, that were to blame; yet afterwards he confessed his own Guilt, being as it were forced to it by the Torments that he suffered: he called upon Iesus Christ, and with many Tears he begged that he would have pity on him; he roared and groaned as if he had been inwardly burnt up: and thus did he breath out his defiled Soul, in the most dreadful manner that can be imagined.

L. Thus did God destroy all the Persecutors of his great Name, both Root and Branch: for Licinius being now setled in the Empire, gave order to put both Valeria and Caudidian to death. Valeria had been still preserved by Maximin, who notwithstanding all his Rage against her, and tho he saw now his own End approaching, yet had not the boldness to put her to death. Caudidian was her adopted Son, for his Mother was a Concubine of Maximians; but Valeria being barren, had adopted him. She had no sooner got the news of Maximins Death, then she came to his Court in disguise, that she might see what would become of Caudidian; but he appearing publickly in Nicomedia, and fancying that Respect would be shewed him because of his Birth, and apprehending nothing less than what befel him, was put to Death: upon which Valeria fled away immediately. Licinius ordered likewise Severian to be put to death. He was Severus's Son, and was now grown up to a mans Age, and had accompanied Maximin in his slight; but it was pretended, that he was aspiring to the Empire, and for that he was condemned. All these had great Apprehensions of Licinius, looking on him as an ill man; only Valeria, who had refused to resign her pretensions to Maximin, had resolved to do it in his savour. Licinius ordered likewise Maximins eldest Son, who was then eight years old, and his Daughter that was only seven, and had been contracted to Caudidian, to be put to Death. And before that was executed, their Mother was drowned in the River Orontes, where she had made many chast Women to be drowned formerly. And thus thro the just and righteous Judgment of God, all those wicked persons came to suffer the same things that they had done to others.

LI. Valeria her self wandred about in the Habit of a Peasant, during the space of eighteen Moneths; but was at last discovered at Thessalonica, where both she and her Mother suffered. The two Empresses were led to the place of Execution thro a vast multitude of Spectators, who were struck with the Compassion that was raised by so lamentable a sight: their Heads were cut off, and their Bodies were cast into the Sea, so fatal did their Dignity and Valeria's chastity prove to them.

LII. I have given you this recital upon the credit of persons that were well informed of those matters: and I have thought sit to write them just as they were transacted, that so the true account of those great Revolutions might not be lost; and that it might not be in the power of any, who intended to write the History of that time, to corrupt the Truth, or to suppress either their Sins against God, or Gods Judgments upon them.

It is to his Insinite Mercy that we owe our Thanksgivings; who has at last visited the World, and has gathered together and recovered his Flock, that was partly scattered abroad, and partly torn by ravenous Wolves; and who has destroyed those Beasts of Prey, that had wasted the Pastures of his Flock, and had broken their Folds. Where are now those once Glorious and renowned Names of Iovins and Herculins, that were assumed with so much Insolence by Diocletian and Maximian, and that were afterwards derived by them to their Successors! God has blotted them out, and rased them-out of the World.

Let us then Celebrate Gods Triumph over his Enemies with all the Elevations of Joy: Let us sing of his Victories, and praise him for them; and let us beg of him by our most earnest Prayers, repeated Day and Night, that he will forever establish that Peace which he has given to his People after ten years of War.

And you in particular, My most Dear Donatus, who deserves that God should hear your Prayers, Intercede earnestly with him, that he may alwayes shew Mercy to his Servants; that he may be gracious and favourable to them; that he may protect his People from all the Snares and Assaults of the Devil; and that the present Flourishing Estate of his Church may be always preserved safe and undisturbed.

FINIS.