A RELATION Of the DEATH Of the Primitive PERSECUTORS.

Written Originally in Latin by L. C. F. LACTANTIUS.

Englished by GILBERT BURNET, D. D.

To which he hath made a large PREFACE concerning PERSECUTION.

AMSTERDAM, Printed for J. S. 1687.

The Translators PREFACE.

AMong all the Discove­ries that have been made in this Age, of the Books that had been esteemed lost, there is none, since that of the Epistle of St. Clemens, that has been received with more joy than this of Lactantius's Book of the Death of the Persecutors, for which the World is beholding to the happy Industry of the most learned Baluzius, who having found this trea­sure, not only communicated it to the World, but enriched it with his learned Notes: by which he has added a new Essay, to the many that have already appeared, of his great Sinceri­ty, his profound Learning, and of his solid Judgment: It has been since that time reprinted at Oxford, with shorter Notes; in which there are ma­ny happy conjectures, made both for [Page 4] supplying some of the Words that were worn out of the Manuscript Copy, and for correcting some Passages, which the Copyer perhaps writ wrong, and it is upon that Edition that this Transla­tion is made.

The Importance of this Book will be easily apprehended, by those who consider that Lactantius was the po­litest Writer of his time, in whom one finds somewhat very like Augustus's Age revived; he had also particular Opportunities of being well informed of his Subject, by the Post to which he was advanced in Constantine's Court, of being his Son's Tutor. It is true, his Eloquence carries him often into strains that become an Orator, better than a Historian: for he has a heat of stile, that ought not to be imitated by one that would write History. But he seems to have designed this Book to be a mixed sort of writing, between a Discourse and a History; so that the Figures that agree not to the one, may be allowed to the other.

The Account that he gives of Saint Peter's coming to Rome, cuts off the Fable of his being there for five and [Page 5] twenty years: but if what he sayes of things at so great a distance from his own time, is not thought so Authen­tical, and if his Authority seems not strong enough to cut off all those Per­secutions that are said to have risen be­tween Domitians Reign and Decius's, since he represents all that Interval as a time of a long Peace to the Christians; yet we must at least suppose him, to have been much better Informed of that which▪ fell out during the last Per­secution; so that the beginning▪ which h [...] assigns to it cuts off all those Le­gends of Martyrs, that (as is preten­ded) suffered before that year, and as we cannot doubt of the time in which he tells us the Persecution began, so no more ought we to call in question the Limits that he sets to it; and therefore since he tells us, that Constance orde­red only, that the Churches in which the Christians held their Assemblies, should be pulled down, and that he would not carry the Persecution fur­ther against the Christians themselves; and since he excepts the Gaules out of those Provinces that felt the Fury of those Edicts, we see what a number of [Page 6] Legends there are to be cut off. For the truth is, that very soon after this Persecution was over, some that loved either to make (or at least to report) very tragical Stories concerning it, seemed to give no Bounds to their In­vention upon a Subject that was fruit­ful enough of it self, and so needed not to have been swelled up by such Ad­ditions. The Destruction of the Re­cords that the Christians kept, which were so carefully searched after during this Persecution, gave some colour for those pretended Discoveries; for it served turn to give them credit, to say, that such Relations had been pre­served from the Searches of those In­quisitors, and so that they were by ac­cident found out in some corner, where very probably those that forged them, both laid them and found them: and the matter would no doubt have been received with more Credit, if some Dream or Vision had been pretended, as that which had made the Discovery. Of all those Legends none is more co­pious, nor less credible than that of the Thebean Legion, and that upon many accounts; but as the silence, not [Page 7] only of Eusebius and Sulpitius Severus, but of all the other Writers of the fourth Century, gave a just Prejudice against a Story that begun not to ap­pear till the middle of the fifth Century; so the positive Testimony of Lactan­tius, who excepts the Gaules from the Persecution, puts an end to the Fable. For tho he shews so great a disposi­tion to speak well of Constance, that this may seem to lessen the Authority of one, who to make his Court with the Son, would naturally raise the Father's Character; yet so remarkable a trans­action as that was, could not have been supprest with any sort of Decen­cy, by one that must have certainly heard of it if it was true.

The false appearance of a greatness of mind, that was inferred from Diocle­tian's resigning the Empire, is also ta­ken off by this Relations; since it is plain, that both Diocletian's Brain was turned, and that he was forced to it; so that his Resignation was not the Ef­fect of his Philosophy, but of the Un­natural Ambition of his Son in Law Maximian.

The Subject of this Discourse, and [Page 8] the Application to which a Transla­tion of it tyed me, together with the present seene of affairs, led my mind very naturally into more general thoughts. [...] the Characters of those Ancient Per­secutors, such as these, that they had de­livered themselves up to all the Bru­talities of sensual Pleasure, that they had ruined their Subjects by severe Impositions for maintaining vast Armies, that they had in their Wars, shewed more care than was decent in preser­ving themselves out of all danger, that they were weak to the most exces­sive Flatteries, the Profuseness of their Expence in the raising of costly Build­ings, their great Success in a course of many years, their Superstitious and Fearful Tempers, and to crown all, the Cruelty that they practised in the Per­secution, to which they were uneasily drawn, and in which they begun at first with requiring all to abjure, besides many other particulars; all these, I say, insensibly carry ones thoughts to make Parallels between some Modern Persecutors, and those that are here set forth: but if the respect due to their sublime Character, makes one [Page 9] drive away those less decent sallies of his mind, to which he is carried be­fore he is aware, yet the Importance of this matter leads to speculations that are more General, and by conse­quence less offensive. And since the Melancholy State of things at present carried me in those Intervals in which I discontinued the dry work of trans­lating, to consider the grounds on which those cruel and persecuting Doctrines and Practices are founded, to­gether with the Motives from which they rise, the Characters that accom­pany them, and the Effects that fol­low them; I thought I might be for­given a little, if I took the liberty to swell up the bulk of this small Book with a Preface of some length; in which my design is not only to ex­pose this ill natured Principle, and to shew, that where-ever it is authorised, it is a more infallible mark of an An­tichristian Church, than all the other Characters are of an Infallible Church, to which those pretend, that have died themselves so red in the Blood of o­thers; but likewise to form in the Minds of those who hate Persecution, [Page 10] perhaps only because they either feel it, or are affraid of it, such a Notion of this Matter, as may preserve them from falling into the same Excesses if a Revolution in the State of Affairs should put it in their Power, to use others as hardly as they have been used by them. It has been often observed, that tho a Plea for Moderation is the Sanctuary of all the Unfortunate, yet their Fortunes came no sooner to be changed, but that they insensibly got into that Principle which was so much decried by themselves, when their Affairs were in an ill condition: as if the only quarrel that they had to Per­secution, was because they had not the managing of it themselves. I will treat this Subject with all the closeness that the Matter deserves, or that I am ca­pable of; and will avoid the serving up what I am to propose with the gar­nishings of the fine Sayings of others: for as that would carry me too far, so a good Reason is so much a better thing, than a round Period, or a laboured Sentence, that the Mind finds it self satisfied with the one, whereas the Fan­cy is only pleased with the other.

[Page 11]All Persecution rises out of an Im­patience of Spirit, which makes a man less able to bear Contradiction. There is a Tyranny in most mens nature, which makes them desire to subdue all others by the strength of their under­standings: and such men have an im­placable hatred to all that do not ren­der themselves to their Reasons; and think that they are affronted when o­ther men refuse to submit to them: so that he who would strike at Persecu­tion in its root, must begin here, and endeavour to soften men, especially towards those who differ from them in matters of Religion. This Imperious temper, when it works upon Subjects of Religion, finds somewhat to raise its spleen, that was of it self Impe­tuous enough before: and that which is called Fury and Rage, when it is im­ployed in other Disputes, comes to be called Zeal when it is turned towards the Theories that relate to another World.

But when we consider what a sub­lime thing Divine Truth is, and what a poor low thing the Mind of Man is, we shall see cause to blunt a little the [Page 12] edge of our Spirits, if they are too sharp in such matters. Man is much governed by Fancy, and Fancy fol­lows the texture of the Animal Spi­rits, which renders many more capa­ble of apprehending Objects that are some way proportioned to them, and more disposed to follow them; so that Temper prepares men for some Opinions and prepossesses them a­gainst others. With th [...] reater part of mankind, Education is so powerful, that they are scarce able ever to over­come it; and if Education and Tem­per have hit together, it will require a very extraordinary elevation to rescue a Man from their force. Men like­wise receive with their Impressions of Religion such a respect for them, as makes them look on every thought that calls them in question as crimi­nal: and when persons are bred up to disquiet themselves with Scruples, if they have so much as made a doubt of their Religion, it is not hard to see them adhere so firmly to the Princi­ples of their Education, which stick so fast to the worst sort of men, that e­ven Atheists themselves after all the [Page 13] pains they take to get rid of them, cannot shake them off so entirely, but that they will be apt to return oft upon them. Men that think much, and that Reason well, that are freed from the biass that Interest, Honour, Kindred, and Custom, do give them, and that have leisure to examine mat­ters carefully, may indeed get above all these: yet there are so few that can do this, and there are yet so much fewer that will do it; that it is rather a wonder to see so many change their Perswasions, than to see so few do it. And indeed it is so sublime a Theory to think on God, and his Attributes and Works, or to think of another State, and of the Way that leads to it, that till God furnishes out a new Mission of Apostles with a Measure of those Ex­traordinary gifts, which he poured out on the Great Pentecost, it is not easy to imagine how the Conversion of Heathen Nations should be made. For tho the Idolatry of some of these is ex­tream gross, yet their Priests have such Symbolical significations for all these Rites, that they do much diminish the horror which is raised by the first [Page 14] sight of them in the minds of Stran­gers; and since the chief grounds, upon which we prove the Christian Religion, are taken from the Prophecies in the Old Testament and their Accomplish­ment in the Now, from the Evidence that was given concerning the Mira­cles, the Death, and the Resurrection of Christ, which we confirm from the Collateral Proofs of the State of that time, of the writings of the Enemies of this Religion, and of that Succession of Authors that in all the Ages that have past since, have mentioned those matters, and cited the Books which we hold to be Divine. All this is so evi­dent to those who can make the En­quiry, that it is strange to find how any one can withstand it; but to Bar­barians, who know nothing of it, and who have no way of Informing them­selves concerning it, all this can signi­fy nothing. So that in order to the convincing their understandings, (for I do not treat of Gods secret Methods in touching their Consciences) I do not see how we should expect that they should yield easily, unless there were a new Power of working Mira­cles [Page 15] conferred on those who labour in this work. And what noise soever the Missionaries may make with their Mi­racles in those remote parts, it is plain, these are all Impostures; for the most necessary of all other Miracles for the Conversion of strange Nations, being the Gift of Tongues, with which the Apostles were so wonderfully furnisht at first, and since they all are forced to acknow­ledge, that this is wanting to them, we have all possible reason to conclude, that God would not change his Me­thods, or qualify men to work Won­ders, and not give them that which is both the most sensible and the most use­ful of all others, towards that end for which he authorises them.

But to return from this digression, a man is scarce the Master of his own thoughts: Habit, Constitution, and other things do so concur, that he can­not open his eyes to new Objects, nor see them in a new Light other than that in which he has been accustomed to view them; and a Man can no more change his notions of things, because a set of new Opinions would accomo­date him better, than he can change [Page 16] the relish that his senses, his ear or his tast has in their objects; a man may pre­varicate, but he still thinks as he thinks; and cannot think otherwise, because he would have himself do so: But if a man is not the master of his own mind, much less is any other man the Master of it. No man has that Superiority over any other mans reason, as to ex­pect, that it should alwayes accomo­date it self to his: and the severest ex­ercise of Tyranny must still leave the thoughts at liberty: the forcing a man to say, or do otherwise than he thinks, by threatnings, the execution of which is above his force to endure, is only the delivering over such a person to the rack of his own Conscience here, and to all those miseries hereafter, which must be the portion of Hipocrites, and of Dissemblers with God or Man. Nor is there such an infallible distin­ction in one mans nature from another, that the one is more like to be in the right than the other: Since therefore, among all those that differ, some must be in the wrong, those that have the power in their hands, may possibly be of the wrong side, and in that case all [Page 17] their Severity is turned against the Truth, and those who believe it. And since God makes the Sun to shine, and the Rain to fall on the just as well as the unjust, Gideons reasoning may be ap­plyed to this matter if Baal is a [...] God, let him plead for himself; and the force of Gamaliels Argument, that if it is of Men, it will come to nought; and if it is of God, we must not fight against him. As it silenced an Assembly of very fierce Persecutors, so it is full as strong now, as it was then: For Reason is Eternal, and changeth not. It seems also plain, that those Actions which concern humane Society, belong indeed to the Authority of the Magistrate; but that our thoughts, with relation to God, and such actions as arise out of those thoughts, and in which others have no interest, are Gods Immediate Province; and can belong to no o­ther Jurisdiction. God only knows our thoughts, as he alone can change them; so that a Magistrate by encroaching upon them, breaks in upon Gods pro­priety, and upon that essential right of humane nature, of worshipping God according to our conviction, which [Page 18] is in us Antecedent to all humane Go­vernment, and can never become sub­ject to it.

But if the General Theories from the nature of man, give a very favou­rable view of what is now advanced, the characters of the Christian Religion, and the many express texts that are in it should determine this matter more positively. The Religion revealed by Moses consisted in Temporal Promises, an Earthly Canaan, and all the blessings of this life; so that since the Iewes had all these things by vertue of that Cove­nant, it was very reasonable that a vio­lation of that Law should infer a forfeiture of all those Rights, that the Iews held by vertue of it; and there­fore it was as just, that a Iew should have been put to death for the violation of those Laws, as it is lawful for us to put a man to death, that coins or clips Money: yet as for Opinions the case was different, even among the Iews: and therefore, tho the Doctrines of the Sadducees struck at the Foundations of all Religion, the Pharisees, when they had the upper hand, never carried the matter so far as to proceed to ex­tremities [Page 19] against them. But what Se­verities soever might have agreed with the Mosaical dispensation, they seem to be all out of doors under the Christian Religion; which gives us no Earthly Canaan, no Temporal Blessings, nor the Rules for Civil Society: but having found the World in the possession of their Temporal Rights, it only came to superadd to those the Doctrines and Rules of a Divine Discipline, upon which the Happiness or Miseries of another State do depend. Now it seems to be an uncontested Rule in Justice, that in whatsoever Society one is enga­ged, the Violation of the Laws of that Society can only inser a Forfeiture of all that one had or might have expected by vertue of it: but this cannot be car­ried so far, as to make one forfeit all that he holds by vertue of any other Society, to which he belongs; and therefore, since we hold our Temporal Estates and Liberties, not by vertue of our Christianity, but as we are the Members of the State or Kingdom to which we belong, our doing any thing that is only contrary to our Religion, may well make us forfeit all that be­longs [Page 20] to us by vertue of our Baptismal Covenant; but this ought not to be car­ried so far as to cut off those Rights that we have antecedent to our Chri­stianity, as we are Men, and the Sub­jects of a Civil Government. Our Sa­viour confirmed all this by saying, that his Kingdom was not of this World; that he came not to destroy, but to save; and by giving this Rule of Justice, of doing to others that which we would have others do to us: which would soon let all Persecutors see how differently they act to it: but above all, our Saviour has made the Doctrines of Meekness and Charity, such main Ingredients in his Gospel, that he has made them the Characters by which his Disciples may be every where known; and this Spirit of Love is so diffused thro the whole Writings of the N. Testament, that how hard soever it may be to under­stand some of the other passages that are in them, yet there is no ambiguity at all in those that set this forth; we are not only restrained from ruining those who differ from us, but we are required to love them, to bear with them, and to deal with them in the [Page 21] Spirit of Meekness: there are some of the Epistles that do not mention several of the Duties Incumbent on Christians, yet there is not one, how short soever, in which this of Love is not proposed, in terms that are both strong and ten­der; and while the Church of Corinth was almost rent asunder by a variety of Opinions, and by the different Parties that followed the several Teachers that had been among them; St. Paul does not enter much into the Grounds of their Disputes, but recommends Love and Charity to them, in terms that shew how much he himself was Inflamed while he writ them; and he is carried into all the raptures of a Divine Elo­quence that so transporting a Subject could inspire: S. Iohn, lived so long as to see a great deal of the first fer vour of the Christian Religion slacken; but when he writ to revive that Spirit, the Argument upon which he dwells chief­ly, is to persuade all to love one another, and he does that in the softest and most melting terms that can be imagined. The Controversy concerning the O­bligation that lay on the Gentiles for obeying the Mosaical Law, was judged [Page 22] by the Apostles against the Iudaisers, and the Inferences that depended on that Controversy were such, that Saint Paul shews, they went so far as to make void the Death of Christ; yet the same Apostle is gentle to those that without seeing the extent of these consequences, were carried away by those Iudaisers; so that he acknowledges, that in their observing them from a good motive, they were acceptable to God; and that as the Kingdom of God, or the Gospel, consisted not in those scrupulous Di­stinctions of Meats and of Drinks, but in Righteousness, Peace, and Ioy in the Holy Ghost; so he adds, that every man was to endeavour to be fully persua­ded in his own mind, and was not to judge his Brother in such matters, but to leave him to the Judgment of God. This way of managing a Controversie, that was of such importance, and that was maintained with so stiff an Oppo­sition, even to that extraordinary Au­thority that was lodged in the Apostles, ought to have been the measure upon which all the succeeding Ages of the Church, ought to have formed them­selves; and when the Apostles, that had [Page 23] an infallible Assistance, and so might have spoken in a strain of a higher Au­thority than any that have come after them, yet thought fit to treat of those Matters in such an humble and softning stile, those who cannot pretend to such a direction, ought not to take upon them to dictate, and to threaten and destroy those who differ from them.

It is indeed an amasing thing, to see how much the Christian Church has de­parted from that Pattern: and when one considers the first beginnings of the Christian and the Mahometan Religion, he is not a little surprised to see the chan­ges that have befallen both. The bles­sed Author of our Holy Religion, as he was a Pattern for Humility and Chari­ty, so he was made perfect thro Suffe­rings: and his Religion, as it contains precepts suteable to the Example that he gave, which are set down in the plai­nest and most persuading Expressions possible, so it gained its first Glory in the World, and obtained its chief Triumphs over it, by the Meekness and Gentleness, and the Love and Cha­rity of those who embraced it: on the [Page 24] contrary, the Mahometan Religion be­gan in the Person of that Impostor, with all the Fierceness of rage, and was car­ried on by the Sword, by which Ma­homet pretended that he was sent of God to convert the World: The Na­tions that have received the Mahometan Religion, are by their Constitution rough and barbarous: and yet how shameful a reverse of the first beginn­ings of the two Religions is but too vi­sible to the World: the Mahometans in a course of several Ages are so much softned, that instead of that cruelty with which their Religion appeared at first, they are now so gentle, that those of a Religion, which believes theirs to be only an Imposture, live secure un­der them, and know the Price that the Liberty of their Conscience must rise to: and that being payed, they enjoy in all other respects the Protection of the Government, together with the pu­blick Exercise of their Religion: where­as on the other hand, that part of the Christian Church, that pretends the highest, has so far departed from the Meekness of its Author, and of his first Followers, that notwithstanding [Page 25] all the polishings of Learning and Ci­vility that are in it, it is now the cruel­lest and the most implacable Society that has ever yet appeared in the World: if there were no other Evidences but this single one, it is enough to demon­strate, how much that Body has de­parted from its first Institution: and if our Saviour has given us a short A­bridgment of the Character of the De­vil in these two qualities, that he is a Lyar and a Murderer, then any Body of men, that has decreed, that faith is not to be kept to Hereticks, and that has also decreed the Murder of so many Innocent Persons, who have done nothing a­gainst that Civil Society to which they belong, that deserves a forfeiture of their Lives; such a Body, I say, if we may take our Saviours Character for a Rule, looks more like the Fol­lowers of that fallen Spirit, than the Body of which the Lamb of God is the Head. And when we consider the plain and express Words, in which the great Duties of a Holy Life are deli­vered in Scripture, but most particular­ly those of Love and Charity, and the Darkness that are in many other pas­sages [Page 26] of which the meaning is more disputable, it looks like an unaccoun­table Perverseness to see men, who still pretend to make that Book their Rule, yet to be so visibly faulty in executing the one, and so excessively severe in imposing the other, of which I shall content my self to give one single In­stance.

Pope Leo the Tenth in the Reforma­tion that he set out, with the concur­rence of the Lateran Council, order'd a severe Prosecution to be made of all Hereticks, and that all the Laws against them should be put in execution: but at the same time, he order'd such slight punishment against those that should wilfully and publickly Blaspheme God and Christ, even tho they relapsed in it over and over again, that it is plain he had no mind to deter men with too much severity from the practice of that which was so common in his own Court: a small Fine, or the For­feiture of the Profits of a Benefice, is all the punishment that he laid on the one, even when Clergy men relapsed in it. This may serve to shew, that tho naturally one is apt to think Blasphemy [Page 27] a much more heinous Crime than He­resy, yet a Pope, together with a Council, which they pretend was Ge­neral, made a Distinction in the pu­nishing of them, which is very little for their Honour.

The Christians did, during the first Ages, declare highly against all Cruel­ty on the Account of a Difference of Persuasion in matters of Religion: and tho their Interest Naturally led them to this, yet we pass a very hard Judgment on those times, if we think that they were only of that mind, because the Power was then in the hands of their Enemies. When the Empire turned Christian, the very Heathen Worship was not only tolerated for above a whole Age together, but the Heathens themselves continued to be in the chief Imployments of the Empire: and it is pleasant to see how the Heathens, that had so long persecuted the Christians, and that had contrived the severest of all the Persecutions under Iulian, which very probably had been put in execu­tion, if he had returned victorious from his Persian Expedition, saw the State of things no sooner altered, than [Page 28] they began to imploy all their Elo­quence in the behalf of Toleration; as if Liberty of Conscience had been an es­sential Right of Mankind, from which they ought never to be cut off: and they carry'd this so far, as to pretend, that a difference in Religion tends more to the Honour of God, than a Uni­formity in it could do: and so they fan­cied, that a variety in it was acceptable to God.

The first severity that Christians practised upon one another, was the banishing of Arius, and a few of his Followers: it must be acknowledged, that this seems to be the utmost extent of Civil Authority in those matters: for certainly a Government may put such persons out of its protection, that are Enemies to its Peace, and so ba­nish them upon great occasions, gi­ving them leave to sell their Estates, and to carry away with them all that belongs to them; yet this being all that any Humane Government can claim, it ought not to be applied too easily nor rashly, till it is visible, that all other Remedies are ineffectual, and that the publick Safety can be no other [Page 29] way secured: but tho this severity a­gainst Arius had no great effects, yet the Arians had no sooner the Power in their hands, than they put in pra­cttice first all the Contrivances of Craft and Fraud, together with many less crying Violences, under Constance, and they carried this afterwards to a more open Persecution under Valens: and after that, both in Spain and Africk it appeared, that a cruel Spirit was so inherent in that party, that it shewed it self as oft as ever they had it in their Power: but while Valens persecuted in his Division of the Empire, it is ob­served, that Valentinian his Brother thought it was enough to support the Orthodox, without persecuting the other; Gratian carried the matter fur­ther, and tolerated both almost equal­ly. And in the happy turn under Theo­dosius, at what pains was S. Gregory Na­zianzene to restrain the Orthodox from retaliating upon the Arians the ill treatment that they had suffered from them: and not only the Novatians, but even the Arians, continued to have their Churches in the Imperial Cities. The first Instance of the Imploying the [Page 30] Secular Arm against Hereticks, that was set on by any of the Orthodox, was under the Reign of that bloody Tyrant Maximus, and it was managed by two such scandalous Bishops, that their ill Lives is no small Prejudice a­gainst every thing that was carried on by such Instruments. This was con­demned by the best Bishops of that Age, and the ill Effects of that Seve­rity are very copiously marked by the Historian. One is unwilling, for the sake of those Ages, to reflect on the Rigour that appears in some Laws that are in the Code; yet the mild be­haviour of Atticus, Proclus, and some other Bishops, is marked with the prai­ses that were due to it: and it is proba­ble, that those Laws were rather made to terrify, than that they should be exe­cuted.

The Donatists, after a Contest of a­bove 120 years continuance, that was managed at first more gently, grew at last so fierce and intolerable, that not being contented with their own Chur­ches, they broke in upon the Churches of those of the Unity: and committed many Outrages on the Persons of some [Page 31] of the Bishops, putting out the Eyes of some, and leaving others for Dead: the Bishops upon that consulted, whe­ther they ought to demand not only the Emperour's Protection, but the Appli­cation of the Laws made against Here­ticks to the Donatists. S. Austin and some Bishops opposed this for some time; but they yielded at last: and these Laws were so severely executed, that not only the Donatists themselves com­plained heavily of them, but S. Austin in several Letters that he writ to the Magistrates upon this occasion, made the same complaints; he interceded very earnestly for the Donatists, and said, that it detracted much from the Glory of the Church, that had received so much Honour from the sufferings of the Martyrs, to see others suffer upon the account of the Church: and he told them plainly, that if they did not pro­ceed more moderately, the Bishops would suffer all that could come upon them from the Rage of the Donatists, rather than Complain any more to those who acted so rigorously. Yet tho S. Austin con­demn'd the Excesses of the Civil Ma­gistrates in some particulars, he set him­self [Page 32] to justify Severity in General, when it was imployed▪ upon the account of Religion, and all the moderate Pleadings for Liberty, that are to be found either in Tertullian, Cyprian, and more copiously in our Author Lactan­tius, with relation to Heathens, and the like Reasonings that are to be found in Athanasius, Hilary, and Luci­fer, with Relation to the Persecu­tions of the Arians, were in a great measure forgot; Saint Austin had a heat of Imagination, that was very copious, which way soever he turned it: and this was imployed chiefly in al­legorising Scripture, so as to bring to­gether a vast number of proofs for e­very cause that he undertook; with­out troubling himself to examine criti­cally what the true meaning of those Passages might be: and he is so apt to run out in all his Reasonings into ex­cessive Amplifications, and into all the Figures of copious and uncorrect Eloquence, that it is no wonder to find that passage of our Saviour in the Pa­rable, compel them to enter in, with some other places misapplyed on this occasion.

[Page 33]With that Father the Learning of the Western Church fell very low, so that his Works came to be more read in the succeeding Ages, than the Wri­tings of all the other Fathers: and in this, as in other things, men that knew not how to reason themselves, contented themselves with that lasie and cheap way of copying from him, and of depending on his Authority. The Incursion of the Northern Na­tions, that overthrew the Roman Em­pire, and those Polishings of Learn­ing and Civility that fell with it, brought on a Night of Ignorance, that can scarce be apprehended, by those who have not read the Writings of the following Ages: Superstition grew up­on the ruins of Learning, and eat up all. The fierce Tempers of the Nor­thern People being mufled up in Igno­rance, and wrought on by Supersti­tion, were easily leavened with Cruel­ty: perhaps the Holy Wars, and what they observed in the Rage as well as in the Successes of the Saracens, heightned this further: at last Heresy came to be reckoned the greatest of all Crimes; and as it condemned men to everlasting [Page 34] Burning so it was thought that those might be well anticipated by tempo­rary ones of the Inquisitors Kindling. It is true, the Church pretended that she would shed no Blood: but all this was insufferable jugling: for the Churchmen declared who were obsti­nate or relapsed Hereticks; and the Se­cular Arm was required to be ever in readiness to execute their Sentence. This was not only claimed by the Bi­shops, but it was made a part of their Oath at their Consecration, that they should Oppose and Persecute Hereticks to the utmost of their power: Nor were they contented to proceed by the com­mon Rules of Justice upon Accusations and Witnesses; but all Forms were su­perceded, and they by vertue of their Pastoral Authority, (as if that had been given them to Worry their Sheep, and not to Feed them) objected Articles to their Prisoners upon suspition, and required them to purge themselves of them by Oath: and because Bishops were not perhaps all so equally Zealous and Cruel, some of them being Per­sons of great Quality, so that some remnants of a generous Education, and [Page 35] of their lay pity, might still hang about them; that Bloody Man Dominick took this work to task, and his Order has ever since furnished the World with a set of Inquisitors, compared to whom all that had ever dealt in Tortures in any former times were but Bunglers.

So far has this Melancholy Specula­tion of the Degeneracy of the Church of Rome carried me: they at last came to extol a Zeal against Heresie as the highest Act of Piety towards God: and since Heresie is reckoned by S. Paul among the Works of the Flesh, it seemed as just to punish it in the severest manner, as it was to punish any of the other Works of the Flesh: and since all Hereticks, were looked on as Persons damned, all Tenderness towards them, and Pity for them, was as far exinguished as it was possible. For a false Religion will not easily have the better of good Na­ture so entirely, as to root it quite out; tho it must be acknowledged that the Roman Religion has done more towards that, than any other that has ever yet appeared in the World. All the room that was left for good Nature, was the favourable Definition that was given [Page 36] of Heresy: by which Obstinacy was made its peculiar Character, that di­stinguished it from Error, which lies in a more Innocent Mistake concern­ing Divine Matters: and as many have explain'd this Obstinacy, it amounts to a continuing in Errour after one is con­vinced of it. This Notion of Heresy, which has been received by many of the greatest Men even in the Church of Rome it self, seems to agree well with that of St. Paul's ranking Heresy a­mong the Works of the Flesh; for if it is meerly a mistake in the Judgment, in which one continues, because he can­not overcome his persuasion, nor see Reasons that are strong enough to ob­lige him to change his Mind, such an adhering to Error may be called any thing rather than a Work of the Flesh. But if a Man from a Principle of Inte­rest, Pride, or Discontent, either throws himself into ill Opinions, or continues in them after his Mind is bet­ter enlightned, so that he stisles and denies that inward Conviction, then the Reason is very plain, why such an ill Temper of Mind should be reckoned a Work of the Flesh, because it plainly [Page 37] arises out of a depraved Nature.

I will not here enter into so trouble­some an Enquiry as it would be, to exa­mine how far an Erroneous Conscience ac­quits one before God; for that must be left to Him, who will judge every Man according to his Works, and who best knows how far he will accept of a ge­neral Repentance of unknown Sins, and of a general Act of Faith, even of Truths that are yet unknown; but as for the Judgments of men, certainly when the other parts of ones life make it clear, not only to a Judgment of Charity, but even to that of Discre­tion, that he is sincere, and that he means well, it is hard to know when he is Obstinate, and when his Errors be­come Heresies, that is to say, Works of the Flesh.

So far have I been led upon the consi­deration of the Spirit of Persecution, that is not only warranted by Custom, and a long continued Practice; but is by the Authority not only of Popes, but even of General Councils, establi­shed into a Law on the Church of Rome. I am carried next into a Scene of Thoughts that are more particularly [Page 38] suted to the Doctrines of the Reformed Churches: and here it must be acknow­ledged, that Persecution is a more ju­stifiable thing according to the Princi­ples of the Church of Rome, than it is according to our Tenets; for the Church of Rome, that pretends to be infallible, has a better Right to demand a blind Submission from all its Subjects, and to treat those roughly who refuse to grant it, than a Church that pretends to nothing but a Power of Order and Government; and that confesses, she may be mistaken. Our being Subject to Error, is unreasonably urged, when men would carry it so far as to make us doubt of all things: yet it ought at least to have this effect on us, as to keep us from being too ready to judge hardly of those who are of another mind, or to use them roughly for it; since it is possible, that they may be in the Right, and that we may be mis­taken; at least, they may have very probable Reasons for their Opinions, which if they do not quite justify their Mistakes, yet do very much excuse and lessen them. It is likewise visible, that all severe Proceedings upon the [Page 39] diversity of Opinions, how effectual soever they may be on base-minded men, who will alwayes make Ship­wrack of a good Conscience, when it comes in competition with the Love of this present World, yet work quite con­trary wise on men of awakned Under­standings and generous Souls; in­stead of gaining on such Persons, these Inspire them with horror at a sort of men who go about to ruin compa­nies of people, that never did them hurt. It is from this, that those Vio­lent Hatreds arise among men of diffe­rent Persuasions. Every man is not ca­pable to understand an Argument, or to be much disturbed at it: and tho Di­vines, that carry their Speculations further into the Consequences of Opi­nions, whether Real or Imaginary, grow hot and angry at one another upon those Heads, yet the people un­derstand them little, and feel them less: but every man feels an Injury, and Na­ture makes her Inferences very quick upon it: and concludes, that those who use us ill, hate us: and there must be a great degree of Regeneration to keep men from hating those that hate them: [Page 40] upon this arises all the Animosity that is among the several Parties: for eve­ry one reckoning himself a Member of that Body to which he associates him­self, thinks that he is obliged to resent all the Injuries that are done to his Fellow-members, as much as if they were done to himself in particular: and by the same natural Logick, he casts the Guilt of the Wrongs done his own Party, not only on those Indivi­duals of the other Party, from whom they did more Immediately arise, but upon the whole Body of them: and so here a War is kindled in mens Breasts, and when that is once formed within, it will find some unhappy occasion or other to give it self a vent. Those who are ill used, are in a State, like that of a Mass of humours in the Body, which roul about less perceived, till some unlucky Accident has weakned any part of it; and then they will all dis­charge themselves on the part that suf­fers. Men that are uneasie, naturally love Changes: for these are like the shifting of postures, they give some present ease, and they slatter the Pa­tient with the hope of more to follow. [Page 41] The Advice that the old Man of Sam­nium sent his Son, was certainly very wise; he had Intercepted the whole Roman Army in the Hills, shutting up the Passages so that they could neither go backward nor forward: the Fa­ther advised him first to dismiss them all without any Injury, since that would probably oblige the Romans; or if that were not followed, to cut them all off; for that would weaken them considerably: whereas the middle Me­thod, which the General took, of let­ting them all go, having first put a publick Affront on them, enraged the Romans without weakning them. According to this Advice it seems evi­dent, that all considerable Bodies of Men, that are in any State, are to be set at ease, or to be quite rooted out; and there is nothing wise in this severe Method, but an extream and an unre­lenting Persecution, and in this point, if the Church of Rome has forgot the Innocence of the Dove, yet it must be confessed, that she has retained the Wisdom of the Serpent.

Persecution is not only hurtful to those that suffer many hard things [Page 42] by it, but is likewise mischievous to them, by the aversion that it inspires in them to those at whose hands they suffer, by the ill Habit of mind into which it throws them, and by those violent Projects and Convulsions which do very naturally come into the heads of those, who as they feel much, so they fear yet more.

Those that do persecute, tho they seem to triumph for a while, with the Spoils of their Enemies; yet will soon feel how this sinks their Credit ex­treamly among those that were more Indifferent Spectators, while the De­bate was managed with the Pen or Tongue; but they will certainly take part at least in their Compassions with the Miserable; and will be disposed to think ill, not only of those men that are heavy upon their harmless Neigh­bours, but even of the Cause it self, that is supported by such Methods.

The multitude even of the lowest Order of men has a remnant of good Nature left, which shews it self in the sad looks that all put on at the Execu­tions even of Malefactors: but if a false Religion has not quite extinguished [Page 43] Humanity in its Votaries, this will make a more sensible Impression, when men that have done nothing amiss, and are only in fault because they cannot help thinking as they do, are made Sacrifices to the Rage of others, that perhaps have little more to say for themselves, but that they are in pos­session of the Law; which in the next Revolution of affairs that may fall out, will be an Argument so much the Stronger for using themselves in the same manner, because it is a just reta­liation on them for that which they made others to suffer.

The men of Persecution do also na­turally engage themselves into the In­trigues of Courts, and all the Factions of Parties: they enter into Depen­dances upon Ministers of State, who drive them on to execute all their Pas­sions, and to serve all their Ends: and who have too good understandings themselves not to laugh at the officious forwardness of those who are perhaps more eager than is intended, in the doing of that for which those very persons, whose blind Instruments they [Page 44] are at one time, will reproach them at another.

In short, Persecution does extream­ly vitiate the Morals of the Party that manages it. The worst men, so they are furious and violent, are not only connived at, but are even courted: and men otherwise of severer morals, will insensibly slacken, by reason of their Engagments with vicious men, whom they will find themselves forced to cherish and Imploy: and if those who have persecuted others, fall under a Reverse of Fortune, and come to suf­fer themselves a little of that which they made others feel, as their ill be­haviour will deprive them in a great measure, of those Compassions that would otherwise work towards them, so it will raise within them many un­easy Reflections upon their own A­ctings, which will prove but Melan­choly Companions to them in their Af­flictions: and these will force them to conclude, that because they shewed no Mercy, therefore they now meet with the requital of Iudgment without Mercy; which how unjust soever it [Page 45] may be, in those by whom they suster, yet they will find it meet to look up to God, and to confess, that just and Righteous are all his Wayes: and it may be reasonably apprehended, that it may have contributed not a little to fill up the measure of the Sins of a Church, and to bring down severe strokes upon them, when the visible Danger, which was apparent from a formidable Ene­my, could not turn their thoughts to that side, but that instead of Using Legal and just Precautions for their own Security, they let themselves loose to all the Rages of a mad Prosecution of some poor undiscreet and deluded People; and all this to gratify their own Revenges, or to Insinuate them­selves into the Favours of those who do now justly laugh at them, when the turn that they intended is served by their means: and those who would pre­pare themselves for those hard things which they have reason to expect from a Church that has alwayes delighted to bath her self in Blood, ought seriously to profess their Repentance of this Fury in Instances that may be as Visible and [Page 46] edifying as their Rage has been publick and destructive.

But there remains yet one point, without which I am sensible that this discourse will appear defective; I know it is extream tender in our present Cir­cumstances, yet that does not defer me from venturing on it; it is, How far Protestants ought to Tolerate Papists. It seems at first view the most unreaso­nable thing in the World, for those to pretend to it, who we are sure must destroy us, as soon as it is in their power to do it. I say, they must do it; since by those Councils, which they them­selves hold to be General, the extirpa­tion of Hereticks and the breaking of Faith to them, has been so formally de­creed, that it is a foolish piece of pre­sumption to imagine that they can ever lay down those Principles. Infallibility is the bottom upon which their Church is built, and she must be as Infallible in the Rules that she gives of Morality, as she is in her Decisions in Points of Faith: for all the Reasons that are given for private persons depending on the Church for the Rule of their Faith, do [Page 47] bind as strongly to depend likewise on the Church for the Rule of Life and Manners. If we are in danger of for­getting, what was decreed in that Church so long ago, they take pains from time to time to refresh our Me­mories, not only by their Cruelties in the last Age, for which there was so much more to be said, than for later Barbarities, because the Reformation was lookt on as a revolt then made from established Laws: and if Persecu­tion can be at any time excused, it is in the first beginnings of Heresies, before the Evil has spread it self into greater numbers of men: The Heats that were raised in the first Formation of that Breach, may some way take off from the guilt of the Sacrifices that they made: for men in the first surprises of Anger do seldom Reason true, or Act wisely; but when a whole Age has passed, and those first Heats are in a great measure laid, and when all the Securities that could possibly be de­manded have been given, and while these have been enacted into the most Obligatory Laws that could be con­trived, which were confirmed by so­lemn [Page 50] [...] well to my self; yet the Body of the People, that are bred up to the other Points of Popery, and that know no­thing of these, which their Priests keep as Mysteries from them, and ei­ther deny them quite, or disguise them so that they shew in other Co­lours to those who believe Implicitly, and who do not give themselves the trouble to enquire into such matters; but think it is safer, as well as easier, to take things upon trust; they I say, are not so formidable as to raise our Fears and Jealousies to so high a pitch: and Secular Priests are naturally a softer sort of men, who have not the sour­ness that seems to belong to all the Orders that are among them; nor are they so far possessed with the ill-na­tured and dangerous Opinions that be­long to that Church, as to be past cure: and as a softning of rigour to­wards such, would lay the Apprehen­sions that Self-preservation does natu­rally raise in all People, so it would at least make the utmost degree of Severity, that seems reconcilable to the Common Principles of Humane [Page 51] Society, or of Christianity, appear more justifiable, if a restlesness under such easie Circumstances should afterwards drive a Government to it. But the re­turning of the Severities that our Bre­thren have suffered at the hands of the men of that Religion on the Papists of England, is a Practice so contrary to the Christian Religion, and to the Prin­ciples of the Protestant Religion, that I do not stick to say it, that I had ra­ther see the Church of England fall un­der a very severe Persecution from the Church of Rome, than see it fall to per­secute Papists, when it should come to its turn to be able to do it. The former will only serve to unite us among our selves, and to purge us from our Dross; and in particular from any of the Lea­ven of the Doctrine of Persecution, that we have not yet quite thrown out; but the other would very much stain the purest and best constituted Church in the World; and it would be too near an approach to the Cruelty of that Church, which we cannot enough de­test: but how much soever we must hate their Corruption, we must still re­member, [Page 52] that they are men and Chri­stians, tho perhaps of a course grain, and that we our selves are Reformed Christians, who in Imitation of our Blessed Master, must not render evil for evil, but overcome evil with good.

GILBERT BURNET.

The PERSECUTORS

Here mentioned, whom the Judg­ments of God did so visibly pur­sue and overtake, and whose Death's were so signally remar­kable, are in order thus.

  • NERO.
  • DOMITIAN.
  • DECIUS.
  • VALERIAN.
  • AURELIAN.
  • DIOCLETIAN.
  • MAXIMIAN, surnamed the HERCULIAN.
  • GALERIUS MAXIMIAN.
  • SEVERUS.
  • DAIA or DAZA, to whom GA­LERIUS MAXIMIAN gave the name of MAXIMIN, so that he was thereafter stiled MAXIMINUS DAZA, or simply MAXIMIN.
  • MAXENTIUS, the Son of MA­XIMIAN the HERCULIAN.

ERRATA.

Pag. 8. lin. 4 dele If. P. 12. l 11. read grea­ter. P. 17. l. 6. for as r. a. Pag. 49 l. 5. after be r. purchased by. p. 61. l. 26. the, r. she. p. 62. l. 17. Mepsia r. Moesia. p. 86. l. 3. after place r. you. p. 90. l. 6. after sickness r. so. p. 92. l. 12. composed r. compassed. p. 104. l. 4 were r. was.

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