AS soon as the Letter In­tituled, A Vindication of the Present Government of Ireland, &c. came to my hands, I set upon Answering it with the same expedition, and plainness of Style, as uses to ac­company naked Truth, which needs not the cloathing of sophi­stical Arguments, or florid Expres­sions to recommend it to the un­prejudic'd part of Mankind: And indeed upon the very first reading of every Paragraph of it, the slightness of the Arguing, or the notorious Falshood of the matter of Fact, did so evidently appear, that a man of ordinary capacity needs not put his natural talent on the Rack to refute them.

The very first position of the Paper, viz. [That Ireland is in a better way of Thriving under the Government of a Native, than an English-man;] (by which, I sup­pose, you mean one not barely so by Birth, but by Inclination, Inte­rest, Education, Religion, &c.) is so false, that it contradicts the Ex­perience and Reason of Mankind, and disgusts one so much in the front of the Letter, that I was tempted to fling it away unread, judging it not worth the loss of so much time, if the rest should prove of the same kind (as indeed [Page 2]I found it upon perusal); but ha­ving ventured through it, I look­ed upon my self obliged to say something by way of Answer, since in the opinion of some sort of men, the not Answering (though even the most trifling Pamphlet) is given out to be the Inability of the Party to reply to the weight of such Arguments as are contain­ed in it.

I will not insist much upon the constant Practice of all the Pre­decessours of our English Kings, and their Counsellors, ever since the Conquest of Ireland, who made it an establisht Maxim, in relation to that Kingdom, that none but an English-man should be chief Governour; insomuch that (till within these two Years) that Practice gave occasion to the common erronious opinion, That a man born in Ireland, however otherwise qualified, was thereby incapacitated from being Lord Deputy: It is certain, that long before the Reformation, when matters of Religion made no di­stinction between the Natives of each Country, this was the setled and unalter'd Rule: Have we a­ny reason then to alter it (now that Religion is put into the Scale, and become the additional weight, which never fails giving the ad­vantage to the side it espouses and adheres to) or rashly to con­demn the wise Proceedings of the Ancestours of Our Kings, and (contrary to the Opinion of the World) judge our Author's Irish Understanding, better than all the English ones that have been here­tofore?

Our Author will certainly al­low Ireland to be a conqu [...]'d Country, and cons [...]quently that the Conquerours have right to establish Laws with such restricti­ons and limitations, as shall seem fitting and convenient towards the keeping it in their hands, and the welfare of the Inhabi­tants; which are of two sorts, the British Planters, and the Na­tives. I shall prove, that it has been, and still is the Advantage of both these, that Ireland should be Govern'd by an English-man.

By the way, I would have it understood, that I do not pre­tend to put these two Interests into any ballance: I know the British Interest does so far out­weigh the other, that it were a wrong done it, to bring them into any competition; more than two parts of three of the Lands of Ireland, being (by the several Rebellions of the Irish) in British hands; and for the Quality, Tem­per, Industry, &c. there is no com­parison: besides, that if one of two Parties is to be pleased (thô by the detriment of the other) 'tis but just, that the Conquer­ours (who have right to give Law) should be indulg'd: how much more when it is consistent [Page 3]with the welfare of the Irish them­selves, if they understood their own good?

I am convinc'd, that whatever has been done in favour of the Natives, is pure Grace, and can­not be claimed as a just Debt, a­ny otherwise than since it has been confirmed by Our Laws, and Acts of Parliament: He that reflects on 1641, will readily as­sent to this, which makes me ad­mire at the pertness of our Au­thor in Capitulating, as if we stood upon even ground with them; but 'tis plain, he consi­ders the Interest but of one Par­ty in that Kingdom, and though he names Ireland often, he means the Native Irish Papist only. But I proceed

To prove, that it is the Inte­rest of the British, that Ireland should be Governed by an Eng­lish-man: I need say no more than that they all ardently de­sire it; and People are the best Judge of their own Necessities: The common Maxim that, Inte­rest will not Lye, holds good here to some purpose. The ill effects the contrary method has had on their Persons and Estates, is but too visible. Whoever had seen Ireland four Years ago, and would compare its condition with what it is now, from the most thriving and flourishing Country of Eu­rope, from a place of the briskest Trade, and best paid Rents in Christ [...]ndom, it is fallen in one Year and a hast's time, to Ruine and Desolation: in the most fre­quented Cities, empty Houses, and melancholy Countenances; in the best Peopl'd Counties, unma­nur'd neglected Fields, and Soli­tariness: Such a one, I say, might justly exclaim, Heu! Quantum mutatus ab illo. But it would be impertinent to insist any longer on this. I must now prove, That 'tis the advantage of the very Natives themselves, (who have long been uneasie under the Eng­lish Government, and often en­deavour'd to shake it off) to be Rul'd and Guided by that Nati­on they hate so much. They are beholding to us for reducing them from a state of Barbarity, which left but little difference between them and Brutes: We taught them to Live, to Eat, Drink, and Lodge like humane Creatures; (if they esteem this any advan­tage, and do not really prefer their Native Wildness to all the benefits of Civil Society, Trade, Agriculture, Merchandizing, Lear­ning, &c.) and if the gentleness of the English Government could have had any influence on them, they had no reason to be dis­contented at it: They had the equal Protection of the Laws, in relation to their Estates and Per­sons; they bore but their just proportion in all Taxes and Ces­ses: Their Lands improv'd in va­lue, [Page 4]by the means of their British Neighbours, and their Rents were much better paid than former­ly, whilst themselves were Ma­sters of the whole Island: They had a large connivance for the exercise of their Religion, and were even allowed to hold a Na­tional Synod of their own Cler­gy in Dublin, Anno 1666: The poor Natives were not oppres­sed, when their severe Land-lords, the Irish Gentry, by their cruel Extortions, Casherings, Duties, and Days Labour ruin'd them; who as soon as the English Man­ners prevailed among them, (as they were introduced with diffi­culty enough, there was need of the Authority of Acts of Parli­ament to constrain them for their own good) lived plentifully, and in convenient Houses, had their share of the current Coyn, and proportion of all other Necessa­ries, to the life and well-being of Man, which now they want; insomuch that several of them have been heard to Curse my Lord Tyrconnel; for to his Go­vernment they attribute their Mi­sery, and acknowledge, they ne­ver liv'd so well as under the Lirection of the English Rulers, nor expected to do so again, till they were restored to the Helm. See the force of Truth, which compels a confession of it, even from the mouths of its Adver­saries!

One may easily perceive by our Author's manner of arguing, where the Shooe pinches; he is really concern'd that Ireland is not altogether an independent Kingdom, and in the hands of its own Natives: he longs till the day, when the English Yoak of Bondage shall be thrown off: Of this he gives us broad hints, when he tells us that, [England is the only Nation in the World that impedes their Trade:] That [a man of English interest will never Club with them (as he phrases it) or Project any thing which may tend to their advan­tage, that will be the least bar, or prejudice to the Trade of Eng­land.] Now why a man of Eng­lish interest (unless he will allow none of that Nation to be an able and just Minister to his Prince) should be partial, to ruine one Kingdom, [to avoid the least in­conveniency of the other] con­trary to the positive Commands of his King, I cannot imagine: For since [it is the Governour's Duty to Rule by Law, and such Orders as he shall receive from His Majesty] I know no grounds for our Author's Arraigning the whole English Nation, in saying, That no one man among them, of what Perswasion soever, will be true either to the Laws, or his Ma­jesties positive Orders, which shall seem repugnant to the smallest conveniencies of England. This [Page 5]is a glory reserv'd only (as it seems) for his Hero, my Lord Tyr­connel.

The Imbargo upon the West-India Trade, and the Prohibition of Irish Cattle, are the two Instan­ces given.

It were to be wished indeed, for the good of that Kingdom, that both were taken off; and I que­stion not but to see a day wherein it shall seem proper to the King, and an English Parliament, to Re­peal those Laws; a day wherein they will consider us as their own Flesh and Blood, a Colony of their Kindred and Relations, and take care of our Advantages with as lit­tle grudging and repining (I am sure they have the same and no stronger Reason) as Cornwall does at Yorkshire: There are instances in several Islands in the East-In­dies, as far distant as Ireland is from England, that make up but one Kingdom, and Govern'd by the same Laws; but the Wisdom of England will not judge it time fitting to do this, till we of Ire­land be one Man's Children, either in Reality or Affection; we wish the latter, and have made many steps and advances towards it, if the Natives will not meet us half way, we cannot help it, let the Event lie at their own Doors.

But after all, I see not how those Instances have any manner of re­lation to the English Chief Gover­nours in Ireland; they were nei­ther the Causes, Contrivers, nor Promoters of those Acts. The King and an English Parliament did it without consulting them; if they had, 'tis forty to one, My Lord of Ormond and the Council, whose stake is so great in Ireland, would have hindered it as much as possible. Our Author's Argu­ment proves indeed, That 'tis de­trimental to Ireland, to be a subor­dinate Kingdom to England (and 'tis plain, 'tis that he drives at, let him disguise it as much as he will) but the Conclusion he would prove, cannot at all be deduced from it: Shortly, I expect, he will speak plainer, and in down right terms propose, That the two Kingdoms may be Governed by different Kings; Matters seem to grow ripe for such a Disloyal Proposition.

If these Acts (and not the sub­jection to an English King) were the Grievances, they would be so to the British there, as well as to the Natives: but tho' we wish them Repealed, we do not repine; in the mean time, if the British who are the most considerable Trading part of that Nation, and conse­quently feel the ill effects of those Acts more sensibly, can be conten­ted, why the Natives should not acquiesce in it, (unless it be for the forementioned Reasons) I can­not see.

Our Author allows that there are different ways of obeying the King: 'tis a Point gained for us, [Page 6]and proves there may be such a partiality exercised in executing His Majesty's Commands, as may destroy the very intent of them; and yet (taking the matter strict­ly [the King is obeyed] but a good Minister will consider his Masters intention, and not make use of a word that may have a double sense to the ruine of a Kingdom, nor of a latitude of power, wherewith he is intrusted, to the destruction of the most considerable Party in it: Far be it from us to think it was His Majesties Intention to de­populate a flourishing Country, to undo multitudes of laborious thri­ving Families in it, to diminish and destroy his own Revenue, to put the Sword into Mad-mens hands, who are sworn Enemies to the British: No! His Majesty, who is willing that liberty of Trade as well as Conscience, should equally flourish in all parts of his Dominions, that recommends him­self to his Subjects by his imparti­ality in distributing Offices of Trust; and from that practice rai­ses his greatest Argument to move his people to Repeal the Penal Laws; never intended that some general Commands of his should be perverted to the destruction of that people, his intention is to pro­tect. His Majesty (Great as he is) cannot have Two Consciences, one calculated for the Latitude of Eng­land, another for Ireland. We ought therefore to conclude, (in respect to the King) that His Com­mands have been ill understood, and worse executed; and this may be done (as our Author con­fesses) and the King [undoubtedly obeyed] but such an obedience is no better than a Sacrifice of the best Subjects the King has in this Kingdom.

Our Author has given very good Reasons why the Natives may be well content with their present Governour, but I cannot forbear laughing at those he has found out to satisfie the poor British with: My Lord Tyrconnel's most Excel­lent, Charitable, English Lady: His high sounding Name Talbot, in great Letters, a Name that no less frightens the Poor English in Ireland, then it once did the French; a name which because he is in possession of, I will not dispute his Title to, but I have been credi­bly informed, that he has no rela­tion to that most Noble Family of Shrewsbury, (though my Lord Tyr­connel presumes to bear the same Coat of Arms): a Name in short, which I hope will prove in time, Vox & praeterea nihil.

A Second Reason is drawn from his [Education] We have heard (and it has never yet been contra­dicted) that my Lord Tyrconnel from his Youth upwards, has con­stantly born Arms against the Bri­tish: if our Author will assure us of the contrary, I am apt to be­lieve his Excellency will give him [Page 7]no thanks, who layes the founda­tion of his Merit upon the Basis of his constant adherence to the Irish Party: What use of Conso­lation can be drawn from this head by the British, is beyond my skill to comprehend.

A third Reason is drawn from his Stake in England; the Author would do well to shew us, in what County this lies, that we may know where to find Reprisals here­after; for since he offers this for Our Security, 'tis fit we enquire into the Title and Value of the Land, before we give so valuable a Consideration.

Thus this great heap of substan­tial Reasons, together with a large Panegyrick upon his Excellency's fair Face and good Shapes, tel­ling us by the by, how he [was not kill'd at Drogbeda, because he run away,] is enough, and more than enough to demonstrate, that [the British have not the least cause to be dejected, because they are sufficiently secure]: But I will agree with the Author in this, That he seems to have been re­served by Heaven against the most critical occasion, that should hap­pen in this Age: reserv'd as one of the Vials of GOD's Wrath to plague the People.

'Tis well that [Self-preserva­tion is allowed by God and Man;] and since he tells us, we are [People of a contrary Interest,] he gives us right to provide for Our selves and our Families, as well as we may; 'tis like a ge­nerous Aggressor: first he de­clares who are his Enemies, then gives them warning to put them­selves into a posture of defence. We are beholding to him for this hint, and, I hope, shall make the right use of it. 'Tis below me to take notice of the mean­ness of the expression of [an hon­est Man's losing his Head in a Crowd,] and the nonsence of the other, [The most men bite at the stone, &c.] Dogs indeed use to do so with us; but this is only to let the World know what Country man our Author is, and it may be 'tis the custom here for these Men to imitate those more rational Creatures.

Our Author seems sensible, that many hard things have been done, which occasioned Clamours against the present Governour; tho' I think our Grievances (how intol­lerable soever) have been born more silently, then any Peoples since the Creation: since I do not remember any one Pamphlet has hitherto come out, to represent them; ours being of that nature, as stupifies us, and takes away the use of the Tongue and Pen: Curae leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent: I say he is not willing this load of Calumny should rest on my Lord Tyrconnel, but casts it all on His Majesty, imagining that the re­spect we bear, (and justly) to [Page 8]our King, ought to render us tongue-ty'd in relation to the Male-Administration of his Mini­ster. But I have already shewn, how the King's Orders may be stretch'd, and perverted. The ve­ry best and most cautiously penn'd Laws have a double edge, and (if the executive power be lodged in ill hands) have the worst effect, even to the punishment of Well-doers, and the encouragement of them that do ill; and I question not, in the least, but this is our Case, and as little doubt that our Grievances would be re­dress'd, did not one of His Ma­jesties most eminent Virtues in­terpose between us and His Grace, I mean his Constancy to His old Servants; and our Con­dition is so much the more de­plorable, that His Majesty can­not be a Father of His Coun­try without seeming to desert His Minister; but 'tis to be ho­ped that at long running, the Groans of a distressed Nation will prevail over all private Conside­rations.

Whether the Employment His Majesty has given my Lord Tyr­connel, has not prov'd the occa­sion of the augmentation of his Fortune, (as our Author insinu­ates it has not) shall neither prove the subject of this Discourse, nor object of our Envy. I shall one­ly say, if the report be true, that my Lord owes all his Estate to the King's bounty, 'tis ungrate­fully done to rob His Majesty of the Honour and Thanks due to him, by denying it; much less is it our business to find fault with the advancement of five Re­lations. In this point Authors differ, for some speak of 55 at least: if there had not been the greatest partiality in the World shewed, we should never have open'd our mouths: if in an Ar­my of about 9000 English, Offi­cers and Souldiers, there be not 200 left (in a Country where the English have so much cause to fear) and those turn'd out, for the most part, without any cause assign'd, after the most ig­nominious disgraceful manner i­maginable, stript naked in the Field, their Horses, Boots, Buff-coats, &c. taken from them, gi­ving them Bills to receive so much Money in Dublin, as a­mounted to half the value of their Equipage, and that not paid without Charge and Atten­dance; have they not reason to fear? If in a Country, whose Government was perfectly in the English hands, so sudden an al­teration was made, that both the Courts of Judicature, and Charters of their Corporations were taken from them without any fault of theirs, have they not reason to complain, and be affraid? If those very Arms which are taken from them, be [Page 9]put into the hands of their sworn Enemies, and their just Debts paid after a new Me­thod, by beating or killing the Creditors, when they demand their own, Have they not rea­son to fear, and desert the Kingdom? If these and an hundred other things do not justifie the retreat of several of the British into England, I know not what shall be ad­judged a sufficient Reason. This our Author would insi­nuate is caused by a sullen Combination; as if the Gen­try of a Nation could agree together to do a thing so con­trary to their visible Interest, as desert their Houses and E­states, to the loss of one half of them, meerly out of spite to the Government.

But because our Author is so good at his Narratives, and would induce the World to believe that there was but two Regiments disbanded [by his talking only of two] and in another place speaking of [some Officers] that were Ca­shiered. We shall hereafter give a faithful Account of the Proceedings in the business of Disbanding; und in the mean time affirm, That his whole Account of the Affair at Mo­lingar is most unsincere. The English Soldiers were given to understand, that they were all to be turned out, and the on­ly Grace his Excellency did them, was to declare before a long and tedious March, That such as had a mind or had Settlements in that Country might better quit then, than hereafter. This is plainly shewn by the turning out (af­terwards) all those English who then actually continued in the Service; they were glad that any would quit vo­luntarily, but those that did not, and after a publick Try­al were willing to serve His Majesty, they soon after turn'd out. Thus the false gloss that our Author puts upon my Lord Tyrconnel's Speech is dis­cover'd: And I assure the Reader the Memoires I have by me are from such unque­stionable hands, and there are so many hundred living Wit­nesses to the truth of them, that our Author will not have the Impudence to deny what may be prov'd before His Ma­jesty, if he require it. I shall only take notice of the ill Ap­plication of our Author's Sea-Metaphor. Tho' in stress of Weather the Owner is willing to make use of all hands that may be helpful towards the saving the Vessel, yet he takes care to call for none whose [Page 10]practice it hath been to cut the Tacklings, and to steer contrary to the Pilot's Directi­ons; he thinks such safer by far shut up under Hatches, then set at liberty or employ'd to do mischief: As for his supposition of 30000 men to be sent out of Ireland, into Flanders, I cannot tell what to make on't. Let them crack the Shell that hope to find a Kernel in it. For my part I despair: tho' the readiness of the English Soldiers of Ireland, who at twenty four hours warning came into England to serve His Majesty in the time of Monmouth's Rebellion, ought to have been remembred to their advantage, and might serve (to any unprejudic'd per­son) as a Pattern of the Loy­alty, and good Inclinations of all the Protestants in that King­dom, if His Majesty had had occasion for them. Whether the Parliament will Repeal the Test for those several weighty Reasons our Author says [are fitter for Contemplation then Discourse] though methinks it would be pleasant to see a House of Commons sit like the Brethren at a silent Meeting, is not my Province to deter­mine: As likewise, Whether they will so much consider that Grand Reason [the King will have it so] (for his Con­science and theirs may differ) or what the Dissenters will do, I cannot tell. One thing I am sure of, there will be no such Stumbling-block in the way of the King's desires, when they meet, as the present conditi­on of Ireland; they will be apt (when his Majesty tells them, they shall have their e­quall shares in Employments, when they have Repealed the Laws) to say, Look at Ire­land, see what is done there, where the Spirit of Religion appears barefac'd! and accor­dingly compute what may be­come of us, when we have removed our own legal Fen­ces; Since they now leap o­ver those Hedges, what may we expect when they are quite taken away!

Poynings Law is a great grie­vance to our Author, and here in one word, he discovers that 'tis the dependance this King­dom has on England, he quar­rels at: 'Tis fit the Reader should understand, that Law (enacted when Poynings was Lord Deputy) makes all the English Acts of Parliament of force in Ireland; we are there­fore so fond of that Law, and covet so much to preserve our dependance on England, that all the Arguments our Author [Page 11]can bring, shall not induce us to part with it.

I will not reflect in the least on the Courage of the Irish, I know there are seve­ral brave men among them, but they have had the mis­fortune to fall under the Con­sideration of (as our Author softens it, but the plain sence is, been Beaten by) a War­like Nation: and, I question not, unless they behave them­selves modestly in their Pro­sperity, they will again fall under the Consideration of the same Nation: 'tis better we should live in peace and qui­etness, but the Choice is in their hands, and if they had rather come under our Con­sideration again, than avoid it, let them look to the Conse­quence.

Another Advantage which may accrue to Ireland by a Native, as Governour, our Au­thor reckons up to be, His personal knowledge of the To­ries, and their Harbourers, and his being thereby better capaci­tated to suppress them. Mali­cious People would be apt to infer from this Suggestion, that his Excellency had occa­sion formerly to be familiar­ly acquainted with such sort of Cattle. I have heard in­deed, that one of our bravest English Princes, Henry the [...] during the extravagancies of his Youth, kept company with publick Robbers, and often shar'd both in the Danger and Booty: but as soon as the the Death of his Father made way for his Succession to the Crown, he made use of his former acquaintance of their Persons and Haunts, to con­tribute to the extirpating and dissolving the greatest knot of High-way-men, that ever trou­bled England. My Lord there­fore (in imitation of this great Prince, no doubt) will make use of his Experience that way, to the same end: and I rea­dily assent to the Author, that no English Governour can be so fit to clear that Kingdom of Torĭes, and that for the same reasons he gives us.

There are two other Ad­vantages remaining; one is, His Excellency's having alrea­dy made different Parties in that Kingdom, the objects of his love and hatred, let the Of­fences of the one, or the Me­rits of the other be never so conspicuous: Whether the Brit­ish can draw any comfort from his Excellency's knowledge of them this way, is fit to be debated. The other is, The probability of his getting the Statute for benefit of Clergy [Page 12]in favour of Cow-Stealers and House-Robbers, Repealed; where, by the way, there is a severe Rebuke given to our English Priests for their ill pla­ced Mercy to Irish Offenders: A fault I hope they will be no more guilty of.

Whether these Advantages be so considerable as to move His Majesty to continue a man (for other more weighty Rea­sons) absolutely destructive to this Kingdom, or whether some of them might not be performed by an English Gover­nour, His Majesty is the only Judge: Only this I am sure of, The King (if he were under a­ny Obligations to His Minister) has fully discharged them all, and has shewed himself to be the best of Masters, in gi­ving so great and honourable an Employment to his Crea­ture, and continuing him in it so long, notwithstanding the decrease of his own Revenue, and the other visible bad ef­fects of his Management; the Impoverishment of that King­dom, amounting to at least two Millions of Money: and his Majesty may be now at liber­ty (without the least imputa­tion of breach of promise to his Servant) to restore us to our former flourishing conditi­on, by sending some English Nobleman among us, whose contrary methods will, no doubt, produce different ef­fects.

To conclude, methinks the comparison between His Majesty and Phillip of Macedon, when he was drunk, is a little too familiar, not to say unmanner­ly, and that between Antipater and my Lord Tyrconnel is as great a Complement to the lat­ter.

But provided my Lord be commended, which was our Author's chief design, he cares not tho' the comparison does not hold good in all points; 'tis enough that we know we are Govern'd by such a Prince that neither practises such Debau­ches himself, nor allows of them in his Servants. But we are not beholding to the Author for the knowledge of this, should a Forreigner read his Pam­phlet, or get it interpreted to him, he would be apt (and with reason) to conclude, that His Majesty as much resembled Phillip in a Debauch, as my Lord Tyrconnel does sober An­tipater.

I have now done with all that seems of any weight in our Author's Pamphlet; and can see nothing in his Postscript that deserves an Answer. All that I will say is, That his Re­cipes [Page 13]bear no proportion to our desperate Disease, and he will prove not to be a Physitian, but a pretending Quack, who by ill applied Medicines will leave us in a worse Condition then he found us.

I shall conclude with telling you, That your Letter which enclosed the Pamphlet, whereof I have here given you my thoughts, was more than a Fortnight on the way, or else you had received this sooner. I am,