Il cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa, or, The history of the cardinals of the Roman Church from the time of their first creation, to the election of the present Pope, Clement the Ninth, with a full account of his conclave, in three parts / written in Italian by the author of the Nipotismo di Roma ; and faithfully Englished by G.H. — Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa. English

Il cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa, or, The history of the cardinals of the Roman Church from the time of their first creation, to the election of the present Pope, Clement the Ninth, with a full account of his conclave, in three parts / written in Italian by the author of the Nipotismo di Roma ; and faithfully Englished by G.H. — Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa. English

Table of contents

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Title page

A SUMMARY Of the Matters contained in the Three Parts of this Book.

THE AUTHOR TO THE READER.

A Catalogue of ſome Books lately Printed for John Starkey Bookſeller, at the Miter in Fleet-ſtteet near Temple-Bar.

In the Preſs this 5th. of November, 1669.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART I.

BOOK I.

The Contents.

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Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART I.

BOOK II.

The Contents.

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Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART I.

BOOK III.

The Contents.

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THE ITALIAN PRINTER TO THE READER.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART II.

BOOK I.

The Contents.

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A Letter written by Cardinal Sachetti a little before his death, and directed to Pope Alexander the Seventh.

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Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART II.

BOOK II.

The Contents.

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Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART II.

BOOK III.

The Contents.

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THE ITALIAN PRINTER TO THE READER.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OF THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART III.

BOOK I.

The Contents.

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The Principal Laws which are uſually obſerv'd in the creation of the Pope.

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Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART III.

BOOK II.

The Contents.

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Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

PART III.

BOOK III.

The Contents.

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Books Printed for, and Sold by John Starkey, at the Miter betwixt the Middle-Temple-Gate, and Temple-Bar in Fleet-ſtreet.

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CLEMENS IX. PONTIFEX MAXIMVS, CREATVS DIE XX IVNII. ANNO M. D. C. LX. VII.

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Il Cardinaliſmo di Santa Chieſa; OR THE HISTORY OF THE CARDINALS OF THE Roman Church, From the time of their firſt Creation, to the Election of the Preſent POPE Clement the Ninth, With a full Account of his CONCLAVE.

In Three Parts.

Written in Italian by the Author of the Nipotiſmo di Roma, and faithfully Engliſhed by G. H.

LONDON, Printed for John Starkey, at the Myter betwixt the Middle-Temple-Gate, and Temple Bar in Fleet-Street. 1670.

A SUMMARY Of the Matters contained in the Three Parts of this Book.

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THE Firſt treats of the Eſſence of the Church; of the Controverſies which ariſe betwixt the Religious Orders, the Princes, and the [...]ergy: Of the Pontifical Authority, how it is underſtood in Rome; and how it ought to be, by the Soveraign Princes: Of the Original, Augmentation, and Eſſence of the Cardinalitial Dignity; and of the manner of living of all the Cardinals in general.

The Second ſhews how careleſs, and perfunctory the Cardinals are in defending the Church from the rapacity of the Nipotiſmo, with the reaſons and obligations they have thereunto: As likewiſe the Promotions, Titles, Alliances, Qualities, Vices, and Virtues, of all the Cardinals now living.

The Third diſcourſes of all the Treaties, Negotiations, Differences, Diſputes, and Diſſentions, happen'd amongſt the Cardinals in the Conclaves; and betwixt the Cardinals, the People, and the Emperors, in the Elections of all the Popes, and Anti-Popes, from the Incarnation of our Saviour, to the Conclave in the Year 1667. in which Clement the 9th. was elected Pope: To which are added certain Politick Aphoriſms, written by Cardinal Azolini, upon the Cardinals of the ſaid Conclave.

THE AUTHOR TO THE READER.

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Kind Reader,

I Preſent you here with the Cardinaliſmo I promis'd you in my Nipotiſmo; Read it as your own, not as mine; for he who promiſes a thing, obliges himſelf de jure to him that expects its performance. Certain Criticks who vouchſafe to throw away ſome moments of their time in the peruſal of the Nipotiſmo, wonder'd exceedingly that I ſhould publiſh that book firſt, having declar'd the Cardinaliſmo to be my first born. The first pangs and qualms which I endured, were (I must confeſs) in the Conception of my Cardinaliſmo; but I laid that aſide, and fell upon my Nipotiſmo. You will ask me upon what grounds, or inducements? VVhat neceſſity was there for that? I will tell you ſincerely, my deſign was to publiſh them together; but upon ſecond thoughts, I made an Eſau of Jacob, and a Jacob of Eſau, that is, I put forth my Nipotiſmo by way of Eſſay, reſolving, if that had not had the approbation I expected, to have ſtifled the other, or confin'd it to my own Cabinet. But things ſucceeded according to the predictions of my Friends, and the Nipotiſmo reliſhing even amongſt thoſe Argus's, and Criticks, who read books only to correct them, and upbraid the Authors: I concluded forthwith to preſent this Cardinaliſmo likewiſe, for the benefit of the Publick, preſuming its reception would be no worſe than the other, if the Readers judgement, and the Authors do agree: which nevertheleſs I cannot but apprehend, when I conſider how frequently they differ.

This I know, that if any book ever gave occaſion of Cenſure, this will, and that not only to the Catholicks, but to the Proteſtants alſo, (for even amongst them there are ſuch as will find fault, where they do not ſometimes underſtand.) Methinks I hear a Proteſtant at one of my ears, crying out already, [Page] You might have left out this, you ſhould have omitted that, it would have been better thus, and thus, and thus: and in the other, a ſcandaliz'd Catholick complaining, that I write ſeveral things ſuperfluous to the very nature of Hiſtory, and paſs by others which would be proper and adequate.

But he who ſhould write a book, and undertake to give univerſal ſatisfaction, would but loſe his time, and have his labour for his pains. Nor is it to be expected the general will ſubmit to a particular. The Apoſtles were holy men, guided by the holy Spirit, and according to that direction, they writ the book of the holy Goſpel: yet how many Hereticks are there found, who fear not to condemn, what they ought in Conſcience to adore? How many prophane perſons which deſpiſe the Apoſtolical instructions? How many Divines, that with a thouſand niceties, and diſtinctions, do controvert and diſpute againſt the writings of the Apoſtles? Now if the nature of man be ſo dogged and perverſe, that it cannot accommodate with ſo ſacred a book, ſo neceſsary to our Salvation, and ſo infallible in its Compoſition; how is it poſſible they ſhould receive one kindly, that perhaps is contrary to their own ſence and inclinations? I am ſatisfy'd it is impoſſible this Cardinaliſmo ſhould pleaſe both Catholick and Proteſtant, becauſe the one contemns what the other approves, and the other embraces what the firſt has rejected. Many things are inſerted which are familiar amongſt the Catholicks, and for that reaſon thoſe are contemptible to them. Many others there are which are common amongſt the Proteſtants, and accordingly as inconſiderable to them: but all things are to be regulated with order, and the good intention of the Author is to be excuſed, becauſe his deſign is to give general ſatisfaction as near as he can. Should he have writ only what had been palatable to the Catholicks, the Proteſtants would have diſguſted it; and on the other ſide, to have addreſs'd himſelf only to the ſatisfaction of the Proteſtants, would have been as ingratefull to the Catholicks.

Seeing therefore what is acceptable to the one, is unacceptable to the other; the Catholick may read what makes for his intereſt, and the Protestant, what the Catholick rejects: (and I am certain he will reject what is moſt worthy to be read.) For my part, I adviſe the Proteſtant to read nothing but what the Catholick condemns; and the Catholick, only what the Proteſtant deſpiſes: that both of them may ſuck what honey they can, and throw away the ſting which pricks them within.

Thus far kind Reader, I have ſpoken in general, I ſhall now apply my ſelf particularly to thee: and firſt I deſire thee to take notice, I am not the only perſon concern'd in the compoſition of this book. For theſe two last years I have endeavour'd (notwithſtanding ſome trouble and expence) to procure ſuch Memoires as were neceſſary for my deſign, from the hands of other perſons: ſo that if the book happens to be diſlik'd, let not the whole blame be laid at my door, but let them have their ſhare who cooperated in the work, which I cannot call mine, becauſe my Memoires came from the hands of other people; people I may ſay, for I depended not upon the Relations of any one man.

Yet there is one thing I may properly call my own, and that is the Stile, and Contexture of the book, in which alſo you may have occaſion (and perhaps in every leaf) to condemn me, as not obſerving the rules of the current Stile. I confeſs I thought the trouble unneceſſary to apply my ſelf to thoſe niceties, and punctilioes, to which the writers in this age are ſo much addicted, and it preceeded [Page] from an inclination I had to the common (not a particular) benefit to the Publique, and not to any private Party. Thoſe who writ with ſo much glory in this age, do it to gain applauſe amongſt the learned, becauſe they are learned themſelves. For my part I am conſcious of great inſufficiency, and that I have nothing to recommend me, but an immenſe, and inſatiable deſire, to make my ſelf intelligible to the moſt illiterate people in the world: for this reaſon (being unable to arrive at that pitch of ſatisfaction (which is natural to all writers) to ſee my ſelf favour'd by the learned, and receiv'd by them, though as the meaneſt of them all). I endeavour to gain the acceptance of the commoner ſort, by framing my ſelf to the capacity of every body; and the rather, becauſe thoſe ſtrangers who are most curious of learning our tongue, venture not but upon ſuch books as are eaſie and familiar. Thou wilſt not deny, but the learned do underſtand what is eaſie, and that the common-people abhor what is difficult. He therefore who writes ſmoothly end plain, writes to every ones underſtanding; whereas he that is abſtruce, deſigns only to pleaſe a few. Such books as theſe, ought to be read by many, rather than by particular perſons, though but few of the Commonalty are acquainted with ſuch things, the rigour and ſeverity being ſo great in Rome, no books are permitted, but Encomiums and Panegyricks.

Many will blame me for writing with that freedom, of perſons of ſo great quality, and now living, and not unworthily: yet I am not the only man, if I were, I ſhould not (I hope) deſerve to be condemn'd, writing nothing but the truth, for it would be cruelty againſt nature it ſelf, and the right of reaſon, and Hiſtory, if verity ſhould be perſecuted. If the good Catholicks will look impartially upon what I have written of the Church of Rome, they will find my aim is no other, than to admoniſh them of the errours into which the world imagines they are fallen, and ought therefore to incourage and commend the piety of my deſign, there being no greater expreſſion of kindneſs, than for one to advertiſe his friend of a Precipice which he ſees not himſelf. Neither have the Cardinals more reaſon to complain, the whole drift of this Cardinaliſmo being nothing, but the elevation of their authority, too much depreſs'd by the Popes: and although they perhaps will deſpiſe ſuch advertiſements as Satyrical, yet have their Eminences no reaſon to be offended, if they be made acquainted with what the world ſayes of them. And if from the variety of Pens, which co-operated in this work, they meet with any thing netling and pungent, they are in all humility deſired to gather the Roſe with ſuch artifice, as not to prick themſelves with the Bryars. The Princes, on the other ſide, are moſt humbly beſeech'd, (and their Ministers of State with them) that they would peruſe this book intentively, and not make any judgement upon the information of any prejudic'd Eccleſiastick: and I am of opinion (if they vouchſafe to read it themſelves) they will rather applaud than explode it.

You are deſir'd likewiſe (kind Reader) to excuſe the Errors of the Preſs: they are too numerous indeed, yet in reſpect of your judgement, they are the fewer, for I am confident there is nothing, but what your learning will correct as you read, and by that means cover thoſe defects, as well as the Errors of the Author, who promiſes for the future to write nothing but in generals, without any particular reflections, either upon Rome, or any other place. The Books which I intend to publiſh, are, L'Europa Morta; and Il Chriſtianiſmo Univerſato: Farewell.

A Catalogue of ſome Books lately Printed for John Starkey Bookſeller, at the Miter in Fleet-ſtteet near Temple-Bar.

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THE Voyages and Travels of the Duke of Holſteins Ambaſſadors into Muſcovy' Tartary, and Perſia, begun in the year 1633. and finiſh'd in 1639. containing a Compleat Hiſtory of thoſe Countries; whereto are added, the Travels of Mandelſlo [...] from Perſia, into the Eaſt-Indies, begun in 1638. and finiſh'd in 1640. the whole illuſtrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures. Written Originally, by Adam Olearius, Secretary to the Embaſſy; Engliſhed by J. Davies of Kidwelly. The ſecond Edition in Folio.

Price bound 18 ſhillings.

The Preſent State of the Ottoman Empire in three books; containing the Maxims of the Turkiſh Politie, their Religion, and Military Diſcipline: Illuſtrated with divers Figures. Written by Paul Rycaut, Eſq; late Secretary to the Engliſh Ambaſſador there, now Conſul of Smyrna. The third Edition in Folio.

Price bound 10 s.

The Hiſtory of Barbado's, St. Chriſtophers, Mevis, St. Vincents, Antego, Martinico, Monſerrat, and the reſt of the Caribby Iſlands, in all twenty eight; in two books, containing the Natural and Moral Hiſtory of thoſe Iſlands; Illuſtrated with divers pieces of Sculpture, repreſenting the moſt conſiderable rarities therein deſcribed. Written by an Ingenious hand. In Folio.

Price bound 10 s.

A Relation of Three Embaſſies, from his Majeſty Charles the Second, to the Great Duke of Muſcovy, the King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark, performed by the Right Honourable the Earl of Carliſle, in the years 1663, and 1664. Written by an Attendant on the Embaſſies. In Octavo.

Price bound 4 s.

Il Nipotiſmo di Roma, or the Hiſtory of the Popes Nephews, from the time of Sixtus the 4th. 1471. to the death of the laſt Pope Alexander the 7th. 1667. Written in Italian, and Engliſhed by W. A. Fellow of the Royal Society. In Octavo.

Price bound 3 s.

The Preſent State of the Ʋnited Provinces of the Low Countries, as to the Government, Laws, Forces, Riches, Manners, Cuſtoms, Revenue, and Territory of the Dutch. Collected out of divers Authors by W. A. Fellow of the Royal Society. In Twelves.

Price bound 2 s. 6 d.

The Art of Chymiſtry as it is now practiſed. Written in French by P. Thybault Chymiſt to the French King; and Engliſhed by W. A. Dr. in Phyſick, and Fellow of the Royal Society. In Octavo.

Price bound 3 s.

Baſilia Chymica & Praxis Chymiatricae, or Royal and Practical Chymiſtry, in three Treatiſes; being a Tranſlation or Oſwald Crollius his Royal Chymiſtry; augmented and enlarged by John Hartman. To which is added his Treaties of Signatures of Internal things, or a true and lively Anatomy of the greater and leſſer World. As alſo the Practice of Chymiſtry of John Hartman, M. D. augmented and enlarged by his Son, with conſiderable Additions; all faithfully Engliſhed by a Lover of Chymiſtry. in Folio.

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Accidence Commenc'd Grammer, and ſupply'd with ſufficient Rules; or a new and eaſie Method for the learning the Latin Tongue. The Author John Milton. In Twelves.

Price bound 8 d.

In the Preſs this 5th. of November, 1669.

The Jeſuites Morals, faithfully extracted from their own books which are Printed by the Permiſſion and Approbation of the Superiours of their Society. Written in French by a Serbon Doctor, and faithfully Engliſhed in Folio.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

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PART I.

BOOK I.

The Contents.

In which is diſcourſed, concerning the weakneſs of Humane Ʋnderſtanding. The manner of God's ſpeaking to Men in old time, and at preſent. The Excellencies of the H. Scripture. How R. Catholicks, live in Proteſtant Countries, and Proteſtants in thoſe of R. Catholicks. Of turning from one Religion to another. Of thoſe, who relinquiſh the Church wherein they were born, and know not for what reaſon. The promiſcuous admiſſion of Doctors in the Ʋniverſitie of Valenza, applyed by a Proteſtant Preacher in diſcourſe with a R. Catholick. Of ſome Miſſionary Prieſts who receive licentious perſons for Converts. What anſwers the Prieſts and Friars of Italy make to their Superiors, when theſe go about to puniſh their Miſcarriages. An Example of a certain Florentine who went to Geneva to change his Religion. Another of a Neapolitane, to the ſame purpoſe. Of thoſe Miſſionary Priests who buy their Faculty of Miſſion from ſome Courtier at Rome. What remedy is requiſite in theſe matters. Of the Protestant Ministers who are contented to live in their Paſtoral charge, without thrusting themſelves into [Page] matters of State. Of Liberty of Conſcience, ſo much talk'd of amongst Chriſtians. What Authority the Emperors and Magistrates, had over Church-men in the Primitive times. In what particulars the ſeveral parties of Chriſtian Profeſſors lament their miſeries in theſe dayes. Of the zeal of Princes towards their Subjects. What Effect the Magiſtrate's diligence in viſiting the people's Actions produceth. Of the neglect of Princes in obſerving the wayes and proceedings of Church-men. How the reſpect given antiently by the people to Princes and Magiſtrates, differs from what is given to them at this day. Of Church-men who aſſume authority to pry into the actions of Soveraign Princes. A Parallel between the Princes and people in reference to the Exerciſe of Religion. Of the Policy of Church-men, how exquiſite to preſerve their Grandeur. Some Examples of Preachers as to the matter of Eccleſiaſtical Grandeur. Of the diſaffection of Eccleſiaſticks to the Soveraignty of Princes. Of ſome Differences wont to ariſe between R. Catholicks, and Proteſtants, in the Elections of Preachers. The Example of Moſes, appointed a Preacher to Pharoah. Of the Vigilance of France in maintaining the Gallicane Rites. Of a Book printed at Rome in diminution of the Soveraignty of Princes. The Jeſuites queſtion'd by the Parliament of Paris, concerning the Impreſſion of the ſaid Book. Their Anſwer to the Parliament. The great Devotion of the Venetians to the ſervice of God, and the preſervation of their Liberties and Privileges. Of ſome pretendedly ſcrupulous, wh [...] blame the Venetians for being too jealous of their Soveraignty. Of the danger wherein all Princes would be, were it not for the reſistance which France and Venice make to the ambition of Church-men. Of ſome diſcourſes concerning the Authority of the Pope. Of Juriſdiction Eccleſiaſtical and Temporal compared together. What effects the Excommunication of the Venetians by Paul V. produc'd to the Church. Of the blame thoſe Popes incurr, who by their Excommunications, forbid Subjects to obey their Natural Princes. What Obedience both people and Magiſtrates owe to the Pope. The Opinion of a Dominican Divine. The heady Opinions of the Roman Divines concerning the Popes Authority. The ſubjection of ſuch Princes as are conſtrained by the Pope to obey the caprichio of thoſe Divines who write accommodately to the Pope's humour. How eaſily the Popes may Excommunicate Soveraign Princes, and what miſchief that eaſineſs produceth. How the Popes deal with Princes who have deſerv'd well of the Church. The chief cauſes which mov'd Paul V. and Urban VIII. to thunder out Excommunications againſt the Venetians, the Commonwealth of Lucca, and the Duke of Parma. In what manner the Pope ought to be honour'd by Princes and their people. Of the difference betwixt being of the Church in the dayes of the Apoſtles, and now. Of the effects wrought in the perſons of Popes by the H. Ghoſt. Of the Offences ariſing daily between Popes and Princes, by reaſon of the miſdemeanours of Churchmen. VVhat great fear Popes of the Primitive Church had of falling into any Error prejudicial to the publick good of Chriſtendome. How little now adayes they regard the Ʋniverſal Good. Of the great zeal wherewith of old they exercis'd their Pastoral charge. VVhat Eſteem all people had of Popes in conſideration of their holy Lives. VVhat kind of perſons aſcend the Papal Throne in theſe times. VVhat perſecutions they ſuffer, who either by tongue or pen, reprove the faults of Popes and [Page] Churchmen. Of the praiſes attributed to the Popes by ſome writers. Of the Flatteries which ſound well in the Popes ears. Of thoſe who are look'd upon well or ill by the Pope. Of thoſe who write of the Pope's Impeccability. S [...]me Reaſons and Inſtances proving the Pope fallible like other men. Some Concluſions and Diſputes maintain'd at Paris by the Jeſuits in defence of the Popes power and Infallibility. The cauſe why Popes are deficient in Miracles. The corruption of the Age. Some deſerving perſons kept farr from the Court. Of the ſcandals committed by Churchmen in Rome. Of a Bull of Boniface VIII. Of an Opinion written by John XXII. VVhat was the judgement of Paul II. concerning the Infallibility of the Pope. Of a Book written by Pope Adrian VI. The Error Princes commit in ſuffering publick diſputes touching the Popes Infallibility to be held in their Dominions. Of ſome diſguſts given by Alexander VII. to the most Chriſtian King. A Bull put forth by the ſaid Alexander againſt ſome Decrees of the Parliament of Paris which rejected the Popes Infallibility. The cenſure of the Faculty of Sorbonne of writings which defended the Papal Infallibity. Of Odoardo Farneſs Duke of Parma, who of a friend became an Enemy to Urban. VVhat the Author thinks the Pope conceives of him. The Popes deſire that no Pens were in the world, but thoſe which write in their favour. Of the Rodomontadoes which the Roman Theologues write in magnification of the Pope. The Opinion of a certain Theologue, That a Pope cannot be damn'd though never ſo wicked. The Impeccability of the Pope which the Jeſuits begin to teach. Of the Opinion of thoſe who hold the Pope not ſubject to General Councils. Of the Title of Eternity which ſome Flatterers would apply to the perſon of the Pope. The Obligation of people to reverence and honour the Popes whilſt they are good, and to blame and avoid them, when they are wicked. Divers other particulars touching the Popes Grandeur.

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THE dulneſs of Humane Underſtanding renders us uncapable of comprehending the myſterious conduct of Divine Providence, whoſe Counſels and Deſigns are as to us involv'd in a moſt profound night of impenetrable Obſcurity. The Apoſtle St. Paul, after a Tranſport even into the third Heaven, gives this plain Advice to Inquiſitive Spirits, Non plus ſapere quam oportet ſapere, ſed ſapere ad ſobrietatem. Which Doctrine, if receiv'd by the more ſpeculative ſort of Chriſtians, with the ſame lowlineſs of mind wherewith the Apoſtle writ it, would undoubtedly free the minds of men bewildred in thoſe perplexities wherein even the moſt learned have been inextricably intangled by too nice and curious Contemplation.

But ſo deeply rooted in our Nature is the Inſatiate Deſire of Knowledge, that we are continually climbing above our own Level, though, beſides the trouble of the Endeadeavour, we run a hazard of falling from the Precipice, and of looſing the eyes of our minds, by tyring them in a proſpect of things Inviſible.

Nature hath allotted to Birds a light body fit for flying; to Oxen a heavy one accommodate to the ſlower motion of progreſſion; the former being deſign'd to adorn the Region of the Air, and the latter for Labour and Service on the Earth.

Mankind, not content to enjoy the Meaſure of Underſtanding given them by Divine Providence, ſeek to raiſe their heavy clods beyond their aſſigned Sphere by ſpeculations of things incomprehenſible, as if it were free for them to out-do Nature, and make a new Creation of Spirits.

Many admire, and amidſt the confuſions of their admiration, ask why God ſpeaks no [Page] more to men ſince the Incarnation of our Saviour, as he did in old time to the Iſraelites? But for my part I wonder more, that Men in theſe times cannot underſtand the Language of God as the Iſraelites did in times paſt; and this wonder makes me ſometimes pour out very pathetical complaints.

To the Iſraelites God ſpoke ſeldome; few were the words; and many times 'twas on the tops of very high Mountains, from amidſt thick Clouds, and darkneſs; ſometimes in profound ſleeps, cloath'd with Robes of inviſible Air, and ſometimes with a Voice only deliver'd by ſome Celeſtal Meſſenger. Now this Seldomneſs enhanc'd the wonder and Surpriſe in the Iſraelites themſelves, whilſt they obſerv'd how they were favour'd at times and places by meaſure and proportion; and they were not a little proud of theſe favours.

Thoſe who doubt at preſent whether it be true that God ſpeaks no more to Men, have all the reaſon of the world to change that doubting thought, if they will but ſeriouſly conſider that God ſpeaks now, not from Mountains but from Pulpits, not by Night but by Day, not in Sleep but to men Awake, not in the Air but in the Church, not ſeldome but often, not at ſome definite times but continually: So that if they hear him not, they are either deaf to the Voice of God, or elſe nautiateth the great plenty of Celeſtial favours.

The Iſraelites boaſted that God writ the Divine Law in Tables of Stone, in order to the better preſervation of the ſame; and why ſhould not Chriſtians glory of the H. Charter written by the Apoſtles and Evangeliſts, by the aſſiſtance of the H. Ghoſt, for the propagation of Chriſtianity?

God Almighty writes every day in Characters ſo legible, that thoſe who cannot read them, may deſervedly be called blind. But, which is worſt, thoſe that are thus blind, are the very ſame that take up a belief, that in theſe dayes God neither ſpeaks nor writes, as he did in former Ages.

Whoſo would underſtand the Divine Speakings, and Deſires to read the Characters of Heaven, let him not be at diſtance with the H. Scripture, inaſmuch as this is the Key of Paradiſe, and the H. Ghoſt hath left the ſame to us, to declare to men what the Language of Heaven is in the New Teſtament.

The H. Scripture is the Book wherein God ſpoke to the Iſraelites, and ſpeaks ſtill to Chriſtians. And 'tis ſo replete with ſweet expreſſions, and wholſome diſcourſes, that 'tis not poſſible to go away hungry from ſo plentiful a Table, nor ſick from ſo efficacicious a Medicine.

That wretched Impoſtor Mahomet, who to blind others made himſelf blind, forbad the Tranſlation of the H. Scripture into the Turkiſh Language under ſevere penalties, as doubting leſt the Doctrine thereof being ſo pure and holy as it is, ſhould purifie and ſanctifie the minds of ſuch as ſhould read it: And the Roman Church permit it not in any other Language but the Latin, as if the Apoſtles, Evangeliſts, and Prophets, had written for a few, and not for all men, for ſome peculiar perſons, and not for the Univerſal Church.

Where can Chriſtians of all ſorts and conditions better ſpend the moſt precious Laws of the day, where refreſh themſelves in afflictions, where enrich themſelves in poverty, than in reading of the Volume of Divine Laws.

The Political Books of the Heathens, which contain nothing but Secular Maximes, cannot furniſh us with other than Worldly Knowledge; But the H. Volume which deſcended from Heaven brings Celeſtial Inſtruction with it, whence thoſe that read the ſame with great ardor, find conſolation in it amidſt their greateſt calamities end miſeries.

The holy, pure, clean, and ſimple Doctrines of Chriſtian Religion give ſolace, and comfort not only the moſt ignorant who live by direction, but even the moſt learned, who give directions to others; or to expreſs my ſelf better, they refreſh and relieve not only the moſt learned who teach, but even the moſt ignorant who are taught.

The Catholicks think to be ſav'd by going to Ma [...]s, and the Hereticks by hearing Sermons. Some of theſe to appear good Chriſtians, read the H. Scripture, ſing Pſalms, and ſay Grace at Table; and divers Catholicks make Confeſſions to a Prieſt, go in Pilgrimage, and receive Indulgences; and all this to avoid being pointed at by others, by which manner of living they intimate the difference of Religion conſiſts in [Page] nothing but in an outward and (as I may ſay) conſtrain'd appearance.

The Proteſtants deny not but that there are many in their Communion, who lead Atheiſtical Lives, making every thing lawful to themſelves, and ſtretching liberty of Conſcience, to a liberty of Sinning: So likewiſe the Catholicks confeſs that many of themſelves too, live as if there were neither God nor Chriſt, nor Law, nor Faith in the World.

In this matter of Religion I find one Evil of which the Catholicks are more to be blam'd than the Proteſtants themſelves, and 'tis this: When Catholicks go into the Country of Proteſtants, they not only accommodate themſelves to live with the liberty of the place, but aſſume a greater liberty of Conſcience, and abſtain as well from ſome Exerciſes of Religion which are not forbidden, as from ſuch as are.

In like manner the Proteſtants in Catholick Countries, not only abſtain from reading the H. Scripture, ſinging of Pſalms, and frequenting Sermons, but beſides making a medley of Omiſsions, they forbear to pay their Devotions to Almighty God, both when they go to ſleep in the Evening, or riſe from bed in the Morning. 'Tis true, the Proteſtants well knowing the extreme rigor of the Inquiſition, find themſelves neceſsitated to diſſemble their Religion for avoiding the anger of men, whereas the Catholicks having greater liberty in Proteſtant Countries wherein they find no ſuch rigour againſt themſelves, grow careleſs of their Religious Obſervances, inſomuch that many times they will ask for good Capons on Friday or Saturday, although they may have plenty of good Fiſh.

If you ask a Catholick why he commits ſuch faults as theſe, he preſently anſwers you, Dum fueris Romae, &c. Whilst one is at Rome, one must live as they do there, out of Rome, as in other places. Nor are the Proteſtants unprovided of the ſame anſwer when they reſide in Catholick Countries, And this is the miſerable caſe of Religion.

Yet I will not pronounce this Depravation general, becauſe I have known many Catholicks live with great modeſty, and exemplary piety, in the Countries of Proteſtants, as do alſo many of theſe in the Countries of Catholicks, inſomuch that many Catholicks do very much approve of, and are edifi'd with the manner of living of the Proteſtants, and theſe likewiſe with theirs; but they are ſuch Catholicks and Proteſtants as have not ſtudy'd the abovemention'd Axiom of Rome.

This laſt Eaſter I ſaw a certain Catholick, a friend of mine, in a Proteſtant Country, and asking him why he went not to Maſs which was celebrated not above a mile off, he anſwer'd me, That when he Travell'd, he carry'd no Religion at all along with him. Which a Proteſtant, who was preſent, over-hearing, reply'd, You are a gallant man, I take the ſame courſe.

But in my judgement, the thing moſt to be conſider'd concerning this point of Religion, is the dayly tranſition and change of Chriſtians from the Catholick to the Proteſtant Church, and from the Proteſtant to the Catholick; and this by perſons who oftentimes know not the cauſe either why they leave the one or embrace the other; but run like Goats up a precipice, whilſt they behold others fall down from it at the ſame time: Yea ſome Chriſtians have left the Religion wherein they were born, to take up another, in which they know not whether it will be fit for them to dye or no; inaſmuch as they go upon no other account, but the ſeeing others go before them. Nor is it an extravagante to compare ſuch Chriſtians to Brutes, ſince there is no greater Brute than that man who lives without the Inſtructions of Religion, without knowing the Obligations of Chriſtianity; or the duty of his own Conſcience.

The Proteſtants are ſo eaſie to admit thoſe that leave the Catholick Church to embrace theirs, they receive them ſo blindly ſometimes in ſome places, that they do not ſo much as examine them concerning the Principal Grounds, and the Eſſential parts of the Chriſtian Faith. I know not whether they do thus, as judging it better than to leave the Sheep to wander in the Deſart, or elſe to populate their Church the more: but 'tis certain that for the moſt part they find themſelves deceiv'd, by receiving ravenous Wolves inſtead of gentle Lambs. Being at firſt not a little ſcandalis'd at ſuch ſtories, I had the curioſity to enquire the reaſon of this ſlight proceeding, in a matter of ſo great importance, from a Proteſtant Miniſter, who anſwer'd me in the following words, Sir, We do [Page] like them in the College of Valenza in France, who give the Doctoral Cap even to Aſſes, ſub spe futuri Studii. But 'tis true being now adayes well aware of this Error, leſt they ſhould be miſtaken in Wolves, they let go the Lambs alſo; or at leaſt they turn and wind them ſo about with multiplicity of queſtions, that they cool their deſire of changeing their Fold.

On the other ſide, the Catholicks not only readily receive both Wolves and Lambs, but moreover they endeavour to draw from the Proteſtant Flock the moſt infected Animals of all, by promiſing them gifts and preſents with a large hand, in order to compaſs the more eaſily the end of their purpoſe: and becauſe Wolves commonly run with a more greedy appetite to the prey than Lambs, by this means they get Wolves and not Sheep, who after they have devour'd the prey, return back to their firſt Herd more ſavage than before.

There are ſome Miſſionary Prieſts (for I except thoſe who are full of true zeal) who admit to the Catholick Religion, any wild-headed, indocible, and debauch'd perſons, who think of nothing leſs than of leading a Chriſtian life; and ſo likewiſe ſome Proteſtant Miniſters (I ſpeak with reverence to the good) who receive to their Communion ſuch people, as have nothing of Man beſides the ſhape, being otherwiſe, as to what concerns the Conſcience and Soul, Devils incarnate.

I could here inſert a Story as long as curious on this occaſion, and demonſtate by good proofs and examples, the Errors which the Catholicks commit in forcing Proteſtants to change their Religion; and likewiſe the failings of Proteſtants in receiving amongſt them fugitive Catholicks. But I have neither will nor time to rub the ſoars of the one or the other; only, it would be great Prudence and Charity in both parties to uſe greater circumſpection, and to have their eyes a little more open, that Chriſtianity might not be ſubverted by Hypocriſie, and the Lambs expos'd to the diſcretion of the Wolves.

In Italy, accounted the ſoundeſt part of Chriſtendom, yea in Rome it ſelf, and the Papal Dominions, Biſhops and Superiors of Monaſtick Orders, have indeed the title of Maſters, but ſcarce any power to correct any of their refractory Subjects; for no ſooner are reproofs us'd towards them, but the Scandalous Prieſts and Friers, have a common cuſtom to retort inſolently theſe expreſs threatnings to their Superiors, Per Dio, per Dio, che me ne andero a fare Heretico; I will turn Heretick. But theſe Varlets oftentimes find themſelves deceiv'd, for the Hereticks ſift them ſo much, and examine them ſo with multitude of queſtions, that they make the Fugitives themſelves confeſs the cauſe of their flight; after which confeſſion, they find themſelves oblig'd not without great ſhame, to return back with more haſt than they departed, I ſay not from their Religion (becauſe ſuch wretches know not what Religion is) but from their Country; for proof of which, it will not be amiſs to ſubjoyn here a ſhort, but very true and freſh inſtance.

A certain Italian who affirm'd himſelf born of one of the moſt Eminent Families of Tuſcany, (although his garb ſpoke him rathera Hedge-bird, having nothing but the Impudence of a Fryar, and the pronuntiation of a Florentine) I know not out of what Caprichio, took a reſolution to relinquiſh the Catholick Religion, to no other end, but to go to Geneva, and live there (as he ſaid) like a very good Heretick.

Being arriv'd at Geneva, he imparted his purpoſe to a certain man there, who might indeed have claim'd alliance with him, for he was not inferior to the moſt ſubtle Snap of Siena. After ſome diſcourſe and queſtions concerning his reſolution, the Inhabitant of Geneva ask'd this new-commer, What Art he was skill'd in whereby to get a Subſiſtence after his Converſion? The honeſt Italian anſwer'd him boldly, That his intention was to live like an honeſt man.

The Proteſtant ſmil'd, as well underſtanding his meaning; nevertheleſs he made as if he underſtood him not, (as indeed he did not in that manner wherein he explain'd himſelf to him afterwards) and therefore he intreated him to declare himſelf more openly and in plain words, what he meant by living like an honeſt man.

The other with a face more impudent than before, thinking to acquit himſelf well, and to oblige, not only the Proteſtant with whom he talk'd, but the whole City, (and perhaps too hoping to receive ſome preſent before-hand) anſwer'd him in the following words.

[Page]Sir, I reſided eighteen years at Venice, in which City I liv'd alwayes like an honeſt man. My peculiar and moſt frequent imployment was to ſerve my friends, by killing ſometimes one at the requeſt of another, and ſometimes cudgelling ſuch or ſuch a man at the inſtance of this or the other. My pay was not great; for commonly I took but ten Crowns for killing a man, and five for giving one the Baſtinado. But this practice of mine being by my envious Enemies ſignifi'd to the Councel of Ten, order was iſſu'd forth for my Impriſonment. Whereupon I found great difficulty to eſcape the hands of the Officers, who together with ſeveral of my ill-willers, ſearch'd for me in all the places where I us'd to practice. But to ſecure my perſon from a Perſecution ſo dangerous to my life, I determin'd to leave not only Venice and Italy, but likewiſe the Catholick Religion, and to embrace Hereſie, it being to me a thing indifferent to live a Catholick or Heretick. Now therefore if you will do me the honour to receive me into this City, I promiſe to keep my ſelf alwayes in the eſtate of a gallant man, with the ſame employment: and I ſhall ſay further, and engage my word for it, that I will practiſe here at far cheaper rates; for whereas at Venice I us'd to kill a man for ten Crowns, I will kill a man in this City for five, and give the Baſtinado to any Body for a ſingle Crown. And thus having an imployment of my own, it will be no hard matter for me to maintain my ſelf, and live like an honeſt man.

The Proteſtant amaz'd hereat, remain'd a while in a manner out of himſelf, and took himſelf to be rather in a dream than awake: till after ſome ſpace for recollection, he fell to conſider the Orator with a more heedfull eye, and obſerving that his whole outſide gave confirmation that he was really ſuch a Varlet as his diſcourſe had pourtray'd him, he gently took up the fold of his Coat, and ſmelling to it between jeſt and indignation, he ſaid to him, my good friend, you ſmell ſtrong of the Gallows, and I ſhall tell you further, that if the Senate receive any intimation of your quality, they will ſoon create you a Knight of the Hempen Cord, and not fail to give you a paſsport to the Gallows, whether ſuch gallant fellows are wont to be ſent by the Juſtice of this place.

At the hearing of theſe words of the Proteſtant, the blood became frozen in the veins of the Florentine, who lik'd not ſuch Honours for the Commonwealth of Geneva: and if at firſt he thought to make his fortune by diſcovering his Profeſſion, he now fell down trembling at the feet of the Proteſtant, praying him with tears not to diſcover him, and telling him that he was reſolv'd to depart the Town; whereupon the Proteſtant yielding to his requeſt, he made ſuch haſt out of Geneva, that he went not back to the Inn to fetch his Portmantle, which 'tis likely the Hoſt keeps to this day, though I believe but little worth.

Another not unlike Example, I will likewiſe ſet down with brevity, becauſe more freſh than the other. It came into the head of a certain Neapolitan to change his Religion, although he had never liv'd in Italy with the appearance of any at all. To which purpoſe he went to Geneva, where at his arrival, inquiring for ſomebody that underſtood Italian well, his Hoſt conducted him to the ſame Proteſtant mention'd in the abovementioned Story of the Florentine.

After ſome common Ceremonies, the Proteſtant ask'd him concerning his quality, and what cauſe had brought him thither. To the firſt queſtion, the Neapolitan anſwer'd that he was the Son of the Duke della Noce: and indeed his hands look'd as if they had been employ'd in pilling Wallnuts. And to the ſecond, he anſwer'd that he had left Italy out of an humour, having a fancy to try his fortune in another Climate, and to live in a travelling way without being oblig'd to go to Maſs; and in brief he declar'd that he had good inſpirations to become a Heretick, and was firmly reſolv'd upon it; and therefore deſir'd counſell and aſſiſtance in the matter.

Whilſt theſe two perſons were talking together, the Bell chim'd to Church, whereupon the Proteſtant took leave in order to go to the Sermon; at which the Neapolitan amaz'd, ſaid to him, to the Sermon? Why, do they believe a God in this City? The Geneveſe laugh'd at the ignorance of the man, or rather the impiety of the Beaſt, and reply'd, Did you leave your Country, Sir, to go and live in ſome place where God is not acknowledg'd? If ſo, for my part I adviſe you to recommend your ſelf to the Devil; for there is no other place but Hell wherein there is not a God and ſome Religion profeſs'd. But in earneſt I ſhall give you the counſel of a Friend, which is, to loſe no time but get out of [Page] the Town as ſoon as poſſibly you can: Otherwiſe, you will be made to understand at the Gallows what puniſhment they deſerve who speak in the manner as you do. The poor Neapolitan terrifi'd at this language, was not ſlow to take his leave, but preſently ran away on foot, leſt it might be too much loſs of precious time to fetch his horſe; ſo great was his fear of being diſcover'd and brought under a tryal of dangerous queſtions.

From hence one may eaſily gather what reaſon there is to deplore the calamitous ſtate of both Religions, or rather the wretchedneſs of both ſorts of Profeſſors, who live without knowing the true obligations and duties of Chriſtian Life.

'Tis true, the Examples of this nature are more numerous in the Catholick Church, in regard of the greater multitude of Proteſtant Fugitives. And I know a certain Proteſtant who keeps above half a dozen Letters of a certain Miſſionary Father, which contain the agreement made between them, the ſum which the Miſſionary offer'd, and that which the Proteſtant demanded, to leave his own, Religion, and embrace the Roman Church.

This indeed is the practice of certain ignorant Miſſionaries, who buy Miſſions of ſome Servant of the Cardinal who is Head of the Congregation de Propaganda fide, and think by ſhewing a long liſt of Hereticks converted by their means to obtain of the Roman Court, not only Biſhopricks and Maſterſhips, but even Cardinalſhips too. But thoſe Miſſionaries who have wit in their heads, and zeal in their hearts, go in another road, and do things with more maturity of judgement.

For remedy of ſuch diſorders as theſe, 'twere fit ſome perſons of authority had inſpection into the promoting of Religion; otherwiſe, the ordinary Clergymen, either through ignorance, paſſion, or humour, ſpoil all, break a ſunder what ought to be joyn'd together, and joyn what ought to be ſeparated, and bring things into confuſion and ruine.

The Roman Church having reſolv'd to aſſume to its ſelf both a Spiritual and a Temporal Dominion, and to make Cardinals precede Princes, and Prieſts Magiſtrates, hath thought fit for the more eaſie preſervation of its Grandeur, that not only the Cardinals, but the Prieſts too, ſhould keep up a certain Majeſty and eminent decorum, which intention been ſo diligently purſu'd, that they run even into exceſs; without which exceſs,, I believe things would not proceed ſo agreeably to their humour.

On the other ſide the Proteſtants, that is to ſay, the Miniſters and Eccleſiaſtical Paſtors, for the better preſerving their Religion in its due decorum, are contented to live with modeſty ſuitable to their Paſtoral Charge, that is, to adminiſter the Sacraments, to Preach, to viſit the Sick, to inſtruct the people in the power of the H. Scripture, referring Command, Authority, Temporal Dominion, and even the Protection of Religion to the ſecular arm of Magiſtrates and Princes; and teaching all to know, by proofs both Holy and Political▪ the Preheminence of the Majeſty of Soveraigns above the Juriſdiction Eccleſiaſtical, and the obligation incumbent upon Eccleſiaſticks to obey the Temporal Power.

And indeed the Proteſtant Religion flouriſhes more, and ſhines with more decency in thoſe places where the Magiſtrates and Secular Governours have their eyes moſt open over the people, taking cogniſance of their actions, not only ſo far as concerns the duty of a Subject towards his Prince; but alſo in reference to Spiritual matters; and this not only by the aſſiſtance of the Paſtors, but alſo by their own proper office, which ſuffers not any to exerciſe their Spiritual Function, but by derivative power from the Magiſtrate; as he that is choſen by God to preſide in the midſt of his people, to the end they may not run headlong without ſuch a ſtay and guide, into irremediable and dangerous errors.

The Magiſtrates and Princes ſtudy and endeavour, as much as poſsibly, to advance their Soveraignty more and more above the Juriſdiction of Churchmen, but theſe, aware of the deſign which might prejudice their independency, are not aſleep in the mean time, but ſtrive not only to preſerve, but likewiſe to promote their juriſdiction beyond what they have already, if it be poſsible: and they would effect it, did not Princes and Magiſtrates make uſe of Policy, whereby without prejudicing the Church's Intereſts, they reſtrain the ambition, which in theſe dayes ſeems natural to all the Churchmen of the world; to ſay no more.

[Page]The Eccleſiaſticks, who take it in diſdain when they ſee Magiſtrates intermeddle with their Aſſemblies, the Elections to Spiritual Charges, and the Orders of Spiritual Functions, have no reaſon at all to complain of a thing ſo reaſonable; becauſe, to ſpeak truth, Churchmen are in theſe dayes ſo farr reſpected by the people, as the Magiſtrates cauſe them to be reſpected by their ſecular power; and the people are ſo farr inflam'd with zeal for their own Religion, as they ſee the Magiſtrate zealous for it, and the preſervation of the Common Liberty.

For my part, I firmly believe, there can be no better courſe to deſtroy the Proteſtant Religion, than to ſow diſcord between the Clergy and the Magiſtrate, and to bring it to paſs that the Eccleſiaſticks not contented with the degree and limits of their proper charge, may riſe againſt the Princes and Governours; an inſtance whereof is to be ſeen in a certain Kingdom, which perhaps bewails the effects of that Policy even to this day. But the thing were impoſsible in theſe times, inaſmuch as the Magiſtrates well aware of the project, have provided remedies againſt it in ſuch ſort, that the Churchmen glory in their Loyalty and Obedience towards them, if for no other reaſon; yet at leaſt to avoid the involving of Religion in ſome Schiſm, or other, and the bringing of themſelves into a Labyrinth, hard to get out of, without firſt undergoing the conſequences wont to arrive upon civil broils.

In ſhort, the Roman Religion continues ſuch as it is, (that is, good for the Churchmen, and bad for the Laity) on this account, that the Eccleſiaſticks make uſe of an abſolute and independent authority in Spirituals, and very much likewiſe in Temporals: and on the contrary, the Proteſtant Religion is ſo far Proteſtant, as the Magiſtrates have the ſupremacy both in Spirituals and Temporals.

If Liberty of Conſcience, (which is ſo much talk'd of amongſt the Proteſtants, and the principal point of the Reformation) ſhould any wiſe come to be moleſted by the Supreme Authority, upon the Eccleſiaſticks ambition and invaſion of the ſame, there would no longer be a Liberty, but a Slavery: for People ſeeing themſelves commanded by the Eccleſiaſticks, would think their Conſciences enſlav'd, and not free; it being proper to Churchmen to proceed with too much Zeal, or too much Ambition, and to be diſpleas'd when they ſee that they are not obey'd like Angels, although in their commanding, they remember not that themſelves are but men.

And indeed the Proteſtants deſire to ſerve God, not according to the Orders and Precepts of men, but according to the Divine Laws regiſtred in the H. Scripture, which they daily read in their Aſſemblies publick and private; and therefore they reverence their Miniſters, as men who are contented to preach, without commanding.

The Proteſtants doubt, I conceive, leſt the Eccleſiaſticks being addicted to ſtudy and ſpeculation, in caſe the Supreme Authority ſhould be united in them, they would reverſe the old Model which is Chriſts, and impoſe a new one upon them of their own, and of a plain Eccleſiaſtical Ordinance, make a new Divine Precept: and therefore they▪ are very well pleas'd to ſee the Magiſtrate uſe ſuch great care and diligence for the preſervation of that Religion which they pretend to be of Divine Inſtitution without any additions of humane invention, although the Catholicks accuſe them of pinning their Faith upon Luther and Calvin; which is falſe; for neither Luther not Calvin inſtituted any new Religion.

The Catholick Religion (or rather the Roman, as we call it) in the Primitive times, when the piety of Paſtors was as conſpicuous to their Flock, as the Sun, went almoſt in the ſame order, whilſt the Emperors manag'd Eccleſiaſtical Elections, and the Magiſtrates not only preceeded the Churchmen, but beſides in caſe of deficience, oblig'd them to their duty, and conſtrain'd them to be diligent in feeding the flock of Chriſt with Charity; yea they permitted them not to exerciſe any publick Function, but in the preſence of their Deputies, and oftentimes ordain'd that buſineſſes of the Church ſhould not be handled in any other Aſſemblies but their own Councils, whereunto ſuch Biſhops were call'd, as were eſteemed neceſſary and fit for regulating ſacred matters.

The terror which Tyrannical Emperors ſpread abroad in the world, ſo aw'd the Eccleſiaſticks, that leſt they ſhould ſee Chriſtianity extinguiſh'd, they humbled themſelves to very Tyrants, judging it better to overcome by humility; than to break by pride. [Page] They humbled themſelves to good Emperors likewiſe, becauſe they ſaw them zealous in defence of the Faith, and the propagation of the name of Chriſt; and therefore they ſcrupled not to engage them in the care and Spiritual Government of the Church, to the end the intereſt of Chriſtian Religion might have the more ſtrength and Majeſty.

This Correſpondence and Union of Secular and Spiritual Power, of Magiſtrate and Prieſt, Prince and Biſhop, not only kept the Laity in awe, but oblig'd them to a prompt Obedience; the Subject being not a little edifi'd by ſeeing his Soveraign intereſſed in the Government of the Chriſtian Religion.

And indeed how could it be otherwiſe, but that the Prince's zeal ſhould produce great ardour and affection in the Breaſts of the people? For generally the Subject bears a certain occult hatred (yet not ſo occult, but that it is diſcernable) againſt the Majeſty whereunto he is ſubordinate; which hatred is ſuppreſs'd either by force of the Sword, or by reciprocal Affection and Love, which is the leſs durable when it is not deeply rooted; and therefore 'tis expedient for a Prince to know with what kind of love his people is to be oblig'd, in order to the extinguiſhing of that hatred which ſeems naturally ſeated in their breaſts.

Now what greater inſtance of love and benignity can a Prince ſhow to his Subjects, or a Magiſtrate to his Citizens, than to declare himſelf zealous, not only in preſerving of their privileges, abſtaining from lading them with impoſitions and taxes, diſpenſing favours liberally, executing juſtice impartially, honouring the well-deſerving, and puniſhing the guilty, but alſo in watching, that together with external privileges, they may enjoy thoſe of the Soul inviolate, which are alwayes the deareſt to the Commonalty, and conſequently apteſt to cauſe in them good or ill ſentiments towards thoſe who carefully protect them, or ſupinely betray them.

There is no people in the world ſo barbarous, but they rejoyce more to ſee their Religion, which concerns the good of their Souls, zealouſly and vigorouſly maintain'd, than the privileges of the State which referr only to the commodity of the Body; and 'tis certain that a people is more ſenſible of injuries done to their Conſciences, than of the ſpoiling of their goods, which are nothing but corruptible things, whoſe value depends much upon humane fancy and avarice.

Thoſe popular Revolutions are eaſie to be quieted which ariſe from the grievances and Taxes laid by Princes upon their Subjects; for when theſe impoſitions are taken away, the arms fall out of the hands of the incenſed multitude. Whereof we have ſeen ſundry Examples in our times, particularly in the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and the Dutchy of Milan. But when the Subject draws his Sword againſt his Prince, or the Citizen againſt the Magiſtrate, upon account of Religion, 'tis a hard matter, if not impoſſible, to appeaſe the tumult; becauſe in this caſe, his Soul is engag'd, and ſets his hands on work: and ſuppoſe the Prince ſhould promiſe to yield to the demands of the people, they will ſcarce take his word. And indeed 'tis a common ſaying, That the wounds given to the Conſcience in matter of Religion, are hardly to be cur'd by the ſame hand that inflicted them.

I find that two effects are produc'd by the diligence of a Prince or Magiſtrate, in taking good heed to the deportment of Churchmen, and to the preſervation of the Laws and Ordinances of Religion. Firſt it increaſes the people's devotion towards the ſervice of God, and kindles more ardour in their breaſts to frequent the Sacraments; and this by virtue of their Superiors example: ſo that when Subjects behold their Princes full of zeal, and vigilant for the good of their ſouls, they become ſo inamor'd on them, that in requital, they would even ſpend their blood for the ſervice of their Princes: which is for the advantage of the Prince, as well of the people. And 'tis certain, that 'tis more eaſie for a Soveragin, who takes care for preſerving the Laws and Religion, to obtain ſupplies of mony from his people, than for another Prince, who thinks of nothing leſs, than of Religion.

The ſecond effect is, That the ſpiritual ſervice of the Church is carried on with better order, and the number of pious Souls is alwayes more multiply'd, when Churchmen find that Princes keep an eye upon them; and for the fear of being corrected in caſe of deviating from their duty, makes them beſtirr themſelves to perform their charge with [Page] all imaginable zeal and diligence, and if they be not really religious, yet they become wary of being accounted ſcandalous or negligent. Not but that they are of a nature weak and apt to fall into great miſcarriages; but they know that they are under the Magiſtrates eye, and feel his goad at their ſides, which keeps them both from tripping and jading.

And to ſpeak truth, if we compare the preſent obedience and reſpect that is paid by Subjects, to their Princes and Magiſtrates, with the alacrity of former times, we ſhall find the preſent to come much ſhort, and in probability too unlikely to continue; ſo as (there being great Armies in ſome places, and ſtrong Cittadels and Fortification in others to keep them in ſubjection) I am of opinion that that reverence the Princes receive, is not radicated in the heart of the Subject, but proceeding as it were ab extra, may more properly be reckon'd the policy of the Prince, than the affection or good nature of the Subject.

For my part, I believe (and have many others of the ſame faith with me) that the reſpect, obedience, honor, and affection, the people of this Age do bear to their Magiſtrates, is either forc'd or miraculous. Forc'd, becauſe the Princes underſtanding their own Power and Supremacy, or (to ſpeak more properly) knowing the humour of the people very little inclining to obedience, they do either actually force them by the power of their Arms, or fright and terrifie them into an unwilling allegiance. Miraculous, becauſe Religion having naturally the ſtrongeſt influence upon the People, there is nothing moves and actuates them like that, either into tumult or obedience. So as the Magiſtrate interrupting, and even oppoſing that zeal and fervour of Religion the Layity ought to enjoy as freely as the Eccleſiaſticks, no wonder if their obedience be a Miracle.

A great reaſon is, that the Eccleſiaſticks are permitted to pry and peep into the actions of Princes and Magiſtrates: To have a finger and intelligence in the moſt ſecret Secular Councel, which in reaſon they ought not to come near; that the Secular Magiſtrate may (for the greater benefit of the people) have an eye over the actions of the Eccleſiaſticks, and an inſpection into all things tranſacted in their Conſiſtories and Congregations, which they hold now ſo privately, the Civil Magiſtrate can ſcarce know whether it be matter of Religion that is before them, or whether they be contriving, if not the deſtruction, at leaſt the ſubduction of the Temporal Power to the Spiritual.

In ſome places theſe Princes do not only neglect the concerns of their own Conſciences, but are much more incurious of regarding, viſiting, or giving out ſeaſonable orders, that the Sacred and Religious offices might be adminiſtred with decency and decorum, and that the Religion profeſs'd by the people might not ſuffer by the Critticiſmes or Speculations of any Malancholly Divine. But the people obſerving their neglect or averſion to all this, cannot be brought eaſily to believe that their Princes are of the Religion they profeſs themſelves, it being impoſſible (in their judgements) that they who receiv'd their Authority immediately from Heaven, ſhould be ſo forgetful in their returns, and ſo careleſs in matters of Devotion.

But that which is moſt ſcandalous and blame-worthy now is, that the people do not well underſtand whether they be to comport themſelves with more Veneration towards their Biſhop, or towards their Prince, towards their Eccleſiaſtical Governours, or towards their Civil, for the people obſerving their Princes driving only at their own Intereſt, the oſtentation of their Court, the augmentation of their Revenue, and the advancement of their power, and (in things relating to the benefit and conſervation of the Church) too careleſs and remiſs. And beholding the Biſhop on the other ſide, with his Clergy, reforming this Statute and that, commanding Proceſſions, renewing of Orders, introducing of Ceremonies as he pleaſes, aſſembling, excommunicating, and in ſhort, manifeſting himſelf not only a Miniſter, but a Patron and Defender of Religion, they are perſwaded, that as the Soul is to be conſidered before the body, ſo their Biſhop, whoſe Office it is to reſpect the profit and ſalvation of that, ought in reaſon to have more Reverence than the Prince that regards only what belongs to the body.

To ſpeak impartially and without paſſion: what is it theſe Princes do in their Dominions as to matters of Religion? They go to Maſs on Sundays, and their Subjects do as much; They hear Sermons in Lent, and their Subjects do the ſame; They receive Indulgencies; [Page] They Worſhip the Altar, They profeſs themſelves ſons of the Church, their Subjects do no otherwiſe; They are afraid of being Excommunicated as their Subjects are; They regard not what is done in the Eccleſiaſtical Synods or Aſſemblies, and their Subject; are as indifferent as they. How therefore can the people reſpect their Princes, whilſt their Princes behave themſelves no otherwiſe, or how can they have any care of their Princes, whilſt their Princes are ſo careleſs of themſelves.

If a Prince ſhould ſeem zealous to his Subjects, and watchfull over the ſafety of his people, and with his whole power to intend the Government of the Church, the propagation of Religion, ſhowing his care and ſolicitude as well in Eccleſiaſtical Councels, as in Civil, or at leaſt adviſing and conſulting with the Biſhop in the adminiſtration of ſuch things as are neceſſary for the Regiment and well Ordering of the Church. It is moſt certain, that as ſuch a Biſhop as ſhould incite him, and put him forward in ſo good a deſign, would with juſt reaſon receive great reverence from the people, ſo ſuch a Prince would receive likewiſe no leſs honor from them, and be eſteem'd their Lord in their Temporals and Spirituals.

The Policy of the Churchmen has in all ages been very conſiderable, but for theſe two or three hundred years laſt paſt, it has been very much augmented, to the prejudice and diminution of the Civil Authority, againſt which the Eccleſiaſticks do principally direct their deſigns. And there is one thing that ſtill perplexes the hearts and ſpirits of the wiſeſt States-men, which is, that four little, ragged, inconſiderable Prieſts, ſhould by their cunning and induſtry advance themſelves to that height, to ſet their naked feet upon the Crown'd heads of Monarchs, whilſt the whole force of their Dominions was too weak to defend their Supremacy, or to preſerve them from the arrogance of the Clergy.

And indeed ſo induſtrious have they been in the maintenance of their Grandeur and Majeſty, and making themſelves conſiderable in the World, that they have introduc'd ſeveral great Dignities into the Church, as Abbats, Biſhops, Arch-biſhops, Patriarchs, and at laſt Cardinals, which is a degree ſo high, that the greateſt Princes in Chriſtendome do not only glory in their correſpondence, but expreſs a kind of reverence and awe they have for them whilſt they give them preceedence, and receive them into their Dominions as if they were Crown'd Kings, and not Perſons Miniſterial and Subſervient in the Church.

Nor indeed is the reſpect they give them improper or inexcuſable, the Cardinals being not only great and magnificent, and acknowledg'd of principal dignity in the Church of Rome, but (which is above all) Electors of the Pope, who is one of the greateſt Monarchs in Chriſtendom.

Yet that which aſtoniſhes me moſt is, that both the Hiſtorians and Prieſts of the Roman Church are not aſham'd, with their pens, as well as tongues, to inculcate into the people a buſineſs ſo repugnant to the reputation and right of Supremacy in Princes; a thing I cannot think of without ſome trouble and regret, though indeed matters of that nature are fitter to be laugh'd at than otherwiſe.

Baronius, Peter de Priſſe the Sorboniſt, Gabriel Biel, Azolinus, Caluus, Cadana, and others, maintain that the Hierarchy and Divinity are of the ſame nature. That the Prieſts are more great than the Angels or Virgin Mary, and that Kings are oblig'd to give them preceedence, as the firſt born of the Kingdom of Heaven.

In the great Church at Florence, where the Great Duke himſelf was preſent, it is not many years ſince, I heard a certain wooden footed Frier Preach, Orator good enough, and of the Order of St. Francis. His Text was, Super Cathedram Moſis ſederunt Scribae & Phariſaei. The Scribes and the Phariſees ſat in Moſes Chair. which he apply'd only to the Sacerdotal Office, and had the day before invited his Highneſs thither, to oblige him (perhaps) to believe thoſe impertinent time-ſpenders, the Prieſts, and the Friers, and ſuch other raffle, to be ſuch as he ſhould perſwade him in his Pulpit. The ſum of all was, this excellent Orator inſiſted much upon the dignity of the Prieſthood, amongſt the reſt I remember theſe Expreſſions only; Tour Princes are not to be nam'd the ſame day with your Prieſts, I cannot but ſmile at their compariſon, one ſingle Prieſt is of more value than all the Princes in Europe, though their Principalities be reckon'd into the bargain.

[Page]Another Dominican of Placenza Preaching upon the ſame Text before the ſame Duke, reiterated three or four times, That thoſe Princes that had the honour to wear Crowns upon their heads, ought not to come in competition with the Prieſts. They wearing their Miters to ſhow, that as the high Prieſt (which is God himſelf) intitled himſelf King of Heaven, ſo the Prieſts (who are but inferior Deities) ought to be receiv'd by all the world as Kings and Supreme Lords of the Earth.

In Cenoa, in the preſence of the Duke (and by conſequence of the whole Senate) there was a Carmelite with great gravity, and as if he had been actuated by ſome Spirit, delivered this Doctrine, That Kings, Princes, and Senators, were as good as nothing; That the Prieſt was all in all; That if their Dignity was much greater than it was, it was to be thrown down at the feet of the Prieſts, foraſmuch as their Office was but Humane, and the Prieſts Divine, they were men and not Gods, but the Prieſts both Gods and Men.

Not much unlike this was the diſcourſe held by a Franciſcan in a Church in Milan, in the preſence of the Marqueſs Caracena; having made a parallel before betwixt God and a Prieſt, he pronounc'd this very boldly, That God as he was God, had preceedence of a Prieſt, but that a Prieſt as God and Prieſt too, was to have preceedence of our Saviour, ſo as thoſe two were to be united before a Prieſt could be equall'd, But that which in my judgement ſavour'd moſt of Buffonry and Blaſphemy in the whole Sermon, was another Compariſon he had betwixt a King and a Prieſt in theſe very termes, That Kings were made up of Humane fleſh, but Prieſts of the Spirit of God. That Kings were indeed above other men, but that Prieſts were Superiour to Kings. That Kings did converſe with their Courtiers, but Prieſts with Angels the Courtiers of Heaven. That Kings had a Temporal Juriſdiction, but that the Authority of the Prieſthood was Spiritual. And lastly, That Kings could command the Creature 'twas true, but 'twas the Priest that commanded the Creator. That Kings had much trouble and difficulty to make the people obey them, but that the Prieſts by virtue of the words of Conſecration, conſtrain'd God Almighty himſelf to deſcend into their hands upon the very firſt ſignal.

Never in my whole life was my mind under greater diſturbance, than at that time to hear that Beaſt of a Prieſt deſeminate ſuch Doctrine, and that which aggravated my indignation was, that I could not reſolve with my ſelf whoſe indiſcretion was greateſt, the Franciſcan in preaching after that rate, or Carazens in hearing him. Before this time, I made it my buſineſs to magnifie the Valour and Prudence of that perſon; after this, I could never have that reverence for him, to ſee him proſtitute his attention to ſuch wicked diſcourſe, and with patience endure ſuch inſufferable inſolence, the whole Sermon being but a drol and deriſion of Kings and their Miniſters, as if he had deſign'd to mock and jeer the veneration they had for their lawfull Prince out of the breaſts of the people.

But this was Venial in reſpect of what was maintain'd by another Father, who deſerv'd the next day to have aſcended again, but to the Gallows; and not the Pulpit; and I am confident my Reader will be of the ſame mind: God Almighty be my witneſs if I add or diminiſh any thing in my Relation. Being in the City of Naples, in Lent 1647. it was my fortune to hear a Franciſcan Preach in the Church dedicated to Saint Mary, but with more Volubility than Virtue. True it is, I was not preſent at the beginning, I came time enough to underſtand that the principal drift of his diſcourſe was to evince the people, that the Religious (which he reſtrain'd to their Preachers and Prieſts) were oblig'd to reprehend the Errors and Enormities of all people, but eſpecially of Kings; and advancing in this manner with great Oratory, he pronounc'd the Prieſts to be as Gods to all Princes, and to prove it, produc'd that place of Scripture where God Almighty commanded Moſes to go unto Pharaoh, ſaid this to him, I have made thee a God to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy Brother ſhall be thy Prophet, &c. From which words he drew ſeveral conſequences, and amongſt the reſt this, That the Princes of this Age were the Pharaohs of Chriſtendome, and the Prieſts the Gods of thoſe Pharaohs, and in the height of his Rapture he cryed out two or three times, Ah Pharaohs, Pharaohs, why will you be diſobedient to the Priests that are your Gods. From ſuch kind of diſcourſes as this, it is that all the Tumults and Revolutions of the people do proceed, as was too lately manifeſt in the Kingdom of Naples. Nay would to God that furious Rebellion had [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] not been hatch'd in the Studies of the Prieſt, where 'tis to be fear'd, the ruine of Secular Monarchie is principally contriv'd. For my part I could ſwear without much ſcruple, that the Eccleſiaſticks are the greateſt Rebels, becauſe in their Commotions they pervert the zeal of the people towards God, joyning it with their paſſion and indignation towards man.

In the preſence of Madam Royall in Turin, a certain Prieſt that is ſtill living, and therefore I will not name him, in a Sermon he was preaching upon the Excellence of the Sacerdotal dignity, could not hold from crying out twice or thrice, Princes, Princes, ſo many Prieſts ſo many Princes. But that which pleas'd me moſt of all was, the concluſion of his Sermon, in which, caſting up his eyes very gratefully to Heaven, he us'd this Expreſſion, O Lord, I give thee thanks thou haſt decreed me to be a Prieſt and not a Prince, I believe my Priesthood of more value than all the Principalities in the world, as I am a Priest, I am a Prince, whereas had I been a Prince, I ſhould have been nothing.

And theſe are the excellent Harangues the Italian Preachers do frequently make in the preſence of their Soveraigns. From hence it is the Grandeur and Lordlyneſs of the Cardinals does ſpring. From ſuch diſcourſes as theſe it is, that the Sacerdotal Monarchy is ſprung, which gnaws and devours inſenſibly the very bowells of Secular Principalities, whilſt the Eccleſiaſticks advance themſelves dayly by preaching up themſelves Monarchs, and Gods upon Earth, whereby they ſecure what they have got, are adding hourly new dignities to their Prieſthood, and that to ſuch a height, that at this time it may be ſaid as properly at Rome, as the good Father ſaid at Turin, Princes, Princes, as many Princes as Cardinals.

God Almighty has been pleas'd I ſhould be a poor man, not a Prince, ſo as my condition is to obey, not to command. Yet had the Divine Providence ſeen it fit to have alter'd my Station, and brought me forth a Prince into the world, I ſhould not certainly have ſuffer'd ſuch liberty of publique diſcourſe within my Dominions; or that Chriſtians by ſuch Gibberiſh ſhould be brought into a contempt of their Soveraigns, and inſlav'd by a blind obedience of the Church. For my part, I think thoſe kind of delinquencies no leſs than Treaſon, and that though ſuch expreſſions appear at firſt ſight but trifles, and rhetorical ornaments, yet 'tis not to be imagin'd what influence they have upon the people, how much they inflame and enamour them with the ſervice of the Church, and how much they leſſen their devotion to their Prince, whilſt they perſwade them that their Princes are inferiour to themſelves. That Race of Incendiaries is fit for nothing but the fire, or to be baniſh'd out of every Kingdom as unworthy to diſpenſe the Oracles of God; that their Pulpits may be ſupply'd by ſober and learned men, and ſuch as will preach the Word of God, and not the Policies of Man, the Doctrine Chriſt hath left us in the Goſpel, and not ſuch Inſinuations and Inveglements as they make uſe of in their Pulpits, that thereby the affection of the people may not be perverted from their Prince, but that they may be inflam'd and excited to a more cheerfull Obedience.

Had the Prieſthood no deſigns againſt the Authority of Princes, their proceedings would be with more ſincerity than they are, and they would give unto Caeſar the things that are Caeſars. I have known contention in more than three or four Cities in Italy, betwixt the chief Magiſtrate and the Biſhop, and the occaſion was, that the Biſhop pretended to the preſentation of the Preacher, and the Prince would allow none of them to preach without his Licenſe. So as by reaſon of theſe controverſies, Lent has ſeveral times paſt without any News from the Preacher. I call it News, becauſe their preaching is now adayes little elſe but Novelties, or (which is worſe) Trifles, or Sacrilegious Speculations, unworthy to be publiſh'd in any Chriſtian Church.

Amongſt the Proteſtants alſo, there are the ſame differences. The Clergy pretend to the Election of their Miniſters, and that they can do it at their pleaſure, which notwithſtanding is not conceded by the Civil Magiſtrate, who will not ſuffer any to preach in his preſence, but ſuch as he chooſes himſelf; ſo as in a certain City I could name, there have ſome Cures been void above two years together, becauſe they could not agree in the Election of their Preacher. But from whence, I would fain know, does their pretenſion proceed? If the Clergy be Subjects, upon what grounds is it they would behave themſelves like Princes? The privilege of Licenſing or Electing of Miniſters, is in my [Page] judgement abſolutely politick, and therefore pertaining to the Civil Magiſtrate, and not to the Church, to whom the power of Ordination belongs indeed, but not the power to Preſent; and in this caſe, it is of very great importance that all Princes and Magiſtrates be vigilant. For the end of the Clergy in preferring their Preachers in the Cities, is nothing elſe, but that ſeeing themſelves excluded from all ſecular juriſdiction, they would this way take their Liberty, and publiſh what Doctrines they pleaſe. It is convenient therefore that all Soveraigns ſhould conſider that the people are at their diſpoſe, and that ſuch Miniſters are to be put over them as are ſuitable with the Genius of the people.

Moſes could not readily reſolve to go and ſpeak unto Pharaoh, till it pleas'd God to conſtrain him by the force of his power, Now therefore go, and I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou ſhalt ſay. However in theſe times, the Prelats preſume to put what Preachers they pleaſe upon their Princes, and ſuch ſometimes as are ignorant in the Fundamentals of Chriſtianity, and that fall upon diſcourſe nautious and unpleaſant to the Palats of their Princes.

But of all Nations, France is the happieſt, for preſerving intirely the privileges of that Church, it will by no means admit of that Eccleſiaſtical Grandeur and Authority, which the Clergy have uſurp'd in other Countries, and which with great arrogance they do ſtill exerciſe, as if they were Princes, and not ſubordinate at all.

And for conſervation of the privileges of the Gallican Church, the King of France loſes no opportunity; in the year 1626. as ſoon as news arriv'd at Paris that there was a Scandalous Book printed at Rome the year before, intituled, Antonii Sancterelli Jeſuitae de Hereſi, Schiſmati, Apostaſi [...], &c. in which, he ſpake to the diſparagement of the Power of Princes, but magnity'd and exalted the Authority of the Pope. The Parliament was immediately call'd by his Majeſties Order, and every period of the book ſtrictly examin'd, and having deliberated as was fit in a buſineſs of that importance, at laſt by an Arreſt of the whole Parliament, it was Decreed that theſe following Articles ſhould be Seal'd, Subſcrib'd, confirm'd, and Sworn to by the Jeſuits, in the preſence of the whole Court of Parliament, to the no ſmall diſguſt, and diſſatisfaction of that Order. The Articles were theſe,

That the King of France holds not his Kingdom from any thing, but from the bounty of God Almighty, and the power of his Sword.

That the King in his own Dominions had no Superiour, but God.

That the Pope cannot upon any occaſion whatſoever Interdict or Excommunicate either the King or his Kingdom, nor in any caſe dispence with the Allegiance and Fidelity his Subjects were oblig'd unto him.

Theſe Articles were receiv'd with no ſmall compunction by the Jeſuits, whoſe deſign being alwayes to aggrandiſe the Pontifical Authority, by the diminution of the Regal, they could not advance the one, but by depreſſion of the other. The Preſident of the Parliament having demanded of the ſaid Fathers, if they did approve of that book of Santerelli's, they anſwered, no they did not, being ask'd again, why then their General at Rome had approv'd it, they made anſwer, That thoſe who were at Rome, could do no leſs than comply with the Court of Rome. The Preſident, to entrap them perchance, as indeed it fell out, demanded immediately, If you had been at Rome, what would you have done, to which they reply'd, We would have done as they have done that are there; which being heard by a Grave Perſon of the long Robe, he ſpake out theſe words aloud, I believe our Father Jeſuits have two Conſciences at their Command, one of them for Rome, and the other for Paris.

Venice is a place as eminent for Devotion in Religion, for Piety and Zeal in the Service of God and the Church, not only as any Republique in Chriſtendome, but as Rome or the Pope himſelf. Yet when any thing is in agitation about the Popes Authority, or the Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction, they will by no means permit the Clergy of their Dominions, to Intrench or Uſurp upon their Supremacy, which they acknowledg'd only from Heaven, and the Conduct and Valour of their Anceſtors.

In Venice, the Churchmen are Subjects, not Princes, 'tis the Senate that Governs all with an effectual and Independant Authority, as well in Spiritual things as Temporal, [Page] inſomuch, that the Introduction of any Novelty, is with great penalty forbidden, as well to the Biſhops as Friars, they are not permitted to exerciſe any publique Function, or to publiſh any Order whatſoever, though from Rome its ſelf, without notice given to the Senate, and their Licenſe obtain'd: and from hence it is, that the Service of God, and the Majeſty of the Church, is carry'd on with that Order, that they have made themſelves Emulated at Rome, as well as in other States; and all by the Authority the Senate keeps over the Clergy, looking on them as Subjects, not Equals, as other Princes do.

And without queſtion, had it not pleas'd God by oppoſing the powers of thoſe two Countries France and Spain againſt their ambition, and by their means to put a ſtop to that torrent that was overflowing all Chriſtendome, the preſent Princes of Italy had been either chaſed out of their Dominions, or forc'd to have ow'd their Liberties to the Liberality of the Popes.

If the Princes of Italy would but yet take their natural Liberties into conſideration, and follow the Examples of France and Venice, it would not be too late; and doubtleſs of all Nations, they are moſt worthy to be imitated, though the Eccleſiaſticks are not aſham'd to aſperſe the former with Hereſie, and the other with Atheiſm. But indeed the Prieſts and Pontificians, eſteem none other Chriſtians, but ſuch as believe them to be as they would be believ'd themſelves.

Some there are, who making judgement of things from their outward appearances, do imagine the Spaniard much more Zealous for the Catholick Religion, than the French: but they are certainly miſtaken, for that zeal the Spaniard pretends to the Apoſtolick Chair, and the Service of the Church, is but a Copy of his Countenance, and rather the formal reſult of his Policy and Intereſt, than an ingenuous effect of his piety and Devotion. The Spaniards have indeed a great Reverence for the Pope, but none at all for the Church; The French have much for the Church, but little for the Pope; for which reaſon, the Popes look upon the Spaniards as Saints for being on their ſide, and on the French as Devils for being on Gods.

And this Influence and Authority of the Popes over the Conſciences of the Spaniard, (beſides a natural animoſity that is betwixt them) is a great impediment to their Union in Religion: the Spaniards (as it were in a Bridle) are manag'd by the Pope; but the French keep cloſe to their Gallican Church.

Others there are, that think the Conſcience of the Venetian of the largeſt ſize, but for what reaſon? Becauſe in their Dominions, they will not ſuffer the Prieſthood to Uſurp that unlimited and irregular power they exerciſe with ſo much detriment to the Soveraignty of Princes in other States; and indeed what mieſeries, what calamities, do we ſee dayly ſpring up in Chriſtendome by their [...]ars? what anxieties and perturbation in peoples minds? and yet becauſe the Venetian diſtinguiſhes betwixt Gods Service and the Popes, betwixt the power of Princes, and the power of the Church, betwixt Spiritual things and Temporal, they are aſpers'd with largeneſs of Conſcience. But would to God that Zeal and Sincerity for Religion that raigns in the hearts of that Senate, raign'd alſo in the Courts of all other Princes in Chriſtendome, and doubtleſs their affairs would have better ſucceſs.

Some few years ſince, it was my fortune to Travel upon the Road with two Roman Abbots, one of them, after ſeveral other diſcourſes, happen'd to fall upon the Authority of the Pope, and to declare what great power God Almighty had given him over all people in the world. I (who Travell'd on purpoſe to make obſervation of the proceedings of the Eccleſiaſticks, and of the Juriſdiction every where, but eſpecially in ſome principalities of Italy, to the prejudice of Princes) was very glad of the occaſion, as hoping thereby to receive ſome matter for my pen. It is the cuſtom of the Italians, to conſtrain and reſerve themſelves as much as poſſibly, and keep their opinions cloſe from the reſt of the world: but it is my humour on the other ſide, to ſpeak freely what I think, and to write all I know, whether it be good or bad; which, though they look upon as imprudence, I cannot diſlike. However, with theſe Abbots, I thought it beſt to conceal my own, and attend an opportunity of diſcovering their Judgements. At laſt, one of the Abbots took occaſion very ſeriouſly to bewayl the extravagant liberty, which the French and the Venetian aſſumed, concluding, that were it not for the repugnancie of [Page] theſe two States, the Pope would be abſolute Monarch of the whole World; or at leaſt the greateſt Prince would fear the cenſure of the ſmalleſt Prieſt; whereas by obſerving how little the French and the Venetian regard the Authority of the Church, all others, in like manner, deſpiſe the ſolemneſt Excommunication, though from the Pope himſelf.

Being always delighted to hear other men ſpeak, I made him no anſwer at all, thereby in a manner inticing him to proceed in his diſcourſe; but, when he came to complain heavily of the French and Venetian for ſuffering Stationers to Print and Vend books frequently in their Dominions, ſo much to the prejudice of the Pontifical Authority, I could not forbear giving him this anſwer; Dear Sir, ſhall it be lawfull for the Pope to cauſe to be printed ſo many thouſand books at Rome in favour of his own Authority, and in prejudice of the Supremacy and Majesty of Princes, and ſhall it be unlawful for Princes to permit the reading of ſuch books as are written in the defence of their falling Authority, and in diminution of the Papal? The Abbot reply'd, with the paſſion and inſolence of a Prieſt, That Princes could not in Conſcience challenge their Authority, but from the Pope's bleſſing and benignity, who, as Chriſt's Vicar upon Earth, has power to dispoſe of all things in this world which are beſtow'd by Heaven; whence Princes are ſtyled Sons, and the Pope Father, becauſe as a Father, he gives them their patrimony. But this, by your leave, is a miſtake reply'd I. True it is, Princes are Sons of the Church indeed, but not of the Pope: and they are oblig'd to defend that Church which is their Mother, but not that Pope who is their Enemy. The Goods of this world do indeed belong unto the Lord, but not at all to the Pope, who by pretending to a Ʋniverſal Dominion, is ſo far from being Chriſts Vicar, that he goes contrary to the Doctrine of our Saviour, who (beſides the command he has left us to render unto Caeſar the things that are Caeſars) has declared that his Kingdom is not of this world, and how then could the Pope, who is but his Vicar, confer, or take away, any Kingdoms here.

That which netled the Abbot moſt, was, my calling the Pope an Enemy to Princes, to which he anſwered, And why an Enemy, I pray you? I reply'd, may not he too properly be call'd my Enemy that ſeeks to rob me of my birth-right. When Chriſt came down from Heaven for the Redemption of man-kind, he acknowledg'd with his own moſt holy Lipps, that he came not to deſtroy the Law, but to fulfil it. Now that Kings and Princes have been been alwayes acknowledg'd as Gods Miniſters by the people, there are a thouſand places of Scripture that prove, whereas the Popes can hardly produce one Text to confirm that Authority they challenge over Princes. And to speak impartially, and without intereſt, what reaſon have the Romaniſts to withdraw themſelves as they do from their obedience to their Soveraigns? are they more holy than the Apoſtles, are they more zealous than St. Peter, or more politique than St. Paul? Yet theſe who were the founders of Chriſtianity, (as I may ſay) and the propagators of our Faith, paid tribute to Kings, obey'd their Magiſtrates, never enterpris'd any thing without leave of the Governours of places whether they went; and in ſhort, have not only left us their Examples to walk by, but this expreſs praecept and command, That we give Obedience to all powers, for there is no power but from God.

The Abbot was touch'd to the quick, he fix'd his eyes upon me, repeated my words one after another, and gave me ſo many tokens of his indignation, that I was very well ſatisfy'd he could have wiſh'd me in the Inquiſition; however I took no notice, and he thought fit to change the diſcourſe, and I in compliance with him, took occaſion to commend the Countrey through which we travell'd.

By this relation, it is manifeſt what is the principal thing that the Churchmen drives at; namely, the ruine of the Authority of Princes, and the exaltation of the Pope who is their Prince and Supreme.

Nor indeed, can I ſee with what policy (I had almoſt ſaid Conſcience) Princes ſuffer books to be printed and ſold in their Territories, which ſpeak with that liberty, or rather inſolence, in behalf of the Majeſty and Juriſdiction, not only of the Pope, but of all Eccleſiaſticks, againſt their own Soveraignty, and ſuch books as theſe are the great Volume of Sorbou, Bellarmine, Toletus, Diana, Candidus, Palavicino, and the aforeſaid Santerelli, with hundreds of other Eccleſiaſtical Writers, whoſe preferrment depending upon the Church, they are by their own intereſt prompted to ſuch expreſſions, whilſt on the other ſide, they prohibit books which directly offend not the Church they profeſs, [Page] but only the Authority of the Pope, and that too in nothing but what reſpects their incroachments upon the Civil power.

And in this manner, the Juriſdiction of the Pope and the Eccleſiaſticks, and the Majeſty and Soveraignty of Princes, ſtand as it were in a ballance, the Subjects of each party contending with might and main to gain upon the other, and to make their own ſide preponderant: the former endeavour daily to lighten the latter, and 'twere good that the Miniſters of Princes would uſe the like diligence to diminiſh the Papal power, leſt in time it ſwallow up both Princes and Principalities too.

That the Pope ſhould be Reverenc'd as firſt Miniſter in the Church; That he ſhould be acknowledg'd Superior to the reſt of the Biſhops; That he ſhould be eſteem'd as Chriſts Vicar in Spirituals, and reſpected as Succeſſor to the Apoſtles, I do hold very reaſonable; but that he ſhould impugne the Soveraignty of Princes, juſtifie Rebellion, exempt four pittiful Eccleſiaſticks from Obedience to their Soveraigns, and excite others to the ſame height of diſobedience, is in my judgement intollerable.

St. Peter receiv'd the Keys of Eccleſiaſtical power from the hands of our Saviour, and his office was acknowledg'd independant in Spiritual affairs: Yet whilſt he had the Government of the Church both at Rome and at Antioch, he was impriſon'd, and ſeveral times perſecuted by Temporal Princes, and yet he never threatned any Temporal Miniſter with his Cenſures and Excommunications, all which notwithſtanding, the Popes at preſent do not only make no ſcruple of menacing with their Bulls and Arms the leſſer Princes that are near them, but with their Armies and Excommunications, they have the confidence to infeſt the greateſt Monarchs in Europe, and ſuch as have deſerved very well of the Church.

But the moſt Reverend Caſuiſts of the Church of Rome, will tell me, the Pope may lawfully, and with a good Conſcience, diſpence with the Obedience a Subject owes to his Prince. What, has he Authority to invert the order of Nature? I am certain, he that fears God, will not ſay ſo. When Pope Ʋrban, at the inſtance of his Nephews, Excommunicated Odoardo Farniſe Duke of Parma, a Prince that had deſerv'd very well of the Church, he was not content to interdict him the Sacrament, but he Excommunicated all ſuch as paid him the ordinary obedience and reſpect that was due to him as a Duke; decreeing expreſly, that he ſhould be look'd upon as an Enemy and not as a Prince; by this means ſubverting his Authority, and to the univerſal ſcandal of Chriſtendome, making a Prince a Subject, and his Subjects Princes.

Paul the fifth did no leſs to the Senate of Venice, by the fulminations of his Interdict, pronouncing all people Excommunicate that ſhould any wayes obey them.

All the Hiſtorians, and all the Orators in the world, ſhall never perſwade me that there can be any thing more barbarous and Tyrannical, than to forbid a Subjects Obedience to his Prince, to reſtrain the people from communicating their intereſts to their Prince, to prohibit to a Magiſtrate the protection of his Subjects, to chaſe the Judges from the Throne of Juſtice, to ſhut up the doors of Churches, and give Liberty to Vice, to impriſon Princes, and put their Subjects in confuſion? Oh God, what greater barbarity and injuſtice can be thought of amongſt men, than to bring a State to be without Juſtice, a people without a Prince, and a Prince without a people.

Nero, Heliogabalus, Tarquin, Caligula, and Dioniſius, who were in a manner the Founders and Contrivers of Tyranny, never arriv'd at that perfection of wickedneſs, as to divide betwixt the Subject and his Prince; and yet this Cruelty, which was too great to be practis'd amidſt Barbariſm, is familiar now where Holineſs reigns. And perhaps the Divine providence has order'd that Chriſtians ſhould ſuffer more now in the time of Chriſtianity, than formerly under all the Tyranny and Iniquity of Heatheniſh Ages.

Whence it is, that ſo many Kingdoms have been loſt from the Chriſtian Faith, ſo many Nations have revolted from the Papal Obedience, and ſo many Provinces have deſerted the Roman Church, but from theſe practiſes and actions of the Court of Rome.

The Proteſtants make no ſcruple to deny both the Spiritual Authority of the Pope, and his Temporal too; and for what reaſon, but becauſe they obſerve with what audacity and arrogance, under pretence of his Spiritual power, he Uſurps upon the Temporal, as if Chriſt had given him Spiritual Dominion for nothing elſe but the ſubverſion of [Page] the Civil. Though, for my part, I am far enough from thinking as they do.

It is one thing to obey the Pope as he would be obey'd, that is, as head of the Church, and 'tis another thing to obey him as a Miniſter of Chriſts Flock, as ſober people account him. I can allow him to be Chriſts Miniſter, but not head of the Church; as a Paſtor like other Paſtors, I can own him, as Superior to others, I cannot; as one of thoſe that are choſen to guide and direct the Flock of Chriſt, I allow him, but as pretending to the principal Government of all, I reject him.

And in this point it concerns all Chriſtian Princes to be exceeding watchfull, to prevent ill conſequences that may follow; for ſhould the Chriſtian Princes acknowledge him head of the Church, he would inferr moſt logically that his Excommunications are Lawfull; arguing, that if the Princes be Members of the Church only, and the Pope the Head, the Members are naturally to receive their Nouriſhment, Life, Motion, and Orders from the Pope, as Head.

I deſire to be inform'd by the Grave Aſſertors of that Doctrine, if the Pope be Head, what place Chriſt ha's in the Church? If the Church conſiſts only of Members and Head, if the Faithfull be the one, and the Pope the other, there is no room at all left for our Saviour. In my judgement, it would be more modeſt in the Pope to give place, or at leaſt not to uſurp, and raviſh as it were, Chriſt's prerogative out of his hands, but to content himſelf to be one of the principal Members of the Church; and certainly, his ſo doing, would be a great means to multiply the number of his Flock, many having left him, for no other reaſon, than leſt they ſhould be forc'd to give to him that is but Man, the Adoration that is due only to God.

The greater part of the Roman Divines, eſpecially thoſe that pretend to any preferment or Prelacy, uſe but drolling and impertinence in their Arguments in this matter, and maintain what is contrary to their own judgements, for proof whereof, I ſhall by the way inſert one Example.

A few months ſince, it was my fortune to meet a Dominican Frier, of a very grave Aſpect like a Divine, as indeed he was; we fell at firſt into diſcourſe of general matters, after which I had an opportunity, as I deſir'd, to queſtion with him a little about the Eſſence and Prerogative of the Pope.

The Frier fail'd not to defend the Papacy with the uſual Arguments of Rome, which are already common throughout the world; denying my propoſitions, and rayling with all the liberty that might be againſt the Authority of Princes. But above all, he inſiſted that the Pope was unqueſtionably the lawfull and confeſt Vicar of Chriſt, and Head of the Church: urging often, that without this belief, there could be no Salvation in the Chriſtian Church. I (who by Natural Inſtinct am inclin'd to take part with the Intereſt of Princes, as ſupported by the moſt rational Arguments) deſir'd with all reaſonable reſpect (however he was tranſported) that he would pleaſe to inform me what part Kings repreſented in the Church, ſeeing the Pope was the Head? The Frier was ingenuous, and told me, that Secular Princes might lawfully pretend to be chief Members of the Church, provided they ſubmitted themſelves to the Pope as Head, from whence they were to receive their neceſſary Nouriſhment, otherwiſe they were to be look'd upon as Members, ampulated and divided from the Body, and as ſuch, they might eaſily be excommunicated, and rejected by the Head.

This the good Father moſt civilly did aſſert, to which, I as civilly reply'd, that I deſir'd to know, If the Pope were Head, and the Princes Members, according to his opinion, what place Chriſt was to have? For if the Pope and Princes take up all, there will remain nothing for our Saviour.

The truth is, his whole diſcourſe appearing but rayllery, I made him this queſtion in jeſt. He reply'd with the greateſt Sobriety he was able, that Chriſt repreſented the whole Body of the Church, whilſt the Head and the Members ſtand in ſuch Union with this Body, that it was impoſſible to offend any of the parts, without offending the whole body. When he had thus given me his judgement, I was oblig'd neceſſarily to reply to him thus, Reverend Father, I grant what you ſay; but if Chriſt be the Body of the Church, the Pope the Head, and Princes the Members, then Princes may with good reaſon be call'd Members of Chriſt, but not Members of the Pope; becauſe if the Pope [Page] be Head, he is then but a ſingle Member of the Body: and for that reaſon Princes are not Members of the Head, which is a part of the Body, but Members of that Body which nouriſhes without difference both the Head and the Members. Now if the Pope who is Head, receive his Being from the Body, which is Chriſt; ſo the Princes who are Members, depend directly upon Chriſt who is the Body, and not upon the Pope who is the Head, Chriſt being the Body, and not the Pope, who pretends to be Head. And if ſo, what has the Pope to do to command, or to dilacerate the Members of this Body, to cut them off with his Excommunications; or to diſ-member them with their Interdicts?

The good Father ſticking cloſe to the Pope ſtill, made me a long diſcourſe for an Anſwer, alleging reaſonleſs reaſons the Story of Nebuchadnezzars Statue, whoſe Head was of Gold, the Body of Silver, and the Feet of Clay. He apply'd this Viſion to the Antitype of the Chriſtian Church, or rather of the Church of Rome, by declaring that the Trunck or Body of the Statue, repreſented our Saviour, the Head the Pope, and the Princes the Feet, without allowing any part to the people.

I was amaz'd at the Fathers Anſwer, I began to ſuſpect him a much greater fool than I thought him at firſt, for urging ſo ridiculous a compariſon, ſo that ſmiling, rather than in good earneſt, I ſubjoyn'd, I do not wonder ſo much, moſt Reverend Father, that Princes ſhould be the Feet of Clay to that Body of Silver, but it aſtoniſhes me to think that Chriſt ſhould be that Body of Silver, and the Pope the Head of Gold, leſt becauſe from hence may Arguments prejudicial to the Deity be drawn, and I fear your Fatherhood may believe, that as Gold is of greater value than Silver, ſo the Pope typifi'd by Gold, is more eſtimable than our Saviour, whom you denote by Silver.

The good Father was ſomewhat ſurpriz'd, and continu'd a while in a pauſe, as deliberating whether to deny or grant this inference, during which ſilence, it came into my head to ask him, how he would diſpoſe of the people? for ſeeing that in the Statue which figur'd the Church he would have the Pope the Head, and the Princes the Members, there was nothing left for them at all? He reply'd haſtily, that the people were Members of the Church alſo, as well as the Princes. How, reply'd I, (though I know that we are all Members of Chriſt, with whom there is no reſpect of perſons) is the moſt vile and abject man in the world of as great eſteem in the Church as the greateſt Monarch? The good Father, as if he had recollected himſelf, and found out a moſt profound way of ſatisfying the Quaere, return'd this anſwer, That the people were not the Members of the Church's body figur'd by Nebuchadnezzars Statue, as he had ſaid before, but the Guts rather, as he had found upon ſecond thoughts.

This Anſwer, ſet three or four Proteſtants that were in my Company, and had heard our diſcourſe, into a great laughter, which indeed it deſerv'd, and I my ſelf having had my ſhare, [...]ook my leave, as perceiving him fuller of ſmoak than of meat, and indeed I entred into that Dialogue only to paſs away the time, and take off the tediouſneſs of the way.

But I have been too long in this digreſſion; to return therefore where I left, I muſt needs aſſert, that almoſt all the diſcourſes of all the Roman Divines, are altogether of the ſame ſtrein, and deliver'd almoſt in the very ſame words upon all occaſions; for in hopes of a Cardinals Cap, or ſome other preferment from the Pope, they all conſpire to advance his Prerogative, contrary to the intereſt of Temporal Princes, whoſe cauſe is ſo clear, that the whole world wonders it could ever be brought in queſtion.

To what miſery are poor Princes brought, who not only lye at the mercy of the Pope, chief Sheepherd of Chriſt's Flock, and his Vicar General upon Earth, but are inſlav'd and proſtituted to the caprichio and fantaſtical humour of every pedantick Theologer, who undertakes to aſſaſſinate their rights of Soveraignty. Nor are the Popes indeed ſo much to be blam'd by Princes as the Theologers, and themſelves; the Theologers, in that they dare infuſe ſuch principles of ambition into the Hearts of Popes, which otherwiſe, perhaps they had never been inclin'd to. And themſelves, for admitting without any conſideration, ſuch Books, and ſuch Divines, into their Dominions, as diffuſe Doctrines into the people, utterly deſtructive to their Soveraignty.

Nor can I imagine how Princes are able to endure ſo many Bulls, Decrees, Writs, and Ordinances to be paſted up dayly at every corner of their Streets, and ſo many books [Page] to be printed and publiſh'd expreſly againſt their Supremacy; neither can I on the other ſide conceive, why the Pope ſhould ſuffer himſelf to be flatter'd by his Divines, to the perpetual diſturbance of all the Princes of Chriſtendome, by the intrenchment their diſcourſes and writings make upon their Soveraignty.

How deplorable a thing is it, and almoſt above the patience of a Saint; to ſee a Prince, though never ſo good, never ſo holy, and never ſo innocent, Excommunicated by a Pope perhaps a thouſand times more wicked and perverſe, who nevertheleſs cannot be Excommunicated by any other. That is ſhould be lawfull for the Pope to inhibit the Subjects converſation with his Prince, though never ſo worthy, and no body ſhould have power to prohibit Subjects converſing with the Pope, though never ſo bad. I remember, being in diſcourſe with a great Churchman of Spolito about ten years ſince, he told me, That the Pope had not only an Arbitrary Power of Excommunicating what Princes he pleas'd without any occaſion, but that his Authority was ſo great, that he could fetch a Saint out of Paradice, if he thought good, and cast him headlong into Hell. I gave him no anſwer, but ſmil'd to my ſelf, and wiſh'd him in Paradice, and ſome Pope his Enemy, who might remove his Quarters for him, and give him the gentle toſs to the Devil.

For theſe two laſt Ages eſpecially, there have been Barbarous, Tyrannical, Cruel, Scandalous, and Laſcivious Popes in the Church of God, that flea'd and devour'd this Flock, inſtead of nouriſhing and preſerving them. Yet the people were conſtrain'd, not only to obey and converſe with them, but upon their very knees to adore them. Yet during this time, even ſuch Popes have taken the liberty to Excommunicate Princes motu proprio, to interdict the people, to ſuſpend the proceeding of Courts, to forbid Commerce, and in ſhort, to form a new Scheme of Government, rendring the people without a Prince, and the Prince without a people; than which, if a greater Calamity can befall any Nation, let the world judge. In reſpect therefore of theſe manner of peoceedings with Chriſtian Princes, it is obvious that the Subjects in the Dominions of the Church, have better times of it, and injoy more privileges, than Temporal Princes themſelves do; for theſe, though born to command, rather than to obey, may fall under the diſpleaſure of ſome capricious Pope, be Excommunicated, and deprived of the Obedience of their Subjects, as Odoardo Duke of Parma, was for not condeſcending to the humour of the Barbarini; whereas the Popes Subjects know no ſuch matter. Becauſe, though the Pope may diſpenſe with the Obedience of other Princes Subjects, yet 'tis not to be imagin'd he is ſo fooliſh as to Excommunicate himſelf, and diſcharge his own Subjects from their Allegiance.

Pope Alexander the ſixth, whoſe memory is ſcandalous to the Church to this day, Tyrannis'd over the people at his pleaſure, took delight to threaten his Neighbour Princes, and clapt ſeveral great Prelats in priſon, and all to ſatisfie the impetuoſity of his Revenge, and took away the Jewels and Plate from the Altars to inrich his Baſtards, ſo that thoſe miſerable poor Romans that liv'd in the time of Nero, and ſeem'd born for nothing, but to ſee their own Bowels pull'd out by their Governours, were not under half that affliction that the Church was under in the time of this Pope.

The Cryes of the people for the innumerable Extortions and Oppreſſions that were committed upon them, and the Tears and Compaſſionate Groans that were heard for the Expulſion of Juſtice and Equity, were enough to have melted and wrought pity in the very Marble it ſelf. But alas! are there ſuch great Iniquities committed, and ſhall no puniſhment follow? Shall the Pope ſatisfie the Exorbitance of his nature in the deſtruction of the people, and no remedy? 'tis too true. Is there no Temporal Prince that will appear, for the Glory of God, for the Honour of the Church, and for the Intereſt of the Saints? Fye, ſay his Theologers, what againſt the Head of the Church, Chriſts Vicar, and Gods Vicegerent upon Earth? God forbid; he cannot ſin, by virtue of his being Pope (ſo they believe) and thoſe actions that to humane appearance ſeem wicked, are indeed effects of Sanctity in the perſon of Alexander the ſixth, and ſuch like Popes.

A Churchman of Note Travelling in Cardinal Chigi's Train into France, had occaſion one day to diſcourſe with certain Proteſtants of that Kingdom, with whom himſelf introduc'd a diſpute about the power and impeccability of the Pope. The Proteſtants [Page] declin'd it as much as they could, knowing very well it could not be done without exaſperating the Churchman, but at laſt being preſs'd on all ſides, they were oblig'd to ſay ſomething againſt the Churchman's poſitions, which were, that the Pope could not be deceived, nor err in any matter whatſoever, to the publick prejudice of Chriſtianity; but being unable to oppoſe the numerous examples brought by the Proteſtants, of Popes that had erred, he concluded at laſt, that though the Pope ſhould commit a conſiderable error, or be a Tyrant, yet being Superior to all other people of the world, there was no body had Authority enough to correct him; and therefore, that in ſuch caſes, both Princes and people were to commit that matter to God Almighty, who had the ſole power to chaſtiſe him.

An excellent remedy indeed, and of great Comfort to the Afflicted! If things were to go after this manner, Judges would have no more to do but to pardon the Malefactors, and allege for their excuſe to the people, that God will revenge all in the other world. Chriſt himſelf knew very well the State of the Caſe, and yet he adviſes St. Peter to repent and bewail his offences, not in the next world, but in this, not in the preſence of Angels, but of Men, in the ſight of the Church Militant, and not in the ſight of the Church Triumphant.

What greater injuſtice can the heart of man imagine, than to ſee a wicked Pope Governing the Church ill, the People worſe, but the Princes and Magiſtrates worſt of all, and yet be ſecure and uncapable of Correction, not enduring the leaſt injury himſelf, and yet committing all inſufferable outrages upon others, crying up his own wicked actions as Sanctify'd and good, and decrying other peoples good actions as unholy?

Whoever will but reflect upon the Excommunication publiſh'd againſt the State of Venice, and the Duke of Parma, and the Commonwealth of Lucca, will without doubt find them full of nothing but carnal paſſion.

The Venetians were Excommunicated by Paul the fifth, for zealouſly preſerving their antient privileges pertaining to them both by Humane and Divine right, and ratified by ſo many Emperors and Popes; but that which is the principal remark is, that Paul the fifth, who went about to deſtroy the ſaid privileges, was a great hater of this Commonwealth, although it had deſerv'd ſo well of the Church, ſo that his actions towards them were not like thoſe of a Father, but of a particular and profeſs'd Enemy.

The Commonwealth of Lucca's caſe was no better; I may ſay indeed, it was worſe: for where the Popes find weaker reſiſtance, they lay'd about them ſo impetuouſly that they reſemble Furies; as the poor Lucceſſes experienc'd, who were forc'd to defend themſelves againſt the Rage which Ʋrban the 8. had conceiv'd againſt them, for no other reaſon, but for taking the courage to chaſtiſe the inſolences of ſome Prieſts, who under pretence of being exempt from the Juriſdiction of that Commonwealth, had committed more Villanies than they had ſaid Maſſes in their lives.

But all this is nothing in reſpect of Barbarini's uſage of Odoardo Farniſe Duke of Parma, whom he Excommunicated, Interdicted, Declar'd an Apoſtate from the Church, and Depriv'd of his Dutchy, and for what reaſon? Marry, becauſe the Duke did not as he paſt from Capraruola to Rome to ſee the Pope, give a viſit to Donna Anna Barbarina, Wife of Don Tadco his Nephew (who had a great ambition to ſee him at her houſe) which his Highneſs for ſome reaſons did not judge convenient at that time. And this was the true occaſion which the Barbarini took to perſecute the Duke, and ſtill to this day they ſwear they will be reveng'd of him. This was the original of the Eccleſiaſtical Excommunications, and this is the manner of the Popes proceedings with Princes; let the world judge whether they can deal worſe with their Slaves.

It were indeed to be wiſh'd, that Princes would alwayes ſeek occaſions to teſtifie to the world the great reſpect they bear to the viſible Head of the Catholics Church; were it not that experiences teaches them, that the Popes exaltation to St. Peters Chair, or rather the transfiguration of a Man into a Pope, does not extinguiſh all humane paſſions, nor quench that fire of ambition and revenge, which is wont to conſume even Holyneſs it ſelf, much more in thoſe perſons that borrow only the title of Holyneſs, moſt of whoſe actions are very contrary to that quality.

Upon very good grounds therefore, and for good reaſons of State, are the Princes [Page] oblig'd to diſtinguiſh betwixt the effects of the Popes power, and thoſe of his paſſion, and not confound and mingle as the Popes would fain have them, Divine things with Humane, Spiritual with Temporal, the Church with the World, the Gown with the Sword, and Prieſts with Princes.

I could wiſh that the Princes would receive theſe Orders, Bulls, and Decrees of the Pope, which reſpect the Edification of the Church, and the Salvation of the people, with all Reverence and Submiſſion, but not that they proſtitute and debaſe themſelves to the pleaſure and humors of the Pope in matters conducting to their honor, and to the conſervation of their Temporal Majeſty, which the Popes with all diligence endeavour to deſtroy.

As the Popes are St. Peters Succeſſors (though like nothing leſs than St. Peter) and as they are Shepherds of the Flock of Chriſt, (though they have nothing of Shepherds but the Sheers to clip) and as they are indued with a great Dignity and Character, it is fit they ſhould be honoured by Princes. But I would not have them forget that the Election of a Pope is made by the Cardinals, who are but men, and ſwayed too by a thouſand worldly intereſts and deſigns; there being ſcarce a perſon, not only in Italy, but in the whole world, that is ignorant of the intrigues and canvaſings in the Conclave; ſo that that Sentence of the Apoſtle St. Paul is fit to be remembred, as in a manner expreſly intended for inſtruction of Princes, Omnis Pontifex ex hominibus aſſumptus, circumdatus eſt infirmitate.

I think it fit that Princes ſhould own and acknowledge the good actions of the Popes before the people, but 'tis fit too that they take notice of their wicked actions, which the people perhaps imagine to be good; according to St. Leo's judgement, That 'tis not enough to oblige the Faithfull to reſpect the Pope as lawfull Succeſſor of St. Peter, but the Succeſſor of St. Peter ſhould indeavour to imitate the good works of St. Peter, as his works of juſtice and piety, to the end they may be really ſtyl'd his true and lawfull Succeſſors: Manet Petri privilegium quoties ex ejus aequitate fertur judicium.

I would know whether any Court of Juſtice in Chriſtendom, or elſewhere, would declare a man Heir, without obliging him to perform the duties, and diſcharge the debts of the Inheritance. Certainly I think not; becauſe Juſtice requires alwayes that the Heir be charg'd with the debts upon the Eſtate, otherwiſe he is to be excluded, and the Inheritance divided amongſt the Creditors.

But this Law ſeems to be repeal'd at Rome; the Pope can be contented with St. Peters Inheritance, but he is unwilling to be declar'd Heir to thoſe duties and obligations which the ſaid St. Peter has left upon him to the Church: he can be content to be own'd his Succeſſor, but 'tis in what only relates to the Authority, Majeſty, and Juriſdiction of the Church, and to the power of opening and ſhutting the Gates of Paradice which St. Peter had; but with this difference, that the Apoſtle refus'd to admit thoſe that offer'd mony for the power of working Miracles, whereas the Pope does nothing without ready mony.

In ſhort, the Popes boaſt themſelves Heirs of what is profitable and beneficial, but as to debts, obligations, and incumbent charges, they ſpeak not a word, theſe things are not comprehended in the Inheritance: Do the Popes pay Tribute to Temporal Princes as St. Peter did? Not a penny; they receiv'd not the Inheritance forſooth, upon ſuch terms. Do they pay that reſpect to Princes which St. Peter did? No, they are not his Heirs in this point. Do they comport themſelves with St. Peters zeal and humility? No. Do they leave the Government of the people in Temporals to their Princes as St. Peter did? No, by no means; theſe are too great burdens and incumbrances for Popes, who would rather renounce the whole Sacred inheritance, than charge themſelves with any ſuch obligations. 'Tis ſufficient for them, that they are called Chriſts Vicars, and that they hold the Keys faſt in their hand, which they ſay our Saviour gave to St. Peter, with power to diſpoſe of them at his death as he pleas'd.

Many times have I been ruminating of the great difference betwixt the primitive and the preſent Church. Nowadayes there is nothing but Threats, Sword, War, Extortion, Theft, Luxury, Blaſphemy, Scandal, Malice, and Enmities. On the contrary, in the primitive times, nothing was ſeen but Martyrs and Saints, whoſe blood, ſhed in defence [Page] of their Faith, made Rivulets in the Streets; no diſcourſe was heard then, but of Miracles, of the Croſs, and of Edification; nothing was regarded, but good examples, nothing thought of, but faſting and praying, and holineſs of life.

In thoſe dayes, great reverence was given to the Sacerdotal Function, becauſe their Prieſts were pious, and of very good lives. In theſe dayes, it is undervalued and deſpis'd, becauſe the Prieſts are Devils (I ſpeak with exception of the good.) In thoſe dayes, when they ſaw the Croſs of Chriſt wav'd gently over their heads by the hand of the Pope, they proſtrated themſelves reverently in his preſence; but now they are forc'd to kneel, becauſe they ſee a menacing Sword in the Popes hands. It was then the care of Chriſts Vicars, to win the Secular Princes, and work themſelves into their affections by their good Deeds; now their deſign is nothing, but to be fear'd by Princes for their threats. Then they affected and endeavour'd peace and friendſhip amongſt Chriſtian Princes; but now they are grown Martial, and think of nothing but War. Then they were ſo devoted to the Service of the Altar, that they took no care of their kindred, whom they kept at diſtance from the Vatican; but now are ſo wholly addicted to the advancement of their families, that they never think of the Altar. Then they were meek and humble; now proud and imperious. It was their glory then to adminiſter the Sacrament with their own hands; now they will ſcarce vouchſafe to have it taken in their preſence. Then they had golden Conſciences and wooden Walls; but now they have wooden Conſciences and golden Walls. Laſtly, Then their Arithmetick was imploy'd in reckoning up the Miracles and good Actions of the Saints; and now 'tis of no other uſe, but to count out their Money to their Kindred.

A difference ſo great and deplorable, 'tis enough to force tears from the eyes of all the faithfull that conſider it.

But why do not the Popes at this day work Miracles? Why do not they practice that holy and ſevere way of living which they did formerly? or why have they laid aſide thoſe rules that conduce ſo much to the edification of the Church? It will be anſwer'd perhaps, that in thoſe dayes, Miracles were neceſſary for the eſtabliſhment of the Church, but that being now eſtabliſh'd, there needs nothing but Faith for its conſervation; but this is meer equivocation, and a gilding of Pills to diſguiſe their bitterneſs. If in the Infancy of the Church there was need of Holy men to eſtabliſh it, there is as great need now of Miracles to reform it; and this opinion of mine, is founded upon the opinion of certain of the H. Fathers, who aſſert the Converſion of one Sinner, to be a greater Miracle than the Creation of the whole World, becauſe there is more difficulty in the Converſion of an old Sinner, than in the Creation of a new Man.

And from whence is it that this vaſt difference proceeds? I know not, unleſs that the Popes minds are ſo taken up in the enjoyment of their unmeaſurable wealth, they have no leiſure to look over the ſufferings of their Predeceſſors, or to conſider the benefit thoſe holy men brought to Chriſtianity by their Mortifications, and the injury themſelves bring to it, by their Luxury and exceſs.

Can it poſſibly be believ'd, that the Holy Spirit ſhould not have that influence in the creation and guiding of the Modern Popes, as it had formerly upon the Antient? But Experience tells us, that the nature of Popes being now changed, they are contented to dye Martyrs of their own paſſions, rather than to live triumphantly with Chriſt; ſo frequently are intereſts of this world preferr'd by them, before thoſe of Heaven and the Church.

Some there are, who believe that Miracles are not ceas'd, but the Modern Popes thinking that which was the glory of their Predeceſſors, their ſhame, will not trouble themſelves to perform them. Others are of opinion, that our Saviour has taken away that power from them, leſt they ſhould fall into the temptation of Lucifer and Adam, and the addition of Sanctity of life to the title of Gods Vicegerent, ſhould induce the people to pay them the adoration of a Deity. And others believe, that the Popes cannot do Miracles, becauſe their Nephews hinder them.

I am of opinion contrary to all theſe, that the ſame Spirit that govern'd and directed Popes heretofore, ſtill guides, and will guide them to the end of the world. I am perſwaded they are no ſooner in the Vatican, but they are prick'd forward, and inſtimulated [Page] to good deeds by the Divine Spirit, their hearts cleanſed from bad thoughts, and impregnated with an affection to the Church of Chriſt.

In ſhort, I hold it as an Article of my Faith, that the Popes are not the primary Authors of thoſe Scandals and Controverſies that fall out daily betwixt the Temporal Princes, and the Popes who are holy men, nor yet of any of the Calamities of the Church; but rather thoſe Churchmen who are Devils; it being moſt true, that the Popes ſin ſo farr as the good Eccleſiaſticks make them ſin, by putting thoughts into their heads which otherwiſe had never come there.

But who are thoſe audacious Eccleſiaſticks that dare to put ill thoughts into the heart of his Holineſs? What Devil poſſeſſes them with ſuch wicked deſigns? What Malignant Star is it that guides them? what Land that bears, what Heaven that nouriſhes them; Let them be known, let them be diſcover'd, that the eyes of the Faithfull be blinded no longer.

And yet indeed in ſome reſpects they are to be excus'd; 'tis contrary to their intention if they do any hurt; they ſin by ſtriving to do too well; 'tis their great zeal to the Church and the Pope, that makes them ill ſervants to both: They are like the Ape that hugs and imbraces what it loves, ſo hard, that it many times kills with its kindneſs; and I am afraid one day they will bring an old houſe over their heads. But you will ask who theſe are? The Divines. What Divines? Thoſe Divines, who being Partiſans of the Court of Rome, employ a thouſand Artifices for the depreſſion of Secular Authority, and elevation of the Papal. Whence in hopes of a Cardinals Cap, will with great impudence maintain that the Pope is not only infallible, but alſo impeccable. This is the Source of all the miſchief and Hereſie in the Church; hence proceeds the ſorrow of Chriſtians, the failing of Miracles, and the Scandal of the See of Rome.

In the Primitive dayes, when there were no ſuch Doctors, but ſuch whoſe buſineſs was to correct, not to flatter the Governours of the Church in their iniquities, holineſs flouriſh'd, miracles were frequent, zeal and ſincerity was alwayes in the Hearts, mortification in the Countenances, and edification in the Mouths of the Saints. Piety was ſhowr'd as it were from Heaven, and perfum'd the Altars in the Churches, whilſt the Prieſts by their good lives, won over the people to Devotion.

Thoſe Popes that were inwardly holy, forbore not to confeſs themſelves Sinners publickly, and becauſe thoſe Divines that writ then as with pens from Heaven, did not aſcribe to them that outward appellation holineſs, they endeavour'd to attain inward holineſs by Mortifications and Sackcloth, and all imaginable ſubduing themſelves, leſt (as the Apoſtle admoniſhes his followers) preaching to others, they themſelves ſhould become caſt away.

Thoſe Primitive Popes were in ſuch fear of erring, that they undertook not any buſineſs of importance, but after long faſting, and ſevere pennance; they willingly follow'd the advice of the moſt pious Prelats, and ſubmitted with humility to the judgements of ſuch as had more zeal in their hearts, than honey in their tongues. They gave ear always with ſo great attention of mind, that by-ſtanders conceiv'd them rapp'd into an exſtaſie, but not to ſuch as flatter'd them with panegiricks, or tickled them with ſtories of the peoples applauſe; not to ſuch as cry'd up the grandeur of their charge, the holineſs of their lives, and happineſs of the people, in being under ſuch holy Paſtors; not to ſuch as ſtrein'd their wits for far-fetch'd adulations to tickle their ears, looſing themſelves ſome times in magnifications of their virtues, as falſe as tedious.

Such as theſe, were not ſuffer'd in Rome, were not receiv'd into the Vatican, were not admitted into the preſence of the Pope, but were chaſed from the Court, baniſh'd from the Church, ſuſpended from the Miniſtry, and depriv'd of their Prieſthood; and why? Becauſe the Popes in thoſe dayes being holy as David, would not hearken to any of their Doctors, but ſuch as were like the Prophet, who dar'd to rebuke iniquity even in David himſelf.

They would ſit whole dayes together in the Chair of St. Peter hearing ſuch Divines, Ambaſſadors, and Miniſters, as with tears in their eyes recounted the miſeries of the people, the afflictions of the Faithfull, the neceſſities of the Church, the ill adminiſtration of Officers, the irreverence of Prieſts, the ſcandals of Prelats, and the little care which Churchmen took of the Service of God.

[Page]Oh! What effect did theſe complaints work in the hearts of the Popes in thoſe times? With what haſt would they apply themſelves to the finding a remedy? How they would embrace thoſe that gave them ſuch informations, and with what ardour and zeal would they implore the Divine aſſiſtance?

How bleſſed a ſight was it to ſee Criminals reverently fall upon their knees in the preſence of thoſe Popes that reprehended them? And what heart could be ſo ſtony as not to melt at their pious and humble admonitions? They did not threaten, but imbrace Offendors; and if they threatned, their threats awaken'd repentance, as being affectionate and void of worldly deſign. When thoſe Popes admoniſh'd Sinners, they did it not to revile them with reproachfull and injurious language; but acknowledging that themſelves alſo had their frailties, and were ſubject to errors as other men, ſaid, We are all Sinners, not, you are all Sinners. Our fleſh is lyable to Sin, we are not Angels but Men: with which meek and humble expreſſions, they wrought themſelves firſt into the hearts of Sinners, and afterwards apply'd all fitting remedies to their condition.

Such was the holy Church in the Primitive times, ſuch were the Popes; whoſe piety was a great cauſe of miracles being ſo frequent, and of the univerſal holineſs of that age. But now let us ſee the difference of times, and the reaſons why no Popes do miracles now adayes, nor holy men ſhine any longer in the Church.

God forgive thoſe Divines that have been the chief occaſion of that loſs to the Church. Before the Divines turn'd Paraſites, the Popes were holy, but they became Devils after the Court of Rome was once fill'd with thoſe Virmin, who are become the very Plague of all Chriſtendome.

Let us ask thoſe Courtiers, that from Sun riſing, to Sun ſetting, walk up and down in the publick Chambers of the Pontifical Palace, expecting, when by the favour of the Nephews, a Cardinals Cap ſhould fall upon ſome of their alwayes uncover'd heads. They can tell us, if they pleaſe, and give us a liſt of what perſons are admitted now adays into Eccleſiaſtical charges, and who have the moſt familiar and frequent acceſs to the Pope's preſence: which if they would do, I am confident the Faithfull would be no longer at a loſs in ſeeking the cauſe of the ceſſation of miracles, provided thoſe perſons would be exact in relating the truth.

Miracles! From whence ſhould they come, if Sanctity be baniſh'd from Rome, and the Popes follow not thoſe excellent examples that were left them by their Predeceſſors? In the Vatican, there is now nobody to be ſeen, but people crowding in with their offerings, and full of hopes of obtaining thoſe dignities by their mony, which they could never have expected from their merits, whilſt out of the City Gates are to be ſeen melancholly and afflicted troops of the beſt deſerving perſons unprovided for, the places which they had merited, being given to the unworthy Simoniacks.

Miracles! And how ſhould that be, if they who rebuke the iniquities of the ſcandalous are perſecuted to the death, if it be not permitted to any body to put his hand to the Plough, and diſcover the calamities of the people: if the moſt able Preacher be not allowed to reprehend Sin either in the Pope or his Nephews, if iniquity that runs like a Torrent through the Streets of Rome, and the Chambers of the Vatican, muſt be wink'd at, and paſt by, if the wicked muſt be adored, and the holy man deſpiſed, if thoſe muſt be clapt in Priſon, that were worthier to be Judges, if the ignorant be advanc'd, and the learned be baniſh'd, if the Thefts of the Prieſts be more numerous than their Maſſes, and if there be no diſtinction betwixt good and evil.

Miracles! How, whilſt they who come to complain of the hourly oppreſſions of the Popes Miniſters, cannot be admitted into the Gate of the Vatican; if the Cardinals Horſes be fed with more care than the poor of Jeſus Chriſt; if the walls of Churches be left naked to adorn the Palaces of the Nephews; if the Inheritances left by Religious perſons for pious uſes, be imploy'd to buy Principalities to ſatisfie the pomp and pride of the Popes kindred; If the Clergy ſpend more time at Playes and Brothel-houſes, than they do at Church, or at Prayers.

But how would he that ſhould dare to give theſe informations to the Pope, be welcom'd in Rome, with Kindneſs and Love? 'Tis madneſs to imagine it. Chains, Manicles, Priſons, and Fagots, would be the recompence of his Zeal, and his entertainment ſooner with the Hangman, than with the Pope.

[Page]In Rome, in the Vatican, thoſe Divines are well look'd upon that write great Volumes in defence of the infallibility and impeccability of the Pope; that Canonize the actions of his Nephews; that cry up the Glory of his Family to the Skyes, pronouncing him one of the greateſt Monarchs in the World; that inſinuate into his ear the ſatisfaction of the people with his Government, and what neceſſity they had of ſuch a Paſtor; that make compariſons in their writings, and parallels between God and the Pope; with a thouſand other extravagant flatteries, enough to [...]urn the ſtomach of all Religious Men.

Oh how ſweet are theſe notes in the Ears of the Popes! How harmoniouſly do they Eccho within the walls of the Vatican! In this manner are things now carried at Rome; he that doubts it, had beſt go ſee, for my part I am ſatisfy'd with what I have ſeen already. I am no flatterer of that Court, and therefore not like to be ſo welcome, as to take a new Journey. However, I may perhaps do better ſervice to the Church, by blaming and pointing out the Corruptions of its Miniſters, than the falſe Prieſts do with all their Adulation and Oratory.

But whether do my thoughts wander? He who makes the Pope equal with God, may be a favourite of Pope; but he that compares a Prince to the Pope, ſhall be laid by the heels. He which maintains the dignity of a Prince to be inferiour and ſubordinate to a Popes, may be rewarded; but he that ſays Princes are independent, is ſure to be perſecuted. He that aſſerts the Decrees of a Councel to be of more Authority than the Pope's, may be Excommunicated for his pains; but he that affirms all Councels ſubject to the Pope, ſhall receive his Benediction: he that affirms the Popes power to be Monarchical, and depending of God alone, may be a favourite; but he that pronounces him inferiour to the Church, ſhall be ſure to be hated: he that holds the Pope to be infallible, ſhall have a Biſhoprick, whilſt he that holds the other ſide, is ſent a Slave to the Galleys: he that preaches up the Popes power of Excommunicating and depoſing of Kings, ſhall be ſure to be protected from receiving puniſhment from his Prince; but he that ſayes that Doctrine is falſe, ſhall be hang'd in ſpight of the interceſſion of Kings.

Thus you behold the preſent State of Rome, the Corruptions of this Age, the Iniquities in the Church, and the pernicious degeneracy of the Popes. Thoſe very Divines that think to make the Popes holy by declaring them infallible, render them guilty even to their own Conſciences, whilſt the innocent Popes truſting to the flatteries and adulations of theſe Divines, walk on careleſs and inconſiderate of what they do, miſtaking even evil for good.

Pope Sextus the fifth, caus'd the Bible to be printed, and by a very ſevere Bull, requir'd not only that it ſhould be read, but that it ſhould be uſed in perpetuum. In a few years after, Clement the ſeventh ſucceeds him, and with another Bull as rigid as the former, ſuppreſs'd Sextus's Edition, and commanded all the Copyes that could be found, to be burnt in the Inquiſition.

John the two and twentieth, with his own hands writ and publiſh'd, That the Souls of the Saints injoyed not the Beatifical Viſion till after the day of Judgement. This opinion being contrary to the formulary of the Church, and his Holineſs being advis'd of his errour, he diſclaim'd it himſelf, and publiſh'd a Bull (which is at this day to be ſeen in the 15th. Tome of the Eccleſiaſtical Annals) againſt the erroniouſneſs of that Opinion.

Boniface the eight, in that wild and extravagant Bull, which begins, Ʋnam Sanctam, pronounc'd it as one of the principal Articles of Faith, that Kings in Temporals, as well as Spirituals, are abſolutely dependant upon the Pope. But his Succeſſor▪ Clement the fifth, finding the ill effects it had upon the people, revok'd that Bull ſome few years after, as pernicious, and publiſh'd another in favour of the Soveraignty of Princes.

And now let that Reverend Father Diana tell me, (that Diana, who in hope to have been Worſhipp'd like an Idol, hath made himſelf ridiculous by his works, I mean that great Diana that was Examiner of the Biſhops, and took more pains than all of them to defend the impeccability of the Pope) let him tell me, whereas he writes the Pope cannot err; theſe Popes Sextus Quintus, or Clement the ſeventh, Boniface the eighth, or Clement the fifth, did err; it cannot be deny'd but one of them did err, and i [...] that be [Page] clear, why muſt the people be deluded any longer with ſo falſe an opinion? but that which is of moſt importance is, that they deceive the Popes themſelves whom they cry up for Infallible: and of this Innocent the tenth in an inſtance; who when the people complain'd to him of the Oppreſſion and ill Government of his Miniſters, reply'd, That his Officers muſt of neceſſity be just, becauſe he that was infallible, [...]ad choſen them; whereupon the oppreſſed people return'd home, curſing that opinion, and thoſe Divines that had perſwaded them to't.

Paul the fourth was not of that Judgement, for being ſupplicated by a perſon of great quality, in the year 1557. to diſſolve a Contract that had been made by words de preſenti, he refus'd it abſolutely, and declar'd, That his Predeceſſors had many times deceiv'd themſelves in matters of that Nature, but for his part he would not continue in an Errour with the reſt.

Adrian the ſixth, before he was Pope, writ in his fourth Book of Sentences, That the Pope may err even in matters of Faith, by aſſerting of Hereſie either by his particular determination, or by a Decretal, there being really ſeveral Hereticks [...]o be found in the Catalogue of Popes. His words are theſe, Certum eſt quod Romanus Pontefex poſſit errare etiam in his quae longunt fidem, Haereſim per ſuam determinationem aut decretale aſſerendo, plures enim fuere Romani Pontifices Haeretici.

After he was Pope, he order'd his book to be re-printed in the Vatican printing houſe, at the charge of the Church, without expunging the leaſt word of what he had writ before. And being importun'd by the Cardinals, at leaſt to correct that paſſage, as being ſcandalous to the Pontifical Dignity, he reply'd, That it had been alwayes his opinion in the times of other Popes, and he would not be contrary to himſelf.

When Opinions are directly contrary to one another, 'tis impoſſible but one of the parties that maintain them muſt be miſtaken; and of the Roman Popes, there have been many that have acknowledg'd themſelves ſubject to err, and inferior to Counſels, and that for twelve entire Ages together. On the contrary, in theſe laſt Ages, eſpecially for theſe laſt fifty years, they admit not any ſuch thing, but (which is ſtill more abſurd) they maintain the whole body of the Church to be inferior to the Pope, and not the Pope to the Church.

Which of theſe Opinions is the wrong, I leave to the Judicious to determine. Whether they were deceiv'd whoſe aſhes the people do worſhip at this day for their Piety and Devotion, celebrating their memories with Divine Offices, or the other that were ſcarce dead before they were condemn'd by all the World, I leave the very Romaniſts to judge.

And indeed theſe abuſes are ſo great, and ſo frequent, that if the Temporal Princes do not look to themſelves, God knows what will follow, conſidering the temper of the Court of Rome. The Popes never puniſhing any body, but to advantage themſelves, moſt of the Writers to comply with his humour, and multiply their Eſtates, heap privilege upon privilege, title upon title, and authority upon authority. There are notwithſtanding many ſober and ſolid Divines amongſt them, of good principles, and ſuch as abominate this kind of flattery, but they dare not ſpeak their Opinions openly, knowing how vindicative the Court of Rome is. And I believe, did not Secular Princes protect theſe kind of Divines, as the Pope does the other, it would go very ill with the dignity of Princes in a ſhort time.

I do not wonder that the Roman Divines maintain the Popes infallibility at Rome, but I am aſtoniſh'd that they ſhould be allow'd to do it in the Dominions of other Princes, and that to their no ſmall detriment, ſince to permit ſuch books, is in a manner to confirm them; and to confirm the Popes infallibility, is to weaken and diminiſh the Authority of Princes. From whence it will follow, that they muſt patiently ſit down with what injuries any capricious Popes ſhall pleaſe to lay upon them, it being irrational to complain of one they have own'd to be infallible.

About two years ſince, ſome certain Jeſuits diſoblig'd by ſome check which they had receiv'd in Paris about Santarelli's Book, fell publiquely to maintain, before the Kings face, the queſtion of the infallibility and impeccability of the Pope.

The Gallican Divines thought themſelves concern'd for the honor of the Crown, and [Page] conſervation of the antient privileges of their Church, to anſwer them with a moſt juſt and well grounded cenſure, wherewith they rigorouſly condemn'd the Doctrine of the Jeſuits, as too remote from the general Opinion, and of great prejudice to the Soveraignty of Princes.

Pope Alexander the ſeventh, having notice of what paſt, teſtify'd to the moſt Chriſtian King his diſlike of this proceeding. The King recommending the examination of the matter to the wiſdom of the Parliament of Paris, they upon mature deliberation, concluded that the Popes infallibility was not to be admitted in France, as being an innovation and inconſiſtent with the antient privilege of that Church; and therefore they ſaw no reaſon to admit a new opinion known only to ſuch as depended on the Court of Rome, and reject that which was of greater antiquity, and had been own'd by ſo many Religious Popes, which determination ſo netled his Holineſs, that he fell immediately to his Bulls, and with great threatning and curſes, forbad the printing or reading of the above ſaid Cenſures.

Amongſt other Expreſſions in his Bull, there were theſe, Praefatas cenſuras uti praeſumptuo ſas, temerarias, at que ſcandalaſas. It is very well known, that thoſe cenſures were made by the Sorboniſts, by the Kings principal Divines, by the Parliament it ſelf, which is as much as to ſay, by the King himſelf. Notwithſtanding the Pope does not ſpare any revilings, but throws forth peals of invectives indiſcriminately, as if nothing were injurious from a Pope; and this is the reſpect they bear to ſuch Princes as the moſt Chriſtian King, and to ſuch a State as France.

But if the Popes will perſiſt in curſing and reviling of thoſe that take part with Princes, let them not take it ill, if the Princes take ſuch into their protection, as publiſh the Popes injuſtice, and the rights of Princes.

Let the Princes lay aſide all ſcruples, when the Intereſt of their States is in queſtion. The Pope is but a man, and as ſuch may err: let them reſpect, honor, and reverence him, as he does them; and let them ſtand alway upon their guards, eſpecially whilſt he is in amity with them, for 'tis the ordinary practice of the Divines, in ſuch times of tranquility to diſſeminate their Doctrines of Papal infallibility and impeccability, whereof they reap the profit in time of difference: ſo that in all policy they are oblig'd to have a care of the dangerous inſinuations of the Roman Eccleſiaſticks.

Odoardo Farneſe Duke of Parma, whilſt Ʋrban the eight was his friend, condeſcended to all his Holineſs deſired; he gave liberty for the publick preaching up of his infallibility; he gave no refuge or ſhelter to ſuch as writ againſt him; he order'd their books to be burnt, or at leaſt prohibited ſuch as ſpoke ill of Rome, in ſhort he advanc'd the Popes Intereſt, by the diminution of his own; but when afterward they were at variance, he found his errour, and he had much ado to diſintangle himſelf from thoſe troubles which he had created to himſelf.

I am very well ſatisfy'd that the Court of Rome had much rather ſee me a Martyr than a Prophet; otherwiſe I could preſage many things that will fall out unfortunately to the quiet of the Church, if no ſtop be given to that torrent of falſe Doctrine, that overflows not only the brains, but the pens of the Roman Divines.

The Popes indeed do labour to give a remedy to theſe things, but how? by perſecuting and perplexing of ſuch, as by their writings would remedy them: nevertheleſs that remedy they apply (which is neither Chriſtian nor politick) inſtead of doing good, cauſes great hurt both to themſelves, and to the Church; for the pens of the Cenſuriſts, are like the head of Hercules his Hidra; cut one off, and there will ſucceed ſeven in its place, and thoſe much worſe than the former.

To take away this unhappy effect, the beſt way would be to remove the cauſe; The Theologiſt ſhould be forbidden to write ſuch Rodomontads, and not the Cenſuriſts to Cenſure. It were ſtrange if things ſhould by this courſe ſucceed as they deſire and deſign! The Popes would ſuffer no body in Rome to write, but only ſuch as write of their Holineſs, their Majeſty, their Authority, their Infallibility, and their Impeccability. Thoſe on the other ſide, that write in defence of the Juriſdiction and Supremacy of Princes, muſt be baniſh'd, perſecuted, and exterminated; but 'tis to ſmall purpoſe in my judgement; for whilſt the Pope incourages his party to write in his praiſe, the Princes [Page] will not want Aſſertors of their prerogatives, and perhaps in greater numbers than his Holineſs.

If the Roman Theologiſts ſhould go on as they have began, whether would things go? For theſe thirty years, they have added every day new Degrees, new Titles, new Authority, new Soveraignty to the Pope; now thoſe that ſhall come after, obſerving the writings of their Predeceſſors, rewarded either with Abbeys, Biſhopricks, Cardinalſhips, or good Penſions, will in all probability ſet their brains upon the tenters for an invention of enlarging his authority, and not knowing any nearer way, will attempt to take the Soveraignty away from the Temporal Princes, and confer it on the Pope.

A certain Confeſſor I met lately by the City, in a conference I had with him about the Authority of the Pope, told me in theſe very terms, Sir, I believe it as an Article of my Faith that a Pope cannot poſſibly be damned.

I deſir'd his reaſon, with as much reſpect as I could, but he gave me this anſwer only, That many Divines now adayes in Rome did aſſert and write ſo, and likewiſe many of the Faithfull began to believe it.

For my part, I believ'd he ſaid true; and would to God the Jeſuits were not in the way of maintaining this Opinion publiquely every where, it being the higheſt complement they can uſe to him; for if he be not lyable to damnation, by conſequence he is not ſubject to the ſentence which God Almighty ſhall paſs at the laſt day upon the Souls of Mankind. Which Opinion being receiv'd, the Pope is not only exempt from the Cenſures of Counſels, and of the Church, but from the Judgement of God himſelf; and in times to come having gain'd this point, they may perhaps perſwade the people he is Eternal alſo; But I am confident if Princes will gainſay his other pretences, God Almighty will not grant him this of Eternity, reſerv'd as a peculiar attribute, and prerogative to himſelf.

But I hope the prudence of the Popes will not ſuffer them to admit ſuch Doctrine into the Church, and then whilſt they are good and juſt to the People, the Princes, and the Church, I doubt not but they will be reſpected and reverenc'd by them all.

Too great a wind bruiſes or breaks a Veſſel to pieces, by a too haſty and violent concuſſion againſt the Shore, though in the very Harbour it thought it ſelf ſafe. If the Popes had been contented to carry themſelves with mediocrity, they had never run that hazard of loſing all, and Chriſtendom had been of larger extent than it is.

Whilſt the Popes were ſatisfy'd within the limits of their Authority, the Church increas'd to that wideneſs, that the moſt barbarous Nations from the remoteſt parts of the Earth, came to Rome to pay their Devotion to the Church. Since they found things alter'd, and all tending either to vanity or pride, not only new acceſſions have ceas'd, but thoſe have withdrawn themſelves, who had been ſetled in the Church before. The Divines are ſo inſatiate to heap up honor upon honor upon the Pope, that I fear they will one day make him loſe all.

In ſhort, let the Theologiſts ſay what they pleaſe, both Prince and people will always take the liberty [...] commend the good, and find fault with the bad actions of the Popes. But ſome will ſay perhaps, ſince they cannot regulate the Pope, it would be their beſt way to reſtrain the people, becauſe 'tis more eaſie for a perſon to contain himſelf from upbraiding then from committing a Sin. In former times, the Popes ſerv'd for examples to draw people to works of piety and holineſs, and the Saints in their private Aſſemblies and Converſations, took great pleaſure to diſcourſe of the charity of this Pope, and the Martyrdom, Zeal, and Goodneſs, of the other. Now they talk indeed of their Popes, but 'tis to their reproach and diſparagement, not of their Sanctity, but of their zeal to the preferment of their Nephews. Formerly, their diſcourſe was only of their Virtues, now it is only of their Errours. God Almighty put it into the Hearts of the Cardinals to create holy Popes, and into the hearts of the Popes to continue as the Cardinals create them.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

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PART I.

BOOK II.

The Contents.

Wherein is diſcours'd of the place proportion'd to the Fabrick of Cardinaliſm. Of ſome particularities about the Eſsence of the Greek, the Roman, and the Jewiſh Churches. Of the obligations upon the Church of Rome to baniſh and perſecute the Jewiſh Church with more ſeverity than the Greek. Of the name of Church, and what it ſignifies. Of the diſtinctions in Rome betwixt the Catholick Church and the Roman. Of the infallibility of the Church. Of the Liberty of Conſcience in their Divines. The reaſon why they are puniſh'd more strictly that offend againſt the Pope, than the Church. Of the coldneſs of the Popes in remunerating thoſe that ſerve the Church, and their liberality to thoſe that are ſerviceable to them. Of the true remedy to hinder the Divines from flattering the Popes. Of the Eccleſiaſtical charges, and by whom they are to be diſpens'd. An efficacious way to prevent murmuring againſt the Pope. Of the way in which the Popes ſerv'd the Church in the primitive times, and of the honor they receiv'd by being call'd heads of the Chriſtian Commonwealth. Of the great neceſſity of taking from the Popes il [Page] motu Proprio, and of the way to effect it. Of the Election of Cardinals in the primitive times. Of the age of Poverty, and of the age of Riches. Of the ſubmiſſion wherewith the Popes now adayes are treated by the Cardinals. Of the great Errours into which the Church of Iſrael fell. Of a certain Father that preach'd up the infallibility of the Pope. That the Church of Rome is ſubject to ſeveral Errors. Of a diſcourſe betwixt a Priest and a Proteſtant. Of the difficulty of knowing the ſigns of the true Church, and that by reaſon of ſo many differences and diſputes. Antiquity believ'd a true ſign of the purity of the Church. Of the ſigns our Saviour left to diſtinguiſh the true Church from the falſe. Of a certain Proteſtant Prince that invited the Popes Nuntio to Supper in Paris. Of the great vanity in the Habits of the Cardinals, and Prieſts. Of a strange Sermon preach'd in the Church of Araceli in the preſence of certain Cardinals. Of the anſwer the Catholick and Proteſtant give, when they are ask'd whether they ſhall be ſaved or no. Of the Confeſſion of ſins, and the manner how it is us'd in the Church by Chriſtians. Diſcourſes betwixt the Papiſt and the Proteſtant about the purity of the Church. How tedious afflictions are now to Christians. Of the great affluence in which the Popes and the Cardinals live. Of the quality of the ſufferings of the Eccleſiaſticks. Of the beggerlyneſs of certain poor Biſhops. Of a Biſhop that complain'd of the great pride of the Cardinals. Of the great number of diſcontented Prelats in Rome, and for what they are ſo. Of the pernicious examples the Seculars take from the Clergy. Of the miſery the Church is in. Of a Prieſt that deſir'd to ſee the Riches of the Cardinals increas'd. Of a Proteſtant that deſir'd the power of working of Miracles, that he might turn water into wine. Of the Perſecutions ſuffer'd by the Church. Of the number of Schiſmes, and the place where they happen'd. Of certain Schiſmaticks. Of Synods and Councels call'd for the ſuppreſſion of Hereſie that did dayly increaſe. Of the obligation that lies upon the Popes to acknowledge their Grandeur from the bounty of Charles the Great. Of the weight of the Eccleſiastical dignity, and of the honor. Of the difference betwixt Schiſme and Hereſie. Of the Schiſmes that are nouriſh'd in the Church by the Paſtors thereof. Of the excuſes the Eccleſiaſticks do uſe to cover their faults. Of the difference betwixt the Dominicans and the Franciſcans. Of the true way of converting of Hereticks. Of certain Hereticks that go to Rome to obſerve the converſations of the Catholicks. Of the great number of Murders committed in Rome, and of the trouble their Conſciences receive thereby. Of the Divines and Confeſsors being call'd Domestick Enemies of the Church. Of the careleſsneſs of the Biſhops in making the Fryars Confeſsors. Of a penance given by a Fryar to a Merchant. Of a Jeſuits anſwer to a young man that had confeſs'd himſelf to him. Of the example of Judas perverted by the Eccleſiaſticks to their own advantage. Of the Ariſtocraſie of the Church. Of the Evils of the Clergy compar'd to a Wart, which increaſes the more, the more it is cut. Of the maxime among the Italians in diſpoſing of their Children, and of their ſending the most diſſolute of them to the Cloyſters. Of the orders of Religious that regard not quality, but quantity in their Convents. Of the Picture of Saint Francis with a Church upon his ſhoulders, and the reaſon. Of a Viſion Saint Francis is reported to have ſeen, very prejudicial to the Cardinals. Of the great honor they attribute [Page] to Saint Francis Saverius. Of the great number of perſons he is ſaid to have Baptiz'd with his own hands. That the Church ought to be ſuſtein'd by the Zeal and good Government of the Cardinals and the Pope. Of the Liberty that is given to the Jeſuits to inrich themſelves. Of Saint Francis Saverius that is believ'd to have gone to the Indies to bring the Indies back to the Jeſuits. Of a Jew that was Baptiz'd in Rome. Of the way how Saints are to be Reverenc'd. Of the Scandals committed in the Church by the Fryars, being ſo numerous; and many other particulars.

§

THE Critiques of this Age being numerous, and moſt Writers under the Tyranny of their cenſures, I thought it but prudence to look about me, and for the ſecurity of this Fabrick, againſt ſuch Storms, to chooſe a place for its foundation, as ſolid and ſuitable to the Nature of Cardinaliſm as was poſſible; for Cardinaliſm receiving its form and eſſence from the Power of the Pope, and the Grandeur of the Church (of which the Cardinals call themſelves Princes (I thought it methodical to begin firſt with the Papal Power, and after that, to make ſome reflection upon the Nature and Grandeur of the Church. For as the quality of water is not to be known, but by diſcovery of the Fountain, ſo the true medium, and end of a thing, is not to be found, without ſome notion of the Principle. To me therefore it ſeems not improper to diſtinguiſh, not only the good Church from the falſe, but alſo the number of the Churches, which almoſt confound the good people of Chriſtendom.

Though there have been ſome Popes that have ſcarce known the nature of their own Church, yet there are others, or (more properly) their Theologiſts for them, that give us an accompt of three, viz. the Jewiſh, the Greek, and the Roman. The Jewiſh being permitted in moſt Eccleſiaſtick States to have their Temples and Synagogues open in the face of the ſtricteſt Chriſtians. But the conſequence of this liberty is not foreſeen.

The Jewiſh Church is diſpers'd here and there thorough the whole Univerſe, and in Italy, is much more numerous than the Greek, though in other places the Greek has whole Provinces to its ſelf: whereas the Jews are only permitted in ſome Cities only with free exerciſe of their Religion, as in Rome where they have their Rabines that preach to them, and many Chriſtians to hear them, whoſe curioſity ſwayes more with them, than the expreſs prohibition of the Inquiſition.

The Greek Church, on the other ſide, which is the elder Siſter of the Roman, lyes weeping like a deflower'd Virgin, and afflicted like a diſconſolate Widdow, to ſee her Birth-right, without knowing how, raviſh'd from her by force, and that by her too, the foundation of whoſe preſent greatneſs ſhe had lay'd: but by this, it is eaſily diſtinguiſh'd, which is the true Jacob, and which the counterfeit Eſau.

Theſe two Churches, the Greek, and the Jewiſh, that had formerly flouriſh'd ſo much, are now to their no ſmall ſorrow, become Slaves to the Roman: for ſhe having perverted the natural courſe, ha's made her ſelf firſt, that was laſt, and uſurp'd a Soveraignty and Dominion over the reſt, and has ſo well managed her affairs, that ſhe has ſecluded the other two, who very hungry and diſtreſs'd, would fain be ſucking of that Milk, which ſhe unnaturally has ingroſs'd to her ſelf.

'Tis againſt all Moral reaſon, all Order Eccleſiaſtick, all Humane and Divine Rules, that the Jewiſh Church ſhould be permitted by the Roman, and the Greek Church perſecuted: and the reaſons are clear; in the Greek Church Chriſtianity is profeſs'd, the Rules and Praecepts of the Goſpel obſerv'd, the Maſs celebrated, and (except ſome Ceremonies rejected as innovations by that Church) they conform in all things to the Primitive Practice both in the Eaſtern Church, and even that of Rome, where Chriſtianity was at firſt in its greateſt Purity, and would doubtleſs be again, had not the Corruption of the times brought a ſcandal upon it, even amongſt Chriſtians themſelves: I call it modeſtly [Page] the corruption of the times, though I am ſenſible, the introduction of ſo many idle and Superfluous▪ Ceremonies into the Church, has been an occaſion of corrupting the times, and with them, Chriſtianity it ſelf.

The Jewiſh Church, as I have ſaid, being a profeſs'd Enemy to Chriſt, Preaching and Blaſpheming in their Synagogues againſt the Crucify'd Redeemer, and by their falſe Doctrine, debauching and perverting poor Chriſtians from their Faith, ought in all equity to be baniſh'd from the Roman, for their perverſeneſs or ignorance (be it which you will) being invincible. They are not to be ſatisfy'd of the coming of our Saviour, or the redemption of the World, the only point and ground of our Salvation, and therefore unfit not only for Protection at Rome, but for any Converſation in Chriſtendom: it being nothing elſe, but to make a mixture of Gold and Durt, Glory and Blame, Praiſe and Blaſphemy.

The Chriſtian Policy indeed (and I wiſh I could ſay, Humane alſo) of the Spaniards, is to be commended: in their Dominions, they will not allow any Religion, but the Catholick: it is a Principle with them, in a State ſhould be but unus Dominus & una Fides, which is the reaſon that the Spaniards are not troubled with thoſe Schiſms and Factions in their Church, as they are in other States, to the confuſion of the greateſt Doctors, who are able to diſtinguiſh betwixt good and evil, much more of the poor ignorant people, who are guided only by the outward appearances which they ſee in others.

But becauſe the Intereſts of Religion are oftentimes overpower'd in the minds of men, by ſenſual paſſions, and worldly intereſts, which ſhould rather be ſubdu'd by them; hence things are brought to a contrary poſture, and the Jews have greater liberty than the Greeks, not in Italy only, but in Rome it ſelf, the Popes carrying a ſtricter eye over the Actions and Ceremonies of the Greek Church, than over the pernicious Doctrines of the Hebrews. For the Jews being of a perverſe and refractory humour, in matters of Religion, are in Humane things ſo complacent and flexible, that by their Tributes and Inſinuations, they have ſo wrought themſelves into the converſation of the Chriſtians, that they are treated by them as the neareſt of their Kindred and Friends.

And I could wiſh that this were the worſt, but ſuch is the force and incantation of their money, that the very Popes have been perſwaded, not only to give them Protection in the Dominions of the Church, but to ſuffer them to erect their Temples and Altars, to Preach, to Celebrate their Paſchal with all poſſible Solemnity, and to hold their Synagogues in all places: whereas the Grecians wanting that Subtlety and Compliance, and not thinking it juſt to pay Tribute where they are Strangers, (though in other places they have whole Provinces, enough to evince the antiquity of their Rights, which are in many things inconformable with the Roman) they are forc'd to be contented with the exerciſe of ſome ſmall pittance of their Ceremonies, though under the eye of the Biſhop of Rome.

But before we proceed any farther, in the particularities of the Church of Rome, from whence our Cardinaliſme deduces its original, to ſatisfie the curioſity of the Reader, and to facilitate his underſtanding, it is fit to conſider the Univerſality of the Church, which is particular in the Univerſal, although univerſal and particular too, as the Eccleſiaſticks believe.

The word Church (as it has been declar'd by ſeveral Learned men, and ought to be acknowledg'd by all Chriſtians) ſignifies nothing but an Aſſembly of many perſons; and the Scripture uſes it in four principal ſenſes.

In the firſt, it ſignifies only the Elect, and thoſe Bleſſed Souls that are ſeparated from the Corruption of the world, and taken into the fruition of Eternal happineſs, to wit the Glorify'd Saints, or the Church Triumphant (which is ſo much talk'd of in the world, and ſo much aſpir'd to by the Righteous.)

Secondly, it denotes in general the Univerſal viſible Church, comprehending Proteſtants (though the Pope calls them Hereticks) as well as the Catholicks; and of this Church St. Paul ſpeaks, when he writes to Timothy, that in a great City there are not only veſſels of Gold and of Silver, but of Wood alſo, and of Earth; by this Rhetorical and Figurative way of ſpeaking, inſinuating, that the Church is compos'd of bad, as well as good, of thoſe predeſtinated to Damnation, as thoſe decreed to be Saved. Yet ſo it is, [Page] with the Roman Divines (as if they know not what St. Paul had writ, or pretended to know more) will admit into the Pale of their Church (which ought to be Univerſal) only ſuch particulars as can truckle and condeſcend to the Kiſſing of the Prieſts Hand, and the Popes Toe.

Thirdly, it ſignifies the Aſſembly and Congregation of the Paſtors, and principal Governours of Chriſts Flock, and in this acceptation, it was our Saviour ſpeaking of Brotherly correction, admoniſhes, that if the party offending be pertinacious in his fault, and worthy of reprehenſion, the party offended ſhould apply himſelf for reparation to the Church. From whence it is plain, that our Saviour intended the Congregations and Synods of Biſhops, and other Rulers in the Church, whoſe office it is to inſpect the affairs thereof, and negotiate for its benefit and accommodation. Though ſome there are, that believe Chriſt meant by the Word; a Compleat and Univerſal Aſſembly of the Godly, which in my judgement is improbable, becauſe the Goſpel (our principal light) declares expreſly, that the power of Correction was in the Rulers only, and not in them.

By the fourth and laſt ſignification of the word Church, every particular Congregation of Chriſtians is intended; which though it ſeem in appearance to be ſeparated, yet it is indeed a Member joyn'd and faſten'd by an indiviſible knot to the intire and univerſal body of the viſible Church. And in the Infancy of Chriſtianity, when the Apoſtles writ their Epiſtles to Corinth, Epheſus, and Rome, thoſe Churches were ſuch. And I ſuppoſe our Saviour intended no otherwiſe in thoſe words, Where two or three are met together in my name. I will be in the midſt of them. And indeed, when two or three are met together, either in the Church, in Priſon, in the Streets, or elſewhere, if it be to read the Scriptures, to ſend up their Prayers to Heaven, or for any other action of devotion, whether Proteſtant or Papiſt, they are in my judgement a Church, and Chriſt is in the midſt of them: for it is not the number of perſons, but the intention of their meeting, which denominates them a Church. Otherwiſe an Aſſembly of Gameſters would have as much right to that honourable appellation as they.

But there is one thing very neceſſary to be determined; the Romans, or the Churchmen of Rome, are accuſtom'd to call their Church, ſometimes the Roman, and othertimes the Catholick Church, the greateſt part of them being unable to ſhow any reaſon at all for this diſtinction. Now the word Catholick importing univerſal, and Roman on the other ſide particular, it cannot be Catholick and Roman too; for if 'tis Roman, then 'tis particular, and if ſo, then not Catholick. To take away this Confuſion therefore, and bring things to a conſiſtence, one of the two names is to be laid aſide, and the other retain'd; and in my judgement, that of Univerſal Church will be beſt to be kept, and that of Roman left.

The Roman Divines, are ſo troubled and perplex'd to find ſome new argument for proving the Popes Infallibility (which I have ſufficiently diſcours'd in my firſt book) and have ſo twiſted and intangled themſelves in that opinion, that they have no time to conſider, whether the Church it ſelf be Infallible or not, which would be a great eaſe to the ſcruples of the Faithfull.

If the Church were deriv'd from the Pope, it might with great reaſon be queſtion'd whether the Pope be Infallible; but ſince the Pope hath his being and exiſtence from the Church, the queſtion muſt be concerning the Infallibility of the Church.

There is a ſaying, ſo common amongſt Chriſtians, that it has paſt into a Proverb, I know not upon what reaſon: If a perſon at any time be of a lame Conſcience, and inclin'd to ſome falſe belief, the common ſaying is▪ that he has the Conſcience of a Divine, as if Divines had no Conſciences at all: which I fear is too true, for they write as they think good, and teach what they pleaſe, but believe not themſelves what they write or teach. And if there were not this latitude amongſt them, 'tis not probable they would aſſert the Pope to be the Churches Elder Brother▪ and in reſpect of his primogeniture▪ to be the more venerable. A Prodigy I could not have believ'd, had I not known it by experience; for the irreverences committed againſt the Church, being puniſh'd with ſome ordinary Correction, and thoſe againſt the Pope with death, it is plain his Authority is the greater, and he has been no ill husband of his Prerogative.

[Page]But this opinion is not only ridiculous (as ſeveral other of their tenents are) but ſo weak and unſtable, that it threatens the whole Fabrick with deſtruction; true it is, they do fortifie themſelves very much with that expreſſion, which our Saviour us'd to Saint Peter, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church. From whence, they argue that the Church being built upon St. Peter, St. Peter (as its foundation) ſupported the Church, inferring, and upon pain of ſinning mortally, injoyning the people to believe, that Chriſt by that expreſſion had pronounc'd the Pope chief Shepherd of his Flock, and abſolute Biſhop of all Chriſtian people; that from that time he began to build up his Church upon the Shoulders of St. Peter, and he might lawfully claim his prerogative; as if the reſt of the Apoſtles had been laid aſide, and had not unanimouſly cooperated to the common good.

That St. Peter was the foundation of the Church, I can eaſily grant, nor do I think there is any will deny it, provided the ſame prerogative be allowed to the reſt of the Apoſtles (who were comprehended alſo in that expreſſion) and to thoſe other Paſtors and Rulers that ſucceeded, and are ſtill ſubſervient in the Church. And to this our Saviour alludes, when he ſays, if the Shepherd be ſmitten, the Flock is diſpers'd, intimating, that the care of the Church lyes upon the Miniſters, without which, they would be but like a Flock without any body to look to them▪

But that the Pope ſhould uſurp to himſelf the Primogeniture, and inſtead of raiſing the Church upon himſelf, abaſe it: deſtroying the Apoſtolical manner of proceeding, and making for himſelf a particular Apoſtleſhip; and aſſerting the Church to be made for him, not he for the Church, is a ſubject worthy the conſideration of all Chriſtians, becauſe it gives occaſion of ſo many Scruples and Schiſms.

What ſhould be the reaſon, that the Roman Divines find it much eaſier to prove the Popes infallibility, than the Churches, I cannot imagine, unleſs, that obſerving the difficulty of finding arguments for either, and yet being oblig'd to write ſomething of Eccleſiaſtical matters, they chooſe rather to indulge that vanity in the Pope who is able to reward them, than to ſpeak any thing of the Churches infallibility, which would conduce ſo much to the ed [...] of the Faithfull who are ignorant of the matter.

Now every good office requiring a reward, and every reward a publique acknowledgement; the Divines therefore taking notice with what ſlowneſs and difficulty thoſe that promote the intereſt of the Church (though with never ſo much zeal) are advanc'd, and on the other ſide, how free and prodigal the Popes are in their remunerations to ſuch as drive on their deſigns; hence they chooſe not the Churches ſide which is poor, but the Popes who is rich, and hath the diſpoſing of all Biſhopricks, Abbeys, and Cardinalſhips in his power.

I am of opinion, (and I think no body but ſome Sycophant Friar will deny it) that if the Election into Eccleſiaſtical preferments depended upon the univerſal body of the Church, or elſe upon each particular Member of it; for example, the dignity of a Cardinal upon the Conſiſtory of Cardinals, the Office of Biſhops upon the Synod of Biſhops, and ſo thorough all Offices, and that with the order of the ſame ſecret votes, as is us'd in the Senate at Venice, I am confident there would be few Divines found, (even of thoſe that now with ſo much vehemence exalt him) that would flatter the Pope, but apply themſelves intirely to the ſervice of the Church.

And unleſs the antient zeal for Religion (which at preſent is not to be found in the breaſt of a Cardinal) do revive; or Secular Princes do ſuddenly apply themſelves to the finding out a remedy; it is moſt certain, things can never proceed, but with great ſcandal to the Church, not only amongſt Hereticks, who are alwayes prying and obſerving the actions of the Catholicks, but of the Heathens alſo, who as yet have but little knowledge of the Roman tranſactions.

Were the tongues of people reſtrain'd, were all innovations exploded, and things honeſtly reſtor'd to the Primitive way; that fugitive Flock that is diſpers'd at preſent in the Wilderneſs of Hereſie, would return to its Fold; Schiſmatical controverſies would ceaſe, the differences betwixt Chriſtian Princes would be compos'd, and their united forces be directed againſt the Turk: In ſhort, were that abſolute and deſpotical power in the Pope reſtrain'd, or taken away, or at leaſt, the right of Election (which for five [Page] ages was obſerv'd conſtantly in the Church) reſtor'd to the Congregations, Synods, and Conſiſtories, Chriſtianity would be advanc'd, Hereſie depreſs'd, and things reduc'd again to that Primitive Sanctity, when every mans whole buſineſs was the ſalvation of his Soul.

In the Primitive Church, the Popes (as may be ſeen in their lives) did not intermeddle or pry into any bodies actions, but for the advantage of the Church, that the Biſhops might be holy in their converſations, as their function was holy, and the Sacraments adminiſtred with decency.

In thoſe dayes, the Biſhops made the Election to vacant Biſhopricks, and by degrees came in Cardinals, who alſo had the creation of Cardinals. There was no diſcourſe then, but of the miraculous Sanctity of the Popes. No importunity of their Kindred, preſſing, and ſoliciting them, to turn out ſuch a good man, and advance a much wickeder to his place.

It was then the Glory of the Pope to be call'd the head of the Chriſtian Commonwealth, and indeed the Counſels, Conſiſtories, and Synods, having the Election of all Officers, and the diſpoſal of all Dignities, it was no other but a Commonwealth; but how the preſent Writers in their Volumes can call Chriſtendom a Republick, I cannot underſtand, whilſt it is enſlay'd to his Holineſs, and under the Tyranny of his Arms, Excommunications, and Inquiſitions, and forc'd by the irrational opinions of Prieſts, to an adoration of the Pope in Rome, as if he were a God in Heaven.

It were much to be deſir'd, and would be much to the advantage of the Church, if that motu proprio, or Arbitrary power of the Pope were taken away, Chriſtendome reduc'd again to a Republique, and the Church ſet once more at Liberty. I mean, if the Election of Cardinals were performed as ſecretly as poſſible in the Conſiſtory, by the Cardinals themſelves, and ſo that of Biſhops by a Provincial Synod to be call'd upon the death or tranſlation of any of them, or (if that ſhould be too expenſive) by the Conſiſtory of Cardinals, and not left to the ſingle diſpoſition of the Pope, who regards nothing but the intereſt and ſatisfaction of his Family.

When Judas his place amongſt the Apoſtles became void, St. Peter (from whom the Popes derive the power of the Keys) proceeded not to the nomination of another himſelf, or declar'd his Succeſſor without more adoe, but he call'd the Colledge of Apoſtles together, by whoſe Lots St. Mathew was choſen to ſucceed him, without any mention of St. Peter, or of any bodyes Preceedency there. The Apoſtles were all firſt, and all laſt, without any difference of priority. But this Chapter is left out of their Bibles, they will read nothing but for their own advantage.

And this is manifeſt, becauſe when a Cardinal dyes, the Pope calls not the Colledge of Cardinals together, to create a Succeſſor, but in ſpight of the example of the Apoſtles, in ſpight of all Juſtice and Equity, he chooſes one himſelf, and declares him Cardinal, uſurping in this manner the right of the Cardinals, who are Succeſſors to the Apoſtles alſo, and to whom that right of Election doth belong.

This inconvenience ſeems at firſt ſight very hard to be remedyed, but upon ſerious conſideration it will be eaſie. For in the vacancy of the Chair, when they are Abſolute and Supream, when the Church is a kind of Republick, and all the Juriſdiction is in their hands, what ſhould hinder them (if they had any regard to their lawfull and juſt Privileges) from reſuming that power which they have been robb'd of, and conſtraining his Holineſs to confirm it.

Would the Cardinals but once undertake this, thoſe Princes that have any zeal for the liberty of the Church, would not fail to undertake it too, and ſecond them with Arms upon occaſion, as the Emperours both of the Eaſt and Weſt have formerly done; then they might new model the Laws, ſettle the preceedency of the Synods and Conſiſtories before the Pope, as it was in the Primitive dayes, renounce the Popes Decrees, and eſtabliſh their own, declare him as an Apoſtle indeed amongſt the reſt of the Apoſtles, but not as a God, and in ſhort, clip the wings of his Authority, ſo as to leave him Head only of a Commonwealth.

Nor indeed, were this well executed, would the Popes have any reaſon to complain, for what can they pretend, but that they be allow'd as much Authority as St. Peter had, [Page] and why ſhould not the Cardinals have as much as the reſt of the Apoſtles, whoſe true Heirs they are; if the Pope therefore be as St. Peter, why ſhould not they be as the reſt of the Apoſtles.

I have ſaid before, that to fill up the vacancy that was made by the Treaſon of Judas, St. Peter did not by his Papal Authority make Election of another, but by the Prayers and Aſſembly of the reſt of the Apoſtles, who were as it were the Pilots and Steersmen in the Ship of the Church.

Moreover Chriſt being dead, St. Peter could not hope for any greater Authority than he had left him in theſe words, What thou bindeſt on Earth, ſhall be bound in Heaven, ſo as from that time he had power to exerciſe his authority, which (ſay they) was to preſide in Elections, to command in their Aſſemblies, and to exerciſe over the Apoſtles, the ſame authority which the Popes do now over the Cardinals.

But in thoſe dayes things were well manag'd, however they go now. Then the Church was truly Apoſtolical, and obedient exactly to the Laws of the Apoſtles, now it is Roman, and conformable only to the Intereſt or Capriccio of the Pope. St. Peter then had no money to diſtribute, nor no offices to beſtow, and therefore there were no books, nor no Authors to be found that flatter'd him, or attributed more to him, than Chriſt had given him; now they are ſo rich, and have ſo many preferments to beſtow, that they can debauch their Divines, and make them write as they pleaſe. In that age there was nothing but poverty and piety; in this, there is nothing but craftineſs and wealth; then there was nothing but Chriſt in the thoughts of St. Peter, and the Apoſtles, and now in the Popes minds, there is nothing but their Nephews.

It is not to be found in any place of the Scripture, that St. Peter commanded the reſt of the Apoſtles, or that they acknowledg'd him head of the Church, or Superior to themſelves. Whereas on the contrary, 'tis to be ſeen in the Acts of the Apoſtles, that Peter was ſent by the reſt of the Apoſtles, in the company of St. John, to preach the Goſpel in Samaria, and St. Paul not only writes, that he was not eſteem'd inferiour to the beſt of the Apoſtles, but he went up and down ordering all things as he thought neceſſary for the advantage of the Church, without communicating any thing with St. Peter of what he judg'd convenient to do.

Things being ſo, upon what grounds is it that the Popes keep the Cardinals at that diſtance? Chriſt recommended his Church to the Apoſtles in general, without any exception, as appears by thoſe words in St. John, As my Father ſent me, ſo have I alſo ſent you; and whoſe ſins ſoever you pardon, ſhall be pardon'd; and again in St. Mathew, Be not in any caſe called Maſters, becauſe there is one that is your Maſter, but be as if you were all Brothers. Can any thing be more clear? can any thing be of greater proof?

When Chriſt ſpake theſe words to his Apoſtles, St. Peter was preſent, and therefore like, but not Superiour to the reſt. So as, what authority is that the preſent Divines give to St. Peter over the Apoſtles, and by conſequence to the Popes over the Cardinals? In my judgement, both ſides are too blame, the Popes to uſurp, and exalt themſelves ſo much, and the Cardinals to proſtitute and debaſe themſelves. Theſe are the errours that occaſion, if not the greateſt part of our Hereſies, at leaſt the moſt ſtubborn and perverſe part of them, it being moſt certain, that a great part of their Paſſion and Acrimony againſt the Church would be taken away, could they but ſee things honeſtly adminiſtred by an equal concurrence both in Cardinals and Pope.

But to return from this point (from which alſo we have in ſome meaſure been forc'd to digreſs) I will ſpeak now of the infallibility of the Church. Let us firſt examine if there be, or ever was, ſuch a Church in the world, to whom God had vouchſaf'd out of his profound Counſels to beſtow any ſuch privilege.

There is no need of ſtudying or uſing any long and elaborate arguments, to prove that all Churches whatſoever have been ſubject to Errour, dayly experience preſenting us with continnal examples, that they have fallen into errour, as great as can be imagin'd by man.

The Jewiſh Church, that flouriſh'd ſo long under their Patriarchs and Prophets, that before the coming of our Saviour had the honour to be call'd the only viſible Church of God, though it was govern'd by pious and experienc'd Paſtors, Err notwithſtanding, [Page] and was moſt miſerably involv'd in the puddle of Idolatry, ſo as we read in the Chrenicles, That for many days together, the Iſraelites had neither God, nor Law, nor Priest, amongſt them all to direct them. And the Prophet Eſau with Tears in his Eyes, and Sorrow in his Heart, complains, That all their Governors were blind: And the Prophet Ezechiel tells us, that this Idolatry over-ſpread the Church, as well in Egypt as in Iſrael.

But we need not trouble our brains for an inſtance of their erring, the Golden Calf the people made to themſelves, and worſhipp'd as a God, in ſpight of Aaron and Moſes, (who went up into the Mount to receive the Tables of the Law) is too ſad an evidence.

Jeremiah complains with great anguiſh of the miſeries of Juda, that was fallen into that profound and bottomleſs impiety, it was a queſtion whether there were more Cities or Idols in her Dominions. And at the time of our Saviours coming into the world, he found the Church infected with an infinite number of Hereſies and Innovations, introduc'd by the falſe Doctrines diſſeminated by thoſe very Scribes and Phariſees that govern'd it.

Let the Scriptures be look'd over never ſo ſeriouſly, let the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtories be examin'd never ſo ſtrictly, I am ſure there is not any particular Church to be found, ſince the time of the Apoſtles, that retains its proper and Primitive Purity, and has not deviated by ſome corruption or other from its firſt method and form. So as St. Paul had very good reaſon, in the beginning of his Epiſtle to the Romans, to exhort them to have a care they did not wander from the truth.

The Church of Rome (notwithſtanding all this) believes her ſelf infallible; or at leaſt ſome Divines would perſwade her ſo. In Genoa, there was a Prieſt called Father Zachary, as I remember, (I am ſure he was a Dominican) that Preach'd upon that Subject; he was a great Orator, and had a vaſt memory, he us'd all the arguments were poſſible to prove it, and amongſt the reſt, this one in St. Mathew, And the Gates of Hell ſhall not prevail againſt it, which he urg'd with that vehemence, that he declar'd, that as often, and every time the Church did err, ſo often ſhould Chriſt himſelf break his promiſe with the Church.

The Father being himſelf both Opponent and Reſpondent, there was no anſwer given to that poſition; yet it may be very well alleadg▪d, that Chriſt in thoſe words ſpake not of any particular Church, but only of the Church of his Elect; and therefore, aſſures us alſo in other places, that all the Machinations, Perſecutions, and Conſpiracres, of the three implacable Enemies of mankind united, ſhall not be able to extinguiſh and irradicate that Church, becauſe Gods Foundations are firm and unmoveable, and he knows who are his own. As it is in the Apoſtle to Timothy, to which may be added thoſe words of our Saviour, The Heaven and the Earth ſhall paſs away, but my Word ſhall not fail; intending thereby, the Church where the word of God is preach'd. And if it happens at any time that any particular Church deviates from the right way, which is the way of truth, the only foundation of the Church, and upon which our Salvation is built, God of his mercy will raiſe up another to convince that of the errour it is fallen into.

Amongſt all the Churches, ſince the beginning of the world, there has not been found that unconſtancy and confuſion as in the Church of Rome; ſo many Anti-Popes, Schiſms, Hereſies, Controverſies, Confuſions, Suſpenſions, Perſecutions, ſo many falſe Opinions, Scandals, Tyrannies, and Inteſtine Quarrels, as there.

Several times have they been known to adore two Popes, in the ſame Province, at once, at another time three, of ſeveral Nations; the very Colledge of Cardinals being divided, ſome of them favouring one ſide, ſome another, and ſome of them believing, neither of them lawfull. This I am ſure, that at the Election of one Pope, there grew ſuch Schiſm in the Church, the people were in great perplexity and confuſion, and not knowing, by reaſon of the difference amongſt the Cardinals, which was the true Chriſtian Church they were to follow, they remain'd, not only months, but years, in that irreſolution, as if they had belong'd neither to God nor the Devil.

Is it not too true? Their Eccleſiaſticks themſelves, do not only diſpute in their Councels, but fall out and quarrel with that vehemence and paſſion, they will ſooner leave the Councel, [Page] than their Opinions, ſo pertinaciouſly proud are they of any thing that is their own, though with the greateſt ſcandal to the people, who in that uncertainty of the truth, forſake not only their fiery and unreaſonable Opinions, but their Religion it ſelf. But what ſhall I ſay? Are there not Biſhops that Preach falſe Doctrine in their Dioceſs, chaulking out Rules of living to the people, contrary to the meaning of the Goſpel, and what is taught in Rome? And have there not been Popes that have been diſclaimed by their Clergy?

From hence it may be eaſily concluded, that their Opinion that hold the Church infallible, is falſe and erroneous, and if the Church be fallible, much more the Pope, who, though Governour of the Church, founded by our Saviour, and propagated by the Apoſtles thorough the whole world in great Sanctity and Holineſs, yet with a poſſibility of falling, otherwiſe, foraſmuch as the Church conſiſts of men only, it would have been neceſſary to have Sanctify'd them all both Eccleſiaſtick and Secular.

In Rome they ſpeak with great Reverence of the Councel of Trent, the Divines and Preachers crying it up as a thing abſolutely infallible. Yet the Pope makes no bones to break and violate the Decrees eſtabliſh'd by ſo many venerable men, and the unanimous conſent of all the Churches in Chriſtendom, diſpenſing with things at his own pleaſure.

It is not many years ſince, I obtain'd a diſpenſation for a friend of mine, in a thing forbidden expreſly in two Seſſions of that Councel, and all for the ſum of ten Crowns, and ſome little bribe by the bye to a Clark in the Regiſters Office, a friend in Court being as neceſſary in Rome, as a penny in a mans purſe.

Thoſe the Church of Rome call Hereticks, cannot hear with patience, that the Pope alone ſhould have authority to defeat and invalidate in a moment, what a General Aſſembly of the Church has been ſo many years about. A certain Prieſt diſcourſing one day with a Proteſtant of France, with deſign to draw him over to the Church of Rome, he thought he had brought him into a very hopefull way, when the Proteſtant had told him that all the Proteſtants in France would ſubmit themſelves to the Pope, if the Pope would ſubmit himſelf to the Councels; to which the Prieſt reply'd, it will be neceſſary then a Councel be call'd, and ſuch rules eſtabliſh'd by common conſent, as ſhall be thought neceſſary for the Government of the Church; to which the Proteſtant reply'd a little fiercely, How a Devil will the Pope obſerve the Decrees of a Councel, that cannot be kept from violating the Praecepts of the Gospel, but if you will undertake to bring the Pope to a ſubmiſſion to them, I do not queſtion to convert all of my Religion to the Pope, for to tell you the truth Sir, I hold one as feaſible as the other.

At firſt ſight indeed it appears ſomething probable, that though a particular Church may err, yet in reſpect that Chriſt has promiſed where two or three are met together in his name, he will be in the midſt of them, and that in this caſe there are not only two or three, but two or three hundred, and thoſe, choice men and ſelect for their Piety and Learning; it ſeems not impoſſible, I ſay, but a Congregation Conſiſtory, or Councel, compos'd of the chief Heads and Governours of all the Churches in general, may be infallible.

Were there a Councel call'd in the name of Chriſt only, and for the real intereſt of the Church, and did it conſiſt of ſuch Members, and no other, as had their eyes fix'd wholly upon Heaven, I could almoſt acknowledge that Councel infallible; but we know very well, and our conſtant experience confirms it, that paſſion, blood-thirſtineſs, intereſt, ambition, deſire of dignity, capriciouſneſs in the Prelats, Biſhops, Cardinals, and Popes, are the principal things that ſway in Councels, ſo as it is manifeſt, Chriſt is not in their hearts, and where he is not to direct them, there can be no infallibility.

The Church of Iſrael was reputed even to the death of our Saviour, a good and a holy Church, for which reaſon Chriſt himſelf convers'd often with the Scribes and Phariſees, rebuking ſuch as profan'd their Temples with their buying and ſelling, not with words only, but blows, declaiming againſt them, that they had made his Fathers houſe a Den of Thieves. His heart not being able to endure that they ſhould uſe that place as a Market, where the Jews met dayly to ſing praiſes to their God.

The Scribes and Phariſees of the Jewiſh Church (when there was any tumult or diviſion amongſt the people, about the works our Saviour had wrought, ſome believing [Page] them miraculous, and others not) they met in Councel with the Principal Rulers and Governours, and having debated upon all the works he had wrought in Judea, after long argumentation and diſpute, they concluded, and condemned him as a Seducer, and a Blaſphemer, and that was the reſult of that Councel of the Jews.

Many Councels there have been in the Chriſtian Church, that have not only err'd, but undone and revoak'd what another had Decreed, ſo as ſeveral of them have been declar'd Null, though the Church had made uſe of their Statutes many years, as in the late Councel of Trent there were four others condemn'd, ſo as the Councel of the Apoſtles was the only infallible Councel that ever was in the Church, and that becauſe it was manag'd and directed immediately by the Holy Ghoſt according to Chriſt's promiſe, as is recorded in the Goſpel of St. John.

But here is one queſtion will ariſe, the ſolution of which, would be a great ſatisfaction to the Reader, and that is, whether Anabaptiſts, and others that have their ſeveral Religions and Sects apart, may in reaſon challenge the honourable Title of a Church, ſome of them conforming themſelves to the documents of the Scripture, and drawing the rules of their converſations from thence, others (and the more wicked) ſpinning out their own methods and ordinances out of their own fancies, and yet not very diſſimular to the direction of the Goſpel, it being as it were proper to mankind to guild and colour over evil with pretences of good.

Many there are, that believe that our Saviour in thoſe words, In my Fathers Houſe are many Manſions, intended to comprehend all the Church Militant, and that he did not mean it as a figure only of the Celeſtial Beatitude; for which cauſe, he drove the Buyers and Sellers, as I have ſaid before, out of the Temple, calling it his Fathers houſe, becauſe in that, the Jews celebrated all their Holy and Divine Functions that were neceſſary to give the form to a true Church Militant.

If it be ſo, it muſt needs be acknowledg'd there is but one true Church that can be call'd juſtly the houſe of God, though there may be ſeveral Chambers and Manſions divided from one another, that may paſs under that name.

The Church of Rome refuſes to give the Title of Church to any but it ſelf, as if there was no Church in being but that, couſening and deluding its ſelf in the very Title they aſſume, for by calling themſelves the Church of Rome, they do tacitely ſuppoſe there is ſome other Church, that is not of Rome.

It is certain, and beyond all diſpute, that all the Councels and Aſſemblies of Hereticks may be call'd Churches, but with the diſtinctions of corrupt and incorrupt, of ſound and unſound, of polluted and pure; for a man, though afflicted with never ſo many diſeaſes, back and blew with never ſo many ſtripes, eaten up as it were with worms and putrifaction, ceaſes not notwithſtanding to remain a man, till the Soul be ſeparated from his Body, though otherwiſe he may have loſt ſomething of his ſhape.

In like manner, the Title Cof hurch, cannot without violence or ignorance in Religion, be taken from thoſe Churches, who are ſtragled out of the right way, and will not be ſubjected to their true Mother. Lucifers Pride was ſuch, it tumbled him down headlong from Heaven into Hell, yet he retains the Title of Angel, with this difference only, that he was then call'd an Angel of Light, but now of Darkneſs. The Church of Iſrael, though over-whelm'd moſt miſerably in Idolatry, had the Title of Church continued to them ſtill by the Prophets themſelves, but with the diſtinction of Good and Holy then, of Wicked and Idolatrous after. So as it ought to be ſufficient for the Churchmen of Rome to allow them to be Churches, though they think them deprav'd▪ and though it be not impoſſible that thoſe Churches they think ſo, may be moſt holy and ſound.

The matters of Religion appear ſo ordinary and low, the ſimpleſt Ideot thinks himſelf a Maſter in them, whereas indeed they are ſo deep and profound, they are enough almoſt to break the brain, as well as the ſleep of the poor Chriſtian, that confounded with this ſcruple, and that diſpute, is oftentimes forc'd to go on in his ignorance, and precipitates himſelf into obſcurities, by the very means he was ſearching after light.

Every one believes his own Religion the beſt, and that he is predeſtinated to be ſaved, but his Neighbour to be damned. If you enquire of a Roman Catholick, he will aſſure [Page] you with plenty of aſſeverations, that there is no Salvation out of that Pale. Ask a Lutheran of his, and he will tell you, the true way to Heaven is his way. And ſo the Calveniſt, with great Learning, and no few Texts of Scripture, will perſwade you his Doctrine comes neareſt the Apoſtles.

A certain Friend of mine, whoſe head is full of thoſe niceties in Religion, being in a merry humour told me one day, if he might have his wiſh, he would wiſh himſelf in Paradice for one day, and in Hell for a moneth: I enquir'd of him the reaſon why his ſtay in Paradice ſhould be ſo ſhort; he reply'd, That he would fain be ſatisfy'd which Religion ſent moſt ſouls to Heaven, and which most to Hell; that in Paradice he knew there were no throngs, and therefore he could diſpatch there in a day; but that Hell was better planted, and would require a longer viſit. I ask'd him why he would prophane his own Religion with ſuch diſcourſe; he anſwer'd, Dear Friend, to tell you the truth I am of opinion, that here below it is impoſſible to be ſatisfy'd who ſhall be ſaved, and who not; becauſe for ought we know, they that appear moſt beautifull in this world, may be moſt deform'd in the next; and though we look upon blackneſs here as a defect, yet there as amongst the Moors it may be counted a perfection.

He ſtopt there, and I made ſome reflections by the bye upon his railery; yet certainly that providence that governs the World, has reſerv'd the knowledge of Salvation and Damnation as a ſecret to himſelf, to prevent thoſe cenſures that are yet too frequent among Chriſtians; ſome condemning this man, ſome ſaving of that, as if either of them were in the power of Man.

I am of opinion, (by the leave of the Divines both Proteſtant and Papiſt)▪ that as to their Fundamentals all Religions are good; yet withall, I believe there is none of them without their defects and corruptions: The Catholick holds the Proteſtant Church for a Compendium of Hell; but for what reaſon? marry they cannot tell; and it is beſt of all that they cannot. But what follows? when any of thoſe that are ſo much poſſeſs'd againſt it by the violence of their Preachers, (who cry out againſt them in their Pulpits, as if they had Horns upon their heads like the Devil) have occaſion to travel and converſe amongſt them, they are amaz'd and confounded to ſee there is no ſuch things amongſt them, that their practices are honeſt, their preaching againſt vice, the Pſalms of David their muſick; that for the better inſtruction of the people, they read the Scriptures in their own tongue, and that ſwearing and blaſphemy is puniſh'd ſeverely.

And this is that Church the Catholick calls the Epitome of Hell, and the wickedeſt Society amongſt men. I will not ſay notwithſtanding, but amongſt them alſo there are ſome diſſolute and prophane; it is enough that as to the Eſſence of their Church, and their Divine Service, they are aſſured that the Catholicks themſelves, nay thoſe very Prieſts that kindle and foment the differences betwixt them, cannot but commend them when they ſee them.

The Proteſtant on the other ſide ſpeaks againſt the Catholick, with as much paſſion and zeal as againſt the Jews. Though indeed for the moſt part, their indignation is rather directed againſt the Pope, than the Church, as believing him the occaſion of all their corruption: But be it how it will, they alſo are to blame when they cenſure the Catholick, without diſtinction made betwixt the Church and the Pope.

The Church of Rome in reſpect of its original was good and holy, and therefore with good reaſon St. Paul directed his firſt Epiſtle to the Romans.

The iniquity that is crept into it, proceeds from the corruption of thoſe that have polluted it. Under aſhes that ſeem extinct, there many times lies fire conceal'd; the outward appearance does not deſtroy the inward excellence. A Vizard may give a man the ſimilitude of a Beaſt, but not the nature. Let the diſguiſe of ſin (which is that which makes Lucifer painted ſo deform'd) be taken away, and he will again become an Angel of Light.

If thoſe abuſes that are daily introduc'd into the Church of Rome, ſometimes by the Capriccio of the Pope, ſometimes by the fallacy of the Prieſt, were but taken away, let the Adverſary ſay what he pleaſes, I do not doubt but all the reſt would be well. For my part I am of opinion, and will declare it, (let both Papiſt and Proteſtant take it never ſo ill) that there is Salvation to be found in any Chriſtian Church whatſoever, provided [Page] they live piouſly, according to the natural precepts of our conſciences, and the expreſs directions in the Old and New Teſtament. And on the other ſide, I believe as confidently there is no Church but one may be damn'd in, if we ſuffer the contrary corruption to prevail▪ And this I write as an Hiſtorian, and not a Divine.

About the beginning of May 1667. there was a Prieſt of the Countrey of the Griſons paſſing by this City, was very curious to know the ſtate of the Proteſtants, enquiring of this man, and of that; and now and then having no capacity for greater, he would fall into ſome little arguments or diſputes about it. A certain Advocate of Crimona, a learned and exemplary man, to whom alſo he was recommended, gave him ſatisfaction immediately in all his ſcruples, whether of curioſity or conſcience; and indeed he could not have had better ſatisfaction from any body.

From general and more common diſcourſe, they came by degrees into ſome little diſpute, and after that into familiar. The Prieſt at laſt having his curioſity inflamed by the readineſs of the Advocate, deſir'd he would tell him what number he thought the Proteſtants might be: The Advocate reply'd, that was impoſſible; but if one might judge by the Provinces and Dominions they were poſſeſs'd of, they could not be leſs than forty Millions.

The Prieſt was amaz'd to hear them ſo numerous, for being not over-well skill'd in matters of Religion, no wonder if he could not ſee very far into buſineſs of State. However he return'd this anſwer to the Advocate, to his great ſatisfaction; Sir, the multitude of Proteſtants as you call them, and of Hereticks as we, proceeds not ſo much from any excellence in the Orders of their Church, as from the defect and iniquity in the Governours of ours, which is commonly too great; And the Proteſtants beholding the luxury and diſſoluteneſs of our Prelates, but taking no notice of thoſe bleſſed conſequences that would follow, were it govern'd according to thoſe Holy Rules that were given at its firſt inſtitution, do upon this ſcore grow numerous daily. Whereas if our Cardinals, Biſhops, and Religious men, would like the Apoſtles, as much as in them lay, obſerve the Commandments of God, the number of Catholicks would quickly encreaſe, and the number of Proteſtants decline.

I was preſent at this time, and ſurpriz'd to hear the Prieſt diſcourſe in that manner; however his words (though ſpoke with ſome kind of haſt and immaturity) gave me occaſion to reflect upon theſe conferences and arguments, that happen'd daily betwixt the Proteſtant and Papiſt; it being no hard matter to find out the defects both of the one ſide and the other.

Amongſt theſe diſputes both publick and private, it ſeems impoſſible to point out the true Church, every one boaſting of his own, and proving it from Scripture.

'Tis not many years ſince I alſo had the ſame curioſity, breaking my brains as it were to inform my ſelf in matters of Religion, conceiving by the inſtruction of Learned men, I might become a Maſter at length, of thoſe things that confounded me whilſt I was but a Scholar. But certainly I had better have been contented with my ignorance, my inquiry did but confound me the more. For the future I am reſolv'd to leave all diſputes, and to believe that Church the beſt, that is moſt conformable to the documents of the Goſpel, and gives moſt obedience to the Word of God.

When the Catholick is in combate with the Proteſtant in matters of Religion, the ſolideſt argument they have againſt them, is to charge them as having imbrac'd a new and modern Religion and ſeparated themſelves from theirs that was more antient. The Proteſtant returns his own argument upon him, and pronounces himſelf the antienter of the two, as retaining thoſe Ceremonies and Orders only which the Apoſtles obſerv'd themſelves, and left in writing to the Church; whereas the Catholick makes uſe of this Ceremony, and that Ordinance, brought in by this Pope, and by that. To which the Catholick replyes again, We can ſhew you in the Bible, in your own language and tranſlation, where St. Paul makes mention of the Church of Rome, but you cannot ſhew us the leaſt mention of the Church of Geneva, that you admire ſo much. The Proteſtant replyes to that; Shew us any thing in St. Paul to the Romans of your Purgatory, Maſs, Invocation of Saints, or Adoration of the Pope? St. Paul writ indeed to the Romans, but not to the Pope; ſo as you can expect no priviledge from thence, becauſe you obey [Page] the commands of the Pope, ſooner than the writings of St. Paul. Beſides, St. Paul writ alſo to the Hebrews, and if a Letter from the Apoſtles was enough, they might as well plead it for their purity as you.

True it is, Antiquity is a common ſign, yet the Anabaptiſts themſelves, and the moſt deſperate Hereticks in the world, will aſſert with great confidence their Church to be the antienteſt, deducing its antiquity from our Saviour himſelf.

To confound the Hereticks therefore in their diſputations, one is not ſo much to inſiſt upon the antiquity of his Church, for they commonly do urge that againſt their Adverſaries too▪ beſides ſuch arguments, would prove the Church to be nothing but a Cuſtome, which would be an errour diſallow'd by our very Enemies, who indeavour to prove us alwayes, becauſe Chriſt did not ſay, I am a Cuſtome, but I am the truth.

There are many antient Families, both in Italy, and other Countries, that derive themſelves from Emperours, Kings, and Princes, and I believe them. Yet having loſt thoſe Kingdoms and Principalities, the memory of their greatneſs ſerves for nothing but to increaſe their ſadneſs for the loſs of it.

What advantage is it to a Church to be admir'd for its antiquity, if its preſent Condition does not correſpond. To what purpoſe is it to ſay, I am deſcended from Chriſt, if I obſerve not his Commands, or to boaſt my ſelf an Heir of the Apoſtles, and never follow their Examples.

As often as I think of thoſe Princes that intitle themſelves to the Dominions that are in the poſſeſſion of others, and though they have no more Power nor Juriſdiction there than I have, will by no means part with the Title: ſo often do I think of the ſeveral Churches and Religions in Chriſtendom, that retain only the name, but are in other things corrupt, and abominable. For example, what other thing has the Church of Rome, more than the bare honour of being mentioned in the Epiſtle of St. Paul? As to other matters, the Epiſtle was not writ on purpoſe for them, though directed to them. So alſo, if the Proteſtant lives like a Devil, 'tis in vain to brag that he is deſcended from the Apoſtles. In ſhort, we live in an age, in which, two Princes will contend perhaps for the Title of a Principality, that poſſibly is in the poſſeſſion of neither of them. And the Catholick and Proteſtant will fall out, and quarrel in defence of their Religions, when there is nothing but name and title only in their poſſeſſion. As if the habit of a Monk were ſufficient to make one.

But our Bleſſed Saviour (to prevent occaſion of error in a thing ſo neceſſary, and that we might be able to diſtinguiſh betwixt the true Church and the falſe) left us a clear Character, as St. John teſtifies, My Sheep know my Voice, and follow me; and in another place, the ſame Evangeliſt, he ſays to the ſame purpoſe, If you abide my words, you ſhall be my Diſciples indeed.

That is the true Church, and that the true Religion, that with its whole heart and affection, makes uſe of Davids direction, Declina a malo, & fac bonum. For my part, I will not judge of the ſcruples of other Chriſtians; but this I muſt ſay, I am glutted with the dayly controverſies and diſputes between the Proteſtant and Catholick Churches to no purpoſe, and ſo glutted, as to make ſport of them. They will not make me a Saint, and I ſuffer them not to come near my heart, leſt they ſhould make me a Devil. Let the Catholick Divines write as they think good, and the Proteſtants do the ſame, I am reſolv'd to be unconcern'd, and ſit down with this Doctrine of St. Paul, Non plus ſapere, quam oportet ſapere, ſed ſapere ad Sobrietatem.

And why ſhould we go look for our Church in the Volumes of the Divines, whether Proteſtant or Papiſt, if we can find it out our ſelves in the Goſpel of Chriſt. This is to condemn our ſelves by our own folly, to hire an other mans Horſe to leap down a precipice withall, to borrow Spectacles that we may ſee more plainly the way to our damnation, and in ſhort, it is to believe our Divines have more Judgement than Chriſt, and more Holineſs than the Apoſtles.

The true Church of the Saints, according to the true Doctrine of the Apoſtles, conſiſts in doing good, and abſtaining from evil, to imitate our Saviour in good works.

And let the Divines alone with their new Opinions, to make the preſent time conform to the antient, and not ſuffer the modern to deſtroy the antient, for if we walk not in the [Page] ſame way they did in the beginning, antiquity does but diſtract the preſent proceedings. And this puts me in mind of an Example, no leſs moral than curious, which I ſhall inſert in this place.

In the time of Henry the Great, a certain Proteſtant Prince, invited the Popes Nuntio, that was then in Paris, to Supper. The Nuntio refus'd the invitation, excuſing himſelf with many pretences, but at laſt, overcome by the Civility of the Prince, he makes bold with his Eccleſiaſtical reaſons that oblig'd him to the contrary, and went with his whole Court to viſit him.

In the Chamber they were to Sup, the Prince had cauſed on one ſide of the Wall the twelve Apoſtles to be hung in excellent Tapiſtry, and wrought with that Artifice, they ſeem'd to want nothing but words to be alive, but withall they were unſhod, ungirt, ill habited, and in every thing conformable to the Poverty of the Apoſtles. On the other ſide, with the ſame exactneſs, he plac'd twelve Cardinals on Horſe back, cloathed in Scarlet, their Trappings imboſt very rich, their Foot-cloth of Silk, their Bridles of Gold, and their Spurs of the fineſt Silver.

As ſoon as the Nuntio entred the Chamber, caſting his eyes about, as one experienc'd in thoſe things, he preſently apprehended there was ſome myſtery in the buſineſs. He was ſurpriz'd, and could not but ſhow ſome confuſion in his looks, however, he counterfeited as much as he could, turning his eyes this way, and that way, and pretending to look on every thing but the Hangings, till at laſt having waſh'd, as is uſual amongſt great Perſons, the Prince obſerving he would needs ſet on the Apoſtles ſide, that he might have them on his back, and the Cardinals in his eye, the Prince, with no ſmall Ceremony, would perſwade him to the other ſide, telling him pleaſantly in Italian, but with the grace of a true Frenchman, By your favour Sir, do me not that diſgrace to turn your back upon my Religion, but turn it rather upon your own.

The Nuntio obſerving the Prince to ſmile, he ſmil'd a little himſelf, but it was but from the teeth outward, however he reply'd immediately, Your Excellence believes me of a Religion, I am not of, and your ſelf of another, you are not of neither. To which the Prince anſwer'd facetiouſly, Then there will be no difficulty in ending our Ceremonies, the difference will be decided, if every one takes which ſide he pleaſes. And with this they ſate down, the Nuntio at the end of the Table, where he had the proſpect both of the Apoſtles and Cardinals too.

But for the Readers better underſtanding, it will not be unneceſſary to explain what the Nuntio meant, when he told the Prince, That his Excellence believ'd him to be of a Religion that he was not of, and that he himſelf was not of that Religion he did believe. I ſuppoſe he alluded thereby to the State of the Cardinalſhip, and the exemplary life of the Apoſtles. And therefore the Prince having deſir'd him not to turn his back upon the Apoſtles, but upon the Cardinals, of whom he underſtood the Nuntio to be one▪ the Nuntio that was no Cardinal, reply'd, that he was not of the Religion his Excellence took him to be, and withall, added a little ſharply, that the Prince himſelf was not of the Religion he ſuppos'd; though the Prince had ſignify'd to the Nuntio, that his Religion was Proteſtant, and founded upon the Example and Doctrine of the Apoſtles.

The Princes words were ſmooth, and deliver'd with a good grace, yet no leſs pungent than the other; they troubl'd the Nuntio a little, but nothing ſo much as the unavoidable ſight of thoſe Hangings, which he conceiv'd, (as indeed they were) hung there in deſign. Had it been any Nuntio but he, they would have probably taken it ſo ill, as to have left the Princes Supper to himſelf; but this Nuntio being a prudent man, and conſidering how inconvenient it would be for his affairs to diſguſt the Prince at that time, he paſt away the Supper very well, with the variety of diſhes, driving both the Pictures, and Expreſſions, out of his mind. At Rome however it was ill taken, and the Nuntio ſeverely rebuk'd by the Pope, for ſupping with a Heretick; but he was ſo well acquainted in the Policies of the World, and the Intrigues of the Court of Rome, that he knew well enough how to excuſe himſelf to his Holyneſs.

The Cardinals truly, and the Prelates in the Church of Rome, are ſo exorbitant in their Expences, not only for their Cloaths and Liveries, but their Diet and Houſes, that the Proteſtants who are alwayes prying, and making their obſervations, cannot believe [Page] that Church to be good, in which they find ſuch exceſs of Luxury and Pride. For it is moſt certain, (and moſt Catholicks will confeſs it) that it is not the outward Pomp and Splendor of a Church, that denotes it a true one, as ſome of their Divines would maintain. And indeed, Chriſt did not promiſe Pomp, Magnificence, Gold, Riches, or Honour to his Church, but Poverty, Affliction, and Perſecution. For my part, I believe that the trueſt Church, in which the poor Members are the leaſt bewitch'd and carried away with the intereſt of the World, eſpecially the Eccleſiaſticks, who ought to give example: inſomuch, as in my judgement, there are many Catholicks in Rome, of very good reaſon, that live there, and yet believe Rome to be the moſt polluted and defil'd Church in the Univerſe; and for what cauſe think you? Becauſe they find the Prelates, and Popes themſelves, ſo wedg'd and link'd to Secular advantages, they have not time to think upon God, nor Religion, nor Faith.

In the year 1657. being by accident at Rome, to ſee the ſolemn Entry of the Queen of Sweedland, I heard an Expreſſion of a Roman, that gave me ſo great ſcandal, that from my Cradle I was not in greater perplexity, than at that time, and all upon occaſion of the Grandeur the Pope had uſurp'd under pretence of Religion. Being one day in St. Peters Church, to ſee the aforeſaid Queen Baptiz'd, and obſerving the Pope and Cardinals with moſt incredible Majeſty, walking about in moſt ſumptuous Habits, I turn'd about to my Camerade, and told him, in my judgement I did believe there could not be richer Cloaths ſeen in the whole World. The Roman heard me, and crowding himſelf towards us, gave me this anſwer, The Habits Sir of the Pope, Cardinals, and Prelats, are very rich indeed, but my Wife ſhews her bare breech for it. Neither my Camerade, nor I, gave him any anſwer, ſuſpecting him for ſome Court Spye, that uſe to inſinuate themſelves as it were by accident into peoples company, and ſpeak ill of the Pope to make diſcovery of what their affections are. But this poor Roman ſpake as he thought, by the reſt of his diſcourſe, making it plain, how miſerable the people of Rome were, that were forc'd to deny themſelves bread, to enable them to pay the Taxes, and Impoſitions, laid upon them by the Pope. So as the poor man concluded, that the Catholick Religion in the Eccleſiaſtick State, was the cauſe of the diſtreſs of the people, and of all the pleaſures and extravagancies in the Eccleſiaſticks.

To this purpoſe, I remember a certain Sermon I heard in a Covent in Rome, and in the preſence of two Cardinals, one of them Sacchetti, but the others name I have forgot. The Sermon, and the whole deſign of it, made ſuch an impreſſion in me, I think of it a hundred times a day, and ſhall in this place inſert the moſt memorable part of it.

The Preacher was a bare-footed Franciſcan, he ſeem'd a poor pittiful creature to look on, but he was the more experienc'd in morality, and declaim'd with that zeal and vigor againſt vice, he rais'd devotion in the hearts of his whole Auditory.

The firſt Sunday in Lent, this Holy Father being got into the Pulpit, in the preſence of two Cardinals, and a very great Auditory beſides, after an Ave Maria, and two or three cringes with his knee, as is uſual, riſing up again upon his feet, he put his Cappuce or Cowle upon his head, and pulling it down ſo low, that we could ſcarce ſee his eyes; in which poſture, having paus'd a while without ſpeaking a word, fixing his eyes upon the Cardinals that ſtood before him, without naming any Text at all, he breaks out abruptly into theſe words, St. Peter was a fool, St. Paul was a fool, all the Apoſtles were fools, the Martyrs were fools, and all the Primitive Saints of the Church of Jeſus Chriſt our Redeemer, were fools.

The Cardinals at theſe words, grew as inſenſible as Statues; the people on the other ſide, ſtood gaping in expectation of what would follow, moſt of us imagining there was ſome myſtery in the buſineſs, and I among the reſt admiring what freak this ſhould be, was very well contented to attend, whilſt the Father, after ſome moments of ſilence, which he had uſed, on purpoſe to obſerve the diſtraction of the people, began his diſcourſe as followeth;

You that are Prelats, do not you believe you ſhall be ſav'd? Yes good Father we do, I know your anſwer. And you of the common ſort of people, you are certain of Paradice? Without queſtion you will ſay yes. Yes ſay I? By turning night into day, by feaſting, ſporting, and luxury? with travelling all day in your Coaches, and ſeeing [Page] Comedyes at night? with wearing of Purple and Scarlet, Silver and Gold, and having your Silken trains carryed after you in the Street? yes, by ſpoyling the Walls of the Church, to adorn the Walls of your Chambers, and by taking from Chriſt, to beſtow upon the World? is it in this manner O Romans you would be Saved?

The Apoſtles certainly, and all the Saints of the Primitive Church, might have been Saved the ſame way, and then as certainly they were mad-men and fools, to wander up and down in ſolitude and miſery, begging their bread for the love of God. They were out of their wits to run up and down bare-foot and bare-legg'd preaching of Repentance, and lying whole weeks together upon the ground, and at laſt indure Injuries, Impriſonments, Perſecutions, and Death? you are miſtaken, O Romans, the Apoſtles, and Primitive Saints, were full of Sanctity and Prudence? it is you are the fools to propoſe a new way of Salvation to your ſelves, invented by your own intemperance and vanity: you, you are the fools, you are the mad-men, that think to ſave your Souls by ways, not only contrary to the Precepts of the Goſpel, but againſt all reaſon whatſoever.

And theſe were the expreſs words that he us'd, which as ſoon as I went home I ſet down in writing, leſt I ſhould forget them. After this the Father named this Text, Ductus eſt Jeſus in Deſertum, admiring his patience, which he apply'd with ſeveral places of Scripture, and arguments of his own (very proper for ſuch ſelect matter) to us with great fervour and zeal.

I went home very well ſatisfi'd with the Preacher, but in great apprehenſion for him, believing as an Article of my Faith, he would have been burnt next day in the Inquiſition. I was beginning a Pſalm of Mercy for his Soul, but my memory was too weak to go thorow with it; but if I had, my labour had been but loſt, the good Father had no need of it at all; for he continued his Preaching in the ſame Church, and with a greater concourſe than before, to my no ſmall admiration: for this I am certain of, a Heretick, nor the worſt Enemy the Church of Rome had, not only durſt not, but could not have found out more ignominious language againſt the City of Rome, when two Cardinals were preſent.

To ſpeak the truth, that Sermon put a thouſand thoughts into my head about matters of Religion, which indeed are thoſe I do moſt naturally apply my ſelf to. I would willingly have given any thing I had been abſent, and have repented me ſeveral times of going to Church that day; and not without reaſon, for from that day to this, it has ſtill run in my thoughts with what difference and contrariety they live now, to the manner they lived in the minority of the Church, when this City flouriſh'd with Godly men and Martyrs.

If a Heretick be ask'd, whether he thinks to be ſaved or not, I mean ſuch a one as would cheat his own Father, minds nothing but Roguery, a continual Swearer and Debaucher, one that goes to Church only for fear of the Magiſtrate; ask ſuch a one what he thinks of his Salvation, and he will tell you, he is moſt certain of it; if you ask, by what means, he will anſwer with greater arrogance ſtill, by vertue of the blood of our Saviour that was ſhed for us; as if Chriſts blood were ſhed for any but the penitent and virtuous.

If a Catholick on the other ſide be ask'd the ſame queſtion, one that is a Fornicator, a Murderer, a violater of all Law, a deſpiſer of Ordinances, and one that has not God before his eyes, he will anſwer with the ſame ſecurity, That God had brought him forth within the Pale of the Church on purpoſe to ſave him, and that there is nothing more certain than that he ſhall be ſav'd. If one purſues his curioſity, and inquires upon what grounds he believes it, he will tell you, by vertue of the many Indulgences his Holineſs has granted him; as if Chriſt had given the Keyes of Heaven to St. Peter to let in Malefactors only.

To what a ſad and deplorable condition is the Church of God reduc'd? All people would be ſaved, all people believe themſelves Saints: but none of them will confeſs his iniquities, unleſs it be before the Confeſſors face only, and that more out of cuſtome than contrition. The Proteſtant confeſſes his with his Hat before his eyes, leſt any object unexpected ſhould draw aſide his thoughts. The Catholick ſayes his Confiteor Deo in Latin, (which he underſtands not one word of) with his eyes fix'd upon a wooden Grate; [Page] both of them perhaps thinking more of what they are looking on, than what they are ſaying, or to whom.

The Proteſtant will tell you with great reaſon of the purity of the Church, and the exact Rules of living in Chriſtianity; but withall, that to live proportionably to thoſe Rules, and according to the purity of the Church, is impoſſible, and beyond the efficacy of the moſt eloquent Preacher in the world.

The Catholick underſtands not his own Religion, yet he is ſure of his Salvation by the good Works he performs daily: Yet he is more delighted to diſcourſe of his Pilgrimages, his Sack-cloth, Faſtings, and ſuch exterior Mortifications, than of the Fundamentals of Chriſtianity, or of the Church.

There are a ſort of blind and perverſe Hereticks, that place the whole ſubſtance and energy of Religion in fair words. They will not ſpeak but of the Scriptures, of Chriſt, and his moſt pretious blood that was ſhed for us; of the Pſalms, Commandments, mercies of God, and light of the Goſpel, when indeed there is nothing of all this in their heart; that is taken up with deſigns upon their Neighbours, and machinations of revenge, ſhutting up their breaſt againſt pity, at the ſame time they diſcourſe moſt earneſtly of the mercies of God.

How many Catholicks are there that like Wolves in Sheeps clothing, will ſpeak of nothing but the Priviledges of the priviledg'd Altar, of Saint Mary Maggiore, of the plenary Indulgence of Madona del Popolo, of the Diſciplines of Good-Friday, of the Communion at Eaſter, of the abſtinence of Saint Macario, the humility of Saint Francis, the Martyrdom of Saint Laurence, the Miracles of Saint Anthony of Lisbon, and in ſhort, that talk more of the Sanctity, Authority, and Impeccability of the Pope, than of Chriſt himſelf: So ſad a condition is the Church of God in in our times.

I have been ſeveral times to ſee the Jews at their devotions in their Synagognes, and the Turks in their Moſques; and truly as to their exterior morality, I found great occaſion of ſatisfaction, obſerving ſo great exactneſs and reverence in their Service, as would draw tears from the eyes of a Chriſtian: And for my part, by what I ſaw amongſt them, I think I may boldly pronounce them the Devils Saints, and our ſelves Chriſts Devils; for to ſpeak truth, they expreſs more reverence to the Devil, than we do to Chriſt himſelf.

A certain Turk that travelled for ſome time in Italy, and perhaps to make obſervation of the wayes of the Chriſtians, being in the Church of St. Mark one day in Venice, in the company of ſeveral, and amongſt the reſt a Chriſtian, who obſerving him to look with great intention on that marvellous ſtructure, he had the curioſity to ask him, what he thought of it? To which the Turk return'd this anſwer, Sir, were I ſure the Conſcienoes of you Chriſtians were as neat and as clean, as the Walls and Altars of this Church, I would turn Chriſtian to morrow. To which the Chriſtian reply'd, What need other peoples Conſciences concern you, ſo you accommodate your own to our Churches.

All the Chriſtians of this age could be contented to be glorify'd with St. Paul, but not a word of the afflictions or torments he endur'd for his love of Chriſt. I cannot but be much pleas'd to hear the Divines now a-dayes, both Papiſt and Proteſtant, arguing with great cunning, that in the infancy of the Church, indeed outward Penitence was neceſſary to provoke thoſe poor ſinners that were ſtragled to return, and to kindle ſuch a flame in the heart of Chriſtians, as might excite them to travel the World round for the propagation of the Goſpel, in ſpight of the Perſecution of Tyrants. But that the Goſpel being now planted, it was ſufficient if a Chriſtian be holy in his heart, and had an intention to goodneſs; becauſe in the Primitive time there was a neceſſity they ſhould labour towards the planting of the Croſs, which being planted now, we are only to enjoy.

Should it pleaſe God to throw down riches and afflictions together from Heaven, the Chriſtians would not ſo much as touch one of the afflictions in curioſity, but fall a ſcrambling for wealth, as if every one were deſirous of the greateſt ſhare: and if by chance one drachme of affliction happen'd to be gather'd up with the riches, they would preſently beſtow that upon their Neighbours. So noble are we in that kind at this day.

And this (if we except with the Popes themſelves) is manifeſt in the Cardinals, who live in Rome in all affluence imaginable; they ſtudy nothing but erecting of Palaces, [Page] that may contend with the Heavens in height, and making ſuch Gardens as may outvie, if poſſible, that of Paradice that was made by God himſelf; and in the greatneſs and ſplendor of their Courts, out-braving the greateſt Monarch in Chriſtendom.

Riches, Felicity, Plenty, and Magnificence▪ have in large ſhowers been pour'd down upon the Church, that Chriſtians perhaps might be the more confounded at their wickedneſs; but what follows? Why the Popes, the Cardinals, (and we may joyn their Nephews with them) they with m [...] unreaſonable avarice ſweep up all, ingroſſing what God meant for the whole Church to their own particulars: and if amongſt this Treaſure, there falls out any affliction, inconvenience, or trouble, to be found, they lay that a ſide as a preſent for the poor Prieſts and Capucins.

But what are thoſe incommodities the Eccleſiaſticks do ſuffer in general? The Cure of Souls, riſing at midnight to ſay Maſs, and adminiſter the Sacrament to the Sick, diſputing with Infidels, converſing with Hereticks, ſerving in the Hoſpitals, and celebrating Divine Functions in the Quire, But to whom do theſe troubles belong? to the Cardinals? no, to certain poor Prieſts that can ſcarce keep themſelves alive with their allowance. Theſe, theſe are they, that ſtudy all night, and labour all day for the Converſion of a Soul, whilſt the Cardinals ſwagger it up and down in their Coaches, play the Epicures with Muſick as well as Meat, refreſhing and recreating themſelves with the verdure of their Gardens in the Spring, and attended with the State and Magnificence of Princes.

It is enough to move compaſſion in the heart of any man, to ſee ſo many poor drudgeing Biſhops and Prieſts, that carp and moyl all day long, and are forc'd to go begging up and down to the Seculars gates for their Victuals, whilſt the profits of their Biſhopricks and Cures, are paid away in Penſions, that are ſometimes greater than their very Revenues. For which cauſe, many of them, for the quiet of their Conſciences, will chooſe rather to reſign them, than to have the ſmoak in their eyes, and none of the fleſh in their ſtomach.

In a Journey I took once from Rome to Naples, in the beginning of Alexander the ſeventh's Papacy, I over-took a Biſhop upon the way, incognito, as it was, without Pages, or any kind of Attendance. I knew his Dignity by his Habit immediately, and gave him all the honor and reſpect that was due to him: we diſcours'd, as Travellers do, of ſeveral things, and at laſt, about the preſent State of the Church, and the Government of the Chigi; but they being but new come to the Vatican, we had not many particulars againſt them.

But the poor Biſhop being much unſatisfy'd with the Court of Rome, and the Governours of the Church, he cry'd out with great ſentiment, againſt the extravagant Grandeur of the Popes, and the intollerable Pride of the Cardinals; whilſt I, ſuſpecting him to be a Spy, and ſuppoſing it impoſſible he could ſpeak with that liberty of the Church of Rome from his heart, I now and then would endeavour to excuſe them, but he believing me to be otherwiſe than I was, reply'd ſtill with more indignation than before, complaining of the Management of the Church Revenues, and the Officers that diſpos'd of them. That the Church having laid aſide the Primitive rules of Sanctity, in which they lived without difference or exception of perſons, was now become ſo partial, it allowed more for the fatning a Cardinals Horſe in the Stable, than for the ſuſtaining a poor Biſhop, or Curate, that pin'd and toyl'd themſelves out for the preſervation of Souls, it being moſt certain, that one Cardinal ſpent more on his Coach, than two Biſhops receiv'd for their Revenues.

It made me weep almoſt to hear thoſe expreſſions from the poor Biſhop. I endeavour'd what I could to comfort him, I told him that Chriſt would reward thoſe that were ſerviceable to the Church, before thoſe that made the Church ſubſervient to them; he reply'd, the poor would hardly have patience, Deſpair aſſaulting them with moſt violence whoſe Poverty was greateſt.

This poor Biſhop was not the only man in Rome, nor out of it neither, that had talk'd to me at that rate. There are many more of them in the Court of Rome, and it was well if they would keep there; the worſt is, they run all Chriſtendome over, crying out againſt Rome and the Vatican, finding no conſolation, but in ſeeing miſery multiply in [Page] the Church, which of it ſelf is not guilty at all; it not being her intention that one ſhould be robb'd, for the inrichment of another; that of two Twins, one ſhould be a Prince, and the other a Beggar; that the meat ſhould be taken from his mouth that labours and ſweats to bring Chriſts Flock to his Fold, and that he ſhould go away with the wealth that imploys it only to the ſervice of the world; that ſo many Abbeys ſhould be diſpos'd to one Abbot, ſo many Revenues to one Cardinal, and the poor Biſhops want wherewithall to ſubſiſt; that they ſhould heap ſorrow upon ſorrow on the poor Prelate, and riches upon riches on the Cardinals; that they ſhould have all that do nothing, and they ſhould have nothing that do all.

God knows what thoſe hundreds, not poor only, but Mendicant Biſhops, do ſay, when they find the Revenue of their Biſhopricks (which is indeed but the ſweat of their Brows, and the labour of their Brains) perverted and miſapply'd. When they ſee the Horſes, in the Cardinals, the Nephews, and the Popes Stables, kept by the hundreds, and bought with the money good Chriſtians gave to ranſome their poor Souls (as they thought) out of the torments in Purgatory, or to relieve the neceſſities of the poor. Nay which is more, the very Horſes and Mules of the Pope and his Nephews, have more privilege in Rome, than they; the Prelates are not permitted to complain of their grievances, of the inſupportableneſs of their Penſions, and of the neceſſity that is upon them; whereas their Horſes neigh, and domineer, and threaten with their noiſe, as it were their Keeper, if they want but their Oats; which perhaps was the occaſion of that ſaying, 'Tis better to be the Popes Mule, than the Biſhop of Orvietto.

Theſe miſeries, to which the Pope and his Cardinals will by no means hearken, are of extraordinary prejudice to the Church; for the people framing their own lives generally by the comportment of others, taking example by the Eccleſiaſticks, will practice the ſame among themſelves, robbing and ruining one another as they do, and which is yet more lamentable, behave themſelves with the ſame licentiouſneſs and liberty, as if there was no Church upon Earth, nor no God in Heaven, to take notice of, and revenge the iniquities of mankind, who with their irreligious diſcourſes, does many times profane that very Goſpel, which they at other times pervert in the defence of their ſenſuality and looſeneſs.

A certain Neopolitan Prieſt being invited to Supper in Bolyna one night, and I, with ſeveral other ſtrangers, being invited to the ſame place. The Prieſt being a facetious man, began to diſcourſe at the Table of this thing, and of that, and by little and little, he fell upon the miſeries of the poor Biſhops and Curates; but that which was moſt remarkable, was his excellence of diſguiſing his thoughts, and making black ſeem white; and the contrary, like the Bee, diſpenſing his ſting and his honey together, ſmiling with his mouth, but weeping at his heart, in ſhort, pretending to ſpeak that in raillery, that he ſpake with indignation. Whilſt he was entertaining the Company with this kind of diſcourſe, there was one that told him, that all that he had ſaid was very ſtrange; to which the Prieſt reply'd, he wiſh'd with all his heart thoſe dayes would return again in which our Saviour [...]ed and ſatisfy'd ſo great a number with ſo little bread. The other deſiring his reaſon, he anſwered, That I might pray to God Almighty that he would vouchſafe in like manner to multiply the riches of the Cardinals, as he had done the five barly Leaves, for I perceive we are not to have any thing but what the Cardinals leave.

Another (but a Proteſtant) who was a pleaſant Companion, would wiſh often he had the power of doing Miracles for one day, or (rather than fail) for a moment. Having occaſion to talk with him one day, and by degrees, of the power of working Miracles which he deſir'd ſo earneſtly, I had the curioſity to ask him, what he would do with that virtue if he had it, he anſwer'd me ſodainly, He would turn water into wine, a [...] Chriſt himſelf had done at the Marriage of Cana in Galilea; and he had reaſon for what he ſaid, for at that time Wine was very dear in that Country, and he had a cuſtom of being drunk once a year, but that fit laſted three hundred ſixty five dayes together.

And in this condition is the Church at that time, replete with a wicked and perverſe Generation, and therefore no wonde [...] if the faculty of working Miracles be ceas'd, that in the dayes of the Apoſtles was ſo frequent and conſpicuous. Now adayes, every one drives at his own intereſt, and prefers his particular profit before the advantage of [Page] the Church; ſo as I am perſwaded, ſhould God Almighty permit Miracles again, the people are ſo bewitch'd with their own intereſt, and ſo inveterated in iniquity, it would be of ſmall benefit to the Church.

I remember to this purpoſe what is recorded of Sextus the fifth, who being created Pope, would have a General Chapter of the Fathers of his Order celebrated at Rome, where ſeveral Religious men ſhould be preſent, and he himſelf was preſent in ſome of the principal Tranſactions. The Convocation being met, and the General made, the Pope as a token of his affection, gave order that before their departure from Rome, the Fathers of the Chapter ſhould attend his Holineſs and kiſs his Foot; and withall, that they ſhould each of them have liberty to ask a Boon, and the ſaid Sextus promis'd them it ſhould be granted.

The good Fryers were very punctual, coming in Proceſſion one by one into the Popes preſence in the Vatican. The Pope ſtanding upon his Throne, they advanc'd to kiſs his Toe, and when that was performed, every one a part demanded his Boon. There was three hundred and more Fryers that entred to kiſs his Toe, three hundred and more Boons deſired, and a Secretary ſtood by on purpoſe to regiſter them as they were granted; but what was it they deſir'd? one ask'd to be a Provincial, another a Vicar, another a Guardian, this a Biſhop, this a Cardinal, this one thing, this another, but every one for their private advantage.

At laſt comes in a poor Lay-Brother of a Religious Order, that had ſerv'd forty years in a Monaſtery, only to draw water from morning to night out of a very deep Well, for the uſe of the Kitchen, which had ſpoil'd the ſoftneſs of his Palm: This poor overwrought creature (the Pope having made no exceptions of perſons) comes in, and with great reverence deſires in theſe words: Moſt Holy Father, if your Holineſs ſhall pleaſe to vouchſafe me my requeſt, it ſhall be that you would condeſcend to bring a Fountain into our Covent, for the benefit of our Fraternity, who are very much put to it for want of water, every Bucket full being to be drawn up from the bottom of a deep Well, from whence your Holineſs for your own uſe drew your ſhare, when you were formerly a Fryer in that Covent; and truly I am troubled for the poor man that ſucceeds me in my office, which I have executed this forty years, as your Holineſs may moſt graciouſly remember, having often ſeen me at work from morning to night.

The Pope ſmil'd, but myſteriouſly, and as if there was ſomething more than ordinary in the matter; caſting his eyes about, ſometimes on this Brother, and ſometimes on that; (for he had given order none ſhould depart out of his preſence till the whole buſineſs was concluded) at laſt he caſts them up to Heaven, and cryes out, Bleſſed be Almighty God, that amongst ſo many Fryers that ſeek their own intereſt only, there is one found that ſupplicates for the publick benefit of his Covent. And having with ſome vehemence for a time declaim'd againſt the Corruption in their Religion, he took his leave of the Fraternity in theſe words; We were very bountifull in promiſing you your demands, becauſe we were of opinion you would be as zealous in deſiring ſomething for the publick advantage of your Orders: But for as much as you have poſtpon'd the publick intereſt to your own, We cannot think it juſt to gratifie your particular requeſts, that are ſo remote from the benefit of the publick. And with this anſwer he return'd them to their Covents, full of indignation and wrath; but for the ſatisfaction of the other, he gave order immediately to have three or four Fountains made in the Apoſtles Monaſtery of the Order of St. Francis; and one of them particularly in the Kitchin, which he that is at Rome, and has as much curioſity as I had, may ſee at this day.

And in this manner, in my judgement, it will alwayes happen, whilſt thoſe words of our Saviour, Ask and ye ſhall receive, ſeek and ye ſhall find, knock and it ſhall be open'd unto you, be apply'd by every one to his particular intereſt; every one petitioning for his private advantage only, without the leaſt thought of the common good of Chriſtendom. And if every one complains and repines that his prayer is not heard, the fault is in themſelves, that they pray not for the Publick, whoſe intereſt is alwayes prae-conſider'd by our Saviour. In the Primitive times the Saints underſtanding what was fit for them to ask, and ſeeking the common good of Chriſtendom, were alwayes gratifi'd in what they did ask: but at preſent all the Cardinals deſire is to be Popes; the Abbots, to be Biſhops; [Page] the ſimple Prieſts, Canons; the Gentlemen, Princes; the private Soulders, the Governours of Towns; the Merchants, ſucceſs in their affairs, all riches and wealth; but of the proſperity of the Church, of the deſtruction of Hereſie▪ of the propagation of the Goſpel, not one word: So as it is no wonder if Chriſt deals with them after the ſame rate as Sextus the fifth did with his Fryers.

But it is time to leave theſe commune conſiderations, and with brevity to fall upon the moſt remarkable occurrences in the Church, deducing them from its very Creation to this day; it being neceſſary for the comfort, and better information of the Reader, to premiſe ſome general proofs of what we ſay; and that becauſe ſuch diſcourſes as are interlarded as it were with matter of Hiſtory, and examples drawn from certain Experience, (as mine I conceive are) do awaken, and with more efficacy excite the devotion of the Reader.

Though by the impiety of the Tyrants in thoſe dayes, the Church was bitterly perſecuted in the perſons of the Apoſtles; yet all their violence and barbarity could not hinder but they went on ſtill, ſerving God with all ſincerity of conſcience, till at laſt they became forc'd to encounter the Hereſies of Menander the Samaritan, Ebioni and Cherinthus, (obſtinate Hereticks, and perverſe Adverſaries to the Apoſtles, and ſo popular they denominated their parties with their own ſeveral Names) and gave the Church great trouble and perplexity: But St. John (who writ his Epiſtles about that time) though he was at a great diſtance, by the aſſiſtance of ſome of his Diſciples, refuted their falſe Doctrine, and ſilenc'd them.

After them ſucceeded Carpocrates of Alexandria, and Epiphanes his ſon, the Authors of the damnable Hereſie of the Gnoſticks; and the Jews were about the ſame time routed out of Jeruſalem, and St. Mark made Biſhop thereof about the year 137.

In the year 161. Marcion the Heretick gave great diſturbance to the Church, but he was encounter'd, and partly convinc'd by Bardeſanus and Rodoſianus, two learned men, and well skill'd in the Holy Scriptures; but he was totally refuted by Muſanus and Modestus, who writ againſt Tatianus the Syrian, an impious Heretick, and a great ſower of diſſenſion amongſt young Chriſtians.

In the year 174. there ſprang up a new Hereſie, by the means of Montanus Phrygius, which was afterwards call'd the Cataphrygian Hereſie, and there were ſome worſe Hereticks than himſelf joyn'd with him; but it pleas'd God by oppoſing the Learning and Sanctity of Irenaus Biſhop of Lyons againſt it, to ſtop the violence of that torrent with the Books he writ in 184.

Againſt which Artemonus, one of the greateſt Hereticks of that age, writ alſo. And in the year 246. there were new Hereticks broach'd in Arabia, that were call'd Arabians; but they were in a ſhort time ſuppreſs'd by the induſtry of St. Origen.

The Clergy being divided, Novatianus the Roman was by faction created Antipope, in oppoſition to Cornelius; which was the occaſion of the firſt Schiſm in the Church, beſides the fall of two Biſhops, Baſilides Aſtanianſis, and Martialis Emeritenſis; and therefore to remedy and reconcile thoſe diſturbances, that gave great ſcandal to Chriſtendom, it was thought neceſſary a General Council ſhould be call'd. In the year 258. Noetus and Sabellius appear'd, Hereticks both of them in their Doctrine, and arrogant in their Lives. In 270. Paulus Samoſatenus diſcover'd himſelf, who was ſo much the more ſcandalous in his Hereſie, by how much he had been formerly a ſtout propugnor of the Faith: But he was convinc'd by Machion a Prieſt of Antioch, a learned man, and one that writ ſeveral things with great judgement towards unity in the Church.

The ſecond Schiſm began in Africa, and was call'd the Schiſm of the Donatiſts. Antro a Prieſt of Alexandria, from whom the Hereſie of the Arrians had its original began to preach it up in the year 324. and to prevent the ſpreading of thoſe execrable blaſphemies, a General Council was call'd, becauſe this Hereſie of the Arrians (allowing I know not what liberty in their lives) had perverted and debauch'd ſeveral Biſhops from the Church of Chriſt. And indeed the Church was never in that danger of being ſwallow'd up and ſubmerg'd, as in the dayes of Arrius, in ſo much as there was nothing but tears to be ſeen in the eyes of the Saints that ſtood firm, according to that expreſſion, Ingemiſcens orbis terrarum Arrianum ſe eſſe miratus eſt.

[Page]The third Schiſm was betwixt Damaſus and Ʋrſicinus in the year 366. and though that alſo had perverted the good orders in the Church, yet it was inconſiderable in compariſon of what the Church ſuffered in the year 407. there being then Hereſies on foot, and Rome ſack'd at the ſame time by Alaricus King of the Goths, who gave ſhelter and protection to thoſe Hereticks that afflicted the Church.

About this time, Venice was begun to be built by thoſe that fled from the fury of the Goths, and particularly of Attila, whoſe actions were ſo barbarous, he was call'd (and glory'd in it) Flagellum Dei; as if by laying the foundation of Venice, God Almighty intended to demonſtrate the effect of his Divine Providence, raiſing up as it were by Miracle, a Republique that ſhould be a bulwork of defence, not to the liberties of Italy only, but of all the Church of Chriſt; and indeed her actions have expreſs'd her ſo ever ſince, having been alwayes ready to ſpend the blood of her deareſt Citizens in defence of Chriſtendome.

According as Hereſie (protected by ſeveral Princes, and embrac'd by ſeveral great Cities) did propagate and increaſe; and according as any new and more dangerous ſprung up, the Church apply'd all ſeaſonable and miraculous remedies, to repell their audacity, but in ſpight of all that could be done, they were forc'd to call a general Councel at Conſtantinople to ſuppreſs the Hereſie of the Monothelites, which they condemn'd there, and made many good Laws for the better regiment of the Church.

In ſhort, 'tis not to be comprehended by humane imagination, with how many ſorts of Hereſies and Schiſms, the Church of God in thoſe dayes was afflicted and torn, being for eight hundred years together in perpetual perplexity; during which time, ſeveral Councels and Synods both general and particular were call'd, more eſpecially two at Rome, one at Antioch, two at Carthage, one of them to determine, whether Hereticks that repented and would return again to the Church, were to be rebaptiz'd or not; the other, to conclude upon the manner of baptizing of Infants in caſes of neceſſity: two more there were in Aſia, one in Licaonia, the other in Phrygia, to conſult upon the manner of receiving ſuch Hereticks into the Church again as had a deſire to return, which coſt great argument and diſpute before it could be concluded.

During theſe eight hundred years, the Church was expos'd to ſeveral Perſecutions, under the Tyranny of ſeveral Emperours; but nine of them were more bloody than the reſt, for thruſting and tearing into the very bowels of the Church, the poor Saints were conſtrained either to lay themſelves down as Sacrifices at the feet of their Perſecutors, or to fly from their barbarity, to the protection of the Woods. But that juſt God (who had promis'd the Gates of Hell ſhould never prevail againſt the Glory of his Church) ſent Charles the Son of Pipin King of France, as a ſpecial gift from Heaven, to command the Empire of the Weſt. Which being found and acknowledg'd by the Romans, they ordered theſe words to be publiquely Proclaim'd thorough all the Streets in Rome, To Charles the Great, the most Pious and Peaceful Emperour Created by God, be Life and Victory.

The Church that for ſo many years had been afflicted with Hereſies and Schiſms, Wars both Inteſtine and Foreign, Eccleſiaſtick and Civil, found not only eaſe and protection under the Government of this great Emperour, but was propagated exceedingly; moſt of all the Cities of Europe, eſpecially in Italy and France, abounding with multitudes of new Chriſtans won by the example of Charles, who thought the Chriſtian Faith more glory to him than his Crown; by the force of his Arms, and the zeal of his Heart, profligating and confounding thoſe Hereſies that were over-running the Church; for which reaſon, the Popes of Rome are in gratitude oblig'd to acknowledge the greateſt part of their Grandeur from the munificence of that Emperour.

And indeed the Popes are bound in Conſcience daily to pay their Tribute o [...] reſpect to the memory of that Emperour that gave them their Grandeur, and to the preſent State of the Venetians, that with ſo much pains and expence has preſerv'd it; and indeed, were the Popes obligations to both of them compar'd, I am of opinion (with Reverence be it ſpoken to the memory of ſo great a Monarch) they would appear greater to that Republique, becauſe though Charles indeed gave them their Grandeur and Wealth, yet they could not have injoy'd either without their Liberty, which Liberty they owe only to [Page] that Commonwealth. All Chriſtendome was in tears at the death of Charles the Great, but the Pope above all, who had loſt, as he thought, whatever had been given him by the liberality of that Emperour: nor was it without reaſon he was lamented, for within few years, the Enemies of the Church finding no impediment, and the Chriſtians grown curious of novelties, there began new Hereſies and Schiſms to ſpread more fierce and dangerous than before, even the Popes differing and quarrelling among themſelves for the Papacy; inſomuch that the Church was conſtrained as it were to keep Councels conſtantly open, Leo the ninth having call'd four; one in Rome, call'd the Lateran Councel, the Councel of Pavia in Lombardy, of Reimes in France, and of Munſter in Germany.

In Antioch (where by the pains and vigilance of St. Peter, and where he was Biſhop for ten years together) the Croſs of Chriſt was ſet up and flouriſh'd with ſo great a number of Chriſtians, that they became emulated by their Neighbours; yet after the year 400. Chriſtianity began to ſtagger, and the Flock of Chriſt to wander by degrees, ſo as where before it was a hard matter to find an Infidel, it was then much more difficult to meet a Chriſtian, to ſo ſmall a number were they reduc'd; and in this condition did they ſtand, till the Chriſtians of the Weſt put the Eaſtern Saracens to flight, and reſtor'd Antioch to her Primitive Liberty, and all this under the command of Godfrey of Bollen, (who refus'd to be Crown'd King with a Crown of Gold, where our Saviour had been Crown'd with Thorns) in the year 1098.

Great was the Schiſm in the Church in the time of Alexander the third (as ſhall be more particularly and more properly expreſs'd in my third Book) and all of them reconcil'd either by Councels or Congregations, only that which gave him the greateſt trouble, was an Aſſembly of Biſhops at Pavia, congregated by orders from the Emperour, but by the zeal and valour of the Venetian, that was diſſolv'd, and Alexander reſtor'd to the Chair, in deſpight of the Emperour, who having loſt his Army, was conſtrain'd by the Venetian to come in Perſon to Venice to kiſs the Popes Toe. So as God knows what condition the Church would have been in, had not the valour of the Venetian interpos'd.

It would not be an eaſie matter to make an end of this Hiſtory, nor would it be eaſie for the beſt memory that is to retain them, ſhould I enumerate every particular Schiſm, and Hereſie, every Diſpute, every Perſecution, every piece of Cruelty, and every Mutation in the Church, and the Remedies that were ſo ſeaſonably and ſo miraculouſly apply'd, (as it were from Heaven) to her afflictions.

And if it ſhould be done, it would be only a renovation and revivement of the memory of the antient ſorrows and afflictions of the Church: yet I am perſwaded, that as the relation and repetition of their ſuffering, would inforce tears from the eyes of many a Chriſtian; ſo am I ſatisfied on the other ſide, the remedies and deliverances ſent down to them from Heaven, would be a great comfort and corroboration to the Godly. For which reaſon, I have in my third Book in larg'd upon the miſeries of the Church; not ſo much to commemorate the unhappy and ſcandalous Schiſms wherewith ſeveral Anti-Popes had infeſted it, as to evince and make the Divine Providence more conſpicuous to the underſtanding of the Devout.

The Clergy of Rome, as well the ſmaller, as thoſe of greateſt Dignity, do believe that they endure all the troubles and burthens of the Church, but thoſe burthens, as they call it, are accompany'd with ſo much Honor and Grandeur, 'tis not poſſible to diſcover the trouble they pretend to lye under. And foraſmuch as the Faithfull do ſuffer moſt commonly by the Churchmen, it may be ſaid, it is the Clergy that enjoy, and the Laity that ſuffers; and indeed one of their greateſt troubles is, that they are conſtrain'd to endure ſilently the inſolences of the Eccleſiaſticks, which they commit with as much confidence, and ſecurity, as if Honeſty, and Juſtice, and Chriſtianity, were intended for other people, and not for them.

According to my natural inclination, I had the curioſity a while agoe to read over the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory, and I made this obſervation, that all the Schiſms and Hereſies in the Church, aroſe either from ſome profound and undeterminable Diſputes betwixt the Governours and Paſtors in the Church, or from the Envy that is too frequent amongſt [Page] them, or from the Scandalouſneſs of their Lives, or from the Exaltation of their Kindred, or from ſome blind paſſion that precipitates the people in general, and the Clergy in particular, and reigns moſt eſpecially in ſuch perſons as are dedicated to Divine Offices, not that the Prieſthood communicates any ſuch thing to the Prieſt, but that the Prieſt prophaning the Prieſthood, lives as he were under no ſuch charge.

And this being the true Mother and Original of Schiſm, it behooves every good Chriſtian to apply what remedy he is able, not of Councel and Admonition only (becauſe ſo obſtinate is the nature of the Eccleſiaſticks, they will ſooner adhere to their own wicked opinions, than be perſwaded by the beſt advice in the world) but with Arms in their hands, to ſtruggle and contend in preſervation of the juſt prerogative of the Church.

But ſince we have had occaſion to ſpeak ſo frequently of Schiſm and Hereſie; to prevent confuſion in ſuch as have not been well inſtructed, it will not be amiſs in this place to give ſome deſcription by the bye of the difference betwixt them; and not without reaſon, for it is not two months ſince, that a certain Franciſcan Preacher, a Miſſionary againſt Hereticks, being ask'd what the difference was, could not make him an anſwer.

Schiſm it originally a Greek word, and ſignifies in our Tongue, a cutting ſeparation, or diviſion; and indeed, though there appears ſome little difference betwixt Hereſie and that, it is not much; both of them importing ſuch a diviſion, as tares and diſtracts the Body and Members of the Church, that was formerly united with ſo much order and decorum.

Notwithſtanding all this, if we conſider well the qualities of them both, we ſhall find ſome variety in their manner of Operation. By Hereſie is meant, not only a difference in matters of Diſcipline, but of Faith alſo; and of this kind was the diviſion introduc'd in the Primitive times by the Ebionites, Marcionites, and more particularly the Arrians. Whereas by Schiſm, is meant a difference or diſagreement in the Orders and Exterior Policy of the Church, and ſuch was the diſ-union the Donatiſts occaſion'd in the Church in Africa, by reaſon of Cecilianus his being choſen Biſhop of Carthage, they pretending he was illegally advanc'd to that Biſhoprick, and contrary to Eccleſiaſtical Rules, ſo as they began at that time to write againſt their proceedings in that Caſe, without medling at all with any principal of Religion.

But this difference does not alwayes hold in the ſame manner as I have ſtated it; and the reaſon is, becauſe as Faith and Charity (the two principal Theological virtues) are obſerv'd to go alwayes and inſeperably together, ſo Schiſm and Hereſie (the two profeſt diametrical Enemies of thoſe virtues) go uſually hand in hand; inſomuch as he that has no Charity, will have but little Faith, and he that has no Faith, will have leſs Charity, and upon this ſcore, St. Auſtin (with the greateſt part of the Doctors of the Church) doubts not to pronounce Hereſie nothing elſe but an old and inveterated Schiſm.

Schiſmaticks commonly are Domeſtick Enemies, and by conſequence more miſchievous than Hereſie, which is as it were an open and declar'd Enemy. And this Schiſm is many times nouriſh'd in the Church by the very Paſtors that govern it; ſo that Schiſm is often times the root from whence the Tree of Hereſie grows to ſuch a height, it becomes very difficult to pull it up, and hurts the hands of thoſe that endeavour it. And certainly, he that has not the power or caution to ſuppreſs Schiſm, muſt with more difficulty attempt the eradication of Hereſie, becauſe if Schiſm in its Infancy as it was, be found difficult to be ſuppreſs'd, Hereſie (that is but Schiſm adult) will be more difficult.

I have already declar'd, that the greateſt Schiſm that at this time reigns in the Church, and inſenſibly tares the Bowels of it out, is the obſervation all good Chriſtians make of the great Scandals and Impieties of the Clergy; and if any ſhould be ſo far over-ſeen as to undertake their defence, I would ask them but theſe queſtions.

To paſs from the embraces of a wicked and meritricious woman, to the Sacred Duties of the Altar, is not that Schiſm? to ſee the Prieſt of God celebrate Maſs with Daggers at their Girdles, and Piſtols under their Veſts, is it not Schiſm? To ſee (I ſpeak it with horror) that Boy ſerving and attending the Prieſt as his Diſciple in the Holieſt part of his Office, with whom he lay the night before, and muſt again the next, is not that [Page] Schiſm? To hear hourly of Murders, and other execrable Villanies committed in the very Cloiſters, is not that Schiſm? To ſell Benefices at a dear rate, to keep open ſhop to negotiate for Simoney, to take the Rings off the Virgin Maryes fingers, and to put them upon a Harlots, is not that Schiſm? to fatten up the Popes Nephews with the Wealth of the Church, is not that Schiſm? In ſhort, what is this but a ſeparation of themſelves from the Rules and good Orders of the Church? Is it not a diſ-uniting of Faith and Charity? a taring of the Church out of the Arms of our Saviour? and a practiſing of things contrary to the practiſe of the Apoſtles?

And indeed, things may be as they will in other parts of Chriſtendome, if we reſtrain them no better at Rome, in which place there are thouſands of theſe Schiſms that will ruine the Church infallibly, without ſome ſpeedy remedy be apply'd, their Corruption being at that height, it is almoſt impoſſible to look upon a Prieſt with patience.

If the zeal of any good Chriſtian carries him on ſo far, as to correct or reprehend any of them for their Exorbitancies, they will anſwer in their Excuſe, that even among the Apoſtles there was a Judas, a Traytor, and therefore as they would have them believe, they ought not to be ſcandaliz'd at the ill example the Clergy gives to them.

Theſe kind of excuſes may ſeem good to thoſe that uſe them, but not to thoſe that hear them. I would to God amongſt twelve Eccleſiaſticks, there was but one Judas to be found; but I am affraid, amongſt a hundred of them that imitate Judas in their lives, there will be ſcarce one found that lives like the reſt of the Apoſtles.

Is it not Schiſm to hear a thouſand of quarrels and diſputes betwixt the Biſhops and the Civil Magiſtrates, betwixt Princes and Cardinals, Prieſt and Prieſt, Order and Order, in the very Heart and Boſom of the Church!

The Religion or Order of Dominicans contends very fiercely with the Franciſcan about Original Sin, and will have the Virgin Mary as lyable to it, as any other Creature whatever, which they maintain very furiouſly in their Schools, but with more Arrogance than Argument. The Franciſcan on the other ſide, with the ſame Ardor pronouncing her immacculate. I my ſelf have, upon ſeveral occaſions, heard poor ignorant Dominicans diſcourſing with that Inſolence, a poor Secular would have been burnt for half of it. But theſe good Fathers are exempt from all puniſhment becauſe they can command the Inquiſition as they pleaſe, chaſtiſing who they think fit, and paſſing by ſuch as deſerve it, being Judges to others, and Princes to themſelves.

Can there be greater Schiſm, than to hear them diſputing dayly, and contending about the preceedence of one Order before another, and ſometimes with ſuch paſſion, that they fall together by the Ears, battering one another in their very proceſſions with the Croſſes they bear, to the no ſmall Scandal of the Laity, that to prevent Homicide, and Blood-ſhed, are forc'd to interpoſe. Nor has this happen'd once or twice, but a thouſand times, not in one City, but a hundred. I remember my ſelf ſuch a Combate one Corpus Christi day in the Lands of the Church, betwixt the Aguſtins, and another Order of Fryers, whoſe name I have forgot; as they were paſſing out of the Cathedral with their lighted Candles in their hands, and the Biſhops Vicar carrying the Hoſt, they fell into ſome difference about the preceedency, and at laſt (in ſpight of all exhortation to the contrary) to blows; ſtriking one another with their Candles, and burning one anothers Beards, ſo as the Vicar had no other way, but to command them home again to their Covents, and adjourn the Proceſſion a full hour.

Nor is there any Schiſm, not only more ſcandalous, but ridiculous in the Church, than that betwixt the Conventual Fathers of the Order of St. Francis, and the Cappuchins, and for what great buſineſs? (I ſpeak theſe things to Foreigners, for thoſe that live in Italy, have them hourly before their Eyes) For I know not what Devil with a horn. The Cappuchins will needs have it that St. Francis wore a Cap with a horn upon his head; the Coventuals on the other ſide, will have it a Hood or Cappuce like theirs: in ſhort, theſe Schiſmaticks are ſo Religious in theſe trifles, they Preach and Inculcate them into their Diſciples, that they may be ready upon all occaſion to rifle the Arguments of the other; whilſt the People, either out of ignorance or partiality, run up and down the Streets, ſometimes crying up the Hood, and ſometimes the Horn, as their affection to either ſide leads them.

[Page]The Popes by ſeveral Decrees, as their Conſcience or Paſſion directed them, endeavour'd to reconcile them, but all to no purpoſe, they rather exaſperated than appeas'd them. Ʋrban the eight, in compliance with his Brother Cardinal Saint Onofrius his humour, ſet forth ſeveral Bulls in favour of the Cappuchins, upon which the Franciſcans took occaſion to defend themſelves in Print. And accordingly, a certain Father call'd Catalanus, writ a large Volume againſt the Cappuchins, that put all Italy into a Convulſion, ſo as it ſeem'd as if the dayes of the Guelphs and Ghebelli [...]s were return'd again, the Cardinals, as well as common People, falling into Parties. The Cappuchins alſo (though the book was prohibited to be bought or read under penalty of Excommunication) publiſh'd ſeveral Manifeſto's againſt it, though it was Dedicated to a Cardinal. Now can there be a greater or vainer Schiſm in the Church? Yet theſe Venerable Schiſmatical Fathers of the Church, will perſwade you that all this is no Schiſm, but a Virtue, a laudible and neceſſary Vindication of their Rights, under which Title they comprehend all their Schiſms and Hereſies.

The Hereticks that are now in Europe in ſuch great numbers, or in any other part of the World, have not ſeparated themſelves from the Church out of any Fundamental Exception, as if the Foundation of that Building was not good, Oh no! They will not ſay ſo themſelves; on the contrary, they acknowledg'd them Excellent, but obſerving Corruption and Scandal increaſing dayly in the Church, they conclude the Edifice cannot ſtand long, but by a precipitate deſtruction muſt of neceſſity fall, and bury its Foundation in its own Ruines; thereby taking occaſion to inſinuate into the People, that God Almighty will proſper the Reformers, and make their Labour and Induſtry inſtrumental in re-clearing the Foundations, and re-eſtabliſhing the Church.

He that is ſo curious to trace out the Original of Hereſie, eſpecially thoſe which abound in theſe dayes, he ſhall find, that from idle and impertinent Fewds and Diſputes amongſt the Eccleſiaſticks (which nobody regarded, or if they did, they look'd upon them as inconſiderable) came Schiſm, and from Schiſm, Hereſie, which has multiplyed like Corn. The leaſt ſpark of fire, meeting matter proper for combuſtion, kindles immediately, and if not timely extinguiſh'd, will hazard the whole City. The Scandal the Eccleſiaſticks give; is like ſuch a ſpark, it ſeems yet inconſiderable, but if not ſeaſonably quench'd, for ought I know, it may put the whole Church into a Flame.

One of the greateſt miſeries I have obſerv'd in the Church, is, that in ſpight of our own reaſon and judgement, we are forc'd and compell'd to applaud the Impieties of the Clergy; and if any perſons Conſcience be ſo tender, and ſo true to the Religion he profeſſes, as to refuſe it, he is pronounc'd a Heretick immediately, and accordingly condemn'd to the Flames.

The Popes think they do a great matter, when they raiſe three hundred thouſand Crowns upon the people, under pretence of extirpating the Hereticks in Germany, and yet ſend the Emperour but thirty thouſand of them; and in the mean time, they entertain ſuch multitudes of Schiſmaticks in Rome, whoſe ſcandalous lives diſturb the peace of all Chriſtendome.

Would the Pope with his Authority, and the Cardinals with their Advice, inſtead of Perſecuting the Hereticks, reform not only the general Abuſes in the Church which are numerous, but the innumerable Scandals committed by the Prelats in their Pallaces, and the Fryers in their Cloiſters, in the face and defiance as it were of all Chriſtian people, the Church would be not only in a better condition, but the Hereticks that cannot now be reduc'd with force, nor perſwaſion, would humble themſelves, come into the Church, and throw themſelves into her Arms.

Some Popes are zealous for the Perſecution of Hereticks, but Hereticks do but ſport themſelves at the Perſecution of the Popes; and indeed the Hereticks have more reaſon to jeaſt at it, than the Popes have to Perſecute, for in the puniſhing of one, they do but raiſe up a thouſand; if they burn one in ſome place that is remote from Rome, there will twenty turn Hereticks for it in Rome; in ſhort, if they chaſtiſe one, a thouſand will be awaken'd to inform themſelves of the reaſon, and turn Hereticks too.

This one thing I may ſay, that perhaps there is not a man in Chriſtendome better acquainted with the Juglings of the Roman Catholicks, or the Impieties of the Hereticks, [Page] than I am. I have weigh'd and conſider'd them both, and will boldly aver [...] there is not any way more ready for the Converſion of Hereticks, than the good example of Catholicks, and eſpecially the Churchmen; nor better means to reſtrain thoſe that in Rome it ſelf do write againſt the iniquities of Rome, than to take away thoſe iniquities once for all.

What I ſay, I can ſpeak with confidence, my own experience having evinc'd it. Let Rome but Perſecute one Tongue, and ſhe ſhall raiſe up a hundred; let her but put one good Heretick to death, and ſhe creates a hundred perverſe Hereticks in his place.

But ſome may ask me the difference betwixt a perverſe Heretick, and a good one? I will declare my ſelf; by a perverſe Heretick, I mean thoſe the Catholicks calls good; and by a good one, him that he thinks perverſe. The perverſe one praiſes, and flatters the Clergy in Rome, and Rome in the Clergy; the good Hereticks on the contrary, condemn the defects both in the one and the other, not out of malice, but zeal, not to foment wickedneſs, but to remove it.

When the Eccleſiaſticks do meet with any Treatiſe that checks and rebukes the Exorbitancy of their Lives, they think not of any Reformation of themſelves, but cry out preſently 'tis the invention of Hereticks; but the good Catholick, that with ſorrow obſerves the Eccleſiaſticks Converſations, know too well it is otherwiſe.

The Hereticks abhor me to death, and why? Becauſe with Gentleneſs and Charity, I rebuke the Extravagan [...]es of the Churchmen of Rome; for they making their advantage of the diſorders there, would be glad to have all things run to ruine: and indeed, had I any deſign to do Rome a prejudice, I would let them go on in their own wayes, without giving them any notice of the Precipice. A Chyrurgeon that hates his Patient, troubles not himſelf about his recovery; but he which loves him, will put his Probe to the Wound, to remove the Corruption.

I call God to witneſs, I ſpeak not what I ſay out of paſsion; my deſire is to ſee the Church in Charity and Union within it ſelf, for this is certain that violence, and commination, and force, have no other effect upon the Hereticks, than to exaſperate and incenſe them.

All other applications are vain: to remove the crudeties and ill humours in the Stomach, inward Medecines are to be taken, and thoſe humours that tare and gnaw the very Bowels of the Church, are to be removed, before that which corrupts the habit and outward parts only: if the Phyſician purges the body thoroughly within, he is aſſured the outward part cannot remain ill. The Governours of the Church, the Prelats, and the Prieſts, are the Vitals and Interior parts of that Body, let them be well purg'd of their Enormities, and the Exterior will ſoon recover. If Rome would Cure Rome, the Hereticks would be cur'd by their example.

I have often ſaid it, and will aſſert it again, that Hereticks do dayly repair from their ſeveral Countries to the City of Rome, to obſerve the Converſation of the Catholicks, and imbrace what they eſteem moſt conducible. But with what ſucceſs? They come forth Chriſtians, they return Turks; they enter into Rome with a ſcrupulous and unſetled Conſcience, and they go out with a Diabolical; they come forth with a deſire to become Holy, and they go back with a reſolution to become Devils; for in a word, the moſt part of thoſe that come thither, return Atheiſts home again. And all by reaſon of the innumerable Scandals and Tranſgreſſions they obſerve in the Eccleſiaſticks; ſo as there could be nothing more Charitable and Expedient for the Converſion of Hereticks, than for the Pope and Cardinals in their great Prudence, to begin and effect a thorough Reformation in their Clergy.

A certain Proteſtant of Bearne, that had been long in Italy, and was my particular friend, would often tell me, He would ſooner chooſe to be a Devil in Hell, than a Catholick in Rome; and his reaſon was, Becauſe the Devils believe and tremble, but the Catholicks did but laugh at it, committing greater faults in the Church than they.

For my better ſatisfaction, I intreated him one day to give me a clearer proſpect of his Judgement, which willingly he granted, and deliver'd it in this manner▪ Sir, Homicide is forbidden in the Old Law by Gods expreſs command, and by Chriſts particular Order in the new; in ſhort, God as God, Chriſt as God and Chriſt, all Laws both [Page] Divine and Humane, both Natural and Celeſtial, have forbidden Murther. Non Occides.

Yet in Italy, nay in Rome it ſelf, thouſands of Murthers are committed, and which is worſe, the Murderer has no more to do, than to betake himſelf to their Churches. I have ſeen my ſelf, ſome of thoſe Homicides walking in State for their Recreation in thoſe very Churches, where but a while before, the dead body of him that they had murther'd, was bury'd, and can any thing be found more Diabolical than this? No, and without doubt I have good reaſon for my Reſolution of being a ▪Devil, rather than a Catholick.

I did not fail to ſuggeſt all the Arguments the Pope and the Church uſe for the defence of their Sanctuaries, but to no purpoſe, for he anſwer'd, and not without paſſion, That the Pope could not make the houſe of God a refuge for Murtherers, expreſly againſt his commands without making the world believe Gods Commandements were falſe. And truly a good Conſcience cannot be without ſome regret, as often as he thinks upon Gods expreſs command, Thou ſhalt not kill; and on the other ſide, obſerves the Violators of that Law ſhelter'd and protected in his houſe, as if the preſence of Chriſt ſerv'd only chiefly to ſecure Murtherers. I know there are many Divines, that with great zeal will endeavour to defend it; but I would to God there were fewer of them in the Church, perhaps things would be better manag'd in the Service of God with their native ſimplicity, whereas now the minds of poor Chriſtians are confounded with the Opinion of this Divine, and the Explication of the other. Schiſm, and Hereſie, and Schiſmatical Conventicles, from whence had they their Original, but from the brains and niceties of the Theologiſts? But let them defend their Sanctuaries, and argue againſt the Precepts of God as they pleaſe, the Day of Judgement will come, and they will have their reward.

Poor Princes, muſt it needs be that the Arms of your Juſtice muſt be held, and the ſafety of the people impugned, by an Opinion that is without doubt Diabolical.

A certain friend of mine that had ſeen the world, did uſe to call the Divines and Confeſſors, the two Domeſtick Enemies of the Church; and truly I cannot reſolve my ſelf, which of the two are the leaſt neceſſary in the Service of God. Amongſt ſcrupulous perſons, I know theſe words will be thought Heretical; but certainly they are full of Pious Sentiment and Catholick. The Divines, that will be diſputing beyond what the ſimplicity of Faith requires, are Devils, not Divines; and the Confeſſors that make Sport and Comedy with the Confeſſions of their Penitents, are the ſame. The Theologiſts with their Arguments, turn Unity into Schiſm, and the Confeſſors on the other ſide, turn the Confeſſions into Farces. Were the Government of the Church (inſtead of being Monarchical, and dependant only upon the Pope, as it is now) Ariſtocratical, and committed to the care and juriſdiction of ſuch Cardinals, as would ſerve the Church, and not his Holineſs, the Divines would not be ſo quarrelſome, nor the Confeſſors as prophane as the Divines. But Confeſſion now adayes is nothing but deriſion, the Confeſſors drolling only and playing upon their Penitents, and cheating both them and themſelves.

And all this evil proceeds from the careleſsneſs of the Biſhops, in Selecting fit perſons for the taking Confeſſions, I am confident there are in Italy at this time, above two thouſand Confeſſors that can neither read nor underſtand one verſe in the Scriptures, and yet moſt of them Maſters or Batchelors of Divinity; and God knows then how the poor Sinner is abſolved. Two inſtances I can give of their Capacities, not Choſen, or Select, but taken up by chance out of a thouſand more that I have heard. The firſt is of a certain Merchant of Parma that went to Confeſſion to a Bare-footed Fryer of the Order of St. Francis, and had this Penance injoyn'd him, That he ſhould eat three Ounces of Chaffe. To eaſe himſelf a little of the diſguſt he had taken at the indiſcretion of his Penance, he comes to me and tells me the whole ſtory; I had the curioſity to ask him what his ſins were that he had confeſt, and he proteſted to me nothing but that he had had an intention to have kiſs'd his Maid.

Now I leave the Reader to be judge in this caſe, what proportion there was betwixt the Sin and the Penance. His heart ſhould have been puniſh'd, not his mouth, becauſe 'twas that, not this, had offended. But 'tis ignorance and indiſcretion that cauſes all this, and ſhould the like caſe happen to me, I could very well make the Father an anſwer. [Page] The other was of a certain young Student that went to a Jeſuite to Confeſſion; amongſt other of his Confeſſions, he told him that he had lay'n a whole night with his Fatherſhips Neice, and began to faint almoſt under the ſhame and apprehenſion of his Sin, ſo that he had no mind to proceed, but the good Father to incourage him, told him, That it was no ſuch great matter to lye a night with the Neice, for he had ly'n ten years together with the Mother. And with this good exhortation, he ſent the young man back to his houſe. And this ſecond Example I heard my ſelf in a Sermon in a certain Town in the Territories of the Venetian, Preach'd by an Augustine Fryer, who by his face, look'd as like to do ſuch a buſineſs as the Jeſuite.

And thouſands of theſe inſtances may be heard dayly in their Pulpits; the Church of Rome, by reaſon of the licentiouſneſs of its Miniſters, being the laughing-ſtock of the Catholicks, and the obloquy of the Proteſtant. And truly 'tis ſad, that thoſe Confeſſions that were at firſt requir'd, as conducing to the Salvation of Souls, ſhould be turn'd now (by the iniquity of the Confeſſors) into the ſcandal of the Church. The Biſhops ſhut their eyes at every thing, becauſe the Cardinals connive at them. The Cardinals commit all things to the Pope, contenting themſelves with the magnificence of their Station. The Pope (becauſe they let him alone in a Pinnacle of Grandeur above all exhalation of ſcandal) leaves them to themſelves, and retains his opinion of their Piety; not regarding what Hereſies the Ignorance, Malice, or Laſciviouſneſs of his Confeſſors, may create.

To this the Eccleſiaſtick anſwers, that we ought not to look ſo ſeverely to the faults of the ſcandalous, becauſe they are but frailties, and ſo will be judged by the Divine Juſtice it ſelf. And for inſtance they alledge the example of Judas, who was a Traytor even in the company of the Holy Apoſtles, ſo as our eye they ſay, ought not to be upon him, but upon the reſt. To which I anſwer, that if there were indeed but one ill Churchman in twelve, all Hereticks both Jew and Gentile, would be converted to the Faith; but as the caſe ſtands, there is ſcarce one good to be found in ten thouſand bad, and therefore how can they be converted, that have ſo many ſcandals in their proſpect.

But ſome will ſay perhaps, how can theſe things be redreſs'd? I anſwer, with the greateſt facility in the world, if the Cardinals pleas'd. I ſpeak not of the Pope, becauſe (let the Divines ſay what they will for His abſoluteneſs) to ſpeak the truth, the Church of God is not a Monarchy, but a Republique, the Cardinals and Biſhops being Supreme and Soveraign Senators, and the Pope, as Chriſts Vicar, Preſident of the Senate; for though Chriſt created St. Peter his Vicar, he took not away the Authority from the reſt of the Apoſtles, they alwayes with Supreme Authority in their Colledge, decreeing what ever they thought neceſſary for the benefit of the Church, St. Peter being allow'd no more than his ſingle voice. So that the Care and Government of the Church, belonging by legal ſucceſſion to the Cardinals, the right of appointing remedies againſt ſuch ſcandals as do afflict us, belongs likewiſe to them. And indeed, whilſt the Church was under a kind of Ariſtocraſie, Miracles, and Holineſs, and Goodneſs, were obſerv'd to flouriſh. But ſince the Prieſts began to flatter the Popes, conceiving preferment and advantages eaſilier obtain'd by the adulation of one perſon, than a Senate, they put all into the hands of the Pope, and made him a Monarch; ſo that Miracles were loſt immediately, Sanctity was baniſh'd, and a thouſand wickedneſſes introduc'd, becauſe that which was Monarchy in the hands of the Pope, became Tyranny in thoſe of the Nephews. Inſomuch that to reduce the Church to its Primitive Holineſs, it will be neceſſary to reſtore it to its antient Ariſtocraſie.

Since my being at Rome, I heard of hundreds of Decrees put out by the Congregation of Regolars, but I never heard of any of them put in Execution as they ought to have been, the Popes for the moſt part having daſh'd them motu proprio; beſides▪ the application being ſuperficial and only to the top branches of the Tree, it was impoſſible it ſhould reach the Corruption that was in the Root. The wickedneſs of the Churchmen, is like a Wart upon a mans hand, the more you cut it, unleſs you cut it to the bottom, the greater it grows. To put out fire, it is neceſſary to remove that matter that ſuſtains it; and if the Cardinals would apply any remedy to the ſcandals that throng dayly out of the Cloyſters, to the detriment of the Church, they ought not to conſider [Page] the nature of the Fryers, after they are made Fryers, ſo much as the qualities of thoſe who make themſelves Fryers.

The Method of the Italians in this age (I ſpeak not of other Countreys) is good indeed for the advancement of their Arms, but not at all for the benefit of the Church, For example, an Italian that has three Sons, picks out the wiſeſt and moſt gentile, and Marryes him to keep up his Family; him that is moſt ſprightly and vigorous, he ſends to the Wars; and if any be more fooliſh, or extravagant than other, he is ſent to the Covent. In ſhort, thoſe Fathers whoſe Sons are given to Theft, to Drunkenneſs, Luſt, Diſſoluteneſs, or Prodigality; if they be Lyers, Swearers, Cheats, Blaſphemers, &c. do preſently devote them to the Cloyſter, where putting on the Habit of a Fryer, they put them out of their ſight indeed, but put them into a Religious houſe, where they become Devils, becauſe wickedneſs, or rather a heap of wickedneſs, cannot be taken away by fifteen yards of Cloth.

Were theſe diſorders but regulated, a great part of the ſcandal that lyes at preſent upon the Church, would be taken away. 'tis a ſhame the worſt ſhould be given to God, and the beſt to the Devil: 'twere better to ſuppreſs Cloyſters and Fryers, than to ſuffer ſuch Fryers to be made. In the Church of Rome, the quality of the perſons that are to enter into Religious Habits, is not ſo much conſider'd, as their quantity; ſo their number be great, no matter for the reſt, Cheats, Back-biters, the Hunch-back'd, the Lame, and the Blind, are all admitted into the Cloyſters, as if the number, not the qualities, made the Religion. O most diabolical policy, and fit to be exploded!

Did it belong to me to ſupplicate the Pope, and the Colledge of Cardinals, I would do it upon my knees, becauſe I obſerve goodneſs and piety declining in the Church, and all by reaſon of the multitudes of Prieſts, whoſe qualities ought to be more regarded, than their numbers. One truly Religious man, is worth a thouſand wicked, and edifies the Church more with the explinarineſs of his life, than all the reſt with their Religious formalities.

When firſt I ſaw the picture of St. Francis, with a Church upon his Shoulders, and this Inſcription about it, Vade Franciſce repara domum meum quae labitur. I was amaz'd, eſpecially when having the reaſon of it from a Father of that Order, he told me that St. Francis had ſeen our Saviour one night in a Dream, who admoniſh'd him, in the ſame words to go and repair his Church. And in this, the cunning of the Fryers wherewith they lull and cajole the Popes and the Cardinals, is ſeen. This I may boldly affirm, that that Inſcription is a diſhonor to them all; to what end ſerve the Pope, the Cardinals, and the Biſhops? If this be true, the Pope cannot deny but his Government is naught, becauſe he has ſuffer'd the Church to fall into thoſe Errors. Upon the day that is dedicated to St. Francis Saverius, in the preſence of four or five Cardinals, and in Rome it ſelf, I heard a Jeſuite Preach in praiſe of that Saint, among the reſt of his Elegies, this was one, That he had Baptiz'd a million, and a hundred, and eight thouſand Souls in the Indies. I wonder'd not ſo much at the Prieſt that Preach'd this, as at the Cardinals that ſtood gaping to hear him. To believe that Saverius did not Baptize more into the Faith of Chriſt, than the whole Colledge of Apoſtles may, I hope is no Hereſie; and indeed if I ſpeak my judgement, I am of opinion he ſcarce Baptiz'd any, and my reaſon is, becauſe at this time there is not a hundred thouſand Chriſtians in the whole Indies. So that had it been true, that St. Francis Saverius had Baptiz'd ſo many, the number would have been increas'd, eſpecially the way having been open ſince that time to the Spaniard, Portugal, Engliſh, Hollander, and all other Chriſtians whatſoever. But for my part, I dare affirm 'tis but a politick Stratagem of the Fryers, to beſot, and inveigle, the Pope and Cardinals into an opinion of their Piety, and to ſhut their ears againſt the report of their Wickedneſs.

The Church is to be ſupported by the Zeal and good Government of the Popes and their Cardinals, who are abſolute Governours of the Flock of Chriſt, and no others; the Saints are to honour and reſpect them as Servants of God: but the conſequence will not hold, that out of reſpect to St. Francis, the Church ſhould be fill'd up with thouſands of Franciſcans, in which they do more miſchief than good. And if it were true, that St. Francis Baptiz'd ſo many thouſand Souls as they pretend, it would be unfit to [Page] give the Jeſuits that great liberty to inrich themſelves, as if St. Francis his Voyage to the Indies, had been to have brought the Indies back to the Colledge of Jeſuits. But why theſe multitudes of Religions? Why theſe numbers of Prieſts? Half a dozen good Chriſtians, would do more towards the Converſion of Infidels, than thouſands of ſuch, as devour up the bread from the people, and impoveriſh Princes, for the inrichment of themſelves.

Pope Innocent the tenth, ſuſpended the Superiours of all orders from inveſting of Fryers, but the intention of that Pope not being ſeconded by his Succeſſors, it was not executed long before the Gate he had open'd was ſhut up again, and it may be it was out of fear of their railing, for being naturally vindicative, they have more ſting than honey in their tongues. If the Cardinals Projectors of the ſeveral orders about Rome, would take the pains but to Viſit the Covents under their Charge, in five and twenty Fryers, they would ſcarce find fifteen that could read, nor three amongſt them that were fit to converſe with an honeſt man. To what purpoſe then is this loſs of bread upon an unprofitable Generation? To what purpoſe does the Church deſpoil her ſelf of her own Garments, to cover the ſhoulders of a race of people that do nothing for her intereſt? It is the Pope is the greateſt gainer by theſe multitudes of Clergy; the Princes in the mean time loſe ſo many of their Subjects, and ſo much of their Revenue, giving out of their own Stock to the Church, whilſt the Pope ſucks up at long run whatſoever they give.

I ſhall conclude this Book with a Jew that was baptiz'd in Rome; to whom I ask'd this Queſtion, If there were many more of his Nation converted to the Faith; to which he reply'd, The Jews might be eaſily made Christians, if the lives of the Churchmen were not ſo ſcandalous, I anſwer'd, If you that are now a Chriſtian, do retain ſtill ſuch good thoughts of the Religious; 'tis a ſign your Baptiſm has no profound root in your heart. The Jew ſmil'd, and leaving that diſcourſe, it was all the anſwer he gave me. In the mean time, let him that pleaſes imagine the reſt. I ſhall proceed to diſcourſe more nearly of the Cardinals, who are the Legal Supporters of the Church of Chriſt.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

[Page]

PART I.

BOOK III.

The Contents.

Which is treated of the ſweetneſs of that Fortune, that receives its original from the Riches of the Church. Of the contemptibleneſs of Eccleſiaſtical dignity in the Primitive times, the reaſon why the wealth of the Church is the ſweeter now, for being bitter at firſt. That the Court of Rome is the moſt capable of inriching their Families, and by what means. Of the diverſity of degrees in Rome. Of the Cardinalitial dignity, and its Grandeur. Of the immoderate deſire of Prelats to become Cardinals. How much the Popes have exceeded in aggrandizing of Cardinals. Of the illuſtrious name of a Cardinal. Of the original of the Cardinalitial dignity, and the Etimology of the word. Of the Aſſiſtants Saint Peter had in the Execution of his Charge. Of the firſt Titles given and conſerv'd to the Cardinals. Of the distribution of Orders and Degrees in the time of the Papacy of Higinus. Of the diſtinction at firſt betwixt Biſhops, Prieſts, and Deacons. Of ſome reaſons that prove there were Cardinals in the Infancy of the Church, and that in good veneration and eſteem. Of the Opinion of thoſe that would have Cardinals to be no [Page] more than ſimple Curats in the beginning of the Church, That Religion is made by men and not by places. Of the Diviſion of Offices in the Republiques of Greece. Of the manner in which the Ministers of the Church were formerly order'd. Of the name of Cardinal given firſt to the place where they ſerv'd, and afterwards to the perſon that ſerv'd. Of the Eccleſiaſtical Miniſtry exercis'd in Caves in the beginning of Chriſtianity for fear of the Tyrants. Of the great eſteem they had formerly of the Title of Brother, and the correſpondence that paſt betwixt the Ministers of the Church. Of the ſtrange Tragedies that fell often-times out, in the Councels, and in the Election of Biſhops, and the cauſe. Of the number of perſons kill'd in Rome, upon a difference at the Election of Damaſcus and Urſinus. Of the Perſecutions of the Emperours overcome by the Church with the force of patience. Of the preceedency of the Biſhops and Cardinals, and how the Cardinalſhip was a ſtep to the degree of a Biſhop. Of the effects that the blending and confuſion of Temporal things with Spiritual brought into the Church. Of the Eccleſiaſtical Government, and its policies. Of the reſemblance of the Church with the Galley of Salamin. How the Supreme Government of the Church was taken from the Biſhops, and transferr'd to the Cardinals. How ambition firſt flouriſh'd in the Church. Of the Election of Cardinals, and the quality of their Electors. Of the great ardour with which the Italian Prelats negotiated the Cardinalitial Dignity. Of the Honours and Dignities invented by the World, and by fortune. Of the Titles the Cardinals enjoy at preſent. Of the number that forms the Colledge of Cardinals. Of the great Prerogative that follow the Majeſty of Cardinals. Of the time the Popes create their Cardinals. Of the manner of their creation formerly, and of the way they are created at preſent. Of a certain example of a Catholick and a Protestant, about the manner of creating of Cardinals, Of Maldochino's promotion to the Cardinalſhip. Of the ſeven Offices in the perſons of the Cardinals. Of the Penſion and Juriſdiction of the Popes Vicar. Of the charge and antiquity of the Vice-chancellorſhip. Of the number of Congregations the Cardinals hold. Of the three Arch-Prieſtſhip in the perſons of the Cardinals. Of the order obſerv'd at the death of a Cardinal, and of the ceremonies at their Funerals. Of the diminution of the Cardinalitian authority by the Popes. Of the manner in which they receive their Caps. Of the ceremony of ſtopping the mouths of the Cardinals. Of the Cardinalitial Habits. Of their Cavalcades. Of the uſual Function when the Pope ſends a Cap to a Cardinal out of Rome. Of the viſits the Cardinals receive and return. Of the manner how the Prelats of the Church are receiv'd by the Cardinal Padron. Of the ſcandal taken by the Protestants, by the irregular lives of ſome of the Cardinals. Of the manner of their stopping their Coaches. Of the civility amongſt the Eccleſiaſticks. Of the Cardinals courteſie to Strangers, when they are Legats of Provinces. Of the Preſents the new Cardinals give to the Officers of the Popes Court, and the Cardinal Nephews Court, and to others. Of the manner obſerv'd by the Cardinal Legats, when they receive the relations of any Serene Prince. The manner how the Cardinals receive the great Ladies as they paſs by their houſes. Of the Popes Titles, reſemblance with the Titles of Christ. Of the great contempt the Popes in the Primitive times had of Honors and Titles. Of the introduction of Titles amongst the Eccleſiaſticks, [Page] according as Riches were introduc'd. Of the Titles the Popes us'd antiently. Of the Title of Servant of the Servants of God, introduc'd by Gregory. That Schiſm and Hereſie were begot in the Church by the introduction of ſo many ſeveral Titles. Of the variation of many Titles in the perſons of the Cardinals. Of the Title of Eminence invented by Urban the eight, and upon what occaſion. Of his firſt deſign to have conferr'd that Title upon his Nephews only. Of the troubles brought into the Church, by the aſſignation of the Title of Eminence to the Cardinals. Of the Title of Highneſs aſsum'd by the Princes, after the Cardinals had taken upon them the Title of Eminence. How common the Title of Excellence became after that time. Of a Princes Secretary that refus'd a Letter from a Cardinal to his Prince, becauſe it was not directed with the Title of Highneſs. Of the Divines the Cardinals keep alwayes about them. Of the office of a Theologiſt, how honourable it is, when exercis'd by a perſon of Learning and Worth▪ Of a certain Divine, and his impious Services to his Cardinal. Of the honour good Servants bring to the perſons of the Cardinals, and of the diſhonour, if they be wicked; and of other particularities.

§

THere are ſome Ages paſt already, ſince all Europe (not to reſtrain my ſelf to Italy which has found the greateſt ſweetneſs of it) had had experience how pleaſant that Fortune is, that receives its. Original from the Church. For from thence it is, that that which before was deſpis'd by the moſt abject Citizens, is now eagerly aſpir'd to by the moſt conſiderable Families in Europe.

Some ten Ages paſt, there was not a Mendicant, or Artificer much more, that could be perſwaded to leave his Cabane, or his Shop, to take upon him the Authority of a Prince, in the Territory of the Church. The Paſtors in thoſe dayes, chooſing rather to ſweat and toyl like a Husbandman at Plough, than like a Prince to command the Monarchy of Chriſt.

At preſent (or for theſe two laſt Ages rather) the nature of things has been alter'd ſo much, there ſeems no Room left in the Miniſtry of the Church, but for the Richeſt, and moſt Illuſtrious Families that are, Princes themſelves aſpiring to thoſe preferments, changing willingly their Sword, for a Gown, and their Mantle Royal, for a Fryers Cowle.

Amongſt the Proteſtants alſo, I obſerve no ſmall alteration; in former Ages, one of the moſt able and eminent Miniſters of the Goſpel, could not without great difficulty get a Wife, even amongſt the meaneſt people of the City. Now a dayes the Tables are turn'd, and the greateſt Ladies are ambitious to marry themſelves to the moſt abject and ignorant of that Miniſtry.

To the Catholick and Proteſtant both, this matter appears wonderfull, yet if it be conſider'd narrowly, the myſtery is not impenetrable: the truth is, the Pay of the Church that before was bitter, is now ſweet and eaſie A Preacher of the Goſpel has now no more to do, than to furniſh himſelf with a dozen Sermons afore-hand, and (according to the revolution of the year) to beat them over and over again into the Ears of the People? whereas formerly it was their cuſtom to ſtudy early and late, from morning to night, and be alwayes ready, not to expoſe only, but ſpend their blood in the Service of the Church. Formerly, the Clergy thought of nothing but executing the duty of their Functions, taking no care nor pleaſure in the world, and therefore the world deſpis'd them. At preſent they are ſo farr inveighed and inamour'd with the world, they ſhow but little affection to the Church, and the world reſpects them for it. Antiently they ſerv'd the Church for no other end, but to gain Souls to Heaven; but now they ſerved it only to gain applauſe and riches to themſelves; then they were [...] [...]d deſpiſed, now they are rich and adored.

[Page]In thoſe dayes the Popes were conſtrain'd with tears in their eyes to beſeech ſuch and ſuch that they would vouchſafe to take the Eccleſiaſtical Habit upon them, becauſe then their humility and meekneſs made them contemptible to the world. Now the Scene is chang'd, and people beg and intreat with their Memorials and Petitions (not to ſay Bribes) that his Holineſs would graciouſly confer the Caſſock of a Prelat upon them; their humility being turn'd into pride, and their meekneſs into magnificence.

Oh how many Families of them would beg their bread of thoſe very people they deſpiſe, had not this great wealth been brought into the Church, and with ſuitable dignity been conferr'd upon the Clergy?

There is not in the whole Univerſe, a Court more capable nor more likely to enable and enrich a mean family, than Rome, and all by its introducing ſo great a number of Prelats into the Church: for every man being by natural inſtinct deſirous of the advancement of his own family, betakes himſelf to Rome, with confidence he ſhall raiſe himſelf one day to ſome conſiderable dignity.

There are ſeveral qualities and degrees in Rome; all of them together make up that Lather as it were, by which the Cardinalſhip is to be aſcended to; there being none at preſent able to make one hope for a greater dignity.

To aſpire to ſo great an honour, is an argument of great ambition in the heart of that man; nor can any man of the Gown deſire greater advancement in this Age, than to be made a Cardinal, becauſe with the dignity he receives an immediate preheminence over all thoſe that were his Companions before; is made a Brother of Gods Vicegerent upon the Earth, and ally's himſelf with what Kings or Princes he pleaſes, every one being ambitious to call a Cardinal his Couzen.

Caeſar for a long time had a deſire to wear a perpetual Lawrell, but his deſire is nothing to that ardor and fury wherewith the Prelats of Italy, and all Europe do aſpire to ſo eminent a dignity.

How deep a place this deſire has got in the hearts of the Prelats, may be argued from hence, that they oftentimes dye with joy that they have arriv'd at ſuch honor, that others dye for ſorrow that they cannot attain it; and others think their labour well beſtow'd, if by forty years fawning upon this Prelat and that, they can but reach it laſt.

For prevention of contempt which uſually accompanies common things, they have with good reaſon annex'd both to their Secular and Eccleſiaſtical Dignities, certain Titles of honour, not only that they might be known to the people, but to communicate and infuſe into their hearts ſuch an awe and reſpect as is due to their Majeſty and Power.

But the Popes have of late years, very much exceeded in aggrandizing the Cardinals, but the ſmoak is more than the meat, for the Popes incroaching hourly upon the real authority that belongs to the Cardinals, they have heap'd great Titles of Majeſty upon them, that they might not at one time be cheated of both.

Some there are, that believe the dignity of Cardinals had their beginning from the very foundation of the Church, agreeable to what Eugenius quartus intimates in a Letter to Henry Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury; beſides whom a great number of Canonical Authors have believ'd they were inſtituted by him, that irrigated the foundation of the Church with his own blood, that the Sacred Purple might flouriſh therein, as I have read and heard preach'd in St. Peters in Rome.

But 'tis manifeſt all that is but flattery, for we know the Illuſtrious Title of Cardinal with which the Popes have inveſted the chief of the Church, was not in uſe till the time of Pope Silveſter, who call'd them Cardinals as hinges upon which the Church Militant was to turn.

The deſign of Silveſter was good, intending thereby to put the Cardinals in mind, that if they would render themſelves worthy of the eſteem they expected, they ought as Senators both Spiritual and Temporal of that Commonwealth, have the fear of God, and a zeal for the Flock of Chriſt in their minds, and by the piety and exemplarineſs of their Converſation, provoke, and excite other Chriſtians to the reformation of theirs.

St. Peter, 'tis true, had Linus, Cletus, Clement, Anacletus, Mark the Evangeliſt, and others, as his Aſſiſtants, and moſt Religiouſly executing the Offices they were under, bearing a great ſhare in the Government and Superintendency over the whole [Page] Church, but the name of Cardinals was not given them, nor as then known.

There are furthermore divers antient Records that tell us, that Pope Cletus did inſtitute five and twenty Titular Prieſts, and Anacletus ſeven Deacons, in commemoration of thoſe inſtituted by the Apoſtles in the Infancy of the Church, which were without doubt the firſt Titles that were conferr'd, and ſince conſerv'd by the Cardinals.

Pope Evariſtus who ſucceeded Anacletus, confirm'd that holy inſtitution, and to render it the more compleat, he limited, and diſtinguiſh'd, the ſeveral places and Pariſhes that were aſſigned to the Government of thoſe firſt Miniſters of State in the Church.

In the year 156. Saint Higinus being Pope, and deſirous to give a greater and more auguſt form to his Clergy, he divided them into orders and degrees, placing one under the other in a juſt rule of Inferiority and Superiority. The chief were call'd Cardinals, as principals at the firſt foundation of orders in the Church; the reſt had only Prieſt and Deacon for their Titles.

Some there were that have believ'd, and ſome there be that do think ſo ſtill, that in the Primitive times, Biſhops had the Title of Cardinals, but they do not aſſure us whether that name was given them in the Papacy of Higinus, or of ſome other Pope. However that ſhows the ſuper-intendency they had over the reſt of the Prieſts and Deacons of the Church, as they had over the reſt that had the care of particular Pariſhes.

They add alſo, that they were diſtinguiſh'd in that manner, by reaſon of their Titles; that the Cardinal Biſhops had belonging to their Titles, the principal Churches both without and within Rome, to the number of eighteen, but they were afterwards reduc'd to ſix; that the Cardinals had aſſign'd to them the other Parochial Churches and Cimeteries in Rome, where the Prieſts that were under them, did execute their ſeveral charges with great Decorum; their particular offices conſiſting in the care of Souls, in the admiſtration of the Sacraments of the Church, and in a charitable regard of the Burial of the Dead, and of Martyrs. The Cardinal Deacons had the Hoſpitals, and other Religious houſes, aſſigned to them, whilſt the ſimple Deacons under them, had the overſight of Orphans, Widows, and the Poor. The Chapels that were ordinarily united to theſe Religious houſes, being called Deaconries, and in the beginning, exceeded not the number of ſeven, according to the number of the Cardinal Deacons, and the number of Pariſhes remaining in Rome after the diſmal Conflagration caus'd by Nero the Tyrant.

But it muſt needs be confeſs'd, that with the revolution of time, this firſt order and manner of Government founded principally upon actions and exerciſes of Piety, have been very much chang'd, ſo as by degrees, both Biſhops, Prieſts, and Deacons (who compos'd the Sacred Colledge of the Church of Chriſt) began to be ambitious of the Title of Cardinals; and for this reaſon, Saint Silveſter in the Councel held in Rome 324. call'd them ſo in common, diſcriminating them by that Title from the reſt of the Faithfull, who began now to look upon the Cardinals, as Cardinals indeed.

And it is clearly demonſtrable by all theſe reaſons, that there were Cardinals in the very infancy of the Church, and that in good eſteem, and veneration, becauſe they were alwayes poſſeſt of the moſt eminent and conſpicuous dignities.

Their opinion does not pleaſe me at all, that hold the Cardinals were nothing elſe but ſimple Curats diſtinguiſh'd by Titles or Pariſhes of Rome, grounding that fancy upon an Epiſtle of Pope Gregory's, in which he ſpeaks of them, as thoſe that had the cure and inſpection over the Pariſhes; as likewiſe upon an Expreſſion of Platina, where he ſayes, that Leo the fourth degraded and depos'd a Cardinal from the Title of St. Marcellus, for having been five years abſent from his Pariſh.

But this the Order and Chronology of the Church Hiſtory will clearly refute, becauſe in Saint Silvesters time they ſpeak of the Grandeur of the Cardinals, and then how can Platina's opinion be true? How is it poſſible the Cardinals ſhould be but ſimple Curats in the time of Pope Gregory, who was above three hundred years after Saint Silvester, and yet in Silveſters time be in great dignity and eſteem.

It will not therefore be improper to inlarge a little, and by an ampler deſcription, to ſatisfie in ſome meaſure the curioſity of the Reader; for which reaſon, I will give an account of what ever I have collected out of the moſt eminent Authors.

Religion truly was not made for places, but for men, however the Miniſters of the [Page] Church have been alwayes diſtinguiſh'd by the offices in which they exercis'd their Miniſtry; upon which conſideration, as they were more eminent or illuſtrious, they were ordain'd Biſhops, or Prieſts, or at leaſt Deacons, who were no more than Aſſiſtants and Coadjutors to the Biſhops and Prieſts. And the fourteenth Canon of the Councel of Nio Caeſaria, declares ſeven Deacons enough for the greateſt City in Chriſtendom.

The Church never wanted orders and degrees of dignities, but had alwayes a diſtinction and ſeparation of preferments in which every one co-operated according to his Knowledge or Zeal.

In the Common-wealth of Greece, all offices were diſtinct, Epaminondas commanded the Armies Pitagoras, taught, Socrates argued, Lycurgus made Laws, and Traſibolus executed without them; ſo in this viſible Monarchy of the Church, ſome command, others obey, ſome pray, others teach, ſome ſing, others watch. The Biſhop Ordains, the Prieſt Baptizes; The Biſhop Confirms, the Prieſt Conſecrates; the Deacon diſtributes the Euchariſt, inſpects the Ceremonies, looks to the neceſſities of the Poor, and ſees that all people approach the Communion with requiſite devotion.

In the Primitive times, the Miniſters were ordain'd according to the quality of their Cures. Thoſe in which the firſt Functions of Chriſtianity were exercis'd, viz. where moſt Gentiles were converted, where the Word of God was Preach'd, or where the Sacrament was adminiſtred, were call'd by way of Excellence the Cardinal Churches. A word taken from a Latin word which ſignifies a Hinge upon which a door turns, importing that upon the vigilance and conduct of the Cardinals the whole ſervice of God and the Church moves as upon a Hinge.

So that the Title of Cardinal was firſt given to the Places, that is, to the Cardinal Churches, but apply'd afterwards to the perſons that Govern'd them; at firſt they were call'd The Holy Cardinal Churches, but now Cardinals of the Holy Church.

And from hence was the original of Biſhops, Prieſts, Deacons, and Cardinals; there being ſeveral Titles and Cardinal Churches in Rome. The Prieſts that were Rectors over them, were call'd Cardinal Prieſts, and ſome time there were two or three at a time with the ſame Title, as there are ſometimes two or three together of principal dignity in ſome Collegial Churches.

In the like manner there were other Titles in ſeveral Quarters of the City of Rome, which were call'd Deaconries, where the Cardinals had their Reſidence, and thoſe that had the charge in the principal Churches in this quality, were call'd Cardinal Deacons, becauſe of their reſidence in the Deaconry.

So alſo the ſix Biſhops, choſen out of all the Biſhops of Chriſtendome for the Election of the Pope, were choſen in the ſame order, but with this condition, that the Election of the Pope ſhould not be their only Province, but that they ſhould be aſſiſtant to them in their private and general Councels, and be call'd Cardinal Biſhops.

In the Infancy of the Church, theſe Titles were not us'd notwithſtanding; in the Apoſtles dayes, and for ſome Ages after, there was no mention of Cardinal Churches, nor Cardinal Miniſters. The Prieſts and Deacons were then forc'd to exerciſe their Miniſtry in Caves, and the privateſt places they could find, to evade the perſecution of thoſe times; ſo that there could be no ſuch Titles allow'd, all of them living in unity, the chief being ambitious to ſhow himſelf as the leaſt, and every one congratulating the loweſt as the firſt.

And whilſt the Church was under this form of adminiſtration, the Miniſters having no other Titles amongſt them, but Brothers, were aſſiſtant to one another in the diſtribution of the Sacrament, and all other offices of the Church, the light of the Goſpel, and the holineſs of humility ſhin'd over all; and for what reaſon? Becauſe there was not in thoſe dayes the diſtinction of perſons that there is now, to the great ſcandal and prejudice of the Church.

Cornelius, who liv'd in the year 200. writing to the Clergy in Rome, he makes no mention but of Prieſts and Deacons; and though indeed there was ſome ſort of difference and diſtinction in their offices, yet there was no diſputes or emulations amongſt them, all of them living with great unanimity, and all of them being Cardinals, all of them Deacons, and all of them Prieſts.

[Page]In the Election of Biſhops, and in their Councels, the Prieſts and Deacons only aſſembled with the people, ſo that many times great quarrels happen'd betwixt them and the people; and in the year 356. there were ſix hundred ſlain in the City of Rome at the Election of Damaſcus, and Ʋrſinus; upon which it was forbidden by the general Councel at Laodicia, that the people ſhould have any voices for the future in the Election of Miniſters and Prelats of the Church.

After the Church, by the virtue of a long patience, had overcome the perſecutions of the Emperours, trod Paganiſm and Idolatry under her feet, and ſet up the Standards of Chriſtianity upon the ſeven hills at Rome, the number of Miniſters began to increaſe, out of which, in proceſs of time, they choſe the beſt and moſt learned for the Senate and Councel of the Church, and ſo the diſtinction of places began; they that had the greateſt imployments were call'd Cardinals, and they that had the leſſer, Prieſts and Deacons.

Inſomuch, that whereas heretofore the Prieſts and Deacons promiſcuouſly, and without any diſtinction, were admitted into their Eccleſiaſtical Aſſemblies, they were after this reſolution excluded, and the greater and principal of the Clergy only receiv'd, to their no ſmall diſ-ſatisfaction, which they were forc'd to put up, le [...]t they ſhould otherwiſe diſturb that repoſe they were in purſuit of amongſt the ſorrows and calamities of the Church.

In thoſe times the Biſhops had the preceedence before the Prieſts, and Cardinal Deacons, the Cardinalſhip being only a ſcale and ſtep towards Epiſcopacy, conformable to what is mentioned in the life of St. Gregory, where it is ſaid ſeveral Cardinal Prieſts were preferr'd to be Biſhops. And becauſe there was great difference betwixt their orders, there was great difference in their corrections alſo. For the conviction of a Biſhop, there was ſeventy two witneſſes requir'd, and if of that whole number, there wanted but one, the whole accuſation was void: whereas for the conviction of a Cardinal Prieſt, forty was enough, and for a Deacon twenty ſeven. But the Eccleſiaſtical orders and degrees have chang'd dayly with the times, and their dignities have been more conſidered for their Titles, than any reality of advantage.

The Cardinals ſince found means to advance themſelves before the Biſhops, and Epiſcopacy now is but a degree towards the Cardinalſhip, whereas formerly, for the ſpace of eight hundred year they had (as principal Miniſters of the Church) manag'd all her affairs.

The chief cauſes of theſe changes and revolutions, was from the ſame mutations in the Monarchy of the Popes, and from the medly and confuſion of Temporal affairs with Spiritual, and of the Eccleſiaſtick Government with the Civil. For the Pope having [...]larg'd his Dominions by the annection of ſeveral Provinces in the time of Pipin, and Charles the Great, his Succeſſors found themſelves forc'd upon another Model, becauſe ſo many Secular Principalities being added to the Church, ſeveral important affairs did dayly ariſe that could not be deferr'd to the next Councel of Biſhops, which me [...] not but every two or three years.

The Church in its minority was like the Galley of Salamin, that by the appointment of the Athenians, was never to ſayl but upon ſome Religious deſign, it being ſufficient now and then upon occaſion to call their Councels, to negotiate and regulate the moſt important affairs of Chriſtendome; but after the acquiſition of ſo many States and Seignories, they were forc'd upon new wayes for the conſervation of their Temporals. For this reaſon, it was judged neceſſary to eſtabliſh a Councel or Senate that ſhould be alwayes near his Holineſs, and that it ſhould be compos'd of Cardinal Prieſts, and Deacons, and Rectors of the principal Pariſhes of Rome, as thoſe that were more capable to conſult and determine in matters of greateſt importance both in Spirituals and Temporals; which ſucceeded without much difficulty; the Miniſters of Rome (to prevent any reſentment in the Biſhops that the adminiſtration of the affairs of the Church was taken out of their hands) endeavouring to perſwade them, that what was done, was for the benefit of Chriſtendome, that it was unfit the Biſhops ſhould leave their charges▪ with ſo much inconvenience to the people, and come ſo often to Rome to treat of affairs that more poperly belong'd to thoſe who had no Cures to diſtract them; and thus were the poor Biſhops conſtrain'd to truckle to the Cardinals, and become inferiour, that had been ſuperiour ſo long.

[Page]The Cardinals being advanc'd in this manner, and the Biſhops excluded from the Government of the Church; they continu'd very dexterouſly to wreſt the Election of their Popes out of the hands of the Emperours, the People, and the Biſhops, and not contented with that, they preſum'd to incroach alſo upon the Election of the Emperour, ſo as the authority of Electing the two principal dignities of the world being in their power, in ſpight of their former ſubordination, they advanc'd themſelves ſo far above the Biſhops, that the Biſhops are now but Slaves as it were to the Cardinals, and by ſome of them imploy'd with great arrogance in Mechanick affairs.

Antiently there was no greater eſteem of a Cardinal, than there is now of a Deacon, or Arch-Deacon, in compariſon of a Prelate, becauſe they had no other authority in the Election of Biſhops (who were then the principal Miniſters in the Church) than the common Clergy and People of Rome, without any difference or exception, bearing an equal ſhare with the reſt of the Clergy in the Service of the Church.

But when the world began to take notice that they made and unmade Popes at their pleaſure, chooſing them alwayes out of the Colledge of Cardinals, they became ſo incens'd in a ſhort time, that the dignity of Cardinal grew the moſt envied, yet the moſt covered and ambition'd dignity in the world.

And this ambition which was deriv'd from the exaltation of Cardinals in the Church, hath been the Parent and Hidra of all the miſchiefs and calamities in the Church.

And this ambition (that was ſo deteſtable even among the Pagans, that Lucian deſir'd that all they that aſpir'd to any thing above their ſphear, might periſh before the year went about) is indeed the ſource and nouriſhment of all the Wars, Schiſms, and Hereſies that have ſprang up in the boſome of the Church.

At firſt the Cardinals were choſen out of ſuch Prieſts and Miniſters only, as ſerv'd in the particular Churches in Rome, and that cuſtom laſted for about an Age and a half; that is to ſay, till the Biſhops taking notice at laſt of the injury was done them, and that they were excluded from any concurrence in the Election of the Pope, they did very much inſiſt that the Cardinals might not be choſen any longer out of the Romans only, but out of the number of all the Biſhops of Italy, excluding Foreigners.

The Church increaſing after this manner extraordinarily, and the number of Biſhops multiplying in all parts both of Europe and Aſia, it was reſolv'd that the Cardinals ſhould be choſen out of all the Provinces in Europe and Aſia, without exemption of any, it being but reaſonable as St. Bernard ſayes, That they who judge the whole world, ſhould be choſen out of all parts thereof.

In the ſame manner the Rules for Election of Popes were obſerv'd (as we ſhall relate in the third part of this Work) the Prieſt of Rome not permitting any ſtranger to be created Pope for the ſpace of above nine hundred years, electing only ſuch perſons, as were benefic'd in ſome Church in Rome; till that in the year 891, there happen'd a great conteſt betwixt the Romans, and the Foreign Biſhops, theſe laſt pretending to a concurrence in the Election of Popes; the other refuſing as obſtinately the infringement of ſo antient a cuſtom; but at laſt, the Foreign Biſhops prevail'd, and choſe Formoſus Biſhop of Porto.

For ſome years ſucceſſively, the Italians that had a great part in the Election of the Pope, would by no means conſent that any body ſhould be Elected, but ſuch as was either a Biſhop in Italy, or a Prieſt in Rome, and the people joyn'd with them in it; but but the Emperour oppos'd it, who had alſo a great party in the Election.

After this, the number of Biſhops increaſing in all quarters of the world, the Electors were conſtrain'd to recede from their obſtinate reſolution of having their Popes Italians, or at leaſt ſuch as had ſome Church to ſerve in Italy; they eſteeming it but juſt to take the moſt worthy and meritorious perſon for their Pope where-ever he was to be found, without any regard to the place where he was born; ſo that there were of all Nations advanc'd to the Papacy, now Germans, now French, Spaniards, Engliſh, and from all parts of the World.

At length, the Italians who paſs for the moſt quick witted people in the Univerſe, (to ſay no more of them) have known ſo well how to accomodate the Church to their own private intereſt, that for an Age laſt paſt, they have baniſh'd both French, Engliſh, [Page] Spaniards, and Dutch, &c. out of the Vatican, reſerving that bit of Electing of Popes to themſelves; which though it does not abſolutely ſatiate their appetites, yet it keeps them from needing or deſiring any other meat for the nouriſhment or fattening of their Families, to the ſhame and indignation of thoſe Crowns that had given great riches to the Church for maintenance of their Popes, and ſtand now excluded from any poſſibility of creating one of their own Countries.

Nor is it wonderfull to any body that the Italians have reſerv'd the Election of Popes for the particular advantage of their own Families; ſeeing there is ſcarce a Citizen in Rome, nor a man in all Europe, but obſerves or underſtands that the Popedom is not ſo much aſpir'd to for any zeal they have to the ſervice of the Church, as for their deſigns of aggrandizing their Families; ſo that a Cardinal is no ſooner choſen Pope, but the firſt thing he does, (before he begins in any kind to be beneficial to the Church) is to [...]noble his own Kindred, as is amply declar'd in the Nipotiſmo of Rome.

It is not therefore to be admir'd if the dignity of Cardinals be affected and purſued with that ardour as it is; if all the Princes of the Univerſe imploy all poſſible recommendations, and the Popes themſelves with ſo much care and dexterity advance the neareſt of their Kindred thereunto; little regarding the incongruity of their age, or the diſproportion of their deſerts, as Julius the third did, who gave a Cardinals Cap to a little youth of his Kindred; and Clement the eight, to a ſon of his Nephew not above fourteen years of age; and Innocent the tenth, to that ignorant Maldachini: which fewneſs of years would have been more excuſable to the reſt of the Cardinals, had he brought any merit along with him.

And indeed the dignity of a Cardinal is ſo great, it is no miracle if the chief Families of Chriſtendom do account themſelves much honour'd if they can obtain a Cap, and the chief Crowns in the Univerſe do rejoyce if their Heirs can adde a Red Cap to their Imperial Crown; there being many that do willingly reſign their Temporal Principalities, to be made Cardinals.

But what ſhall I ſay of theſe Italian Prelates, that are ambitious and drive at this dignity with ſo much ardour and paſſion? to whom all their watching, and labour, and expence is but pleaſant, when conſider'd with the dignity they aim at? they can endure their Inferiours to go before them, in hopes it will come to their turn alſo to go before their Superiours; ſo that ſome of them are not concern'd with the loſs of their Prelacy in other places, if they have but any voice left towards the Election of Cardinals, ſwallowing as it were any injury ſo long as they have any poſſibility of a Cap; it being moſt certain, the deſire of that dignity is more poteut upon them, than any danger of loſing thoſe preferments they already enjoy: And if I may ſpeak my opinion, I believe confidently that invention of Biſhops and Prelates to wear Green Tufts in their Caps, was only a token of their ambition, intimating a deſire in them to have them ſometime or other exchang'd for a Red.

But all this is but vanity, the ſhadow of the body is never the greater for having the head cover'd with Green Lawrel, or a Cardinals Cap. To ſee the Cardinals marching in great ſtate through the Streets of Rome, with a train of Prelates at their heels, and their Robes of Scarlet, looks in my judgement as if the World were made only for them, and that there was no greater felicity in it, than that which they enjoy; and all is becauſe they are not ſenſible of the vanity of that honour, which will prove at laſt but imaginary, and but outward appearance. They would not be worſhip'd and adored as they are, if they underſtood what great returns are expected for the disburſement of ſuch profuſe and extravagant venerations. They would not cloath themſelves with that curioſity in Scarlet, if they conſider'd what that Cloth coſt them by the yard; but they reckon the price of it according to what they pay to the Merchant only, and never think of the accompt they are to make to Heaven. But thoſe that have made the beſt calculation, have had no deſire to the purchaſe of a Cardinalſhip, no not if they might have it at the bare price of their merits, choſing oftentimes to leave Rome rather than to accept of a Cardinals Cap.

Honours and Dignities are certain advantages invented by the World and Fortune, for which reaſon the ſame are charg'd with ſo many Taxes and Impoſts, and with a [Page] reſerve of ſo many troubles, and ſolicitudes, that ſome times are more eligible to get rid of them.

I could ſay ſomething in this place of the Titles in the preſent poſſeſſion of the Cardinals, but I will not involve my ſelf in a thing not altogether neceſſary to the principal drift of this Hiſtory; it is enough to underſtand that every Cardinal receives his Title from ſome Church or other, though it affords him not a farthing of profit.

There are ſix Cardinal Biſhops, fifty Cardinal Prieſts, and fourteen Cardinal Deacons, having fourteen Churches aſſign'd them to give them their Titles; fifty to the Prieſts, and ſix to the Biſhops, every one of which may be a Biſhop with a Cure, ſo that he be a Prieſt, and in that caſe he keeps the Title of the Church that is aſſign'd him with his Cardinals Cap: and theſe Titles do daily increaſe according to the number of Cardinals, who from ſix at firſt, came to be twelve, from twelve to thirty, ſo to fifty, and from thence to ſeventy, which number (in memory of the Seventy Diſciples of Chriſt) Pope Sectus the fifth order'd ſhould never be exceeded. But when the Pope pleaſes, they may be more, for there is no body can give him Laws, that diſſolves Councels, repeals or deſtroys Laws, and makes new ones at his pleaſure; but no Pope has attempted it yet, neither is that number alwayes compleat, ſome vacancies being ſtill left to recompence the deſerts of ſome great man, or to gratifie the deſires of ſome King.

To enumerate the prerogative of the Cardinals exactly, it would be convenient to inſert at large a letter written by Eugenius quarius, which places them in a Region ſo high, the Cardinals themſelves cannot deſire a higher. But I ſhall content my ſelf to ſay only with him, that all the Cardinals, both Biſhops, Prieſts, and Deacons, have the preheminence over all Biſhops, Arch-Biſhops, Primats, and Patriarchs, who are all oblig'd to acknowledge them for their Supreme Judges, as Aſſiſtants to the Pope, as the Supreme Councel of the Church, and principal Citizens in the Chriſtian Commonwealth, as parts and members of the Pontifical body; as Organs of their power, as Lieutenants to Gods Vicegerent, and Coadjutors in a Monarchy that is both Spiritual and Temporal.

The greateſt good fortune that can befall a man, is to be made a Cardinal, a dignity many aſpire to, but obtain'd by few; and thoſe commonly that think leaſt of it. And what I have read and ſeen in ſeveral promotions in Rome, about thoſe Creations, I ſhall ſet down in this place.

The Popes are accuſtom'd to create their Cardinals four times a year, in imitation, as ſome think, of thoſe antient Fathers that at thoſe times did Order their Prieſts ſhould be conſecrated to the ſervice of God, as they are at this day.

I obſerv'd very great difference betwixt the Popes manner of creating Cardinals heretofore, and the way they uſe now. Formerly the Popes never created a Cardinal, but by the advice of his Conſiſtory, and if the major part of the Cardinals concurred, they proceeded to nomination, otherwiſe the Pope was to have patience.

But if the major voice was affirmative, the Pope declar'd the names of thoſe he thought proper, diſplaying before them, the merits of their perſons, and their recommendations from Foreign Princes, upon which the Cardinals conſulted, and brought in their Votes privately. If the greater part conſented, the perſons nam'd were declar'd Cardinals by his Holineſs, otherwiſe they were excluded, and the Pope conſtrain'd to begin again, and name new.

At this preſent, things are carry'd in another way, the Cardinals taking no care of preſerving their Authority, have loſt a great ſhare of it, and that of the Popes, by the ſame negligence, is ſo far increas'd, that the Cardinals cannot now hinder the Pope from making Cardinals as he pleaſes; the Popes at preſent making but a laughing-ſtock of the Conſiſtory, and creating them often without their conſent.

I could inſtance in ſeveral examples for the proof of my aſſertion, but for brevity ſake I ſhall ſpeak only of one. When Innocent created Maldachino Cardinal, in a Congregation where there were but few Cardinals that were his Creatures, or Adherents, he ſpake ſomething of it, but as it were by the bye, and without any expectation of their advice, he pronounc'd him Cardinal. The reſt of their Eminencies were all aſtoniſh'd at the Election of ſuch a perſon, and I know above forty of them were diſpleas'd, and would willingly have gone out of Rome to have avoided the ſight of him; but in ſpight of their indignation, [Page] they were forc'd to be content to viſit him as the reſt, and to ſwallow that bitter Pill in the Cup of Patience, without ſpeaking one word to the Pope againſt it. And this is the manner of creating of Cardinals at preſent; this is that their Eminencies are come to, all the Liberty and Grandeur they formerly poſſeſs'd, being reduc'd to their bare wearing of Purple.

Paul the fourth, was the firſt that incroach'd upon the Conſiſtory of Cardinals, uſurping the Authority they had formerly of Electing new perſons into the Cardinalſhip, and creating ſome of them, without the leaſt word of it to the Conſiſtory; ſince that time, the other Popes ſucceſſively have taken liberty to do the ſame, and with the more confidence, becauſe they had no obſtruction; for the Cardinals apprehending to oppoſe themſelves againſt their Uſurpations (though they know very well it was their Intereſt) they choſe rather to be deficient to that, and to proſtitute the liberty of the Conſiſtory, than to juſtifie the juriſdiction they had ſo long enjoy'd.

But Sextus the fifth, more than all the reſt, manag'd his affairs like an abſolute Monarch, ſporting himſelf with the Conſiſtory, and Cardinals, promoting whom he pleas'd, and forcing the Cardinals to a concurrence with what ever he propos'd to them, the ſweetneſs of which, being found by his Succeſſors, they reſolv'd to follow his ſteps, ſo that to this very day, they promote, and determine, they nominate and elect, whom they think good themſelves, without any impediment whatſoever.

But ſome may interrupt me in this place, and affirm that the Conſiſtory muſt of neceſſity have ſome ſhare in the Election of Cardinals, becauſe the Pope never creates a Cardinal, but in the Conſiſtory, which is true indeed; but it is to be conſider'd, that whereas formerly the Popes propos'd only ſuch and ſuch perſons to the Conſiſtory, leaving the reception or rejection of them to the ſuffrage of the Cardinals; it is contrary now, and the Pope does not propound, but pronounces them Cardinals, ſo as they who were at firſt principal Electors, are become now but ſimple witneſſes, having neither affirmative nor negative voice, and ſerving for no more than like witneſſes call'd in by a Notary to atteſt the reading of ſome contract; the Popes troubling themſelves no further, than to advertiſe the Cardinals what they reſolv'd in their Chambers, and therefore let it not ſeem ſo great a matter to declare a man Cardinal in the Conſiſtory, for where would you have him declare it, in a Tavern? or the Piazza del Ponte?

Five years together I was reſident in Rome, in a time perhaps ſo proper for the obſervation of the Cuſtoms and Intereſt of that Court, that I may ſay without vanity, that I continu'd there with more profit (as to my inſpection into thoſe affairs) than another would have done in twenty, for my genius directing me, my whole proſpect was that way: for whilſt others were viſiting the Gardens, and the Courtezans, I was at home ſtill, making my Annotations of what I heard, or ſaid, about the affairs of Court, whether Eccleſiaſtical or Civil. But amongſt all, my obſervation was moſt curious about the promotion of Cardinals, which I took notice to be perform'd in two wayes, which I ſhall deſcribe with as much brevity as I can.

Thoſe perſons the Pope deſign'd to be Cardinals, if they be in Rome, are advertis'd by the Cardinal Nephew to be ready next morning at the wonted hour in the Palace. The Pope being entred privately into the ſecret Conſiſtory at the ſame time, he imparts to the Cardinals his reſolution of chooſing ſuch a number of New ones, and immediately, without attending any anſwer or advice from them, he pronounces them Cardinals, and calling them into the Conſiſtory forthwith, they clap themſelves down upon their knees, and his Holineſs taking the red Cap into his Sacred hands, puts it upon their Heads with theſe words, Eſto Cardinalis.

But I cannot omit inſerting an example that will be very proper in this place, there happen'd a great diſpute one day betwixt a certain Picket-beard (as they call them in Italy) or Proteſtant, as they name them in other parts; or in the Eccleſiaſtick Style of Rome, Heretick, and a Catholick that had been many years in Rome, and in Orders. The diſpute was (at Pignorole) about the great errour the Catholicks were in, in believing the Pope Chriſts Vicar upon Earth. The Proteſtant would allow it by no means; the Catholick aſſerted it, and would have him not only Chriſts Vicar, but like another Chriſt, abſolute and uncontroulable in the Government of the Church.

[Page]The diſpute laſted above half an hour, in which time, many fine things were ſpoke both of one ſide and t'other. The Catholick cited the Authority of ſeveral modern Divines, as Bellarmine, Tolido, and I know not who; the Proteſtant quoted places of Scripture, backing his arguments with ſome expreſſion or other in the Epiſtles of St. Paul, or St. Peter. At laſt, the Catholick turning to the Proteſtant, told him; now will I make you your ſelf confeſs my propoſition true, and give you ſo clear and perſpicuous a reaſon for it, as will leave you nothing to reply.

I was preſent, and began to open my ears, the better to underſtand ſo efficacious a proof; I gave God thanks that I had found one at laſt that could ſatisfie me in a point that was alwayes running in my head, and of which I had ſeriouſly deſir'd to be inform'd; and whilſt with great attention I expected the reſult of the diſpute, the Catholick (that was my Camerade in that Journey) told the Proteſtant, Sir, You know the Omnipotent God, by the virtue of two words only, created out of nothing, the vaſt maſs of the World which we enjoy: and with two words, his Holineſs the Pope, like another Deity, creates Cardinals: God ſaid Fiat Caelum only, and on ſudden the Heavens were fram'd, and the Light, and all other, the works of his Divine hand: In like manner, the Pope by the power of two words, Eſto Cardinalis, raiſes as one may ſay from nothing to the higheſt dignity in the Church, a perſon who perhaps had not ſo much as the leaſt hopes or thoughts of it. Judge then if the Pope be not another God upon Earth, ſeeing in his admirable adminiſtrations in the Church, he uſes the ſame power and methods God Almighty obſerv'd in the Creation of the World.

I do not remember in my whole life I was ever ſo ſurpris'd; inſtead of a ſolid and convincing Argument, to be drawn out of the ſecrets of Theology as I imagin'd, to hear a thing that made me laugh not only then, but every time I have thought of it ſince. The Proteſtant had enough to burſt himſelf alſo, and reply'd preſently, You are in the right on't, I am ſatisfy'd, come let us go drink together. But the other, perceiving not only the Proteſtant, but all the reſt of the Company to laugh, he purſu'd his diſcourſe, recounting after what manner the Popes created Cardinals, and the great efficacy of thoſe two words, Eſto Cardinalis, comparing them in every thing with thoſe words of God, Fiat Lux; as if God Almighty had left it as an Inheritance to the Popes, that they ſhould have the power with thoſe two words Esto Cardinalis, to work as miraculouſly as he did with his Fiat Lux. I have ſpoke this only by the bye, and the Reader may make application as he pleaſes.

But to return to our buſineſs; it is already underſtood, that let the difference of the perſons be what they will, they all of them, without diſtinction, kneel down in the preſence of the Pope, when he gives them the Cap: which when he has receiv'd, the new Cardinal takes it gently off of his head, and kiſſes the Popes feet; and having done that, he riſes to go and embrace, and acknowledge, all the reſt of the Cardinals for his Brothers, one by one, as they are then preſent in the Conſiſtory.

The ſecond way of creating of Cardinals is this; the Pope having nominated the perſons he intended to create in the Conſiſtory, in the manner aboveſaid, he gives a Liſt of their Names to the Cardinal Nephew, who ſends immediately the firſt Gentleman of his Bed-Chamber with his own Coach, to ſearch thorough the whole City for the perſons nam'd, (but there is no great pains to be taken in the ſearch, for they know well enough where to find them) having found them, he brings them away to his Eminencies Chamber, where the Nephews Barber gives them the Cardinals cut, for which, each of them gives him 25 Crowns as a Fee; after which, the Chamber-men of the ſaid Nephew put on their Cardinalitial habits, their other habits remaining with the Chamber-men for their Fees.

This done, the Cardinal Nephew treats them; and after Dinner (in which they drink the Popes health and his Nephews) he conducts them to his Holineſs; being come into his preſence, having been thrice upon their knees, they advance to kiſs his foot, whilſt he puts on the red Cap upon their heads one after another with theſe words, Esto Cardinalis. Some Popes did uſe to inform them with great gravity, not only of the dignity they were promoted to, but of their excellence and preheminence, exhorting them very earneſtly, that they would render themſelves worthy thereof: and ſo after an humble reply [Page] and acknowledgement, they depart in the ſame habits of Cardinals, to make their viſits to his Holineſſes kindred, as well Ladies, as men; that viſit being over, they return to their houſes, and remain there till the next publick Conſiſtory; to which they much with very great Trains, to receive the red Cap from the hands of his Holineſs.

If in the time of their retirement in expectation of a publick Conſiſtory, any Cardinal, Ambaſſador, or other Miniſter, ſends, or comes himſelf, to give him a viſit, they are receiv'd with as much kindneſs as may be, but they ſtir not out of the Chamber he gives them their Audience in, neither to meet them, nor to accompany them back. 'Tis a good Rule therefore the Cardinals obſerve, not to make any viſit to new ones, till they have appear'd in the publick Conſiſtory; and if by reaſon of their Alliance, or any ſuch occaſion, they do viſit them, 'tis commonly in the night, and free from the diſcovery of the People.

To thoſe that are abſent from Rome, after they have been declar'd in the Conſiſtory, the Cardinal Nephew diſpatches a Meſſenger immediately with the news of their promotion, and afterwards, one of the Popes Chamberlains of honour is ſent to them with the red Cap, and a Breve from the Pope, to which Chamberlain, ſuch honour is to be given, as befits the quality both of the ſender and receiver, and a good Preſent to boot.

As ſoon as they have advice by the firſt Meſſenger aforeſaid, they cauſe their Barbers to ſhave them as aforeſaid, and put themſelves into the habit of Cardinals, and ſubſcribe themſelves ſo; but they put not on their Scarlet Robes, nor their red Caps, till they be brought them by the Chamberlain, and then they may habit themſelves in Scarlet; but the red Pontifical Cap, if they have not receiv'd it from the Popes own hands, or from ſome other perſon ſent by his particular favour with a ſpecial Breve, they cannot uſe.

His Holineſs ſometimes commits this Ceremony of putting the Cap upon his head to the Nuntio, or Biſhop of the place, or ſome ſecular Prince, as he pleaſes, in whoſe preſence the Cardinal kneels down, and receives the Cap with theſe words, Esto Cardinalis, but kiſſes not their feet; and this Ceremony is uſually perform'd in the Church after a ſimple or a ſolemn Maſs.

In the firſt private Conſiſtory after the publick, the Pope did uſe to ſtop up the mouths as it were of the new Cardinals, by putting his finger upon them; by that Ceremony, forbidding them to ſpeak their opinions in the Conſiſtories or Congregations for ſome time, and depriving them both of their active and paſſive voices. Before the Papacy of Pius the fifth, the Popes did uſe to leave ſome Cardinals from time to time in this manner to take their voices from them in the Election of the Popes, but they were miſtaken, for the Colledge of Cardinals, as ſoon as the Pope was dead, diſcharg'd them. Pius quintus notwithſtanding, by a Decree made in the year 1571. declar'd, that by the ſaid ſhutting of their mouths, it was not intended to take away the voices of thoſe Cardinals, but only a ſimple Ceremony and no more. So that in the next Conſiſtory, the Pope open'd their mouths, put the Ring upon their fingers, and declar'd their Titles, as he declar'd theirs that were abſent.

But as the Popes had then found out a good way of ſtopping the mouths of the Cardinals, ſo we may ſay ſtill, that though their mouths are open'd by the Popes, yet they do ſhut them as they think good, for they dare not oppoſe themſelves to the ill Government either of the Pope or his Nephews, but chooſe rather to expoſe, or ruine the Church, than according to their duty and obligation, to make any defence. But of this in its proper place; we will ſay ſomething now of the preceedence and habits of the new Cardinals, and of their gratuities to the Popes Court, and the Cardinal Nepews.

As to their Fees, it is to be underſtood, that as ſoon as the new Cardinals are created, and receiv'd into the publick Conſiſtory, they are oblig'd by antient cuſtom, to give to the Popes Veſtry-keeper, or rather to his Veſtry, five and twenty Ducats; to the Maſter of the Ceremonies in waiting, a hundred Ducats; to them out of waiting, thirity ſix; to the Secretary, Clerk, and Computiſt of the Sacred Colledge, each of them twenty five; to the Popes Domeſtick Chaplains, twenty Ducats; to the Keeper General of the Pontifical Robes, ten Ducats; to the Popes Chaunters or Singing-men, thirty Ducats; to the two Clerks of the Popes private Chapel, ſix; to the inferiour Officers of the Popes Chamber, ſix; to the Deans, and Sub-Deans of the Popes Chapel, four; to the [Page] Clerk of the Chapel, two; to his Grooms, five and twenty; to his Mace-bearers, fifteen; to his Meſſengers, ten; to the Keeper of the Iron Gate, ſix; to the Keeper of his Privy Garden, four; to the Keeper of the Chains, three; to the Harbinger, five; to the four private Sweepers, each of them one; To the Muſicians of the Caſtle of St. Angelo, ſix; to the Maſters of the Ceremonies for their Mantelets in the publick Conſiſtory, twelve; to the Officers of the Popes Privy Chamber, the leaſt they give at their Creation in Rome is, five hundred Ducats; to them that deliver them the Cap, out of Rome (beſides a thouſand they pay for that) three hundred Ducats. And the Cardinal Princes give much more, to four and ſometimes ſix thouſand Ducats; but beſide the Ducats aforeſaid, which are all in Gold, the new Cardinals are oblig'd to be as noble to the Officers of the Cardinal Nephews Chamber, who receive no ſhare of this, and are therefore to have a proportion of their own.

The aforeſaid New Cardinals, to prevent the trouble of diſtributing them themſelves, do uſually give their preſents to the Maſter of the Ceremonies, to be diſpos'd according to juſt order. But one Author that writ of the State of the Court of Rome, did adviſe, that the Pope would do well to oblige every new Cardinal, beſides the preſents aforeſaid, to give a piece of Ordanance to the State, to furniſh it with thoſe Arms, that as then they were very much unprovided with, though Ʋrban the eighth, had made a hundred pieces of the braſs Pillars taken out of the Church Rotonda.

Alexander the ſeventh, ſeem'd to be of the ſame opinion, when he order'd the Arſenal di Tivoli for the making of Arms and Ammunition of War, and accordingly intimated his judgement to the preſent Pope, who was then Cardinal Rospiglioſi, and Secretary of State. But that deſign vaniſh'd I know not which way, perhaps becauſe Alexander was unwilling to lay the firſt charge of that nature, upon the many Cardinals he reſolv'd to put into the Conſiſtory; but it is certain it would be very well if other Popes that are to ſucceed him, would injoyn it, becauſe it appears unreaſonable, ſo many particular perſons ſhould receive advantage by the Creation of Cardinals, and the Univerſal Church get nothing. I am ſatisfy'd the Cardinals would give a hundred Ducats or more, for the making of ſuch a thing as ſhould remain in ſome Arſenal o [...] Fort, as a perpetual monument of their Families, it being but reaſonable to caſt them with the Arms of thoſe Cardinals that gave them, which without doubt would create an affection in the people towards the Cardinals; whereas now they have too great reaſon to complain, to ſee the Church its ſelf receive no benefit by their creations.

There are other little gifts alſo diſtributed here and there, as I ſuppoſe, for diſpatch of their Bulls, every Cardinal having his Bull for his Cardinalſhip, ſubſcrib'd by the Pope, and all the Cardinals then preſent in Rome, and Seal'd with the uſual impreſſion of the Piſcatory Ring; ſo that the Bulls that are deſign'd for the Cardinal Princes, or other of greateſt quality, have their impreſſions in gold, and to all thoſe that are concern'd in that trouble, there are ſome ſmall diſtributions, but to the publick nothing at all.

I have already mention'd, that the Sacred Colledge, which is as much as to ſay, the whoſe Univerſity of Cardinals, is divided into three Orders, of Biſhops, of Prieſts, and of Deacons; amongſt them, thoſe Biſhops precede, that are of longeſt ſtanding in the Epiſcopal Order, and amongſt the Prieſts and Deacons, thoſe that are firſt promoted to the Cardinalſhip; and becauſe it falls out ſometimes, that there are ſeveral made at one promotion, in that caſe, they have the preceedence that are firſt nam'd. But when it happens that he that was but a Cardinal Deacon, becomes a Prieſt, he paſſes preſently into the place of his promotion, above all the Cardinal Prieſts that ſhall be promoted after him, but not above thoſe that were created before him. The conſequence is not the ſame amongſt the Cardinal Biſhops, for if they from Deacons are advanc'd to be Biſhops, they take place according to the date of their orders, or promotion.

As to the Cardinals habits, which are altogether Majeſtick, they have been preſcrib'd them at ſeveral times, by ſeveral Popes. For a long tract of time, they went habited like ſimple Prieſts or Monks, till at laſt Innocent the fourth, in the year 1250. order'd them to wear the red Cap, in token of their readineſs to ſpend their blood for the ſervice of Chriſt the head of the Church; a while after him, ſucceeded Boniface the [Page] ninth, who enjoyn'd them to wear Red and Purple habits, in the faſhion they wear them now, ſaving that they are a little larger than formerly: Paulus the ſecond a Venetian, that took great care of the Pontifical habits, to make them the more ſplendid, he added the Silken Mitre, the Red Bonnet, the Red Cloath for their Mules, and the Gilt Staff; Gregory the fourteenth gave the Red Bonnet to the Regular Cardinals, allowing them as to the reſt to go habited in the ſame colour as others of their Order did, but as to the faſhion and matter, they were conſtrain'd to go like the reſt of the Cardinals, that is, without Rochets, or Caſſocks of Cloath, and when others had their Caps of Red, they had theirs of water'd Chamblet, and when others wore their Purple, theirs was without watering, but their Cap and Bonnet both of a faſhion.

There are three colours the Cardinals make uſe of; Purple, Red, and Murrey, but of this laſt they make uſe but two dayes in a year, which are the fourth Sunday in Lent, and the third of Advent. The ſubſtance commonly is wav'd Chamblet, or Wool, according to the ſeaſon of the year; they wear Caſſocks alſo, but very light alwayes, and either of Taffaty or Sarcenet.

I could ſet down the times alſo the Cardinals wear Purple, and Scarlet, but I look upon it as ſuperfluous, and not much material to the Reader. Only this I ſhall mention, that though the Cardinals be in Mourning, they leave not off notwithſtanding their Scarlet habits, or Red Cap in the exerciſe of all thoſe Functions that others do wear them in; with this difference only, that whereas others wear Purple Chamblet, they wear Purple Say's. But upon their ſolemn Feſtivals they are conſtantly in Red, unleſs they be in very deep Mourning, walking up and down the City, or making their Viſits in that habit, though there are ſeveral Viſits they are oblig'd to make in their Scarlet Robes.

The ſame meaſures they obſerve in their Cavalcades, or ſolemn Ridings; they affect much to have the Trappings of their Mules of the ſame colour with their Clothes. They uſe not to wear Black upon any occaſion of Mourning, either in their Clothes, Coaches, or Furniture of their Houſes; nor do the New Cardinals wear Mourning often, and if they ſhould, they muſt pull them off till they have made, receiv'd, and return'd their Viſits.

The Cardinals have commonly a Silver or Gilt Mace carried before them, not ſo much to ſignifie the greatneſs of their Dignity, as the excellence of it. The Barber of the houſe, or ſome other Aſſiſtant of the Chamber, do carry it ordinarily, as often as the Red Cloak is carried abroad; unleſs it be when they go to preach in the Palace, or upon Good Friday, then a Groom carries it cover'd to the place where he goes; and when the Cardinal takes his Cloak, the Barber takes the Mace.

Their Cavalcades, whether Pontifical or private, are pompous and magnificent; when they ride in their Pontificalibus, they have their Mantles, and Red Caps upon their heads, and their Foot-cloaths and Trappings of their Mules ſuitable with their Clothes, the ſplendor and magnificence of which ſight, puts the poor Prelate (that has not neceſſary accoutrements perhaps) out of his wits. A certain Biſhop of Naples, that happen'd upon ſuch a ſolemn occaſion to be a ſpectator with me, obſerving ſome of their Mules to be furniſh'd ſo richly, he turn'd to me and told me, that In Rome it is better to be a Cardinals Mule, than a Prelate of the Church.

And the times of theſe Pontifical Ridings are not ſeldom; every time his Holineſs rides with any ſolemnity, they are oblig'd to attend him in their Robes; on the Annuntiation day they do the ſame; the day the Pope is inveſted they do ſo too; upon occaſion of any publick Conſiſtory, if a Cap be given to any Cardinal, when they accompany any Cardinal that goes Legat a latere to any Foreign State, and when he returns; when they are to meet any King or Queen; and laſtly, when they go to any Chappel, or particular Conſiſtory, they march with the ſame magnificence and decorum.

They ride privately, when they accompany his Holineſs either out or into the City; if the Pope be a Horſe-back, or in his Litter, the Cardinals ride in colours ſuitable to the ſeaſon, and the garniture of the Mules are but ordinary.

The Ceremony of ſending the Cap to ſuch Cardinals as are abſent from Rome, is very curious, and happens but rarely; becauſe for the moſt part the Popes will have them to [Page] receive them from their own hands; not that it is neceſſary to the Orders of the Church; but out of an ambition they have to receive their thanks and acknowledgements from the new Cardinals from their own mouths, and to treat with them about the intereſt of their Families, and the obligations they have to their Kindred; for which reaſon, ſome Popes do give the new Cardinals to underſtand, that they took the reſolution of creating them Cardinals upon ſeveral conſiderations, but eſpecially at the inſtant requeſt of their Nephews, though indeed there was no ſuch matter.

But when by the inceſſant importunity of ſome King, the Pope is conſtrain'd to ſend a Cap to ſome Cardinal out of Rome, he ſends it by one of his Chamber, or ſome other Gentleman expreſs, with a Breve directed to the Nuntio, Biſhop, or other Prelat of that place where the Cardinal is that is to receive it; who is oblig'd to go forth to meet it with all his Family and Friends, as not regarding the perſon that brings it, but the quality of him that ſends it; and entring the City again, the Cap is carry'd before him upon a Mace, expos'd to the ſight of all people, as it is uſually done, when the Pope makes his Cavalcade to take poſſeſſion in Saint John de Lateran the day of the Annuntiation.

Being entred into the City in this manner, and lodg'd at the expence of the Cardinal, the firſt Feſtival day that happens, they come all to the Cardinals houſe, as well he that brought the Cap, as he that is to give it him; and in ſhort, all ſuch as are deſirous to ſerve the Cardinal in the performance of that ceremony. The Cardinal, in the mean time, riding with his Cappuchins hood, and a black Cap upon his head, with all his Train, and the Mace before (by expreſs order from his Holineſs) to Church; where being arriv'd, he makes a ſhort prayer at the Altar, and hears Maſs. That done, the Prelat deſign'd for that office, dreſſes him in his Robes very ſolemnly, and then diſpoſes him into ſome eminent place where all the people may ſee him. Then he that carryes the Mace (who is the ſame that brought it from Rome) puts it upon the Altar, and preſents the Prelat with the Bull, who receiving it with great reverence, and ordering it to be read by one of his Familiars, he makes an Oration in praiſe of his Holineſs, and of his own readineſs to execute his commands.

That Oration being ended, which muſt be ſhort, if it be thought good, the Cardinal advances to the Altar, and falling down upon his knees, he ſwears to all the particulars contain'd in the Popes Bull in manner and form as is ordained at Rome. The Prelat orders the Miter to be taken out upon this, and ſays ſome prayers over the Cardinal, which are to be found in the Ritual for that purpoſe; that done, the Cardinal puts off his hood, and the Prelat the Miter; and then he that brought the Cap, delivers it to the Prelat, who receives it, and puts it upon the Cardinals head, and gives him an Oſculum Pacis; which Cap is preſently taken off again, and given to him that brought it. After which, they ſing a Te Deum, and bleſſes the people; and then all of them accompany him back to his houſe, he riding with his red Cap upon his head, and ſhewing all courteſie imaginable to ſuch as have favour'd him in that ceremony, feaſting and entertaining them within, whilſt the Conduits run with Wine at his Gate.

The Cardinals receive and make viſits with the greateſt circumſpection in the world; their Maſters of Ceremonies ſtudying and contriving from morning to night, after what manner it is to be done, leſt they ſhould be any way defective in their office. Thoſe who go to Audience of the Pope, wear the ſame habits they do when they go to any Congregation held in the preſence of the Pope; at which times they kiſs not his feet, unleſs at their firſt Audience only; or when they have been ſix months at leaſt out of Rome; or when they take their leaves, and are ſent Legats into any place; or when they return. The Pope gives them the privilege of ſetting before him upon a back'd chair, he makes them be cover'd, and uſes them as Brethren; whereas the Ambaſſadors of Princes do commonly ſtand bare, and if at any time they be permitted to ſit down, it is upon a chair without a back.

Many do much admire the manner of receiving Ambaſſadors at Rome, and I much more, that Kings ſhould be oblig'd to receive and treat his Nuntio's like their equals almoſts, ſuffering them to be cover'd in their preſence alwayes, and placing them in the moſt honourable ſeats; whilſt the good Pope, without any reflection upon the Majeſty of a King, entertains their Ambaſſadors with ſo little Decorum, that one would in his [Page] preſence believe them ſome inferiour Officers of the Kings Chamber, rather than the Repreſentatives of the Majeſty of a King.

In my judgement, it was ſufficient if the Ambaſſadors look'd upon them as Gods Vice-Gerents upon Earth, whilſt they are upon matters of Religion, or dreſs'd up in their Pontificalibus, and performing ſome Eccleſiaſtical duty; at ſuch times, I could allow them to advance themſelves above other people. But that as a Temporal Prince he ſhould receive Ambaſſadors, and negotiate with them of matters of Policy and State only, without paying them that honour one Prince does uſually to the Miniſters of another, in my opinion is not ſuitable to the dignity of a King; for what greater indecency can there be, than to ſee a Cardinal, the moſt wretched and deſpicable creature perhaps that is to be ſeen, ſtanding with his Cap on his head, or elſe ſitting on his back'd Chair, cheek by jole with his Holineſs; and the Ambaſſador of a King, and one of the greateſt Lords of his Kingdom, to ſtand ſneaking at a diſtance, and uncover'd, or elſe ſetting on a a ſtool like a School-boy. But I ſhall leave the care of theſe things to themſelves, who if they ſaw the difference that is made, they would doubtleſs find out ſome way to redreſs it; and proceed to the ceremonies the Cardinals uſe commonly in their viſits.

If at any time the Cardinals be ill, they receive no viſits, unleſs their diſtempers be ſuch, as will permit them to receive their Viſitants in habits ſuitable to ſuch viſits; and 'tis the ſame caſe at the death of any of their kindred, though never ſo near, they ſeldom give audience to any body; for which reaſon, ſome of them (to avoid the importunity of ſuch as will viſit them, though they know the cuſtom to the contrary) do retire into ſome private place either within the City or without. I ſpeak this of the generality of Cardinals, for there are ſome of them, in ſpight of all cuſtoms will be viſited, in caſe of ſickneſs, or condoling; and without any great abſurdity, it being at their choiſe to receive them or not; though others with good reaſon forbear it.

If they that make the viſit be Cardinals, the Cardinal meets them in the waiting Chamber, or perhaps a little further; but no further to be ſure than the top of the Stairs: if they be Princes, with the Title of Sereniſſimo, they are receiv'd as the Cardinals: if they be Ambaſſadors of ſome King, two or three Chambers off, if there be ſo many, if leſs, they go but to the firſt, which is that that is next the Chamber of his Audience: if they be Brothers or Nephews of the Pope that is living, they receive them as they do the Ambaſſadors of Kings: if they be Ambaſſadors from Savoy, Tuſcany, Dukes and Peers of France, Grandees of Spain, Nephews to preceedent Popes, Generals for the Church, or Heads of ſome of the moſt eminent Families in Rome; they meet them a Chamber and a half, and no more. The Agents of Serene Princes, the Ambaſſadors of Malta, Bologna, and Ferara, have half a Stanza, or a little more; but the Malta Ambaſſador has uſually ſome paces more, than thoſe of Bologna, and Ferara, and not without reaſon

All theſe are permitted to ſit down, and be cover'd without any diſtinction; yet the Cardinals, and Serene Princes, ſet alwayes right againſt the Cardinal that they viſit, both of them with their ſides towards the door; but the reſt ſit a little of one ſide, and not directly over againſt the Cardinal. For the Biſhops, Arch-Biſhops, and Prelats, he receives them as he pleaſes himſelf; for ſome of them, he ſtirs not out of his own Chamber; for others, he goes as far as the Anti-chamber, according to the quality of the Prelat; but he gives them all liberty indifferently to ſet down.

The Cardinal Nephew of the then living Pope, ſuffers not any Prelat to ſet before him, but treats them as his Subjects, which ſavours too much of Tyranny, for the Church is a Republique, and not a Monarchy, and the Prelats are Miniſters of the Church, and no Slaves to any body. 'Tis a fine ſight, is it not? to fee a grave Prelat with his beard as white as ſnow, after forty years ſpent in the ſervice of Chriſt in his Church, to be forc'd to ſtand in the preſence of an ignorant young Nephew of the Popes? But if they would uſe perſons of worth with more reſpect than they do, the Church would be better ſerved, and Gods Service not ſo ſlighted as it is.

But that which is moſt conſiderable is, that the Cardinal Nephews have no reaſon at all to treat them of the Clergy ſo ill, ſince the Office of the Cardinal Nephew, whom they call Padrone, (and indeed he has too much of the Maſter) extends no further than [Page] to the Civil Government. His principal buſineſs is to aſſiſt the Pope His Uncle in Temporal things, and he is therefore call'd Patrone, for in Spirituals they have no greater authority than other Cardinals have; ſo that thoſe Cardinals that were created before them, have the preceedence, to ſignifie that the Popes Nephew let him be Nephew as much as he can, ceaſes not to be equal, and ſometimes inferiour, to their Seniors in all things relating to the Eccleſiaſtical adminiſtrations of the Church.

Things being ſo, what is the reaſon the Cardinal Nephews uſe not the Prelats of the Church with the ſame reſpect as other Cardinals do? What pretence can there be, that a Cardinal that has preceedence of the Popes Nephew, ſhould give a Prelat liberty to ſit in his preſence, and the Nephew that is preceeded, and is by conſequence inferior to the other, will make him ſtand like his Servant? This is no other; than to advance a younger Brother before an elder. If a Prince that is the firſt born, ſhould permit a Baron of his Realm to ſtand cover'd before him, and his ſecond Brother make him ſtand bare, would it not be undecent, and ridiculous? It is the ſame caſe with the Prelats in Rome, whilſt they receive more honour from the greater Cardinals, than from the leſſer.

If the Pope be Gods Vice-gerent, he cannot create another Vice-gerent, and if his Nephew be not his Vice-gerent, how comes he to ſlight and deſpiſe the true Miniſters of God? But things are now at that paſs, thoſe Prelats are contemn'd that are Servants and Friends to the Church, and by thoſe very perſons that are her greateſt Enemies; ſo that it is believ'd, there is more to be got at preſent, by perplexing and perſecuting of the Church, than by ſerving it never ſo faithfully.

But I will return now to ſpeak of the Ceremony when they take their leaves. If they be Cardinals or Serene Princes, the Cardinal attends them to their Coaches, but with this difference; if they be Cardinals, he ſuffers their Coaches to be gone, before he offers to return to his Chamber; but if Princes, he turns about, and goes back before the Coach be gone. The Ambaſſadors of Kings, and the living Popes Nephews, he accompanies to the top of the Stairs, leaves them there, and returns firſt towards his Chamber; and the ſame cuſtom he uſes to all that viſit him, eſpecially to thoſe whoſe entrances I have mention'd, of whom it is not neceſſary I ſhould ſpeak again; it is ſufficient to know the Cardinals do ordinarily accompany them at their departure, ſome Chambers or Paces further than he met them at their entrance: that is, thoſe that were receiv'd in the firſt Chamber, are accompany'd to the ſecond when they go away; and ſo forward according to the quality of their reception.

The Cardinals do uſually accompany the ordinary Prelats one Chamber, the Biſhops two, the Arch-Biſhops, Patriarchs, Treaſurers, and Auditors of the Chamber, three, and the Governour of Rome more; and all this is to be underſtood of Rome, or in ſome place out of the Juriſdiction of the Biſhops, or Arch-Biſhops; for if a Cardinal happens to be within the Dioceſs of a Biſhop, Arch-Biſhop, or Patriarch, and is viſited by them, he receives them with greater civility, as being in their Juriſdiction; in the Ceremony of meeting or accompanying back, the Cardinals do regulate themſelves according to the number of Rooms that there are. In a houſe therefore where there are many, they meet and accompany them a little farther than ordinary; and where there be but few, he accompanies them the leſs, for fear of being driven into a neceſſity of going with them into their outward Room.

The Gentlemen and Servants of the Cardinal that is viſited, do alwayes attend the perſon that is accompany'd by their Maſter. For example, thoſe that are brought by the Cardinal to the top of the Stairs, are by them waited upon to their Coach; thoſe that he brings to the waiting Chamber, they attend to the bottom of the Stairs; and in ſhort, they alwayes go two or three Rooms further than the Cardinals do. And if it happens at any time one be viſited by ſeveral Cardinals at a time, and one or more of them will not go with the reſt, the Cardinal that is viſited, leaves ſome of his Gentlemen or Prelats to entertain thoſe that ſtay, and goes himſelf with him, that is going to his Coach.

As to their manner of returning of viſits, you muſt know the new Cardinals return their viſits in their habits, with a great train of ſeveral Coaches, to the Ambaſſadors of Kings; and to the Ambaſſadors of Savoy, and Tuſcany, they make their viſits [Page] in Caſſocks, Rochets, and riding Cloaks, as they uſually do.

The other Cardinals make their viſits indifferently to thoſe Royal Embaſſadors that are Reſident in Rome, as to extraordinary Ambaſſadors, and that is, in their habits; they do the ſame alſo to all Ambaſſadors of Princes, that are admitted at any time into the Conſiſtory, as likewiſe to the Republique Ambaſſadors, not taking off their Mantels in their houſes. They render their viſits likewiſe to the Ambaſſadors of Princes that have the Title of Highneſs, although they are not admitted into a publique Conſiſtory, with this difference only, that they viſit them in their Caſſacks and long Cloaks.

Thoſe Cardinals that are return'd from ſome Legation de latere ultra montes, and do make a viſit, they do it in the ſame manner as they have been receiv'd by other Cardinals, that is, with as great a train of Coaches as they can poſſibly make.

To thoſe Barons or perſons of quality, that the Cardinals cannot without too great condeſcention make a viſit to, they find out ſome other way of ſignifying an amicable correſpondence, taking ſome opportunity or other to congratulate them, or if that be not to be found, they can vouchſafe a viſit to their wives, or what other Ladies of their Family are neareſt in relation to them. The Cardinals (if not all of them) for the moſt part are very liberal in their viſits to Ladies, giving them extraordinary honours, both at their coming in, and going out. But thoſe Cardinals that have the Papcy in their proſpect, live a little more recluſe, receiving no viſits from the Ladies, nor making any to them, ſuppoſing thereby to gain an applauſe among the people, and a reputation in the Church.

But thoſe that never aim at any ſuch thing, do but laugh at, and deride that outward formality, paſſing away their time with all pleaſures imaginable, making their viſits not only to Ladies of nobler extraction, but receiving ordinary perſons into their houſes, and uſing them with great familiarity, as if the honour and reputation of the Church conſiſted in ſuch things as thoſe.

But that which ſcandaliſeth the Proteſtant moſt, is the ſmall Edification they find amongſt the Catholicks, and the Converſation of ſome Cardinals, not at all agreeable with the Habits they wear. I ſay ſome Cardinals, becauſe there are ſome in the Sacred College that live good lives, ſerve the Church with great zeal, or devotion at leaſt, abſtaining from the Commiſſion of any ſin that may become ſcandalous to their Neighbours. But the Romans being well inſinuated by the examples of their Hypocriſie, that have liv'd with all the pretence of ſeverity imaginable for ſeveral years, with deſign to come at laſt to the triple Crown; whether being arriv'd, inſtead of profeſſing of Holineſs, they become Devils; will no more believe the outward appearance or hypocriſie they uſe to delude the world withall, in order to make themſelves Popes; whilſt every body knows, that at the Election of Popes, 'tis intereſt and paſſion only that bears the ſway.

Many Cardinals therefore, either becauſe they will not change their own natures to ſatisfie the world, or becauſe they think by maintaining the ſame to ſatisfie the world, or becauſe they abhor Hypocriſie, or have not judgement proportionable to the dignity they poſſeſs, or becauſe they would make uſe of the Majeſty of a Cardinal to gratifie the liberty of their own humours, run into extravagant courſes, and think themſelves honourable in their Luxury, great in their Pleaſures, and majeſtick in their Exceſſes; in ſhort, they believe they batten in their Scandals, and they do grow fat becauſe they believe it. They have the chief places at a Play, and they are the firſt that laugh and applaud any Buffonry. They are not the laſt at your Balls, and to any kind of play they need not a ſecond invitation.

But that which is moſt to be lamented is, that ſome of them do conſume the greateſt part of their Revenues to have Comedyes in their houſes, as if the Decorum of the Church, conſiſted in the neatneſs of their Plays, and if in Carnival time they forbear having troops of Players in their Chambers, they do but reſerve their money for ſome more ſcandalous uſe.

How many are there of them, that ſpend the whole night with a pack of Cards in their hands? that from morning to night play at any Profane Sport, but forget the Divine Office of a Cardinal? Oh that it pleas'd Heaven that they had but any conſideration of place or time! But they give themſelves over to their ſenſualities without any ſuch [Page] thought, accommodating thoſe circumſtances to their pleaſures; and this I can affirm, becauſe I my ſelf ſaw a Cardinal now living, play a whole night together with a Lady, and ſuffer'd her willingly to win, that ſhe might be induc'd to play the oftner with him.

The Apoſtles of Chriſt were not ſuch men, nor were his Diſciples like them at all; nor can I tell why they that pretend to that Title, and to be included in the Apoſtolick College, ſhould do ſo. But we muſt not therefore ſeem to be ſcandaliz'd at that, which is look'd upon as an ornament by the Eccleſiaſticks of Rome.

But it concerns us to turn away our eyes from ſuch as thoſe, and fix them upon them that refrain from thoſe ſcandals, making it their care, that the people be edified by their examples, the Church well ſerv'd by their practices, and all Eccleſiaſticks ſatisfy'd with the ſincerity of the Converſations; amongſt which number of Cardinals, I am ſure ſome of them are good, if not at the heart (which God only knows) at leaſt in appearance, and in the judgement of man.

And now it is convenient to ſay ſomething about the ſtopping of their Coaches, and the Cuſtoms they obſerve when they are Legats of ſome City or Province, or when they do enter with, or accompany any Prince either Eccleſiaſtical or Civil.

I ſhall tell you in brief, that a Cardinal ſtops his Coach to another that is his Senior; for it is to be taken notice of, that the moſt antient Cardinal is the laſt alwayes that ſtops, and the firſt that goes forward. To the Ladies, they are the firſt that ſtop, and the laſt that go, it being but civil to give the preceedence to the Ladies; but to all other perſons, under the quality of a Crown'd head, they are the laſt that ſtop, and the firſt that depart.

It many times falls out, that they meet the Sacrament or Hoſt as they paſs along the Streets in their Coaches, if they do ſo, they come out immediately, and accompany the Prieſt that carries it to the very Altar, where they fall down upon their knees, make a ſhort Prayer, and return to their Coaches. And if the Prieſt by accident goes to the houſe of any ſick perſon, they bear him company to the Gate, where they fall down upon their knees, till the Prieſt be entred, and then they come back to their Coaches. The ſame Cuſtome the Cardinals obſerve when it is carry'd in any Proceſſion, or other Solemnity. If a Cardinal, as he paſſes in or out of the City, ſees another Cardinal on foot, he diſmounts immediately to make the uſual Complements; and being parted, he mounts not into his Coach, till he has gone ſome certain Paces on foot. To other perſons, he ſeldome lights out of his Coach, unleſs upon ſome particular buſineſs. But when there is any malice or animoſity betwixt Cardinals, as it happens too often, they expreſs it by paſſing whole years by one another without ſaluting or ſpeaking a word, ſo as that Rule has this exception, for if one Cardinal meets another that he has a Piqueto, he not only will not alight from his Coach, but lets him go by, and pretends not to ſee him, and this is nothing but what I have ſeen; but the more prudent avoid all occaſions of meeting their Enemies.

There is great civility to be found amongſt the Eccleſiaſticks of the Church of Rome, as to their entertainment of Strangers, and Humane Converſation, I ſpeak in general; as to particulars, there are ſome will ſhrug up their ſhoulders to their greateſt Benefactors, that they may not be conſtrain'd to make them ſome ſort of Complement againſt their wills. It is ſufficient, that amongſt all the Chriſtian Clergy, the Church of Rome does far exceed the Proteſtants in their entertainment of Strangers, though they force themſelves as much as is poſſible to ſatisfie them. The reaſon is, the Proteſtant has a heart good enough, but his purſe is too weak, and that little he gets by the ſweat (as it were) of his brows, muſt of neceſſity be apply'd to the maintenance of his Familie, not to the acquiring the applauſe of Travellers, to the nouriſhment of his Children, and not to the entertainment of Strangers: but thoſe of the Church of Rome have that plenty of riches, it would be a miracle if they ſhould not gain themſelves ſome friends by their ſuperfluity; though they have Nephews and—to inrich inſtead of Children, yet they may do all that without any inconvenience, for they knew well enough out of what Treaſury to take money to create themſelves friends, and to ſhew themſelves Courteous; beſides from their Civility and Gentileneſs they expreſs to Strangers, they draw no ſmall profit in Almes; it being more than true, that the Eccleſiaſticks are in that point like the Bell of [Page] Manfridonia, which when it ſounds, makes this Eccho, by common report, Dammi e dotti, &c. Give me and Ile give thee, Give me and Ile give thee, Give me and Ile give thee. Great is the Civility the Cardinals uſe to any Ambaſſador they find in any City or State of the Church, receiving ſtrangers with all poſſible courteſie; inſomuch that ſome Proteſtants themſelves have gone away very well ſatisfy'd with their humanity. I will not ſay much of their comportment to Serene Princes who have their Orders from Rome, to the end they may be entertain'd at his Holineſs his charge, and are therefore receiv'd by the Cardinal Legats with the greateſt honour imaginable. And by this extraordinary courteſie, the State of the Church feels no ſmall inconvenience, becauſe they take occaſion upon any pretence whatſoever to lay new impoſts upon the people, as they did upon the arrival of the Queen of Sweden, which remains (as a perpetual memorial of Alexander the ſeventh) upon their ſhoulders to this day; and I have heard ſome people exclaim, 'Tis we that ſuffer for the Generoſity of the Popes.

To meet the eldeſt ſon of any Prince, any Royal Ambaſſadors, or the Ambaſſadors of the Dukes of Savoy or Tuſcany, the Cardinals are wont to go as far as the Gates of the City, with as great a Train of Coaches as they can poſſibly get, or the largeneſs of the place will bear. They firſt ſend one of the chief of their Families to meet them, and with a fine Summer Coach to invite them from their own. After that they ſend a company of Lances half a dayes journey more or leſs; and a mile or two out of the City, they ſend their Vice-Legats with ſome ſmall number of Coaches.

But this common Rule has its exceptions likewiſe; for there are ſome Cardinals that treat and careſs ſuch perſons according to the animoſity or inclination they have for their Maſters. For example, a Cardinal of the French faction will receive an Ambaſſador from France, with greater Pomp than an Ambaſſador from Spain, and it is the ſame on the other ſide. But thoſe that are indifferent, obſerve their Rules, and meaſure their Paces exactly, both for the one and the other, having a care alwayes to expreſs ſomething more of honor to the Royal Ambaſſadors, than to the Ambaſſadors from Savoy and Tuſcany, nor indeed without reaſon. Sometimes the Cardinals will pretend I know not what excuſes, ſending great Trains to meet them, but ſtaying themſelves at home, where they receive them at the top of the Stairs without their Rochets. Which cuſtom is never us'd to the eldeſt Son of any Serene Prince, they receiving them alwayes at the Gate of the Town, unleſs the Legat be ſick in Bed. In the ſame manner they receive their Brother Cardinals as they paſs by.

The Relations of Serene Princes, and ſome principal Barons, are receiv'd ſome few miles off (by the Cardinal Legats appointment.) by the Maſter of his Chamber, and ſometimes by his Vice-Legat, who conducts them to the bottom of the Stairs, where they are receiv'd by his Eminence; ſometimes he pretends for their greater honour to walk out into the City, and as ſoon as he has notice that the Prince is near at hand, he marches into the Street by which he is to paſs, and (pretending to have met him by accident) takes him up into his Coach, and conducts him to the Pallace prepar'd for him.

Neither the Cardinal Legats, nor any other Cardinal in Rome, does uſe to make any invitation to Marqueſſes, Counts, or other perſons of quality, that are paſſing about their own particular affairs. Yet the Cardinal Legat, if they make him a viſit (to return them ſome expreſſions of favour) will invite them to Dinner or Supper, and appoint ſome of his Gentlemen afterward to accompany him, and ſhow him what is moſt conſiderable in the Town. The principal Ladies, as Ambaſſadors Wives and the like, the Cardinals do alwayes invite, and ſend the meaneſt of their Relations to meet them, if they have any (which they ſeldome want) or at leaſt their Major Domo, ſome miles out of the Town, and that more or leſs, according to the deſign they have to do them honour; beſides which, they do uſually intreat ſome of the principal Ladies of the City to go and receive them, and accompany them to the Palace, where the Cardinal receives them at the Stairs head, and conveys them to the appartment ordain'd them.

The particularities of their Viſits, and Receptions, I have thought good to inſert in this Cardinaliſm, for the ſatisfaction of ſome Outlandiſh Gentlemen that did earneſtly deſire it. For my own part, I had no other deſign, but to ſpeak of matters appertaining to [Page] their politicks: however it ſeems not improper, ſeeing in theſe times the policy of the Cardinals run ſo much into Ceremony.

I ſhall now ſpeak of the eight Offices that are peculiar to the perſons of the Cardinals, which are the Popes Vicar; The chief Penitentiarie; The Vice-Chancellor; The Chamberlain; The Prefect of the Signature di Juſtitia; The Prefect of the Signature di Gratia; The Prefect of the Breves; The Bibliothecary. And firſt I ſhall begin with the Popes Vicar, which office is the moſt antient of all, and was for a long time executed by Biſhops, and other Prelats. But Pius the fourth, transferr'd that dignity upon the Sacred Colledge, declaring the Cardinal Giacomo Savelli Vicar, about the year 1565. after which time it was alwayes conferr'd upon Cardinals. The juriſdiction of this Vicar, is over the Prieſts and Regulars in Rome, and the Territories belonging to it. He has authority alſo over Societies of Laicks, Religious Houſes, Hoſpitals, Jews, and Courtezans, beſides I know not what power over the concourſes of Curats for Benefices in Rome, which are not in partibus; and this Office affords the Cardinal Vicar for his Penſion, a hundred Ducats of Gold a month, paid him out of the Chamber. This Vicar has in his Court two Deputies, one for Civil Cauſes, the other for Criminal, and a Vicegerent who is a Titulary Biſhop, and can exerciſe all the Epiſcopal Functions in Rome; and he has the Superintendancy, and Care of the Monaſteries and Nuns; he has his Provoſt Marſhal, and a certain number of Serjeants, and comes with the reſt of his Officials into the Congregations held before the Vicar about matters belonging to his Court. Beſides theſe, there are four Notaries belonging to that Office, each of which executes his charge apart, and has eight or ten Clerks under him perpetually.

The office of chief Penitentiary is given by the Pope to a Cardinal alwayes, and yeilds him that has it, a yearly Rent of about five thouſand Ducats of Gold. His juriſdiction lyes in caſes reſerv'd for the Pope, in giving abſolution gratis ubique, and giving faculty to abſolve in Parchment Seal'd with the Penitentiary Seal, to ſuch Confeſſors as he approves. This Penetentiary has a Prelat under him, that is call'd the Regent of the Penitentiary office, to whom the Confeſſors repair upon occaſion, if they cannot have immediate diſpach from the Cardinal. And here it is to be advertis'd, that this Penitentiary aſſigns penance according to the quality of the offence, though the Confeſſor perhaps conceals the perſon. This Penitentiary ſits in great ſtate, ſometimes in the Cathedral of Saint John de Lateran, ſometimes of St Peter in the Vatican, and ſometimes in the Church of Sancta Maria Maggiore, upon a kind Throne or Tribunal four or five ſteps high, with a wand in his hand, to hear the Confeſſions of reſerv'd Caſes. I had once occaſion to make uſe of him, but I would not go to Cardinal Franciſco that was chief Penitentiary to confeſs my ſelf, leſt all that were preſent in the Church, ſhould underſtand the quality of my Conſcience; for as ſoon as they obſerve any body at the feet of the Cardinal, they imagine immediately he has ſome great load upon his Conſcience, which makes many people forbear going thither. This Penitentiary can call a Congregation, and (by the aſſiſtance and intervention of his Regent (who keeps the Seal) two or three Jeſuit Prieſts, and ſome few Canoniſts) deliberate about the intereſt and affairs of the office, the Hiſtory of whoſe Original follows.

About two hundred years after Chriſts Incarnation, Saint Cornelius being Pope, and many Chriſtians having Sacrificed to Idols, there was a great controverſie, whether thoſe that were laps'd might be reconcil'd, and re-admitted again, which was the Foundation of the Novatian Schiſm. After long diſpute, it was concluded by the major part, that they might; but becauſe ſome were leſs Sinners than others, ſome had not Sacrificed, others had indured Perſecution, but were not able to perſevere. There were certain Prieſts deputed, who, Pro modo culpae admiſſam Paenitentiam indulgerent; That is, Proportion the Penance to the quality of the Crime. And from hence ſprang the Penitentiaries, who after the Church was in peace, and tranquility, extended their juriſdiction by degrees, to other delinquents; for which reaſon it was eſtabliſh'd, that in every Patriarchical Church in Rome, there ſhould be two Prieſts, who ſhould have the care of impoſing of Penances according to the Penitential Canons, which are very antient, by the teſtimony of the Keeper of the Library. And this is all is written, or recorded in the caſe; from whence they argue, that in probability theſe Prieſts had a head or chief to [Page] whom they repair'd to communicate their buſineſs of importance to the Pope, and this they would have to be their chief Penitentiary; who if ſo, muſt be very antient, though there be no Records of it, as Pauvinus ſayes, before Gregory the tenth.

The antienteſt memorial of the Office of the Vice-Chancellor, is to be found in an Epiſtle about Monarchy written by Saint Jerome, who was then Chancellor, ad Gerontiam: It is moſt certain the Pope is the only Chancellor of the Church, ſo as the other are call'd Vice-Chancellors only; yet there are ſome that believe it is only out of reſpect to Saint Lawrence, that was formerly Chancellor, that they ſuffer not his Succeſſors to enjoy the ſame title that he did. Antiently the Chancellor writ whatever belong'd to the Pope to write, and ſometimes he anſwer'd thoſe quaeries and ſcruples in matters of Faith, as were made him by the Biſhops and others; he writ alſo of the Spiritual Dominion of the Pope, and had the ſame Authority the Secretary of the Breves, or the Secretary ab intimis, have now. Beſides which he had the ſame Juriſdiction the Chancellors have now in France, or any other Principality, as Luca de Penna affirms in an Epiſtle of his to Iſidore, in which he ſets down diſtinctly the particular faculties of this Office. He had under him twelve Scrineraries, and one Proto-Scrinerary, all of them aſſiſting him to undergo the weight of his Charge according to orders: others were to have a care of the draughts, and others to tranſcribe them. This Office till the time of Gregory the 7th. which was in the year 1187. was ordinarily conferr'd upon Biſhops, or Cardinals; and in the year 1100. the Cardinal Biſhop of Saint Ruffina was Chancellor, by conceſſion of Benedict the eight; during the Papacy of Alexander the ſecond, it came to be diſuſed, which was in the year 1071. and ſo it continued to Gregory the eights time, being frequently given to Cardinal Prieſts, or Cardinal Deacons. The ſaid Gregory having that Office, as ſoon as he was made Pope, took it away from the Colledge of Cardinals, and put into it a Canon of Lateran, who becauſe he was no Cardinal, was called Cancellarii vicem agens; and ſo it continued for a hundred years, out of the hands of the Colledge of Cardinals; the Miniſters inſtead of vicem agens, calling him that executed it Vice-Chancellor, by degrees, as a more commodious name. Under Boniface the eight this Office return'd to the Sacred Colledge again, being given to Richardo Padroni a Noble man of Siena, who afterwards was made Cardinal as ſome think, but forgetting the antient inſtitution, he continued Vice-Chancellor, by inadvertency taking the name of the Office upon him.

They that had this Office call'd themſelves either Chancellors, or Library-keepers, as they pleas'd, becauſe Praeerat Bibliothecae. Whilſt the Emperor had the nomination of the Popes, the keeper of the Records was call'd Archicancellarius Imperii pro Italia, & Apoſtolicae ſedis Bibliothecarius, vel Cancellarius, vel Archicancellarins; and they that were in Rome ſaid, Datum Romae per manum N. Diaconi Cardinalis, Vicecancellarii, Archiepiſcopi Colonienſis, Apoſtolica ſedis Bibliothecarii ſeu Cancellarii. Where is to be noted, the Date was made by the ſame Chancellor at that time the Vice-Chancellorſhip was executed by a Cardinal, who got at leaſt nine thouſand Ducats of Gold by it. Its Juriſdiction is principally about the diſpatch of all the Apoſtolical Letters, which are all ſign'd by the Pope, except ſuch as paſs by Brief ſub annulo Piſcatoris.

Three times a Week, viz. Tueſday, Thurſday, and Sunday, there meet in his Palace all the Officers of the Apoſtolical Chancery, that is, the Regent, and the Abbreviatori di Parco Maggiore, which are twelve in number, beſides the Regent in his Purple habit like a Prelate; all which Offices are ſold, the Regents for twelve thouſand Ducats of Gold and more; and the Abbreviatori di Parco for ſix thouſand at leaſt; which money yields the purchaſer eight or ten per Cent. ſix of the Abbreviators places are in the Gift of the Cardinal Vice-Chancellor, and the Regents is in his Eminencies. Theſe thirteen Prelates have their places in his Holineſs his Chappel: But the Regent comes ſeldom thither, in reſpect of his precedente before other Prelates. Theſe thirteen Prelates are called Referendaries, or Remembrancers of the one and the other Court, and the Regent has power to referr all Cauſes of Appeal to Rome, which he referrs to the Auditors of the Rota and Referendaries, diſtributing their Orders with great equality, that every one might have his part.

The Office of Chamberlain yields one year with another ſix thouſand Crowns of Gold; the Juriſdiction is to take cogniſance of all Cauſes, that fall under the diſcuſſion [Page] of the Apoſtolick Chamber and their Clerks, being preſent at all tranſactions in that Chamber, unleſs he be hinder'd by the Conſiſtory, paſſing the greateſt part of the diſpatches under his own Name, though examin'd and ſubſcrib'd by the Clerks.

It is obſervable alſo in the Apoſtolick Chamber, that the Cardinal Chamberlain, and all the other Prelates, do come thither with their Purple Pontifical Cloaks over their Rochets, and the other Officers with habits different from what they ordinarily do wear. Beſides, the Chamberlain is Judge of Appeals, as likewiſe of the Judgements paſs'd of the Surveyors of the Streets, and with thoſe Surveyors he takes cogniſance of Cau [...]yes, Buildings, Bridges, Streets, and other things. Furthermore, in the vacancy of the Chair, he reſides in the Palace in the Popes apartment, walks up and down Rome with his Guard of Swiſſes, who are alwayes attending his perſon; he coins money alſo with his own Armes and Impreſſion upon it: It being his charge to ſee the Conclave made, it remains at his diſpoſing afterwards; he has a Key to the Treaſury in Sainct Angelo, of which there are but three, one for the Pope, an other for him, and the third for the Cardinal Deacon. Some few Ages ſince the head of the Deacons was the Arch-Deacon, who was a Cardinal, and had the eare of the Revenue; his dignity was very Noble, and continued till the year 1100. about which time for the exceſs of his Greatneſs, that dignity was taken away, and another inſtituted in its room, which is the Chamberlainſhip, upon condition it ſhould be conferr'd upon Cardinals only; and they had their Coadjutors aſſigned them, who are Clerks in the Apoſtolick Chamber, and whoſe Office in the firſt inſtitution was the ſame with the Chamberlains. Now they have the Treaſurer joyn'd to them, and the Preſident, in reſpect of ſome late difference betwixt the Pope and his Chamberlains.

The office of the Prefect of the Signature of Juſtice, is executed by a Cardinal alſo, who receives out of the Chamber, for his Penſion, a hundred Ducats a Month. His buſineſs is to under-write anſwers to all Petitions and References, and every Thurſday, except in Vacations, the Signature of Juſtice is held before the Prefect in his own Pallace, for determining references; where alſo twelve Prelats aſſiſt with Votes, and beſides them, all other Prelats that are Referendaries. Moreover, there are preſent, but without power of Voting, the Auditor of the Rota and the Lieutenant Civil of the Cardinal Vicar, to the end, no thing to prejudice the juriſdiction of their Tribunals.

The Prefect of the Signature di Gratia, is a Cardinal likewiſe, who has a hundred Ducats a month for his Penſion alſo. His office is to be preſent alwayes at the Signature di Gratia, which is conſtantly held before his Holineſs, and it is he that ſeals all the Petitions and Pardons that paſs there. There are twelve Prelats alſo that have their votes there, which uſe to be the ſame that were preſent at the Signature of Juſtice; as likewiſe the Cardinal Vicar, the Cardinal Prefect of the Breves, the Datarie, and more or fewer of the Cardinals, according as more or fewer of them are deputed by the Pope; however, they are never fewer than twelve.

There are preſent alſo at that Seal, the Auditor of the Chamber, the Lieutenant Civil of the Cardinal Vicar, the Treaſurer General, one of the Auditors di Rota, a Protonotary, one of the Clerks of the Chamber, one of the Abbreviatori del Parco Maggiore, and the Regent of the Chancery, all of them appearing for the defence of their particular juriſdictions and offices. This Seal is kept conſtantly once a week before his Holineſs, on Sunday, or Tueſday, if it falls not on a Holy day.

The Cardinals likewiſe are Prefects of the Breves, and the Library Keepers; the Prefect has an allowance out of the Chamber for his Penſion of a hundeed Ducats a Month; and his office is to over-look and ſign all the draughts of the Briefs that go under a Tax. The buſineſs of the keeper of the Library (that has his hundred Ducats a month out of the Chamber likewiſe) is to ſuperintend the Preſs, and the Library in the Vatican, and the people that work there, in Printing Claſſick writings in the Oriental Tongues.

Out of this Colledge of Cardinals, there are ſeveral Congregations formed, that are call'd for that reaſon, the Congregations of Cardinals. and are fifteen in number, viz. of the Holy Office, of the affairs of the Biſhops and Regulars of the Councel, of the immunities of the Church, of the State, de propaganda Fide, of Rights, of Water, of Streets, of the Index, of Conſultation for the Government of the Church, of good Regiment, [Page] and of eaſing of grievances, of the Mint, of examination of ſuch as are deſign'd to be Biſhops, and of the affairs of the Conſiſtory; but for theſe Congregations, the Cardinals have only their labour for their pains, and ſome little honour that ſignifies nothing.

The Congregation of the Holy Office, meet twice a week, on Tueſday in the Covent of Minerva, where the Inquiſition is kept by the Father Dominicans, and on Thurſday before his Holineſs, where cauſes of Hereſie are heard before twelve Cardinals at the leaſt, deputed according to the pleaſure of the Pope, and a good number of Divines of ſeveral Religious Orders.

The Congregation of the affairs of the Biſhops and Regulars, has a particular juriſdiction over the differences which ariſe betwixt the Biſhops, and their Subjects, and betwixt the Biſhops, and the Regulars. This Congregation meets the Friday in every week, in the Cardinals houſe that is head of that Congregation, and that with no ſmall trouble, for they have ſo many Letters of complaints ſometimes, it is ſcarce poſſible to read them.

The Congregation of the Councel, has the power of interpreting the Orders and Decrees of the Councel of Trent, ſo that if any difference happens in Chriſtendome about that, they apply themſelves to this Congregation, which gives them all ſeaſonable reſolution. It is held in the antienteſt Cardinals houſe, though the head be another Cardinal, and that he has the power of aſſembling them: they meet ordinarily once a week, that is on Sunday, or Thurſday, if it be no Holyday.

The Congregation of the Eccleſiaſtical immunities, was inſtituted by Ʋrban the eight, who having had many controverſies of that nature whilſt he was Nuntio, and before he was Pope, he took an Oath as ſoon he was created, to erect this Court, to prevent thoſe inconveniences for the future. Which Congregation has power to reſolve ſuch doubts as happen in the confuſion and diverſity of offences, and to determine who are, and who are not to enjoy the privileges of the Church. This Congregation meets every Tueſday, in the eldeſt Cardinals houſe, in which there are preſent, ſeveral Cardinals, one Auditor di Rota, one Clerk of the Chamber, one out of each Signature, and a Secretary that uſes to be a Referendary to one Signature or the other. The Prefect of this Congregation has for his Penſion about ſeven hundred Ducats a year, and the keeping of thoſe Seals that are neceſſary.

In the Congregation of State, all thoſe Cardinals that have been Apoſtolical Nuntioes are preſent, and the Secretary of State to his Holineſs with them, and it is generally held before the Pope, or the Cardinal Nephew.

The Congregation de propaganda fide, was erected by Gregory the fifteenth of happy memory, to inveſtigate and find out all poſſible wayes for the propagating the Catholick Faith in all parts of the World, and to adviſe what may be conducible to ſo profitable a work. It uſes to meet on Mundays once a moneth before the Pope, and many times in the Palace de propaganda fide. There are preſent ſeveral Cardinals, the Apoſtolick Protonotary, his Holineſs, his Secretary of State, one Judge that uſes to be Referendary of one of the Signatures, the Aſſeſſor of the Holy Office, the Secretary of the ſame Congregation, who has built a Palace of no ordinary greatneſs in the Piazza della Santiſſima Trinita di monti, for the entertainment of all thoſe that have receiv'd the Catholick Faith, and come to ſee Rome; beſides that they lodge ſeveral poor Biſhops there, and provide them with all things neceſſary for a livelihood. There is a Preſs in this Congregation alſo, for all Foreign Languages, where they print daily their Miſſals, Breviaries, and ſuch other Books.

The Juriſdiction of the Congregation of Rights, reſpects the differences in Rights, Ceremonies, Preceedencies, Canonization of Saints, and ſuch like affairs. The antienteſt of the deputed Cardinals, is head of this Congregation, and has power to convene them in his own houſe once a month, or oftner as he pleaſes; and it is to be obſerved, that all Congregations are conve'd by their Heads.

The Congregation del Acque, has the care of all Rivers, Bridges, and ſuch things. The antienteſt Cardinal is head of it, and calls it upon occaſion at his own houſe, there being no preciſe or determinate day appointed.

The Cardinal Chamberlain is head of the Congregations di fonte & di ſtrade, and there [Page] being no fix'd day, he calls them too as he thinks it convenient; but they meet in the antienteſt deputed Cardinals houſe alwayes, and being aſſembled, they conſider of the Aquaducts and Conveyances of water into Rome, and the manner of diſtributing it thorough the whole City, as alſo the Commodities of the Streets.

The Congregation del Judices, hath Juriſdiction in over-ſeeing the Preſs, in printing and correcting of books; it has a Cardinal to its head, who aſſembles them at his own houſe as occaſion requires, though there be a day appointed.

There is the Congregation della Conſulta, for the Government of the Church, and the head of that is the Cardinal Nephew of the preſent Pope, they meet twice a week in his houſe, viz. Tueſdays, and Fridays. There are preſent, ſix Cardinals, ſix Prelats, a Secretary that uſes to be a great Confident of the Nephews; in this Congregation they conſult of the Government of the Church, all Deputies, Prefects, Governours, Provoſts, and other Officers whatever, directing their accounts thither, of any thing conſiderable that happens in their Governments, and this Congregation deliberates and decrees what is to be done in the caſe: The Secretary draws up the Order, and the Cardinal that is head, ſubſcribes it firſt, and then the reſt of the Prelats that are preſent. The ſeveral Provinces are divided amongſt them, and every one reads the Letters in the Councel that come out of their particular Provinces; but it is to be underſtood, the Legat of Avignon, the Governour of Benevento in the Kingdom of Naples, and of the City of Ceneda, in the Dominions of the Venetian, being all free Governments, are not ſubject to the Decrees of this Councel; the Governour di Fermo, and that State, and the Governour of Spoleti, are exempt likwiſe. The Prelats of this Congregation have three parts of the Palace, and each of them a thouſand crowns a year entertainment, and the Secretary two thouſand, that is Roman crowns.

The Cardinal Nephew to the Pope is head alſo of the Congregation of Grace, and good Government; the Communities upon any grievance or oppreſſion, repair thither for remedy with other Subjects for preſent relief, and determinations in writing manu Regia. This Congregation meets on Sundays (at the ſame place where the Congregation della Conſulta meets) by turns, that is, the Congregation for good Government one Sunday, and the Congregation for Relief another. There are five or ſix Cardinals preſent alwayes, ſeven or eight Prelats, one Secretary; (which is alwayes the ſame with the Secretary in the other Congregation) all the Letters or Orders that paſs in this Congregation, are ſign'd by the Cardinal Nephew; all the Prelats have the ſame Emolument the Prelats of the Congregation della Conſulta have; they are habited in Purple, and have the Title of his Holineſſes familiar and Domeſtick Congregation.

The Congregation of the Treaſury have a particular Juriſdiction over all Moneys to be coyn'd in that State, as likewiſe of Foreign Moneys, to obſerve which way they may be ſpent in the Territories of the Church. There are preſent four Cardinals, choſen all of them at the diſcretion of the Pope, and ſome Officers of his Chamber. The head of them is he the Pope thinks good to depute, and that head has power to aſſemble them at his own houſe as oft as he pleaſes, for there is no ſet day appointed.

The Congregation for the examination of New Biſhops, was inſtituted by Clement the eight of happy memory, who examin'd ſeveral perſons himſelf, eſpecially if they were towards the Law; for the Profeſſors of Divinity were examin'd by Bellarmine only. This Congregation is held alwayes before the Pope, in the preſence of eight or ten Cardinals, a certain number of Prelates, and ſome Theologiſts of ſeveral Opinions; in which all perſons the Pope intends to promote to Biſhopricks are examin'd; but it is to be underſtood the Biſhopricks belonging to the Church in Italy, for the reſt are not ſubject to the jurisdiction of that Court. The Perſon examin'd kneels upon a Cuſhion before the Pope, and all that are preſent in the Congregation have power to examine him; after he is examin'd and approv'd, it is entred into a Book that the Secretary of that Congregation keeps, that that perſon has been examin'd, and if it happens he be remov'd to any other Church, he need not be examin'd again. If one has been Biſhop in ſome Foreign Province never ſo long, and by accident is tranſlated to ſome Biſhoprick in Italy, he muſt ſubmit to the examination of that Congregation, except he be a Cardinal, for they are exempt from all examination when they are admitted to any Church. But here [Page] it is to be underſtood, that though they be examin'd and approv'd, they are not immediately Biſhops. The perſon deſign'd, makes profeſſion firſt of the Catholick Faith before the Cardinal choſen by his Holineſs, to propoſe him to the reſt of the Cardinals: that done, they give an Oath to the Witneſſes that are to be examin'd about the State of that Church, and about the quality, extraction, and cuſtom of the perſon deſign'd to be Biſhop of that Church: that paſt, the Cardinal gives order to his Auditor to make Proteſs, which is preſently drawn up, either by the Cardinal Vicars Notary, or the Auditor of that Chamber; whilſt they are drawing the Proceſs, the perſon recommended is to produce the Teſtimonies of his Doctorſhip, and after that, what other privileges he has, as Patents, Depoſitions, or Teſtimonials from him that Ordain'd him, which are very proper, and will much facilitate his diſpatch.

After the Teſtimonies, they are to ſwear they were born in lawful Marriage, and that their Parents were not ſuſpected for Hereticks, and that he is above thirty years of age, according to the Canons of the Councel of Trent. After this, there are other Witneſſes examin'd about the State, Revenue, and quality of the Sea, in what Province the City is, whether it be immediately ſubject to the Apoſtolick Sea, or the Suffragan of ſome Arch-biſhoprick, what Lands or [...]owns there are within its Dioceſs, how many thouſand Souls, how many Monaſteries there are, how many Reliques of Saints, how much the Church yeilds yearly, how many Clerks, how many Canons, how many Colledges or Schools, how many Covents of Monk, how many Prieſts, how many Steeples, Bells, and ſuch like things. The Preſentation being finiſh'd, the Cardinal Ponente (which is he the Pope choſe to preſent the perſon) ſubſcribes it, and then gives it to the three principal Cardinals of that Order, who having perus'd it, ſubſcribe it in like manner, and return it to the Cardinal Fonente, where it remains.

In the next private Conſiſtory he publiſhes it, and in the next, he preſents him, and recites in a ſhort Latin Speech the whole contents of the Proceſs, but before the Cardinal Ponente aſſigns his Church, the Provoſt gives two blanck Schedules to the Auditor of the Sacred Colledge at the inſtance of the perſon Elected, in which he promiſes to pay the Cardinal Ponente, the Sacred Colledge, the Reverend Chamber, and all the Officers of the Chancery, all that is due to them for the diſpatch of that buſineſs. The day before the Conſiſtory for determining, the Cardinal Ponente ſends a memorial to all the reſt of the Cardinals, in which, he ſuccinctly recites the manner of the whole Proceſs, to the end, that if any Cardinal could make any exception, he knew againſt whom he was to ſpeak, and as ſoon as the Preſentation is over by the Cardinal Ponente, the Pope turns to the Cardinal Deacon, and demands if he has any thing to ſay to the contrary, if he has any, he declares it, if not, he riſes up, ſayes no, and approves what the Cardinal Ponente has done, and ſo his Holineſs decrees, and gives the perſon that Church, which is enter'd immediately into a Note by the Cardinal Vice-Chancellor, and Seal'd with his Seal. Upon this Decree, the Cardinal Ponente draws up a Schedule, Subſcribes it with his own Hand, and Seals it with his own Seal; and by virtue of this Schedule, and another which they call the Counter-part under the Hand and Seal of the Cardinal Vice-Chancellor, the Bull is immediately diſpatch'd: The Cardinal Ponente receives ordinarily as his Right, fifteen Ducats per Cent. out of the Chamber of all the Revenues of that Church, that perſon is recommended to: if he be preſented by the Pope himſelf, the ſaid ſum is to be paid to the Colledge of the Apoſtolick Secretaries: if one be preſented by a Cardinal that has not been formerly in Rome, the Cardinal is to pay the fifteen per Cent, but if the Cardinal be preſent, or has been in Rome, he is freed from that payment. The perſon preſented, ſtirs not out of his houſe that morning, but ſhaves his head, and after Dinner puts himſelf into his Pontifical Habit like a Biſhop, with his black Hat, Hat-band, and a green welt about the brims. After this, he is to go into the Popes Pallace, where (introduc'd by the Maſter of the Chamber) he is to kiſs the Popes foot, who with his own hands puts his Rochet over him, ſuch a one as the Biſhops are wont to wear of their own. The new Biſhop is then to viſit the whole Colledge of Cardinals, and without any order or precedence, he may viſit them next he thinks moſt convenient, provided he begins with the Cardinal Deacon. Thoſe that are preſented to any See out of Italia, are oblig'd to all theſe things but examination, and if they be abſent, they do all per procuratorem.

[Page]The Cardinal Deacon is head of the Congregation de negotii Conſiſtoriali, but having no particular buſineſs, only ſuch things as his Holineſs particularly refers to them, which are uſually, renuntiations of Biſhopricks, the Taxes of the Church, and ſuch things; they meet but ſeldome. This Congregation is call'd by the Cardinal its head, and held in his houſe.

In all the aforementioned Congregations, there are ſeveral Cardinals, ſometime more, ſometime fewer, as we have ſaid, but the greateſt number of all is in the Congregation of Biſhops and Regulars, where there are ſometime four and wenty preſent. Every Congregation has its particular Secretary, whoſe care it is to draw up the Orders exactly to the Decrees that are made in full Congregations, every Cardinal Subſcribing them, and Sealing them with his own Seal. But it is to be underſtood, that when there is a Conſiſtory, there is never any Congregation, for upon any intimation from the Pope that he would have a Conſiſtory, they leave the Congregation and repair thither.

The three Arch-Prieſtſhips of the three Cathedrals in Rome, that is of Saint John de Lateran, of Saint Peter, and of Santa Maria Maggiore, are alwayes in the perſons of the Cardinals. And of the dignity of theſe three Offices we may judge, if we conſider that there is not any of them falls, but the preſent Pope beſtows it immediately upon one of his Cardinal Nephews, and the Popes do ſeldome confer any thing upon them, but the beſt and moſt profitable offices in the Church. Each of theſe Arch-Prieſts has his Deputy, and he aſſigns him what profit he pleaſes, which for the moſt part is the Revenue of a Canon. They have each of them power indulg'd them to diſpoſe of what Benefices, Clerkſhips, Chaplainſhips, and other things that fall within their ſeveral Churches. Every Pope alſo does uſually allow each of them a Canonſhip.

The Arch-Prieſt of Saint John de Lateran adminiſters Juſtice both in caſes Criminal and Civil, to all ſuch perſons that live within a certain diſtance from his Cathedral according to his Juriſdiction. In the year of Jubily, the Arch-Prieſt goes in his Pontificalibus, with a great train on horſe-back to his own Church to open the Holy Gate. The Cardinal Deacon obſerves the ſame order in the Church of Saint Paul, and the ſame Ceremony is us'd when the Holy Gate is ſhut again. This is to be underſtood of the two Arch-Prieſts of St. John de Lateran, and of Santa Maria Maggiore, for the Pope in St. Peters Church, opens and ſhuts the Holy Gate himſelf, and no [...] [...]he Arch-Prieſt. In all theſe great Churches, there are Penitentiaries, that is to ſay, the Jeſuits in the Church of St. Peter, the Franciſcans in the Church of S▪ John de Lateran, and the Dominicans in the Church di Santa Maria Maggiore. The Penitentiaries have good Lodgings and accommodations in each of the [...]e places; where they live comfortably at the charge of the Pope, or rather of the Church, being oblig'd to be conſtantly in the Church to receive the Confeſſions of all that come thither to confeſs themſelves. Amongſt theſe Fathers, there are ſome that confeſs people in divers Languages, and one of them in each Church has the Title of Rector.

All theſe Offices and Dignities that belong to the Cardinals only, beſides honor, they bring great advantages to them; but the Congregations have nothing but trouble, and if they have any profit at all, it is accompany'd with ſo many inconveniences, that many had rather be without it, for thoſe incommodities would be more tollerable, were they not joyn'd with ſomething that is incompatible, by the communication of continual diſguſts and peeviſhneſs into the Breaſts of thoſe Cardinals that are deputed thither by his Holineſs; there being ſome of them of two or three ſeveral Congregations, as if it were on purpoſe to multiply the inconveniences that do follow that appearance of honour.

Let it not ſeem ſtrange if I ſay the Cardinals are ſometime tranſported with rage in their Congregations, becauſe the Popes give them but too much occaſion, in not ſuffering any thing but their profit and advantage to be conſulted, and which is worſe, the Popes Nephews do ſpoil all their Politicks, and after they are tyr'd and loſt in the buſineſs, they turn it over upon the mature prudence, as they call it, of the Congregations and Conſiſtory; as if the Cardinals, like Taylors, were only to patch up what the Nephews had torn in the Church.

The buſineſs of Caſtro has been ſo ſifted and bandied about in the Congregations [Page] and Conſiſtories, that ſome of the Cardinals (as is writ to me from Rome) have it ringing perpetually in their ears, ſo as they cannot ſleep in their beds for it. Others there are, whoſe minds and imaginations are ſo full of it, they run from one thing to another in their diſcourſe, and talk of Caſtro, when they would have talk'd of Constantinople.

But ſome will ask me from whence comes this delay, perhaps from the irreſolution of the Cardinals? No Sir, from the irregular authority of the Popes, who will do things in ſpight of the advice of the Cardinals; but of that we have ſaid enough already, and ſhall not by a ſuperfluous repetition rub up thoſe old Sores that afflict the Church, as well as the hearts of the Cardinals. It is ſufficient, if I ſay his Holineſs erected ſo many Congregations to conceal the infinite Enormities committed by the Nephews in the Government of the Church: And theſe are the Congregation at Rome. The Popes pretend, and indeed will do all things; and if the Cardinals know how to comply with the Wills of the Popes, all is well, otherwiſe he turns and winds them, till at laſt they come about to the humour of the Pope and his Nephews. In ſhort, the Cardinals conſult in Rome, and the Pope decrees according as he is advis'd by his Councel. But the Cardinals do not ſo much as conſult about any thing that is propos'd by the Pope, and which he is reſolv'd to decree.

I was ask'd lately by a friend that was an outlandiſh man, what ſhare the Cardinals had in the Canonization of a Saint; to which I reply'd, that they had a great deal of trouble by reaſon of the many Conſiſtories that were held, of which it will not be amiſs to ſpeak ſomething by the bye. The Popes before they proceeded to Canonization, are wont to have four Conſiſtories of Cardinals, the two firſt are in private, the third publick, and the fourth betwixt both; in the firſt, the Pope gives anſwer to ſuch Petitions as they have receiv'd from ſome Prince, Province, or City, and refers it to three Auditors di Rota to examine the Proceſs diligently, who having made their report that it was well, his Holineſs recommends it again to three Cardinals to be re-examin'd whether it be agreeable to the Auditors report. In the ſecond Conſiſtory, the Cardinals to whom it is referr'd, do declare that they have ſeen and conſider'd the Proceſs, and that they find the report of the Auditors to be true. The third Conſiſtory (which is publick) is in the Sala Reggia, where the Cardinals render their obedience, and where the Advocate of the Conſiſtory makes an Harangue of the Life and Miracles of the Saint. In the fourth Conſiſtory that is but half publick, and held in the Sala Ducale, the Pope comes with his Miter upon his head, and his ſingle Rochet upon his ſhoulders, and there are preſent, not only the Cardinals, but the Patriarchs, Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Auditors di Rota, and Protonotaries.

The Pope inquires after every mans opinion whether that Canonization be to be made or not, and if the Major part ſay yes, he degrees him eſſe Canonizandum, and appoints the day for his Canonization, on which there are many Ceremonies us'd. The Pope, and the Cardinals, are all in their Surplices, with every one a lighted Torch in his hand, in which poſture they go in Proceſſion through the Piazza, where the Guards of light Horſe are drawn up, as ſoon as they are come into the Church, the Cardinals pay their Reverences, and then there is a Hymn ſung in the Quire; that done, three Inſtances are made by the Procurator of that Prince, Province, or City, upon whoſe requeſt the Canonization is made, a Maſs is ſung, and his Holineſs preſented with two young Turtles, and other little Birds, in two Silver Baskets, many of which Birds are let go. Maſs being ended, the Cardinals put off their Habits, and attend his Holineſs back again.

We have ſpoken thus far of what is done whilſt the Cardinals are living; it will not be amiſs to obſerve ſomething now that paſſes at their death. A Cardinal being dead, he is carried to the next Church to the place where he dy'd; his body is laid upon a high Scaffold built on purpoſe, on a quilt of Cloth of Gold, dreſs'd in the ſame Habit he wore when he was admitted into that Order, that is, if he was a Biſhop, in his Rocher, if he was a Prieſt, in his Choppines, if a Deacon, in his Caſſock, with his wonted Mitre at his head, and two Pontifical red Caps at his feet. After Dinner, all the Fryeries go to that Church, and there ſay the Offices for the dead, and cauſe a Nocturral to be rehearſed, during which, the Cardinals are in their Purple Habits, and entring into the Church, [Page] they put on their Copes of the ſame colour; and that done, they go and pray to the Hoſt, after that, they advance to the feet of the Corps, where ſaying a Pater Noſter, they ſprinkle the Carcaſs with Holy water, repeating ſome uſual Ver [...]s and Prayers for the dead, and then they return to their places, and this is perform'd by every Cardinal that is preſent; but if there come more Cardinals than ordinary, the anuenteſt performs the Ceremony for the reſt, they ſitting ſtill in their orders in the Church till the ſervice is done. The four Maſters of the Ceremonies are aſſiſting in like manner with their upper Garment of Purple Serge, the Sergeants alſo in their long Purple Gowns, with their Silver Maces in their hands, with every one of them a Prieſts Cap given them for a preſent. There are alſo two of the dead Cardinals Crowns ſtanding by in mourning, with two Bannerols of black Taffaty, with his Arms painted upon them, in their hands; the Church is hung alſo with black, with the Cardinals Scutchions faſten'd upon them, and ſuch Trophyes as are uſual at the Funerals of great Perſons.

They are buried for the moſt part in the Churches of their Titles, with great Pomp, the Fryers marching with great Tapers in their hands, and after them the Major Domo, the Biſhops, the Apoſtolical Protonatories on Mules pontifically, with the Maſters of the Ceremonies, and his Holineſſes Family in long red Robes; and this Ceremony is alwayes perform'd about the four and twentieth hour. But thoſe that deſire to be buried without any Pomp, are carry'd privately in a Coach about two a Clock in the morning to the place where they are to be interr'd. Thoſe Cardinals that are deſcended from great Families, and have rich Relations, have their Exchequer in the Church where they are buried, with noble Herſes, where the whole Colledge of Cardinals are aſſiſtant at the ſinging of Maſs, making Orations in praiſe of the Cardinal departed, and performing other Ceremonies not unlike thoſe before mentioned.

It is now time I return, and ſay ſomething to the general ſatisfaction; and indeed, though I may wander a little in ſome particulars, my chief deſign is common ſatisfaction; above all things elſe, I think convenient to touch ſomething in this place upon the Original of the Title of Eminence, which is of that value now adayes amongſt the Cardinals, they would think him almoſt a Heretick, that ſhould deprive them of it.

But before we paſs to the Titles of the Cardinals, it will be requiſite to ſay ſomewhat of the Titles of the Popes, which are as great, if not greater, than the Titles of our Saviour, differing only in point of duration, [...]ur Saviours being Eternal, and the Popes but Momentary. By the Law of Nature, the Popes muſt leave their Title of Holineſs taken up in the Vatican, and dye like a corruptible worm, whereas our Saviour, whoſe Holineſs is natural to him, remains to all Eternity: for what cauſe is it then, that the Popes take ſuch pains themſelves, and their flatterers alſo lay about them, to heap Title upon Title upon them; ſeeing in ſpight of all they can do, they muſt dye, and return to their firſt principals of duſt and vanity.

The Holy Scripture pronounces Chriſt Impeccable, the Books and Theologiſts of Rome, do the ſame for the Pope; Chriſt was call'd Holy, ſo is his Holineſs, Bleſſed, and ſo is he. In the infancy of Chriſtianity, the light of Holineſs ſhin'd out in the Conſciences of Chriſtians, bleſſedneſs in their minds, and their Impeccability in their Zeal and Ardour for the ſervice of the Church, which rewarded their labours with a Crown of Martyrdome. Thoſe Titles that are now in ſuch eſteem, were not only undervalu'd then, but with a Pious Zeal deſpiſed and abhorred, the Popes and the Eccleſiaſticks taking more glory in the humility of their Lives, than in all the variety of Titles could be given them; and upon what grounds? Becauſe being inſtructed by the Celeſtial love of the Holy Spirit, they underſtood very well, that giving way to the outward applauſe of the people, it could not but communicate ſomething of the venome of Ambition within, which is the Harbinger of all the miſchiefs in the Church.

Had any one in thoſe dayes gone into the Popes preſence with thoſe Titles that are in ſuch requeſt at this preſent in Rome, and the Vatican, that is, with the Titles of Bleſſed, or Holy; he would have been look'd upon as a moſt peſtilent flatterer, and have been baniſh'd the Vatican, and made uncapable of any part of the benignity of the Pope, or of any preferment in the Apoſtolick Sea; and for what reaſon? Becauſe the Popes had then no need of begging thoſe Titles from man, when by their Repentance, and Sackcloth, [Page] their Faſting and Prayers, their Mortifications and good Works that over-flow'd, like a River the banks of the Church, they both challeng'd and deſerv'd them. The good Popes did then labour from morning to night by their good works, to demonſtrate that they were bleſs'd already by that God that can alone give bleſſedneſs to man; and therefore they deſpiſed that happineſs that was got by ambition, which make people happy only in the ſight of the world. They abominated as a Serpent that Holineſs was given them by the Prieſts, becauſe they knew that that Holineſs in the Tongue, would be a pernicious Poyſon in their Hearts.

Many there are, as well devote as ingenious, that have broke their brains almoſt to find out the reaſon for the introduction of ſuch throngs of Titles into the Church, and after no ſmall toyl, they obſerved that the Pope and the Eccleſiaſticks have ſcrambled as it were for them, ſince there was brought in ſo much Riches to the Church; ſo that the Wealth being increas'd, their Ambition and Vanity is increas'd with it; the luſtre of Gold, and the ſplendor of Silver, do illuſtrate the Majeſty of the Popes, and gild over the comlineſs of the Eccleſiaſtick. And this Mettal, that with ſo much labour both of Prince and People, is drawn out of the Bowels of the Earth where it was buried, as if it had been aſham'd to appear before the face of the Church, as conſcious of corrupting it at the very firſt ſight, and being enter'd. of making ſuch a noiſe in the breaſts of thoſe Eccleſiaſticks that embrace it ſo greedily, that in a ſhort time there ſhould be nothing but Ecchoes of flatrery heard in the Church, every one ſtriving with emulation to tickle the ears of the Pope; who, lull'd as it were with the Harmony, delighted himſelf in that imaginary glory, which by degrees rais'd up a whole Army of Vices to beleaguer the Rock of the Holy Church, labouring by all means poſſible, to baniſh Piety and Holineſs of life, from the Sanctuary of the Church.

For four Ages together, the Popes liv'd without the leaſt tincture of Vanity or Pride, Humility and Modeſty was all their practice, whereby they kindled and excited Devotion in the hearts of the Faithful, who had the good fortune to ſee the Church Govern'd by Paſtors, whoſe thoughts were humble, and whoſe actions were modeſt. The Titles the Popes then choſe to diſtinguiſh themſelves from the people, were ſo poor and abject, it inflam'd them with Obedience, and communicated a Zeal to the moſt obſtinate Sinners, who could not but triumph in their Obedience to ſuch Superiours, as took more pleaſure to ſerve, than to command the Church.

What Heart of Stone, what Conſcience of Flint, what Rock of Pride or Obſtinacy, would not have been reduc'd to powder, to hear the Popes, Chriſts Vicars, Gods Vicegerents upon Earth, Heads of the Church, Supreme Miniſters of Chriſtianity, and Paſtors of the Flock of Chriſt, call themſelves with ſo much humility, Poor Sinners, Humble Servants of God, and Servants of his Servants? Theſe were the Titles of Honour the Holy Popes in the bleſſed time of the Churches Infancy, did ſo much glory in; with theſe Titles (which our preſent Eccleſiaſticks do ſo much abominate) did thoſe Primitive Paſtors draw millions of Sinners to repentance: whereas now in this Age, that abounds with ſo many Eccleſiaſtical Titles, there is ſcarce one Proſelite made after ſeveral months pains, with all the Menaces of their Arms, nor all the power of their whole Troops of Apoſtolical Miſſionaries; but who could have been able to have reſiſted the Tears of thoſe Popes that humbled themſelves to all men? Who would not willingly have turn'd to the Church of Chriſt, to ſee the Governours of it ſo Humble, Holy, Devout, and Pious?

Pope Gregory (who was the firſt that took upon him the Title of Servant to the Servants of God) preſag'd very well when he gave this anſwer to a Cardinal that advis'd him againſt ſpeaking ſo humbly of himſelf, That there was not a more efficacious way to be found out to call ſinners to Repentance, than the humility in the Eccleſiasticks that had the care of them; and another time, it being told him by a Biſhop, that it was a prejudice to the Majeſty of the Vicarſhip of Chriſt, to debaſe himſelf as he did, his thoughts being fix'd wholly upon humility, he return'd this anſwer, And how? Chriſt our King ſaved the World by his Humiliation, and ſhall we that are but his Servants, govern it with Pride?

Experience teaches us, ſo that we cannot pretend ignorance in this caſe; and I know [Page] the Prelats that are enemies to flattery, and zealous in the Service of God, will not oblige me to lye, they underſtanding very well the detriment the Church has receiv'd by the introduction of ambition into the hearts of the Eccleſiaſticks, and if they be ſilent, it is becauſe they are fearful of diſguſting thoſe that command in Rome.

Every one knows, that whilſt the Popes lived with their low and humble, their abject and contemptible Titles, Holineſs of life did blaze as it were in the Lap of the Church; the Chriſtians living with a certain devout ſimplicity, and glorying with juſt reaſon to acknowledge them for true and lawful Vicars of Chriſt, and for worthy Succeſſors to St. Peter, thoſe Popes that aſpir'd not to the Papacy for the augmentation of the wealth of their Families, or for multiplying worldly honours upon their own perſons; but as Servants of God, to be ſerviceable to his Flock. Thoſe Popes I ſay that ſought the Popedome, not to domineer or inſult to the prejudice of Princes, but to humble themſelves in favour of the people. Who is it that is ignorant of the great miſeries the poor Church has ſuffer'd? Who is it that is not ſenſible of the dangers with which it has been many times overwhelm'd, ſince that time in which the Popes began with ſo much vanity to diſdain thoſe low and humble, thoſe holy and devout Titles; and to take upon them the moſt arrogant and lofty ones imaginable, paſſing from Modeſty, to Pride, from Humility to Haughtineſs, and from Eccleſiaſtical ſimplicity, to the vanity of the World, which at this preſent is too predominant.

Schiſms, Hereſies, and the deſtruction of Kingdoms, from whence had they their original, but from the invention and vanity of ſo many Titles that ſeem'd to be invented on purpoſe to diſturb the peace of the Church? Many do obſerve, and that with no ſmall diſpleaſure, that the Chriſtian Church began to abate and fall off from its original ſplendour, from that very time the Popes began to uſurp the Titles of Holineſs, and Bleſſedneſs; with theſe Titles were ſcruples brought amongſt Chriſtians, ſo that what the faithfull did before affectionately, and with all their hearts, worſhipping and owning the Popes to be Chriſts true Vicar upon Earth, they could not afterwards be brought to, by all their promiſes, intreaties or threats; being fearful they ſhould err, in calling the Pope Holy, that had no Holineſs, and Bleſſed, that had no Bleſſedneſs; but what the Commodities of the world do uſually afford.

The ſame thing (or very like it) is happen'd in the perſon of the Cardinals, by the introduction and heaping of Titles upon Titles. In the firſt Ages of the Churches Infancy, the Cardinals were ſo humble and modeſt, they thought the Title of Fratello nel Signore obſervandiſſimo, moſt obſervant Brother in the Lord, too high, too great, too eminent and fa [...]ig [...]us for them; yet the ſame Title that the Cardinals took ſo much glory in then, is now deſpis'd as too low, by the vileſt of the Clergy, and the moſt abject Cook, or Butler of the Cloyſter.

The firſt Ebullitions of humility being over, and the Rays of modeſty that glitter'd formerly in the perſons of the Cardinals, beginning to decay, they look'd out for Titles correſpondent to the ambition of their hearts, with which they ſtudied to advance themſelves to the degrees and honours of this world; and therefore laying aſide the Title (which was ordinary to the Cardinals) of Reverendo, they took that of Reverendiſſimo, upon them, which they kept for the ſpace of eight in [...]re Ages, till at length the ſimple Prelats growing ambitious (for they had already uſurp'd the Title of Reverend, which the Cardinals had rejected) they gave them occaſion to take the Title of Illustriſſimo in exchange, which was very well lik'd of by the Cardinals, they believing that Title ſufficient to illuſtrate the actions of a Cardinal, whether good or bad. And ſo the Cardinals having rejected the Title of Reverendiſſimo, and aſſum'd that of Illuſtriſſimo, all the Abbots and Prelats began to make bold with the Title of Reverendiſſimo, which is grown at preſent ſo common amongſt the Eccleſiaſticks, the Canoniſts themſelves diſdain it, and the moſt vile and inconſiderable little Prieſts, will challenge and expect it.

The Cardinals were contented with the Title of Illuſtriſſimo, and they ſhow it by experience; living for much above two Ages in that manner, not regarding the acquiſition of greater Titles and Prerogatives, they chang'd as it were a little ſmoak, for a great piece of meat. But if the Cardinals were contented, Pope Ʋrban the eight was not; who in the beginning of his Papacy, not being ſatisfy'd to pervert and miſapply the riches of [Page] the Church, to the advancing the Fortunes of his languiſhing Family, he would go further yet, and upon the Anvil of Ambition forge a higher and more ſublime Title, than that with which the Cardinals were contented; and which is worſe, not moved by any reſpect to the Decorum of the Church, or the Majeſty of the Cardinalſhip, but for the greater honour of his own Nephews only.

Many and various were the thoughts of Pope Ʋrban about this matter, troubling and diſtracting himſelf (as is reported) ſeveral hours in the night, to find out greater Titles and Prerogatives. At firſt he thought to have given the Title of Highneſs to the Cardinals, as knowing he could not ennoble his Nephews with a greater Title than the reſt, ſo that under pretence of advancing them all, he engrandiz'd his own Nephews amongſt them. But deſirous to give the Cardinals ſome Title that might be peculiar to their Dignity, it was ſome trouble to his ſpirits to conſider that Title was common to other Princes; at laſt after much watching, and ambitious ſtudy, he found out the Title of Eminence, which was receiv'd with great applauſe by all the Cardinals, who gave the Pope ſolemn thanks that they were made Eminentiſſimi in his Papacy; and to take away all ſuſpicion of ingratitude, they ſuffer'd him to diſpoſe of the Treaſure of the Church at his pleaſure, of which price of gratitude the Church is ſenſible at this day.

The improvident and capricious introduction of the Title of Eminence in the perſons of the Cardinals, gave not only occaſion of argument and diſpute amongſt the People, but diſcompos'd and ſ [...]bverted (as one may ſay) the repoſe of all the Princes of Chriſtendom, and eſpecially of Italy; for they being jealous to ſee the Cardinals ſo exalted in their Titles, that they might not become their Inferiours that had been their Superiours ſo long, eſpecially in the excellence of their Titles, they began to hold conferences, and to conſider of wayes to reſtrain the pride of the Cardinals' and at laſt after ſeveral debates, they reſolv'd to leave the Title of Excellence, and take up the Title of Highneſs, which is us'd at this day in Chriſtendom as the Higheſt of Titles, and aſſum'd by many Princes without State, or Principality, or merit, or money, who are tranſported to hear themſelves call'd by the Title of Highneſs; as if the ambition of a bare Title were ſufficient to maintain that grandeur they aſpir'd to; and which is worſe, thoſe perſons are more ambitious of thoſe Titles that enjoy them by force, than thoſe that are poſſeſs'd of them by their merit.

Of the Title of Excellence I ſay nothing, holding my peace for my reputation ſake, becauſe 'tis become now ſo common, I will not ſay in all Europe, but in all Italy, that 'tis uſurp'd by Marquiſſes, or rather Counts, that have nothing elſe to Count (I ſpeak it with reverence to their Dignity) but Lice; and I can ſpeak it with good reaſon, that I have heard in the State of Saint Mark only (for I will not reſtrain my ſelf to the City of Venice) the Title of Excellence given to above ſix hundred perſons, (if I ſhould ſay eight I ſhould not exceed;) yet fifty years ſince there were not a hundred in all Italy, men and women and all, that carried the Title of Excellence: And the reaſon was, becauſe that Title was then in ſo great eſteem, it was given only to Princes, whereas now a-dayes it is given even to the Staffieri; beſides the Doctors, thoſe eſpecially that have leaſt Learning, will not give you an anſwer if you call them not Excellentiſſimi Signori.

And from whence is this unmeaſurable inundation, or corruption rather, of Titles amongſt Secular Princes, but from the ambition of the Eccleſiaſticks in Rome, who forgetful of the humility the Eccleſiaſtical habits did formerly ſhew, are given up wholly to the ſtudy of Pride, and guided by an ambition that has been alwayes connatural to them that believe they can alter the order, even of Nature it ſelf. It is certainly a great ſhame to all Chriſtendom, to ſay that the Secular State is conſtrain'd to beg Examples of humane greatneſs, from the worldly greatneſs that is in the poſſeſſion of the Eccleſiaſtick? It is a great and deplorable miſery, to obſerve Princes oblig'd to leave their proper Titles, to beg new of others, if not improper to their Births, at leaſt lofty, and contrary to antient Cuſtome; and all for the conſervation of the Majeſty of their perſons, being perſecuted by the pride and inſolence of thoſe Eccleſiaſticks, that ought rather to have given them Examples of humility.

But that which is moſt curious and remarkable, is that at the ſame time that the [Page] Princes began to treat of, aſſuming (with juſt reaſon) the Title of Altezza, leaſt they ſhould be wanting to the dignity of their Characters, the Cardinals being jealous of becoming inferiour in the degrees of honor that they ſo much aſpir'd to, with great paſſion, and violence of words, they endeavour'd to obſtruct them; from whence it is that Pope Ʋrban the eight (as if all Titles, and Honors, had depended upon him) declar'd that he would give the Princes no other Title than that of Excellence: which they had ſo long enjoy'd.

But they deſpiſing with good reaſon his irrational threats, betook themſelves alſo to threatning, and proteſted they would not give the Cardinals the Title of Eminence, if they did not give them firſt the Title of Highneſs. And this I know that a certain Secretary of State having receiv'd a Letter one day directed from a Cardinal to his Prince, with no other Title but Excellence, he ſent it back again with this writ in a Note, My Maſter receives no Letters from him that knows not his Merit. And a Prince receiving a Letter that was ſent to him from a Cardinal (that is now alive) without the Title of Highneſs, having read the Superſcription, he return'd it to the perſon that brought it, and told him, That the Cardinal had a drunken Secretary, and one that did not know what Titles Princes deſerv'd. I could inſtance in ſeveral examples of this kind, but I forbear, left it ſhould render my Hiſtory too prolix: it is enough to let you know, that the Cardinals (to prevent the loſs of the Title of Eminence, which had been already deny'd them by many) did find themſelves oblig'd to give the Princes the Title of Highneſs.

I had ſpoke of the Chamberlains of the Holy Colledge, when I ſpake of his Holineſs his Chamberlains; but I thought it convenient to diſcourſe of it in particular, but with brevity. It is to be underſtood then amongſt the Cardinals, there is alwayes one of them Chamberlains of the Sacred Colledge. which is altogether diſtinct from the other Chamberlain I mention'd among the Offices belonging to the perſons of the Cardinals. The chiefeſt difference lyes in this, that the Popes Chamberlain is for life, but this of the Sacred Colledge but for a year; the Cardinals that are preſent in the Court, ſucceeding one another according to their Seniority. His buſineſs is to take care of the the Revenue of the Sacred Colledge, and at the years end, when he is to reſign up his Office, he gives every CArdinal his proportion; but thoſe that are abſent enjoy their ſhare but for 6. months after their departure from Rome.

There are many other things I could have inſerted ſufficiently pertinent to the Cardinalſhip; but that would be to ingulf my ſelf in an Ocean too far off from any Port: for the Majeſty of the Cardinals being really ſo ample, and ſo conſiderable in the Church, it follows by conſequence that they muſt have an infinity of conſiderable particularities; however I think what is ſpoken already, ſufficient to give the Reader full ſatisfaction. For the abbreviation therefore of my Hiſtory, I ſhall paſs to the particular of the Divines which the Cardinals have alwayes about them, and indeed it is a point of no ſmall concernment.

Before we proceed therefore to find out the cauſe why the cuſtoms of keeping Champion Divines, was firſt introduc'd, it is to be underſtood, that the Cardinals are oblig'd by the nature of their dignity, to defend the Church from all thoſe Heretical moleſtations with which it has from its infancy been diſturb'd; and are beſides bound to propugne and maintain the excellence of the Roman Religion, with ſuch arguments as are neceſſary for the conviction of all contrary opinions. And foraſmuch as to a ſmall number of learned Cardinals (as is mentioned in another place) there is a much greater number of ignorant ones, that are not only unable to defend the Church of Chriſt, but to underſtand the Eſſence of the Religion they poſſeſs; to prevent any danger that might occurr, they do keep their ſeveral Divines ready upon all occaſions in their behalf with the two Swords of their Tongue and their Pen, to juſtifie the verity of the Catholick Faith, that it be not ſwallow'd up and overwhelm'd with Hereſie.

But to ſpeak the truth, all this is but a Ceremony, whilſt the Cardinals inſtead of chooſing learned perſons and exemplary for their Champions, they many times chooſe ſuch as are more ignorant than themſelves, and like thoſe that have read Divinity in the Kitchin, having nothing but the Beard and the Conſcience of a Divine. Yet it is true, there are ſome of them ſo prudent notwithſtanding, that they will oftentimes withdraw [Page] themſelves from diſputes, under pretence of ſome Office they are to recite for the dead; ſo that inſtead of giving the Hereticks a ſight of their Errours, they ſuffer them to diffuſe and diſſeminate their falſe Doctrines, even in the very Court of the poor Cardinals, who are guilty of no other fault, than to have receiv'd ſuch a generation of people into their Service.

Ordinarily theſe Divines are of the Regular Orders, and ſometimes Prieſts and Secular Canons; but whether they be of the one ſide or the other, they know very well to make the beſt uſe, and perhaps too much, of the charge that is given them, not for their merit, for that is but little regarded in Rome (and that in the very Election of the Pope alſo) but for ſome great and violent recommendation, which is that which preva [...] [...] moſt now adayes amongſt Chriſtians, and Eccleſiaſticks in all Europe, but eſpecially in Rome, where this Proverb is very frequent, Che gli offici, fanno gl [...] amici.

And from hence it comes, that the charges of Divines are moſt commonly beſtow'd upon ignorant, inſolent, proud, vain-glorious, and perverſe perſons; becauſe the virtuous, modeſt, worthy, and good ones, will not proſtitute their deſerts, but chooſe rather to lye languiſhing in their Cells, believing the merit of their virtue, and other good qualities, will ſome time or other knock at the door of the Cardinals Conſciences, to demand them; but they dye in their Errours, for living too much in that hope, and why ſo? Becauſe the moſt ignorant are privately conſcious of their ignorance, and will not have it expos'd to the eyes of all the world, nor ſuffer their inſufficiency to be too far known; beſides being refractory and untractable, as it is the nature of ignorant people to be, they endeavour what they can to free themſelves from the obedience of the Cloiſter, in conſideration of ſome reſpect that is given to them, or to their pretended office They run up and down from morning to night, at all hours whatſoever, traverſing of Rome, and the greateſt part of the Princes Courts in Chriſtendom, to get Letters of recommendation, and they are mightily deficient if it goes no further than Prayers; the worſt is, they promiſe this Secretary a dozen of Silk Stockings, and that Major Domo a purſe of Gold ſtoln out of the Almes of the poor Cloyſter of which they boaſt themſelves to be Sons, which Son-ſhip, is oftentimes purchas'd notwithſtanding. With theſe ways they obtain their deſir'd Offices, under the ſhelter of which, they commit a thouſand enormities either out of ignorance, or malice, all of them falling heavy upon the reputation of the Cardinals, who deſerve to be pay'd by ſuch people, in ſuch coin; that is, for ſo eaſily believing a bundle of recommendations, in matters of that importance.

This office of Cardinals Divine, were it exercis'd by ſome true and able School Divine, with its juſt decency and decorum, and not rudely and ignorantly by thoſe Kitchin Divines, certainly it would be honourable to the perſon that executed it, profitable for the affairs of the Church, and no ſmall aſſiſtance to the Cardinal that maintains it. But whilſt Election is ſtill made of unworthy perſons, and ſuch as are only recommended, Adieu all Theological dignity, Adieu the Advantage of the Church, Adieu all Aſſiſtance to the Cardinals.

That which ſome of very good judgements admire, is, that ordinarily that office of a Divine, has the office of a Conſultor joyn'd with it, and indeed the Theologiſt ought to conſult of the rougheſt and moſt intricate matters that occurr in the Congregations; but becauſe he oftentimes, without Counſel, not to ſay judgement; inſtead of adviſing his Cardinals, oppoſes the good Councels of him, who ſeems oblig'd to find fault with them that had recommended him. And would to God things would ſtop here: I would to God they would not paſs the bounds of all honeſty, nor give any further ſcandal either to Rome, or Chriſtendome. He that knows the affairs, and intrigues of the Court, underſtands me without more adoe; but I will make my ſelf underſtood by thoſe alſo that are ignorant of them.

There are ſome of theſe Cardinals Divines, that knowing their own inabilities, and incapacities to ſerve their Padroni in matters of Theology, either with the pains of their Pens, or the frequency of good Councels, they endeavour to obtain the favour of the Cardinals they ſerve, by inveighing him to diſhoneſty, and opening the Gate for him to Senſuality and Luſt. I could produce ſeveral examples of this Nature, and cite ſuch Divines as are of the ſame humour, but I will forbear it out of ſeveral reſpects; Yet I [Page] cannot forbear telling of a certain Divine now living, who beſides his Theological Service, having receiv'd I know not what Benefice or Dignity by the recommendation of the Cardinal he ſerv'd, he did him other good ſervice too as a Pimp, conveying into the Cardinals Chamber, moſt nights, a certain paultry Queen in mans apparel, that would paſs for a Lady amongſt the reſt of the Whores, the good Divine keeping the Chambermaid for his own uſe in the mean time; but the beſt part of the Hiſtory was, that he did confeſs and abſolve the Cardinal and the Lady, and her Maid; thoſe Courtiers receiving no ſmall offence, that were conſtrain'd to be Spectators of ſuch actions as theſe.

I will not ſay for all this, but there are ſome of theſe Cardinals Divines in Rome, that are worthy Theologiſts, and accompliſh'd with all things requiſite for the edification of the Court, for the defence of Chriſtianity, and for the reputation of thoſe Cardinals that have receiv'd them into their houſes; but they are ſo rare, one muſt fix his eyes very well that ſearches for them, or walk up and down like the Phyloſopher with his Lanthorn, that was ſeeking an honeſt man in that poſture at noon day.

Some Cardinals there are, that have none of theſe Divines at all in their Courts, for being doubtful of finding a good one, they will avoid the danger of having a bad. Certainly thoſe Cardinals deſerve great commendations, that are ſo careful to Elect their Divines; as well virtuous and learned in Theology, as zealous in the Divine Worſhip, fearful of God, and of their own Conſciences, whilſt by the Councel of their Divines, and the advice of their Councellors that ſerve them on purpoſe, they may be able to ſerve the Church in her need, that gave them their greatneſs, and bring great advantage to Chriſtianity, that is, in want of ſuch Protectors as they, if they will imploy them as they ought; for to ſay the truth, it is not enough to make choice of a virtuous Divine, but it is neceſſary alſo to know which way to employ him ſuitably to the charge that is given him. On the other ſide, how much greater praiſe do they deſerve that, endeavour to call the Divines to their duties as loud as they can. Others are as much to be condemn'd, that ſuffer themſelves to be ſerv'd by ſuch Divines as are accuſtomed to write all day in the Chimney-corner with the Pen of a Ladle, upon the Paper of a Pipkin.

The Courts of the Cardinals are they, that either honour or diſhonor the Cardinals themſelves, the ſcandals of their ill Courtiers being oftentimes like poyſon, that though pleaſant in the Pallat, yet taken down into the Body, gripes and torments the reputation of the Cardinal that had no other fault perhaps, than to ſuffer himſelf to be ſerv'd by ſo unworthy a perſon; and on the other ſide, it falls out as often, that the good and modeſt actions of deſerving and meritorious Courtiers, do make the people believe a bad Cardinal, a good one, ſo that the Eccleſiaſticks ought to uſe great caution, eſpecially the Cardinals in the Election of their Courtiers, that they may not ſuffer by other peoples offences.

But ſome will ſay, the Cardinals have no need of ſuch advice, they know their own buſineſs better that are in Rome, than they that are at a diſtance. I anſwer, that that Rule is fallable, for the Cardinals ſee what is before their faces, but not that which is behind their backs. Let that Cenſuriſt conſider a little, that believes all that I have writ to be erronious. There departed from Rome not many years ſince, a certain perſon that had ſerv'd a Cardinal above ſix years, being arriv'd in Holland, he chang'd his Religion, and his diſcretion alſo, and ran up and down the Streets all day long, publiſhing of things that reflected very much upon the Reputation of the Cardinal whom he had ſerv'd.

But for my part, I believ'd not the Satyrical relations of that perſon, as not conceiving it poſſible a Cardinal ſhould be ſo weak to commit matters of great conſequence to ſuch a perſon. But let it be as it will, it is ſufficient that the Eccleſiaſticks uſe no ſmall diligence in the Election of their Courtiers, leſt their private errours become publick offences.

Antient cuſtom has not permitted the Cardinals to keep young Pages that may give occaſion of ſcandal to the Court; notwithſtanding there are ſome Cardinals (that know very well the Papacy is not for them) who break thoſe Cuſtoms and Laws, becauſe ſeveral Popes had by expreſs order apply'd remedies thereunto, which thing ought not to be; not that I can charge the Cardinals with making any ill uſe of it; but that the reſt of the Courtiers make none of the beſt. It edifies exceedingly both Strangers and Citizens [Page] to ſee a Cardinals Court full of grave, and wiſe, and modeſt men; and on the contrary, it gives as much ſcandal to the world, to ſee a Court conſiſting of ſcandalous, raſh, and inſolent Courtiers, as it happens for the moſt part. There have been ſome Cardinals have been ſeen taking diſtaſt at other Cardinals their friends, others have fall'n quite out in defence of the rogueries of ſome of their Servants, that under the name of the Cardinal they ſerv'd, broke up the doors of the moſt honorable Matrons.

God knows at what price thoſe wicked Courtiers do ſell the reputation of the Cardinals; God knows how many untruths they tell in a day, to make it be believ'd, that they do nothing but by order from their Patron, although they be for the moſt part but the taſt of their wickedneſs; I know a Canon, who to obtain his Canonſhip, had ſerv'd a Cardinal formerly ſeveral years, but the way that he ſerv'd him was ſtrange, he went very often to the handſomeſt and moſt famous Courtezans in Rome, pretending that he was ſent by the Cardinal his Maſter (that lives yet) to let them underſtand the affection he bore them, and his great deſire of entertaining them in private. To others, he gave hopes that they ſhould enjoy the Cardinal, for above two months time, during which ſpace, he forbore not to enjoy them under the name of his Patron, who thought of nothing leſs than a Woman. In ſhort, this good Courtier underſtood the myſtery very well to make the name of the Cardinal ſubſervient to his Luſts, and which makes it the better, without the expence of a ſhilling, whilſt the Courtezans of Rome would give themſelves willingly to the Devil, ſo that they might obtain the favour of any Cardinal, or of the Nephew of any Governing Pope. This Canon has not been the only man that has done ſuch exploits. There are others that go up and down doing a great deal worſe, and with that ſecreſie, that they pretend themſelves Confeſſors, but act like Pimps, and which is more, playing the Pimp and the Whore-maſter together: I know what I ſay, becauſe I have heard it whiſper'd a thouſand times in Rome; but I hold my peace, that I may not at this time appear to be a Roman.

THE ITALIAN PRINTER TO THE READER.

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THE Second Part of Cardinaliſmo, to ſpeak truth, hath been Printed abruptly, and twice or thrice laid aſide, the Author (by reaſon of the difficulty of receiving the memoires) not being able to ſend me his Manuſcripts in due time, however (though it be not without its ſhare of Errors) it is notwithſtanding more correct than the reſt; the principal faults is (and which he could not poſſibly avoid) the confuſion in matters of Order and Preceedence, which he promis'd to obſerve; but that in my judgement is not of much importance; it being no great Error in Hiſtory, if a Cardinal of the firſt Rank be miſtaken, and put in the ſecond. Another is, that there is no Alphabetical Order obſerv'd, which could not be done, becauſe the Author receiv'd not his Memoires in an Alphabetical way, and beſides he was in expectation of the promotion of theſe laſt Cardinals. One thing kind Reader I can aſſure you, and ſwear before the Divine Majeſty, that the Author being unintereſted and impartial, has mollyfy'd and ſweeten'd ſeveral expreſſions that were very bitter and pungent in the Memoires he receiv'd from Rome. For it is too well known thorough the whole world, that the Shears wherewith the Romans cut out the Habits of the Clergy, have as many teeth as a Hand-Saw. Nay I will go yet further, and affirm, that the Eccleſiaſticks, even among themſelves, do write oftentimes ſo invectively, that they give great occaſion of ſcandal to the Proteſtants. I that have been a Printer this fifty years and more, can [Page] with a good Conſcience ſay, I have Printed many Manuſcripts concerning the State of Rome, conſign'd me by both Proteſtant and Catholick Authors; but the Catholicks Writings have ſtill diſſatisfy'd me more than the Proteſtants; inſomuch, that I have oftentimes, contrary to the Authors mind, taken upon me to expunge ſeveral injurious and undecent expreſſions. The Catholicks for the moſt part being Satyrical in their Writings againſt Rome, the Proteſtants only Hiſtorical; ſo as I would chooſe rather to Print a Proteſtants works, than a Catholicks. But let us leave theſe kind of Complaints, the Catholicks knowing much better how things are carry'd amongſt themſelves, than the Proteſtants do. Thus far only I ſhall advertiſe the Reader, that I am about putting a Hiſtory into the Preſs, that is well worth the reading in this Age.

All that have read the Manuſcript, have told me, I did well to Print it, and that it could not but take. And the Author aſſur'd me, that having found ſeveral curious Manuſcripts in Aſcoli, he was encourag'd to undertake the whole trouble, and that he had ſpent more than ten years in ſearching of antient Records. In ſhort, kind Reader, it is the Life of Sextus Quintus, a Work repleat, with infinite political Annotations, and multitudes of Curioſities, and Copyes of Letters, both written and receiv'd by the ſaid Sextus, beſides thouſand other things very grateful to the underſtanding of the Learned Virtuoſo; I ſhall only add, that if you read it with attention, and it proves not delightful, wiſh a thouſand ill years to the Author, and he will be contented. But I will ſay no more, leſt I ſhould loſe time, for my deſire is to have it extant within two Months.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

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PART II.

BOOK I.

The Contents.

In which is treated, of the protection of Crowns given to the Cardinals in Rome. Of the reaſons moving thoſe Crowns to declare their Protectors in the Court of Rome. Of the advantages the ſaid Protections do bring to ſuch as exerciſe them. Of the Protection of the Regular Orders. Of the Cauſes for which they have introduced the ſaid Protection. Of the reputation the Regulars have loſt by the introduction of the ſaid Protection. Of the Protectors that cannot with a ſafe Conſcience protect the Fryers, and the reaſon why. Of a Fryer that writ ſeveral private Letters to a Protector, as well againſt his Friends, as his Enemies. Of the Roguery committed in the Cloyſters, and the reaſon thereof. Of the manner by which the Religious advance themſelves to preferments Of the Letters of recommendation to the Cardinal Protectors, which are obtain'd with very great cost by the Fryers from the hands of the Courtiers, Of the Cardinals that dare not diſoblige the Pope in what concerns the Protection of [Page] the Regulars. Of a Letter written by Cardinal Sachetti before his death, and directed to Pope Alexander the ſeventh. Of all the particulars contain'd in the ſaid Letter, Of the effects occaſion'd by zeal in the hearts of the Eccleſiaſticks that is not mix'd with a holy magnanimity. Of the affliction the Cardinals ſuffer, to ſee the Wealth and Subſtance of the Church imbezled and deſtroy'd. Of the Biſhops that purchaſe their Miters with ready money. Of the Cogniſance the Cardinals have of the evils that happen dayly to the Church, and of the ſmall care they take to prevent them. Of the pretences the Cardinals uſe to make themſelves to be thought innocent. Of the evils that Rome endures. Of an opinion of St. Jeromes, about ſuch as are more ſorrowful to ſee themſelves condemned for other peoples offences, than for their own. Of that which will be reply'd to the Cardinals at the day of Judgement, when they ſhall endeavour to excuſe themſelves with pretences. Of the torments thoſe Cardinals have ſuffer'd, that would not conſent to thr infamous deſires of Alexander the ſixth's Bastards. Of the proud and imperious humor of Paul the fourth. Of certain Congregations call'd by the Cardinals for the diſpoſing of Urban the eight from the Papacy, and of the courſe he took to evade that conſpiracy. Of the chaſtiſement receiv'd by Alexander the ſixth for having treated the Cardinals ſo ill. Of the ſmall zeal thoſe Cardinals expreſs'd that endeavour'd to depoſe Pope Urban. Of the great commendations Cardinal Pallavicino (before he receiv'd the purple Robe) gave Pope Alexander, becauſe he kept his kindred ſo far from Rome, and of his opinion after they were brought in. Of the principal points the ſaid Cardinal Pallavicino left in writing in the laſt period of his life. Of the Title of Prince of the Holy Church which the Cardinals at preſent enjoy. Of certain annotations upon that particular. Of the Authority the Popes have wreſted out of the hands of the Cardinals. Of an example of Paul the ſecond mention'd by Platina in the lives of the Popes. Of the common opinion about the Government exercis'd by the Popes Nephews over the Church. Of Saint Peter that would never commit the command of the Church to any of his Kindred or Relations. Of the Cardinals true Succeſsors of the Apoſtles. Of the neceſſity of restraining the Nephews. Of a Letter written by the most Christian King to the Cardinals, about the accident that happen'd to his Ambaſsador in Rome, Of the anſwer the Cardinals return'd to his most Chriſtian Majeſty; and of certain other particulars beſide.

§

AMong all the Cities of the Univerſe, Rome alone can boaſt it ſelf, not only the Mother of Nations, and the Head of the World, but (which is more) a true Court of Kings, for as many Cardinals as are promoted in the Church, ſo many Kings are created in Rome. The two Monarchies, France, and Spain, that are as it were the two Poles of Chriſtendome, do labour and tyre themſelves out with Arms in their hands, to defend that Church of which they are Sons and Protectors, and without whoſe protection, it would have certainly been ſuck'd to the very Soul, by the ravenous and unſatiable lips of thoſe Eccleſiaſticks, who forbear not notwithſtanding to engroſs great part of its nouriſhment, in ſpight of all their Royal diligence. But that which is moſt worthy of admiration is, that theſe two Monarchs which pretend to the Protection of the Church, and do indeed protect it, do yet beg and implore, as it were, to have their intereſts protected [Page] by ſome Cardinal or other in the Court of Rome, as if their own merits were not ſufficient to defend the intereſts of thoſe Monarchs, who are the very founders of the Monarchy of Rome. But that the Reader may be the better inform'd, I ſhall acquaint him, that at preſent it is the cuſtom for every Crown to give the protection of its affairs to ſome of the Cardinals that are reſident in Rome; and this protection is with good reaſon aſpir'd to by the Cardinals in the higheſt degree. Inſomuch as Alexander the ſeventh before he dy'd, us'd his utmoſt endeavour to have Cardinal Chigi his Nephew declar'd Protector of Spain; but he could not obtain his deſire, the Spaniard deluding him, ſometimes with fair promiſes, and ſometimes with excuſes. Of all the protections of Crowns, which are five, the Empire, France, Spain, Poland, and Portugal; that of Spain is the moſt conſiderable, and by conſequence moſt ambition'd. Not that Spain has merited more than the reſt, and particularly than France; but in reſpect of the Territories they poſſeſs in Italy, in which it ſeems the Protector has great authority, diſpoſing of many things at his pleaſure, if not by an abſolute juriſdiction, at leaſt by his recommendations to the Governours of the Provinces, who do ſeldome omit to gratifie his deſires, and to acknowledge him the Protector of their King; beſides which, there are a thouſand other conſiderations that make the ſaid protection ſo much coveted and aſpir'd to by the Cardinals.

And many are the reaſons that induce thoſe Crowns to declare their ſeveral Protectors in Rome; but if my judgement may paſs, the greateſt of all is to ſatisfie the ambition of thoſe Cardinals, that from morning to night, ſtudy no other book, than the augmentation of their own Grandeur; and this is moſt certain, there is no greater dignity that a Cardinal can attain to, than to be made protector of ſome Crown. And to ſpeak truth, there is ſomething of magnificence in the Name of Protector, implying, that he which protects, has ſome ſuperiority over him that is protected: however that rule does not hold in this caſe, for thoſe Kings beſtow not thoſe Protectorſhips upon the Cardinals to receive, but to confer honour upon them, the Cardinals ordinarily making great application for the protection of a Crown, whereas in other protections, they are ſought to themſelves. It is not many years ago, ſince theſe protections of Crowns were introduc'd into the Colledge of Cardinals, ; in former times the Kings diſdain'd them, their ſwords being their ſufficient protections, the Pens of their Secretary doing that office, upon any emergence, gave immediate notice to the Court of Rome of their Maſters pretenſions. But ſince the Popes began to advance themſelves ſo high to confound the Church and the World, Politicks and Morals, Spiritual things with Temporal, the Sword and the Croſs, and in ſhort, to transferr all the intereſt of Secular Princes to Rome, thoſe Crowns have been oblig'd to have, not only their Ambaſſadors, but their Protectors in Rome, and that not ſo much for the defence of their Kingdoms, defended by themſelves, nor of their perſons defended by their Kingdoms; but for the protection only of thoſe intereſts that have been ſto [...] as it were from the Princes, and carryed to Rome.

This protection is no ſmall advantage to the intereſt of the protected Crown; but 'tis much greater to the Cardinal that is its Protector, becauſe things are not manag'd with that order they ought to be, the Cardinals for the moſt part having one hand upon the Rudder, and the other upon the Sails. The Crowns may do what they pleaſe, oblige their Protectors with their Benefices and Abbyes, yet they will never move out of their Sphear, nor give thoſe Crowns more than an outward appearance of protection, reſerving the ſubſtance for the benefit of the Pope. And indeed many examples might be brought out of hundreds of Hiſtories to confirm what I ſay, I having for many years read much, and made frequent obſervations upon this point. The Princes are deceived, if (in the controverſies that happen betwixt them and the Popes, or the Nephews) they believe to have their intereſts protected by thoſe Cardinals, that are their Protectors. The protection a Cardinal gives to his Crown, goes to a certain pitch, and no farther; if the Grandeur of the Pope be not diminiſh'd, nor the Eccleſiaſtical priviledges intrench'd upon, all things go well, as much protection as you pleaſe; but if theſe be touch'd in the leaſt, the Cardinal inſtead of being a Protector, becomes a Councellor, inſtead of defending the intereſt of his Crown againſt the Pope, he maintains the Popes intereſt againſt his Crown; exhorting him to comply, and to give up ſome part of his Right, in Teſtimony [Page] of the cheerfulneſs of his obedience to the common Father of Chriſtendom. And this is ſo far from being a wonder, that it cannot be otherwiſe, the Cardinals growing great with the Popes, their Reputation and Honour increaſeth with theirs alſo, ſo that the Majeſty of the Cardinals cannot be leſſen'd by any other means, than by the diminution of the Popes; forthe conſervation of which they are moſt diligently vigilant, they themſelves being Protectors of the Grandeur of the Popes, as the Popes are Protectors of theirs. And now I leave it to the conſideration of any man of reaſon [...]f any Cardinal Protector, let him be never ſo much oblig'd to the Crown he protect, will do any prejudice to the Pope to ſatisfie the deſires of that Crown. True it is, they will as near as they can mannage their affairs ſo, as the Honour and Reputation of the Crown they are oblig'd to ſerve, ſhall not be violated; yet ſo it is, the intereſt of the Pope is alwayes more dear to them, for reaſons both Politick, Moral, and Eccleſiaſtick; nor ought Princes to expect the contrary.

There is another thing likewiſe introduc'd into the Court of Rome, as ſome think to render the Cardinalitial dignity more majeſtick, and that is the protection of Religious orders, every order having power to elect a Cardinal for its Protector; ſometimes ſome Cardinals a [...]e Protectors of ſeveral orders; and one of that ſort is Cardinal Franciſco Barbarino, as I take it, by reaſon of the long time he continued Cardinal Nephew, and Padrone; the ſeveral Fraternities being ambitious to have him for their Protector that was neareſt the Pope, eight ſeveral orders choſe this Nephew for their Protector; 'tis true the Popes ſometimes will aſſign them Protectors, contrary to the deſire of the orders, ſo as it happens too often they have Cardinals appointed them, that have ſo little affection for their orders, they would willingly change them; but it is not alwayes allow'd them, nor to all, and particularly in the times of Innocent the tenth, and Alexander the ſeventh. For my part I cannot imagine this kind of Protection was introduc'd for the benefit and advantage of the poor Religious, but to ſubject them the more rather to [...]he Court of Rome, and by that means as with a Bridle to manage and ride them. For indeed, before theſe protections of orders in the perſons of the Cardinals were introduc'd, the Religious were ſo venerable in Rome, and in ſuch eſteem for their devotion, that the Popes did take delight to employ great numbers of Fryers out of the Cloyſters in the moſt conſiderable offices of the Church, and with eminent men to fill up the Sacred Colledge of Cardinals, which was thought incompleat, if a good number of Fryers in their Purple, were not ſeen amongſt the reſt of the Cardinals; but ſince the Cardinals began to aſſume the protections of Religious orders, and to work and inſinuate themſelves into the intrigues of their Convents, the Religious Fryers are become the ſcorn of the World, the obloquy of Nations, the ſcandal of the Church, the diſhonor of Rome, and that to ſuch a height, that whereas heretofore the Cardinals thought they gave Teſtmonies of a good Conſcience, as often as they gave their Votes for any poor Fryer in Purple: at preſent the Popes do believe they offend God and the Church, every time they are as it were forc'd by the accumulated merits of ſome Fryer that is eminent in Learning and Piety, to admit him into the Colledge of Cardinals; inſomuch, that if no other intereſt does move the heart of the Popes, it is moſt certain their Goodneſs, their Virtue, nor their Sanctity it ſelf, will be too weak to prefer them, I will not ſay to the Popedom (for of that they took their laſt leave with the perſon of Sextus the fifth who was in ſpight of all envy, the greateſt Pope that was ever ſeen in the Vatican) but to the Colledge of Cardinals, from whence alſo they ſeem to be baniſh'd; and God knows whether they will ever be recall'd, whilſt the malice of thoſe Prieſts that have Saint Peters Keys, and St Pauls Sword in their hands, is ſo fierce againſt the poor Fryers, that they have not ſo much as wherewithall to knock at the door.

But ſome may wonder at this, and think it impoſſible that the protections of the orders given to the Cardinals, ſhould have been the occaſion of leſſening the Reputation of the Religious; to remove therefore this miracle, and make the buſineſs more clear. I ſhall inform them, that during the time the Fryers liv'd without Protectors, the iniquities of the Cloyſters, went no further, but lay conceal'd amongſt themſelves, becauſe the underlings went only to their Pryor for Juſtice, the Pryor to the Provincial, the Provincial to the Viſitor, the Viſitor to the General, and if things could not be accommodated [Page] by them, the Chapters, and Congregations, apply'd their remedies, with abſolute authority. And whilſt the affairs of the Religious were carry'd in this manner, neither the world, nor Rome, nor the Court, ſaw any thing but their outward actions of Piety and Religion, which kindled a flame of devotion in the hearts of the people. But no ſooner were the protections introduc'd, but their vices became publique, every Fryer, either to deſtroy the reputation of his Superior, to revenge himſelf of his Enemies, or to demand Juſtice, upon every inconſiderable occaſion, battering the ears of their Protectors, with informations of their Rogueries, that perhaps would have been better determin'd in the Cloyſters amongſt the Fryers, than in the Courts of the Protectors amongſt thoſe Courtiers.

But to ſpeak truth, how can the Protectors of theſe orders, with a good Conſcience, protect theſe Fryers? How is it poſſible to edifie by them, if every Poſt-day they ſend them whole dozens of Pacquets of Letters, not mentioning the Diſcipline of that Fryer, nor the abſtinence of this; but the rogueries and cheats of all together. For in theſe times, one of them no ſooner receives any diſguſt from his Superiour, but to diſcredit him for ever, after having recorded it in the Congregations and Chapters, he writes immediately to the Protector of it, Baptizing him as it were in Satyrical Ink, ſo as every Character appears an Original Sin (both in the one and the other) in the mind of the Protector. I my ſelf know an Augustin Fryer that I could name, if I were ſure of his life, that took delight to write every year forty or fifty private Letters to the Cardinal Protector, ſometimes againſt one, and ſometimes againſt another, and which is worſt, ſometimes againſt his friends, with ſo incredible ſecreſie inventing his lyes, that Lucifer himſelf could not in that point have out-done him.

Theſe Letters paſs from the hands of the Protectors, to their Secretaries, and from their Secretaries, to the reſt of their Court, who give what judgement, and inflict what puniſhment they think good, mocking and deriding the whole orders in general; ſo as it fares with them in Rome, as with Mice, who are all perſecuted and indanger'd, though it be one only that devour'd the Cheeſe. Every Letter that any Fryer writes to his Protector, to the prejudice of his Companion, is like an Axe that cuts off a Bow from the Tree of the reputation of the whole order; and hence it is, that the Cardinals (who are all of them as it were Protectors of ſome order or other) taking offence in this manner, inſtead of protecting, they perſecute them. Alexander the ſeventh ſuppreſs'd two, and (had not greater affairs diverted him) he had doubtleſs deſtroy'd more than four orders of Fryers, ſo full was his heart with the ſcandals of the Fryers, and ſo deſirous the Cardinals to ſee thoſe Fryers further from Rome, that they did ſeem to defend. In ſhort, either by their Letters, or their own perſons, the Fryers do nothing but moleſt, and diſturb the Gates, and the Spirits of the Cardinals, not reguarding the repulſes that are given them, but labouring and perſiſting with new importunities to arrive at their deſigns; which makes the Cardinals ſometimes reſolve upon violent courſes to diſincumber themſelves.

But this that I have ſaid hitherto of the ill conſequences of the protections of orders that are given to the Cardinals, is but a ſlight and ſuperficial ſcandal; there is another (and perhaps unknown to the very Cardinals themſelves) that unleſs timely remedy be apply'd, will grow up to that greatneſs, as to beget new Schiſms and Hereſies in the Church: an evil which appears but little being upon earth, but is really ſo great, as to make War upon Heaven it ſelf: an evil that gives ſo much occaſion of ſcandal to the Hereticks, that it fortifies them in their falſe opinions, and makes them give God thanks that they have no Fryers in their Religion. But the Reader will ask what evil this is? why it is this; in the Cloyſters of the Fryers they rob their Treaſury, they break open the Alms-box, they ſteal away the Maſs money, they tear down the Silver Tablets from the Walls, they plunder their Altars of the richeſt of their Conſecrated Ornaments, ſelling them privately when they have done, even to the Veſt of the Virgin Mary.

But to what end is all this? poſſibly, to imploy the money in the Chriſtians Warrs againſt the Turks? Oh no, 'tis to give preſents to the Courtiers of their Cardinal Protector, to procure them Letters of Recommendation. It ſeems incredible to all people, the manner in which theſe Fryers advance themſelves to preferments, there being whole [Page] bundles of recommendatory Letters, and all of them driving at the principal preferment. I know my ſelf that in one Chapter of Augustin Fryers held in Romania, there were two and twenty Fryers, each of them with his Letters of recommendation, this to be made a Vicar, that a Prior, a third a Provincial, this for one office, that for another; And all theſe are purchas'd at a dear rate. Are they bought of the Cardinals themſelves? No ſure, they are moſt of them innocent▪ but of their mercinary and ſelf-intereſted Courtiers that ſell them, for ſo many pair of Silk Stockings, ſuch a preſent of Plate, or perhaps ſo much in ready money; I knew a Secretary that diſtributed in this nature above fifty Letters a year, in the name of the Cardinal he ſerv'd, who is (if I be not miſtaken) the Protector of two Orders. He got great ſums of money by the means (and it went as freely in the Stews) but the Cardinal was unconcern'd in the buſineſs, unleſs it be, that he muſt give an account to God Almighty for his neglect, in not watching more narrowly over the actions of his Servants.

In ſhort, I find no great advantage that theſe Fryers receive by the Protections the orders have from the Cardinals, and yet the evil is manifeſt. For to what purpoſe are Protectors, if they protect them only in trifles? Not that they want a good will; I know ſeveral Cardinals, that (weighing the honour (which is not ſmall) with the duty of their office) would with all their hearts upon ſundry occaſions, act according to their obligations, and defend the orders under their protections; but they are fearful of diſpleaſing his Holineſs. The Cardinalitial Authority is great, but the Cardinals are unwilling to put it in execution: they are afraid of their own ſhadows, and leaſt they ſhould diſguſt him, they leave all things to the management of the Pope, and had rather burſt in ſilence, than eaſe themſelves by a Declaration of their troubles; for which reaſon, Cardinal Sachetti never durſt ſpeak to Pope Alexander againſt thoſe errors he knew in his Conſcience were too frequent; till at laſt for the diſcharge of his duty, he writ a Letter to him in the laſt period of his life, which I think will not be amiſs to inſert, for the greater ſatisfaction of the Reader, and for the ſtronger confirmation of what I have aſſerted, viz. that the Cardinals are afraid to ſpeak. The Letter follows.

A Letter written by Cardinal Sachetti a little before his death, and directed to Pope Alexander the Seventh.

Moſt Bleſſed Father,

IF before your Holineſs fixes your benigne eyes upon theſe lines, you conſider by whom, and for what end they are writ, you will find them ſent from a faithful and most humble Servant to your Holineſs, to give (in the laſt Article of his life) new teſtimonies of his affection and paſſion for the glory of your Holineſs.

The zeal and obligation of a Cardinal have put this pen into my hand, and 'tis poſſible death may take it out again before I have thoroughly diſplay'd, that (which for the greater honor of your Holineſs and the Apoſtolick See, and the greater benefit of Chriſtendom, and the poor people of the Church) God Almighty has dictated to my languiſhing mind.

Being riſen from my bed, with great anguiſh and pain, my ſentiments disturb'd, my hands trembling, and my head not able to reſt upon my ſhoulders, and having got my ſelf to the Table, I do firſt of all proteſt before my Crucified Redeemer, whom I embrace with all dutiful affection, that I have no other end than his Sacred Service, the ſatisfying that debt which is due from all ſuch as his Divine Majeſty has appointed as Collaterals or Councellors to his Vicar upon Earth and that I might not have occaſion to cry out at the day of Judgement when there is no remedy to be had, Vae mihi tacui. Hoping likewiſe that other Cardinals my Collegues, ſeeing things [...]n ſo violently to deſtruction, may be induc'd likewiſe to the diſcharge of that charitable duty, that they owe to God, to your Holineſs, and to all Chriſtian people. I do hope alſo from the innate benignity of your Holineſs, that theſe my moſt humble demonstrations will not be unacceptable, as proceeding from a ſincere heart paſſionately affected to your Honour, driving only at the Eſtabliſhment of the high opinion the world has conceiv'd of your virtue, and to stop the mouths of thoſe Hereticks, whoſe invectives will be [Page] obſtreperous and high, when they ſee your Holineſs (contrary to your proteſtations and promiſes both within the Conclave and without) going on in the ſame road with thoſe, that with ſo much ſcandal to the world, and ſo much deſolation to the people, have call'd in their Kindred, have deſtroy'd the Patrimony of Chriſt, and built themſelves Palaces for their Luxury, out of the rubbiſh of the Church, and with an inſatiable appetite ſuck up the very blood of her Subjects.

But that I may not conſume the little time I have left, in ſuperfluous diſcourſes with a Prince ſo pious as your Holineſs, I ſhall principally beſeech you in viſceribus Chriſti, that you would out of your profound prudence find out ſome way to extinguiſh thoſe ſparks, that otherwiſe will break out into ſuch a flame, as may put the whole world into a combustion.

The Apoſtolick See, did never commit a greater fault againſt its honour and authority, than when deſirous to act like a Temporal Prince, it quarrell'd with thoſe Princes that were as it were the Arms that ſuſtain'd, and render'd it formidable and reſpected. Examples of this kind are too frequent, and which is worſe, too well known to every body; ſo that if it did not belong to me to judge of the actions of the Popes (which indeed ought rather to be reverenc'd than rebuk'd) yet with your Holineſs I may take the confidence to lay before your eyes the example of Urban the eight, one of the worthieſt amongſt all the Popes, whoſe memory is immortal, and to whom I do confeſs my ſelf a ſervant with all my heart.

That good old man ſuffer'd himſelf, to our great misfortune, to be ingag'd into a troubleſome war, the ſucceſs of which will be ſadly remembred for ſeveral reaſons, but particularly for the expence of fourteen millions of money, for the indigence it brought upon the Treaſury, for the total deſolation of the Eccleſiaſtick State, for the oppreſſion of the people, for the diſeſteem brought upon the Apoſtolick See, and the Pontifical dignity, by ſo diſhonourable a peace, for ſhortning the life of ſo great a Pope, who for his Heroick virtues deſerv'd to have lived ſeveral ages. What advantages that War left to his family, the whole world is witneſs of; thence it was from the higheſt achme of authority, from a long and abſolute dominion, it became the laughing-ſtock of fortune, the contempt of the whole world, and reduc'd into a little Kingdom, amongſt the ſtorms and calamities of the War, to ſeek Sanctuary for their lives, against the univerſal hatred and perſecution of its Enemies, and forc'd to beg patronage and reſtauration from a Prince that was not at all ſatisfy'd with their proceedings.

The great and undaunted courage your Holineſs expreſs'd, in not truckling to their threats, nor ſuffering your ſelf to be affrighted by any violence, is commendable indeed, yet let me with all humility ſuggeſt, we live not now in that age which immortaliz'd the magnanimity of Alexander the third, Gregory the ſeventh, and other Popes, who arm'd themſelves with invincible conſtancy in defence of that which belong'd to God and his Spouſe. At this time the world is ſo poſſeſt with an opinion of the wickedneſs (or frailties rather) of the Clergy, and that the cauſe is but Temporal and Capricious; that the caſe is quite alter'd, and I do eaſily foreſee it will be the greater diminution to your Holineſſes honour, the longer you delay with the Sword of Prudence to cut aſunder that knot, that will otherwiſe grow dayly more inextricable. And this your Holineſs is oblig'd to do in imitation of him whoſe perſon you repreſent, Diſcite a me quia milis ſum, & humilis Corde, in charity to his exhauſted Flock, for the ſafety of your own Family, and for the ſuppreſſion of a Malignant report, that the preſent diſorder in your Holineſſes Court, is but the effect of a viſit the French Ambaſſador deny'd to your Nephews. God forgive them that perſwaded your Holineſs to Arms, how contrary to the judgement of the Conſiſtory, your Holineſs cannot but remember, by the humble inſtances of your faithful ſervants. God knows when the fatal conſequences will be remov'd, which portend ſo much miſchief and calamity, that make me deſirous to end my dayes quickly, rather than live to be a ſpectator of ſo lamentable a Cataſtrophe.

Your Holineſs is alone againſt a Powerful, Victorious, Rich, and Fortunate Monarch, that declares himſelf affended, the Cardinals (by misfortune, rather than by any fault of yours) diſſatisfy'd, the Treaſure exhauſt, the people drawn dry and diſcontented, ſo as there are hardly any of them that will eſpouſe the intereſt of the Nephews, when they will do ſo little for your own. In theſe great advantages, your Holineſs knows very well how often I have reminded you (and I do it more earneſtly than ever) of that Parable in the Goſpel, [Page] Quis Rex iturus committere bellum adverſus alium regem, non ſedens prius cogitat ſi poſſit cum decem millibus, occurrere illi, qui cum viginti millibus venit? and who knows but the Princes themſelves (that bear ſo little affection to the Temporal power of the Popes, that they are alwayes undermining its foundations) do for politick reaſons incourage and foment thoſe murmers, and (though they promiſe your Holineſs their aſſiſtance to ingage you) but that they will afterwards deſert you as they did Paul the fifth in his a [...]fference with the Venetians. Or elſe your Holineſs relying upon ſome of them (and they perhaps weak and declining) upon any ſudden or unhappy accident what ſtrange reſolution will be taken?

But if by the benefit of things confederacy ſhould ſucceed well what would the world ſay, when it ſees, that to oppoſe the ſatisfaction deſired by the firſt born Son of the Church, in reparation of certain injuries pretended, it was not valued, though there was a new rupture occaſion'd between the two Crowns that had been but lately united after ſo many years Wars? and perhaps it would fall to the ſhare of your Holineſſes family to remain expos'd to the indignation of a Prince, whoſe authority extends as far as Europe it ſelf.

Especially if (which God forbid) it makes not its reconciliation in your Holineſs his dayes, becauſe your Holineſs being tyr'd with delay in a buſineſs that ought to have been compos'd as ſoon as it was begun will leave the care of it to your Succeſsor, with great hazard of ſeeing the Tragedy of the houſe of Caraffa; ſo memorable to all ages, acted over again. The Princes alſo are diſſatisfy'd to ſee the Popes, after they had oppos [...]d the Temporal Sword againſt every body, pretend at laſt to recover themſelves under the Standard of the Croſs, and to ſhe [...]ld themſelves with the dignity of the chief Prieſthood: Now begins contempts, irreverences, murmurs, and many times ſeditions to ariſe the Laity by little and little loſing the veneration and opinion they had formerly of the Eccleſiaſtick Piety and Juſtice. And of this you have a good inſtance and accompt in the baniſhment of the Miniſters of the Apoſtolical See, out of France, in the commotions at Avignon, in the audacious liberty of thoſe people, that heretofore were obſequious and reverent in the whisperings and murmurs of all the other ſubjects of the Eccleſiaſtick State, and in Schiſms and Separations in all the reſt, both in Italy and other Nations.

Theſe are the things, the memory of which, is a ſharper affliction to my mind, than my infirmites are to my body.

Our Divine Maſter, moſt Holy Father, taught us in that command Mitte gladium in vagina, that there was nothing more undecent in him that had the Government of our Holy, Innocent, and meek Mother the Church, than Temporal Arms, and that ſhe ought not to defended M [...]re Caſtrorum. From hence it is, I am greatly afraid that God Almighty being offended at our manifeſt diffidence in him, and our making uſe of improper means, and contrary to the practice of the famous Popes of former ages, will leave us to our ſelves, and ſuffer us to be reduc'd to one of theſe ſtreights, either to be forc'd by our own neceſſities, or our Enemies power, to ſome diſadvantagious agreement or elſe by a long and exceſſive expence, be reduc'd to extreme miſery and diſtreſs. To give way to time and neceſſity was alwayes the Doctrine of a very wiſe Prince. Paulus quintus undertook (but meerly for the cauſe of God) to proceed againſt the Venetian with his Spiritual Arms, and was firmly reſolv'd to have joyn'd his Temporal with them, but at laſt out of his great prudence and compaſſion, and upon conſideration of his want of money, the incapacity of the people to ſupply him, the danger of over-running Italy with Foreigners, and perhaps with ſome new Hereſie or other, for fear leſt by the loſs of the liberty of the Italians, he ſhould kindle an unextinguiſhable fire in all Europe, and leſt he ſhould create too great animoſittes againſt his own Family, he ſuffer'd himſelf to be brought to a milder temper, and perhaps not without ſome ſcruples and remorſes of Conſcience, if the Church of God ſhould by his fault receive any conſiderable damage and diminution.

Convert (most Holy Father) your Courage and Arms againſt the perils of Chriſtendome, and the pride of the Turk, who as I hear to my extream ſorrow, is marching into Tranſilvania and Hungary, to overwhelm thoſe Countries as it were with an inundation; againſt the Turk, againſt the Turk, let your magnanimity be oppos'd, and with a generous emulation of Pius the ſecond, your moſt renown'd fellow Citizen, lay aſide all unprofitable controverſies with your well deſerving Son, and let him and the other Princes of [Page] Chriſtendome unite in a firm League, and your Holineſs be the Head and the Author of it.

What better occaſion can there be than this to render your Name and Honour Immortal in all Ages. If of late neceſſity conſtrain'd the impoſitions of ſome light Taxes upon thoſe Religions that are now ſuppreſt, forc'd you to make other uſe of the tenths impos'd upon the Clergy for the aſſiſtance of the Emperour, and of the two hundred thouſand Crowns left by the late Cardinal Mazarin, to be expended in the War againſt the Turks, tying up your hands as it were from actions of Charity and Alms, with how much more glory and merit may you do it now. Beſides in ſo great and juſt an opportunity, the application of the aſſignments to other uſe, will open a large field to the maledictions of the people, that the Flock of Chriſt is forſaken, and expos'd to the capacity of that Woolf of the Eaſt, the Patrimony of Chriſt deſtroy'd, and all to maintain a private, and meerly Temporal quarrel, and to feather your own neſt in the mean while.

And ſince by way of incidence, I have ſpoken of Alms, I will not omit repreſenting to your Holineſs the great trouble I receive by the relations of ſeveral Orders, and Pariſhes in Rome, of the great miſeries that many poor familyes ſuffer, which I ſhall not for brevity ſake name, though I am ſure it would break your very heart, and inforce you to tears, ſhould I give you an honest and ſincere narrative of what they endure. Oh how oft do I remember what before your happy Exaltation your Holineſs us'd to tell me, when inflam'd with a moſt charitable zeal, you deplor'd the Exaltations that in the preceeding Popes time were obtain'd by the advancing of twenty thouſand Crowns out of the Alms-money; as if they would have it be believ [...]d (as your Holineſs ſaid then) that there was no poor to be found in Rome, and for that reaſon it was lawful to put that into their own purſes, which for their ſuſtenance was gather'd dayly from the Charity of the Faithful. They took likewiſe out of the Office de [...]la Componenda (as your Holineſs very well knows) the Pontifical Almsmoney, againſt which the Hereticks have writ whole Volumns of Invectives, and Satyrs, not knowing perhaps that the Componenda is nothing but a kind of wholeſome Pennance impos'd by the Popes upon ſuch perſons as have receiv'd from them ſome conſiderable favour (not to be granted by any body elſe) which ſaid ſum is afterwards to be driſtributed amongst the poor, or diſpos'd for the nouriſhment of thoſe that embrace our moſt Holy Religion. And ſo I remember Pope Urban the eight was wont to ſay, that the Popes Purſe ought to be open'd freely, and adminiſter'd faithfully. I humbly beſeech your Holineſs to take care that the ſame thing be obſerv'd in your Holineſs his Papacy.

This Office della Componenda invites me to ſay ſomething of the Dataria, and other Tribunals, your Holineſs knowing very well, that the most noble, and most deſerving quality that the people admire in any Prince, is his generoſity and munificence.

May your Holineſs advert, that neither the ſuperfluous zeal, nor the forward ſeverity of your Miniſters be ſuffer'd to obſcure, or eclipſe your Glory, remembring alwayes that amongſt the diſadvantages in Elective Principalities, it is one of the greateſt, the leaving ſo much liberty to the Miniſters to raiſe their own fortunes, at the charge of their Prince, as Pope Innocent knew how to do very well to one of his own. That the good or bad report of either Pope or Prince proceeds from the mo [...]ths of their Friends or Domeſticks, was the ſaying of Urban the eight, and all the Court of Rome, by reaſon that as they were ill or well ſatisfy'd, ſo they spread their Characters about the world either to the prejudice or advantage of their Maſters.

To keep the Cardinals poor, abject, and contemptible, the Prelats idle, without eſteem or reward, the Nobility neglected, the Courtiers without hopes to ſee any recompence of their labours, and all to beſtow that upon a few, and many times the most undeſerving, that by diſtributive juſtice ought to be divided amongſt all, can certainly be the production of no good. To leave virtue it ſelf after a long and painful peregrination, unrewarded and forſaken, cannot ſound well in the ears nor heart of an Eccleſiaſtical Prince, that ought to be a Protection, and Aſſylum to the learned, and deſerving, eſpecially your Holineſs who has rais'd the Fabrick of your fortunes, upon the foundation of virtue and worth.

Rome abounds with perſons of all ſorts of Learning at this day more than ever, but they want incouragement, and are buried as it were in ſorrow, there being no body that will ſo much as trouble themſelves, to repreſent their parts and capacities to him that can reward [Page] them. Your Holineſs that in the beginning of your Papacy, with ſo much praiſe to your ſelf, did own and careſs them, will find what advantage it will be to continue the b [...] actions of a Mecenas, and to allure them by your countenance and eſteem (which is the moſt grateful aliment of virtue) encouraging them with favours, and providing them employments, that they may not conſume and pine away in the Lethargy of idleneſs.

I ſpeak not most Holy Father of thoſe Penſions wherewith the Biſhopricks and Pariſhes are by the Miniſters of your Holineſs ſo extravagantly charg'd, that (to the ſcard [...]l of the whole world, to the diſparagement and contempt of the innocent Clergy, and to the prejudice of the reputation of the Church) ſeveral poor Biſhops are rendred ſubject to interdictions and cenſures, or reduc'd to that indigence they are forc'd, of loving Shepherds to become ravenous Woolfs, by their rapacities and extortions, to ſatisfie the exorbitant penſions that are charg'd upon them, ſqueezing as it were out of the extream neceſſities of the Church, and her already too much afflicted and exhauſted Flock, all that are conſtrain'd to contribute to the Profit, Luxury, Laſciviouſneſs, and Intemperance of thoſe who God know, had but little virtue to advance them. May your Holineſs for the love of Chriſt open your eyes in a buſineſs of that importance, which carries along with it conſequences ſo pernicious to the Church.

Let not your Holineſs for the love of God ſuffer ſo many poor Churches, Spouſes of Chriſt, to remain robb'd and dispoil'd of their Dower, nor that at the Lords Table, U [...]us eſſ [...]riet, alius vero ebrius ſit; but rather let the bread of the Church be diſtributed equally amongſt her Miniſters according to their merits. Although in the Courts of Rome there are many Prelats and Miniſters to be ſeen, that have integrity of manners joyn [...]d to the nobility of their birth; he nevertheleſs, that for ſo many years (though undeſervedly) has had the direction of the Signiture, may perhaps have ſeen further into ſome things than they v [...]z. that the Dependencies and Relations of the Popes and Cardinals, do not ſuffer the poor Prelats to act according to the Dictates of Equity and Conſcience. I do moſt humbly beſeech that your Holineſs in your great Prudence, would provide for the extirpating of this cuſtom of recommendation, that the condition of all people may be conſider'd, and that Liberetur pauper a Potente, & pauper cui non adeſt Adjutor.

Neither would it be leſs gratefull to God Almighty, if your Holineſs would provide againſt the tediouſneſs and delays in matters of Law, which ſometimes are ſo long, that beſides the ruine and extinguiſhment of many Families, they become the diſhonor of the Courts of Rome, when thoſe cauſes that might have been determin'd in a few dayes, are by ſeveral years ſuſpence grown old and inveterate.

Though I believe the Miniſters, and Governours of the State, and all they that administer juſtice to the people in our Eccleſiaſtick Juriſdiction, are of themſelves inclin'd to do all things equitable and right, yet it would be a greater ſtimulation if your Holineſs would cauſe it to be inculcated into them, that juſtice is not attended by intereſt or paſſion, but is the only inſtrument for the conſervation of peace, quiet, and human Society, and that they ſearch all enormity to the bottom, and deſtroy it root and brance. Legibus enim delicta [...]r, quanto melius provideri ne p [...]ccare [...]r.

But above all, let that ſcandalous authority that the Miniſters arrogate to themſelves of making Buts and Marks for their Perſecutions of all ſuch as have recourſe to the higheſt Tribunals at Rome, oftentimes making uſe of threats to deter them from ſuch appeals.

This in my judgement is a matter of great conſequence, th [...]s the Supreme Authority of the Prince, and takes away without cauſe the confidence his Subjects have in him▪ or otherwiſe occaſions ſuch jealouſies as have been the ſubverſon of States and Kingdoms both Proteſtant and Catholick.

Above all, it is neceſſary that care be taken not to afflict the poor people with their ſeverities, and vexations (as they have formerly) nor with their Cavalcades their troubles being too much already with their Subſidies, and Taxes, with the frequent Com [...]ſſions to the Commiſſaries of the Buildings, of the Archives, of Saltpeter, of Gunpowder, of the Streets, with their ſolemn Ridings, Repriſals, and other cruel inventions to exact innumerable ſums from the people, which being little or no advantage to the Pope, are of no other uſe, but by the inrichment of ſome few ill Conſcienc'd Miniſters, to contract the Odium of the people, and imploy the tongues of the diſcontented.

[Page]Theſe afflictions do very much exceed what the people of Iſrael ſuffer'd in Egypt, they cannot be mention'd, but with admiration and ſcandal to Foreign Nations, eſpecially if they conſider them as effects of the immoderate inclinations of the Popes to their own Kindred and Families. And your Holineſs may aſcribe it to your good fortune, that you employ'd your gracious care in Foreign parts, that they might not have ſo full and exact notice of it, as would have drawn tears of pitty and compaſſion from the eyes of all that heard it, and perhaps for the better, becauſe the wound thereby would have been open'd, and render'd more caſ [...]c for the Cure.

And indeed who is there that could hear with dry eyes, that a people not conquer'd by the Sword, but by the Muniſicence and Piety of ſome Prince, by way of Donation annex'd to the Patrimony of Saint Peter, or that otherwiſe in confidence of the Piety of their Succeſſors, ſubmitted themſelves freely to the See of Rome, ſhould be now under a harder and more inſufferable Yoak, and treated with more inhumanity, than the very Slaves in Africk, or Syria.

The Debt upon the Chamber, according to the account I made of it ſome nights ſince by my ſelf, amounts to above fifty millions of Roman Crowns, and that not only without any hopes of leſſening, but with aſſurance it will be increas'd; inſomuch that the People, not being able to comport themſelves under ſo exceſſive a burthen, desperate of any relief, do many of them leave their Native Countryes, wandring up and down in great indigence with their whole Families, periſhing with hunger in the fields, begging in other Countries, or ſubmitting themſelves to other Princes, to our great reproach. And indeed for the reaſons aforeſaid, there are not now above half the number of Subjects in the Eccleſiaſtick State, that there has formerly been, and in the numbers of his people, conſiſts the power and riches of a Prince.

The Genoeſes that are found to have imploy'd above fourteen millions of our money, though they were carefull enough in their affairs, do now perceive it desperat [...], either from our diſability to pay it, or from ſome urging neceſſity upon the people, that incites them to ſhake off from their necks, ſo inſufferable and tyrannical a Yoak.

God Almighty forgive the Miniſters of that time, who with ſo little Prudence and Equity, perſwaded your Holineſs (in the Infancy as it were of your Papacy) without any neceſſity at all, to the reduction of the Banks, out of which ſo many millions were drawn, as would have immortaliz'd your Holineſs his name, had they been apply'd to the ſatisfaction of thoſe debts, in part, if not in the whole.

Your Holineſs had not thoſe ſentiments heretofore, when it pleas'd God to give us you for our Paſtor, and I dare affirm, as I have done often, and that to more than one, that the firſt ſtings and compunctions that diſturb'd your generous breaſt, was thoſe of compaſſion towards the exhausted people: to that purpoſe you deputed a Congregation to inſpect their grievances, and was more than one time preſent there your ſelf, ſo that not only the Cardinals, but all the reſt of the Prelats expected an univerſal redreſs.

But God did not permit that your Holineſs his good mind, ſhould be ſeconded by the good practiſes of your Miniſters, who oppos'd themſelves againſt it, to the great diſſatisfaction of all that were well inclin'd. It is now time moſt Holy Father to reap the fruits of it, as you did when you provided against the abuſes introduc'd in the adminiſtration of the Annona, or annual proviſion of Corn, which arriv'd to that exceſs, as might have irritated the minds of the people to ſuch diſorders as would have been beyond all remedy.

But the exemplary chastiſement of a ſingle Miniſter only, that for ſeveral years has with great corruption, and univerſal diſſatisfaction, executed his office, is no competent proviſion, unleſs the cauſe be remov'd, all occaſions for others to do the ſame be prevented, and the opinion that the Cardinals have their ſhare, be pull'd up and irradicated out of the hearts of the people. The authority of theſe Officers is arriv'd at that height, that in ſpight of all Laws, both Humane and Divine, and all rules of Charity and Justice, they endeavour to make the name of your Holineſs odious to the world, by their ſque [...]zings and extortions out of Corn, Oyl, Fleſh, and whatever is moſt neceſſary to the life of man, it deſerves certainly a ſevere reprehenſion, if for no other end, than that your Holineſs might not appear conſenting thereunto.

But although your Holineſs, even to theſe open and pernicious Enemies of the publique, [Page] has been pleas'd to abound in your moſt admirable Clemency, I could wiſh nevertheleſs your Holineſs would in a particular manner regulate the affairs of the Annona for the future, that thoſe Subjects which your Holineſs is oblig'd to provide for, both as the Shepherd of their Souls, and their Temporal Prince, be not brought into a worſe condition than the Beaſts of the field, who feed and ſuſtain themſelves with the Fruits of the Earth, as their Creator ordain'd, without being coſen'd and defeated by the malicious covetouſneſs of others.

In the Congregations (that I might not be wanting to my charge, as being one deputed amongſt the reſt) I have endeavour'd to diſplay my opinion in this matter, and as to the particular of keeping the City of Rome, and the whole Eccleſiaſtick State likewiſe, if not in a plentiful, at leaſt in a competent proviſion of Corn, I have nothing to add to the report I made by your Holineſſes Commiſſion in the very beginning of your Papacy. This I ſhall only ſay, that if no relief be immediately apply'd to the ſufferings of your Subjects, their ruine and destruction I ſee moſt eminently and unavoidably at hand

Your Holineſs would do well to take off part of the impoſitions upon Edibles, and to reſtrain the inſatiable voracity of the Treaſurers of Provinces, and other publique Miniſters, who to Monopolize and foreſtall the Markets, by a barbarous invention, do render the people miſerable, and not ſo much as Maſters of that, which by the bleſſing of God, they do gather upon their own ground.

It would be a great relief to your Subjects likewiſe, if the Commerce with the Venetian (which with much detriment has been interdicted till now) were open'd again; nor would thoſe moſt prudent Senators make any difficulty to conſent, as well for the mutual advantage it would bring, as that it would be a means to make the Apoſtolick See more ready and diſpos'd, upon any Exigence of theirs, to tax its own Subjects to relieve them.

In ſhort, a Prince that deſires the relief and eaſe of his Subjects, cannot want wayes to effect it. And this your Holineſs may do, by incouraging and introducing arts into ſeveral places in the State, by making Civita Vecchia, and Ancona, free Ports, by favouring Agriculture, that is almoſt forgotten in moſt places, by employing able and dexterous men in all Governments and Offices, and not call in ſo many ſtrangers to uſurp and ingroſs, what belongs naturally to your Subjects. By this means, your State would be repeopled, the golden Age reſtored, and your Treaſury recruited.

I ſhould have had ſomething to ſay about the affairs of Portugal, but finding my breath to fail me, my head (no leſs than my hand) to tremble, and that I might not be any longer tedious to your Holineſs, I will only beſeech you to ponder and deliberate with your ſelf in a buſineſs of ſo great conſequence, and having ask'd Counſel of God, rather than of man, (who is ſway'd and actuated by paſſion) that you reſolve, and perform that zealouſly, that ſhall be directed by his infinite wiſdome.

It troubl'd my very Soul to conſider the ſmall hopes with which you ſuffer'd the Engliſh Gentleman to depart, that was ſent to your Holineſs to endeavour the promotion of the Abbot Aubigny, a perſon ſo qualify'd by his Birth, Abilities, and Piety, that he would without doubt have become a Pillar and Support to the tottering Catholicks in England, as Cardinal Poole did formerly.

Having heretofore with great vehemence and fervour ſupplicated your Holineſs, to beſtow upon a perſon ſo honourable, and ſo neceſſary to the Church, that Cap that has ſo long (though unworthily) adorn'd my head, and which ſtill I would with all my heart lay down at your Holineſs his feet, for the inveſture of ſuch a perſon. I do now with all my heart reiterate thoſe Prayers, that it being likely to be vacant in a few hours by my death, it may be conferr'd upon ſo worthy a perſon, that the malevolent may have no occaſion to ſay, it is reſerv'd for him that will give moſt, without reſpect to any ones merits, or to the neceſſities of our Religion in that Kingdom.

It remains that I ſhould speak ſomething about eaſineſs of acceſs, which is a thing that gives a Prince good intelligence of his affairs, makes his Government eaſie, prevents the corruptions of his Ministers, and conciliates love and veneration in the people.

Your Holineſs who in the beginning of your Papacy did imitate herein the laudable Cuſtoms of your Predeceſſors Pius quintus, and Clement the eight, by the continuation of it, will make your ſelf admir'd, Interpellantibus faciles praebendo aures, nor will you be at any time upbraided with the ſaying of that importunate old Woman that cry'd out to Philip of Macedon, Si non vis audire, nec regnes.

[Page]In this caſe only I ſhall be bold to ſupplicate your Holineſs, and that with a most humble and devout zeal, that you would permit your ſelf to be diverted from that melancholly retirement, and not ſuffer your ſelf to be immur'd as it were betwixt four Walls, and kept at that diſtance from the knowledge of the affairs of your State, and the condition of your Subjects; becauſe that is the higheſt of all errors in a Prince, and an occaſion that Juſtice is ill adminiſtred, the Miniſters corrupt, the people ill govern'd, and oppreſs'd, and the Prince no more belov'd nor reſpected; Colligunt ſe quatuor vel quinquies, aut unum Conſilium ad decipiendum Imperatorem capiunt. Dicunt quod probandus ſit Imperator, qui domi clauſus eſt, vera non novit, cogitur hoc tantum facere quod illi loquuntur, facit Judices, quod fieri non oportet, amovet a Republica quod debeat obtinere, quid plura? bonus, cautus, optimus venditur Imperator, was the ſaying of Diocleſian, and God grant it may never be verifi'd in the happy time of your Holineſs his Government.

And here it would not be improper to ſpeak ſomething relating to the Election of Miniſters and Counſellors, for though a Princes ill fortune may have ſome ſhare in the miſcarriages, yet for the most part mala electio eſt in culpa, it being great difficulty to erre, where all neceſſary diligence and circumſpection is us'd.

The profound Judgement of your Holineſs, renders all advertiſement in this affair ſuperfluous, however I will not omit ſupplicating you with Gregory Nazianzen, and to admoniſh, that in thoſe that are by their Counſels and endeavours to aſſist in the management of the moſt weighty affairs of State, theſe three ſignal Qualifications be reſplendent, Rerum uſus, Ingens charitas, Os [...]berum.

As to what concerns Spiritual things, they ought to have been treated on in the firſt place, (but God knows whether the greatneſs of the peoples afflictions will ſuffer them to think on Heaven) yet if I ſhould have touch'd upon them, I could not have done it without reflection on the great Piety of your Holineſs, who from your very aſſumption, has made them appear to be the principal objects of your Paſtoral care.

Nevertheleſs it will not be amiſs to renew your Holineſs Orders, to ſuch as have the ſuperintendance and cuſtody of Souls, even to the Pariſh Prieſts and Confeſſors, as well Regulars as Prieſts, that they give no ſcandal themſelves, that they reſtrain the exorbitant liberty of ſinning, that they perſecute and extirpate Blaſphemy, grown too common and familiar amongst the people in theſe unhappy times; that they obſerve due reverence in the Church, and ſet with more zeal and devotion in the Confeſſionaries, Ne Deus iram ſuam effundat ſuper nos.

The Evangelical Law, moſt holy Father, is at this day too much depreſs'd, and the obſervation of the Divine Precepts, with great blindneſs neglected, in ſo much that Saint Cyprian, and Saint Euſebius Biſhop of Caeſaria, would with more juſtice have bewailed the corruption of our age, than they did of their own, ſeeing now a dayes, ſtudent augendo Patrimonia ſinguli, & obliti, quid creden [...]es, aut ſub Apoſtolis ante fuiſſent, aut ſemper facere deberent, inſatiabili cupiditatis ardore, ampliandis facultatibus incumbant. Non in Sacerdotibus religio devota, non in Miniſtris fides integra, non in Operibus miſericordia, non in Moribus diſciplina, ad decipiendum corda ſimplicium, callide fraudes, circumveniendis fratribus, ſubdolas voluntates, non jurare tantum temere, ſed adh [...] etiam pejus perjurare.

And what can be expected from ſuch deteſtable cauſes, but thoſe lamentable effects, which Jeremiah prognoſticated with ſo many tears, Obſcuravit in ira ſua filiam Sion, & dejecit de coelo gloriam Iſrael; Non eſt recordatus Scabelli pedum ejus in die irae ſuae, ſed demerſit Dominus omnem decorem Iſrael, & demolitus eſt omnes ſpes ejus, ſo as we may too justly cry out with Policarpe, Bone Deus, ad quae nos tempora reſervaſti?

God grant that our Church one day be not forſaken by the Divine protection, by reaſon of the faults and enormities of the Miniſters that govern it ſo ill; and that ſhe have not t [...]o juſt cauſe to cry out with tears in her eyes, Deus, Deus meus, ut quid dereliquiſti me?

Hence it is that (being more afflicted with the unhappy condition of the World, of Chriſtianity, and of Religion, than with the bitterneſs and atrocity of my diſ [...]aſe) I betake my ſelf to our Saviour, and cry out from the very bottom of my heart, Cupio diſſolvi, & eſſe tecum.

[Page]And now finding my ſpirits failing me, I lay by my pen, (that I had taken up again three or four times) and prostrate my ſelf with all Reverence, begging your Holineſs his Benediction, and recommending to your Paternal charity the ſoul of your moſt ſincerely devoted Servant, who (being in a ſhort time to appear before the Tribunal of God, to give an account of every one of his thoughts) is certain he never had the leaſt, of deceiving your Holineſs by theſe faithfull repreſentations.

I do on the other ſide aſſure your Holineſs, that in the very life to come I will not ceaſe to pray to our moſt loving Father, ut ſis longaevus ſuper terram; and that he would preſerve your Holineſs from all dangers, and from the malice of Flatterers, that are the plague and deſtruction of all Kingdoms and Principalities, that he would give you, Cor docile, & ſedium ſuarum aſſiſtricem ſapientiam; and the ſame ſpecial grace, as to the reſt of his Servants, ut ſi [...] tranſeatis per bona temporalia, ut non ami [...]atis aeter [...]a. May that infinite Goodneſs that governs all things, aſſiſt and alleviate with his Divine arm the great weight of your Holineſs his charge, that you may not be oblig'd to relye upon the help of Man. And thus with most tender and entire Reverence I bid your Holineſs adieu, embracing and kiſſing your moſt ſacred Feet.

From my houſe the 17 June 1664.

Your Holineſs's moſt humble, moſt devoted, and moſt obliged Servant, G. Cardinal Sacchetti.

§

Oh how true is it, that fire may be buried and preſerved under aſhes, but with an effect contrary to the very nature of fire; to what purpoſe is a ſpark of zeal in the breaſt of a Miniſter, if he has not the devout courage to blow it up into a flame. Where are now a dayes thoſe Prophets that were not affraid to reprehend the faults of King David, even to his own face? God forgive thoſe Cardinals, that have render'd the Cardinalitial dignity ſo abject and timerous, (to ſay no worſe) that there is ſcarce any thing left of Greatneſs in it, but the Title. He who is ſilent at the iniquities of his Neighbour, and exhorts him not to leave them; he that may rebuke them with Authority, and does it not, gives not only manifeſt evidence of defect in his duty, but charges himſelf clearly with the ſame faults, as fearing to correct offences in other people, leſt his own (ſome time or other) ſhould be found out and chaſtiz'd.

I do not doubt but the Cardinals may have judgement, and conſcience, and inſight enough, to penetrate and diſcern the evils that for many years the Church has lain under, and which are hourly multiply'd by the Nephews of the Popes. I am ſatisfi'd that in the ſecret of their hearts, they are afflicted to the very ſoul, as often as they ſee the ſubſtance and ſubſiſtance imbezel'd, that belongs to the poor Subjects of the Eccleſiaſtick State, if thoſe may be call'd Subjects, that are every day like Slaves conſtrain'd to truckle to the barbarous inſolencies of ſo many new Miniſters, that by the favour of the Nepotiſme, do revive as a man may ſay a new N [...]roniſme of Tyranny. I do certainly believe, that the moſt zealous of the Cardinals are fully inform'd of the Scandals the Hereticks receive, to ſee from time to time Gabels added to Bulls, Taxes to Breves, Tenths to Penſions, Cuſtomes upon the People, Impoſitions upon Religious Orders, and the very ground it ſelf where people are to be buried. I am perſwaded they cannot be ignorant of proceedings at Rome, ſeeing there is not a Biſhop at preſent but may thank Simony for his Mitre, nor a Prelate, nor other Miniſter of the Church that has not gain'd his preferment by money or intereſt. They know, they know very well almoſt all the Cardinals, that they who embrace the Eccleſiaſtical habit in theſe dayes, whether it be Secular or Regular, they do it not to conſecrate themſelves to God, but to gratifie their ambition and covetouſneſs, and to eſtabliſh greater foundations to their hopes, of which deſign they give daily and moſt evident tokens to the people.

But what advantage is it that they know it? To what purpoſe is it if the Phyſician underſtands his Patients diſeaſe, if he has not courage enough to apply ſuch remedy as is [Page] neceſſary? It ſeems to me an aggravation, and renders the Cardinals more Criminal, whilſt they ſee the precipice the Church is upon, and either take no care to deliver her, or pretend they did not ſee it at all. That one Brother ſhould ſuffer another to run headlong upon his own deſtruction, may be written in the Politicks of the World; but there is no ſuch toleration in the Law of God. I would ask the Cardinals, if they ſhould ſee a Thief breaking (in their preſence) into their Houſes, would they let him ranſack and rifle all without ſpeaking a word? No certainly, they would ſooner awake all Rome to have him ſtopt, and make the Judges thunder out their Proclamations for his apprehenſion, though their loſs was never ſo ſmall: Notwithſtanding all this the Cardinals can behold the Church of Chriſt robb'd, the people of the Church ruin'd, the blood of the poor ſuck'd up, the propriety of the City invaded and taken away, to raiſe lofty and new Palaces for the Nephews, yet dare not ſpeak one word in behalf of the Publique, for the recovery of the Poor, for the edification of the People, or for the glory of the Church, but leave them all abandon'd to deſtruction.

But they are not without their excuſes, uſing alwayes a hundred pretences to conceal their hypocriſies; and indeed the people (that judge every thing by appearance) are ſatisfi'd with the multitude of excuſes the Cardinals bring to convince the World of their innocence, and to make it appear they are not at all acceſſary to the Extorſions committed by the Nephews, upon all the afflicted Subjects of the Eccleſiaſtick State. They ſay, but what? Shall we (ſay they) diſguſt his Holineſs, the acknowledg'd Head of the Church, and upon that ſcore adored by the whole World? Shall we oppoſe our ſelves to his pleaſure, the actions and reſolutions of whoſe Government are directed by the Holy Spirit? Shall we dare to make reſiſtance againſt one, before whoſe feet the greateſt Monarchs do throw themſelves with Reverence.

To theſe they adde many other excuſes, full of policy and cunning, but they are not ſufficient to ſatisfie Heaven and Earth too; the Cardinals muſt give an account to God, as well as the World; To God I ſay, in whoſe preſence no excuſe, or pretence, is receiv'd: There are no Rhetorical flouriſhes, no circumgiration of words, no fictions or pretences there; the Proceſs is read openly there, in which not only they which rob are condemn'd, but they which connive, that had ability to hinder it, and did not; and therefore it is that Saint Jerome ſayes, that thoſe ſouls endure more pain that ſee themſelves condemn'd for other peoples faults, that they pretended not to ſee leaſt they might diſguſt thoſe who committed them, than for their own proper offences. And God grant the Cardinals be not of this number, who I fear will be able to give but a ſmall account of the dammage the Church does daily receive, by the ill Government of the Popes, that are themſelves but a prey to their own ravenous Nephews. Nor will all their excuſes be able to clear them, becauſe our Redeemer knowing the ſecrets of all hearts, will have his anſwers ready, and perhaps reply to them in this manner.

Do you believe therefore that I am inferiour to your Pope, becauſe you are more fearfull of offending againſt his Courts that are but Temporal and momentary, than mine that is most holy and eternal? My Apoſtles were not affraid, even in my own preſence, with great confidence to rebuke the good Woman, who with a little oyl was come to refreſh my feet after ſo long and ſo many journeys; and you, you can every day behold Aſſaſſinations, Robberies, Sackings, Burnings in the Church; my blood (repreſented in the blood of the poor) ſwallow'd down and devour'd; my bowels (in the bowels of the Church) torn in p [...]ces; my nouriſhment (in the nouriſhment of the people) perverted; my Patrimony (which is the Patrimony of Saint Peter) miſapply'd, without ſpeaking one word, pretending not to know, pretending not to ſee it? Would you, would you, who are affraid to defend the intereſt of the Church in the preſence of your Popes, that ſuffer it to be deſtroy'd by the inſatiable hands of their Nephews, would you bear the Title of Apoſtles? God grant the Cardinals meet not with theſe interrogations at the day of Judgement. I know there are ſome that are partial in defence of the Cardinals, who will produce hundreds of examples to prove their zeal towards the Church, and inſtance in ſeveral tortures and injuries have been ſuffer'd, for oppoſing the ill Government (to ſpeak no worſe) of the Popes, of whoſe wickedneſſes all Chriſtendome rings to this very day.

Is it not true (will they ſay) that by Alexander the ſixth thoſe Cardinals were miſerably [Page] afflicted, that would not conſent to the barbarous will of his Baſtard, that tyranniz'd over the world, and imagin'd by fear and violence to make the Popedome hereditary to the houſe of Borgia; ſo that according as the zeal and conſtancy of the Cardinals was augmented, ſo did indignation increaſe in the Breaſt of the Pope; inſomuch that every word, and intimation of their reſentment to the Pope, begat in him freſh thoughts of revenge, till at laſt to remove and free himſelf from all oppoſition, that Table was prepar'd, in which, inſtead of ſeeing the deſtruction of the Cardinals, and the eſtabliſhment of his own houſe, Rome recover'd her liberty by the death of the Pope, who was poyſon'd with the ſame potion he had provided for the Cardinals.

Is it not true, that the proud humour of Paul the fourth, not being able to endure a Companion in the Government, to ſtop the mouths of thoſe Cardinals that, excited by their zeal, reprehended the barbarous deportment of the Carafechi, gave himſelf over to the deſtruction of all reſpect, and confounding his ſpiritual weapons with his Temporal, he threatned them ſometimes with Excommunications, and ſometimes tormented them with Impriſonment, without any regard to the ſcandal Chriſtianity receiv'd thereby; ſo as he had but room for his revenge, he car'd not how any thing went, by which means, all the Priſons in Rome were full of innocent Prelats and Cardinals.

Is it not true, that ſeveral Cardinals (and thoſe the moſt Catholick and Zealous amongſt them all) foreſeeing the detriment the Church would, and indeed did receive, by the tedious Pontificacy of Ʋrban, to prevent further inconveniences that were like to follow upon all Chriſtendom, aſſembled themſelves many times, and had ſeveral Congregations, for the depoſing the ſaid Ʋrban from the Papacy, which he had already injoy'd for the ſpace of thirteen years, with ſmall ſatisfaction to the Cardinals, though with much advantage to his own Family. Inſomuch, that whilſt his Holyneſs under pretence of change of Air after a long indiſpoſition, had removed himſelf to the Caſtle of Gondolfo, the Cardinals had ſecretly aſſembled a Congregation, for the Election of Cardinal Zacchia Pope, upon pretence of Ʋrban Barbarino's indiſpoſition, with reſolution to ſhut up the ſaid Ʋrban in the Caſtle of Saint Angelo. But their deſign miſcarried, for the Pope having intelligence of all, return'd privately to Rome, and calling a Conſiſtory, in which all the Cardinals were preſent, the ſaid Ʋrban with a loud voice demanded Where was their new Pope, that he might pay him his respect? An expreſſion that ſtruck confuſion into the hearts of thoſe Cardinals that had conſpir'd his depoſal, and found themſelves ſo unexpectedly diſcover'd. And this gave ſo great occaſion of Revenge to the Pope, that he immediately publiſh'd a Bull, in which he commanded all the Cardinal Biſhops, and Arch-Biſhops, and all ſuch as had the Cure of Souls, to repair forthwith to their ſeveral Churches and Reſidences, upon pain not only of Excommunication, but of being depriv'd alſo of their Dignities and Benefices; ſo that all thoſe who were aſſiſting in the foreſaid Congregation, were in great trouble and perplexity, and particularly the Cardinal Ludovitio, and Zacchia, being principal contrivers of the deſign, fell into ſo great melancholly for the miſcarriage of it, that they dy'd with very apprehenſion that it was diſcover'd.

To this it may be anſwer'd, that Alexander the ſixth receiv'd the puniſhment he deſerv'd, by which it may be clearly diſcern'd, that God Almighty fails not to juſtifie the cauſe of his Church, and protect ſuch as addreſs themſelves to its defence, and to the ruine of ſuch as endeavour to trouble the repoſe of thoſe that go about to defend it. So that the example of Alexander (who was poyſoned by the ſame Cup he had provided for thoſe Cardinals that had oppos'd him with ſo much zeal) may rather excite that Sacred Colledge to the incouragement and protection of the people, and the Church, being ſecure, that if they ſhall be perſecuted by the Popes, they ſhall on the other ſide be rewarded by God himſelf. In the ſame manner it happen'd to Paul the fourth, though he was a ſevere Enemy to thoſe that with great and continual acclamations cry'd out againſt his Nephews, to the end that Rome might be deliver'd from ſo great a Plague; nevertheleſs that Pope (by the means of the continual twinges and compunctions that he felt) recollected himſelf, diſcover'd his errour, and not only baniſh'd his Nephews from the Vatican, but ſeem'd likewiſe to own and gratifie their importunities, that had open'd his eyes, and given him occaſion to diſcover the danger his own Perſon, and the Church were in.

[Page]Of Ʋrbans Caſe I ſhall ſpeak but little, for though he was a Pope indeed too much addicted to the intereſt of his Kindred, who govern'd the Church with that inſolence and pride, that render'd them odious to the whole world. Nevertheleſs in matters relating to the benefit of Souls, he was very ſolicitous to give general ſatisfaction, whilſt the miſchief from his Nephews extended no further than to the Eccleſiaſtick Treaſure, which is the Patrimony of Saint Peter.

Beſides this, thoſe Cardinals that negotiated his depoſal, did it not ſo much out of any Chriſtian zeal, or ardent inſtigation from their duty, but rather in compliance with the Spaniſh Intereſt, which was then thought with great reaſon to be offended, and therefore in all this conſpiracy there were none but the Spaniſh Cardinals concern'd; ſo that if the crime be conſider'd, the puniſhment was but ſmall, for when the hand is once put to the Plough, there is no looking back. He that attempts to correct the Errors of the Pope, muſt diveſt himſelf of all Humane intereſt, and arm himſelf with the Celeſtial only. The Cardinals muſt lay aſide particular intereſts, in the defence of the Church, and have regard to nothing but the Publique. 'Tis the glory of God, and not the love of the World, that ought to animate them to the protection of Chriſts flock, leſt they be devour'd by thoſe Shepherds, that are too often no better than Wolves. If in the hearts of the Cardinals a flame of Divine zeal be kindled, in vain will all the tempeſts and calamities of this World endeavour to quench it. To what purpoſe is it to expoſe ones ſelf to Martyrdom; To what purpoſe to paſs ſo many Seas to preach up the Name of Chriſt, with ſo much peril in the moſt remote parts of the Earth, amongſt the greateſt Infidels, if it be depis'd even in Chriſtendom, in the very bowels of Religion, and in the midſt not only of Rome, but the Vatican it ſelf. And now I would fain know what likelihood there is, that the Cardinals ſhould oppoſe their own breaſts againſt that violence of the Barbarians, that ſeem to threaten ſo nearly the deſtruction of Chriſtendom, if they be affraid to ſpeak one word to the Pope againſt thoſe Governours, that by fleecing the people do bring the State into great miſery and diſtreſs? How ſhall they take the Sword into their hands to encounter thoſe Hereticks, that deſtroy our Images, and violate our Holy Temples, if they can patiently behold the plundering of our Altars, and the robbing of the Almes that is given to the poor? How ſhall they defend the Chriſtian Faith, that ſuffer the blood of Chriſt to be devour'd? How ſhall they dare to preach to ſuch as are in Rebellion, and Enmity, if they be affraid to ſpeak to the Popes that are their Friends? How ſhall they be faithfull keepers of the flock of Chriſt, if they be fearfull as Lambs, toward thoſe Wolves that devour his flock? In ſhort, how can they ſtop the mouths of thoſe (with a good conſcience) that do blame the defects of the Popes, when they themſelves are the cauſes of thoſe defects? This I am ſure of, the Purple they wear would be much more honourable, did they take more care to preſerve the Treaſure of the Church; and for my part I am of opinion, the Popes would be more wary of introducing their Kinred into the Vatican, if they obſerv'd the Cardinals more vigilant; nor would the Nephews commit ſuch notorious robberies, if they did but ſee that their eyes were upon them.

The Cardinal Pallavicino the Jeſuite, who in plain terms was a perſon that could frame and accommodate himſelf to another mans humour, thereby to work him over to his own; he was one of thoſe that cry'd up Alexander in the beginning of his Papacy, above the Skies, and all becauſe he would not admit his Nephews into Rome. Inſomuch, that in his Hiſtory of the Councel of Trent, that came out from the Preſs about that time, he made a Parallel betwixt his Holineſs, and his Saviour; and upon this ground, becauſe being ask'd by a certain publique Ambaſſador, if he would not receive his Kindred, his Holineſs reply'd in the words of our Saviour, Who are my Brothers? but they that do the will of the Lord.

It is not poſſible to imagine the great and extravagant praiſes he gave the Pope in all quarters of Rome, for his averſion to the Nipotiſme, extolling him for the greateſt Pope that ever ſate in the Vatican; he propheſied a golden Age again to the Church in a ſhort time, and ſupplyes of Inhabitants to the City; he went up and down all the Courts of the Cardinals, giving God thanks for his great mercy towards the Church, in ſending it a Pope ſo clearly diſintereſted, and unaddicted to the advancement of his private Family. [Page] In ſhort, he exhorted them all by the authority his reputation and intimacy with the Pope gave him, that it was the duty of the Cardinals themſelves to conſerve that great benefit to the Church, and in caſe Alexander ſhould relapſe, that they ſhould oblige his Succeſſors to keep their Nephews out of the Vatican.

But the humour of the Pope being altered at length in this point, and inſtead of his former averſion, he become moſt partial to his Nephews; Pallavicino alſo began to change his note, and harp no more upon that ſtring, he found himſelf oblig'd to ſtop his mouth in all things, and to ſanctifie the defects of the Nephews (as he was the Popes Confeſſor) or elſe to ruine and precipitate his own fortunes, and thoſe of his Order.

This politick deportment was a great affliction to his Conſcience, for he was indeed a well meaning man, and intirely devoted to the benefit of the Church. He found out a hundred querks and pretences to excuſe the commendations he had formerly given the Pope; and being one day in diſcourſe, and ask'd by a Cardinal that was his Confident, if he would magnifie no more his Holineſs his impartiality to his Relation; he couragiouſly reply'd, That he then had ſpake of the Pope, as Pope, and did now ſpeak of Alexander as Alexander. He endeavour'd by all poſſible means to force his own nature, and not to be concern'd at thoſe evils which he was too ſenſible did hourly increaſe, to the great detriment of the Church, by the ill Government of the Nephews. But notwithſtanding all this, the more he ſaw Don Mario advanc'd, the more did indignation ſwell in his Bowels, to think that there could be no remedy found, to quench that fire that ſeem'd formerly extinct; inſomuch that he many times ſhut himſelf up alone in his Chamber, and made as many Soliloquies as King Midas his Barber.

At laſt it pleas'd God (as he himſelf declar'd to a friend of his upon his death bed) by his ſpecial grace to take away his life in the vacancy of the Apoſtolick Chair. He was much affected with the great affairs of the Church, as he ſignified in a paper he left written with his own hand, wherein he proteſted his intentions were alwayes ſo far from defending the errors of the Nephews, that he would not ſo much as excuſe them.

The writing contain'd five principal points. The firſt was, that the Church would never find any repoſe in her afflictions, nor be free from the Calumnies of the Hereticks, till the Nephews were baniſh'd from Rome.

The ſecond was, that whilſt every Pope had liberty to inrich his own Kindred as they did, the Treaſure of the Church in a ſhort time would be imbezled, and diſpers'd into Foreign Countreys.

The third was, that there was no hopes of ſeeing the Charity and Benevolence of the faithful increas'd, for they being ſcandaliz'd to ſee the Charitable Alms (beſtow'd and left by other people to the Church) diſſipated and conſum'd, did chooſe to ſquander away themſelves what they had, rather than by giving it to the Church, to increaſe the number of Extravagants there.

The fourth, that the Cardinals could not with a ſafe Conſcience ſuffer the diſſipation of the Treaſure of the Church, by the prodigality of the Nephews, and that they were oblig'd therefore as his Holineſs Aſſiſtants, to endeavour to remedie it.

And in the laſt place, by good arguments he ſhew'd which was the moſt proper time for the application of ſo neceſſary an expedient, and he concluded the vacancy of the Chair would be the moſt convenient, becauſe if a new Pope was once Created, and a new Nepotiſm ſet up, it would be impoſſible to compaſs their ends.

This writing fell into the hands of the Cardinals, who call'd a particular Congregation on purpoſe, to find a remedy in ſome meaſure for the diſorders the Nepotiſmo occaſion'd in the Church. But their words were more than their deeds, for though ſome were of opinion a definitive decree ſhould be paſs'd, by which all ſucceeding Popes ſhould be oblig'd from calling their Relations to Rome without the conſent of the Sacred Colledge. Nevertheleſs the major part thought it more convenient not to meddle in it at all, leſt they ſhould give freſh occaſion of ſcandal and deriſion to the Hereticks. So that Pallavicino's Paper had no better ſucceſs, than the reſolution of Cardinal Cena, who had fancy'd to himſelf the extinguiſhment of the Nephews a [...]dicul [...]us fancy; becauſe in my iudgement the extinction of the Nephews would be a great prejudice to the common re [...] of Rome, if the Pope was conſtrain'd to truſt himſelf rather to the Councels of his Enemies, [Page] than his friends, and to introduce perſons unknown to him, into the Vatican.

The Duty of Cardinals, as they are Senators of the Church, ſhould be to watch over the Nephews, that of Governours, they become not Princes, of Keepers of the Patrimony of Saint Peter, they prove not barbarous devourers of the very blood of Chriſt; and indeed if the Cardinals pleas'd, they might do wonders for the benefit of the Church. Were they all unanimous for the deſtruction of all corruption, they would give the Pope and his Nephews matter to think upon; but they have no mind to it, this for one conſideration, that for another, this for this intereſt, that for that; ſo that faction, and diviſion, ruines the Church, and gives opportunity to the Popes in the mean time, to proſecute the advancement of their own Families.

Some few years ſince, the Cardinals amongſt other Titles, call'd themſelves Princes of the Holy Church, which gave ſober men great occaſion to wonder; for my own part, I look upon it as ſo ſtrange and incongruous an uſurpation, I cannot tell which way to excuſe it. That they call themſelves Senators of the Chriſtian Commonwealth, Counſellors of the Supreme Senate of Chriſt upon Earth, Apoſtles of the Catholick Religion, Aſſiſtants to Chriſts Vicar, Supreme Miniſters of the Goſpel, I can allow, as what they may reaſonably deſerve, but I know not how they can aſſume the Title of Princes of the Church. Are they Princes, that are many times uſed worſe than Slaves by the Nephews? Are they Princes, that are forc'd to wait from morning to night, not upon Chriſts Vicar, but the Popes Nephews? Are they Princes of the Church, that know not ſo much as where her Treaſure is? Are they Princes of the Church, that ſuffer her to be ranſack'd, and raviſh'd, before their own eyes? Are they Princes, that can ſee their Principalities deſtroy'd with ſo much patience?

Your true Princes, from the riſing to the ſetting of the Sun, and from its ſetting to its riſing again, do ſtudy nothing more than the conſervation of their proper Principalities; they endeavour with all poſſible care the augmentation of the number of their Subjects; they ſuffer not their people to be preſs'd or overlay'd with more grievances than the condition of his Principality does neceſſarily require. If any go about to diſturb the peace of their Neighbours, they arm themſelves immediately, marching up and down their Dominions to hear the grievances and complaints of their Subjects, and to comfort them with his preſence, and due execution of Juſtice; and theſe are Princes indeed: But what kind of Princes are your Cardinals? Or what ſervice do they do the Church, to deſerve that Title?

But their Soveraignty, or (to ſpeak more properly) their Dominion and Government is not in ſpiritual things; foraſmuch as the Pope is he that diſpences indulgences, gives diſpenſations, ſends out his Bulls, and creates Biſhops and Cardinals as he pleaſes, ſo that the Pope only is Prince of the Church, and not the Cardinals; and although they may ſeem to have ſome ſhare in the creation of Biſhops, becauſe they are examin'd uſually in a Congregation of Cardinals, yet that is only form, and outward appearance, for in ſtrictneſs the Pope can make whom he thinks good, and without the conſent or knowledge of the Cardinals, ſend a Biſhop into any City, whether the whole Colledge of Cardinals dare not ſo much as ſend a Deacon, to recite the Offices for the dead, withcut the Popes permiſſion.

And this is a thing that gives me no ſmall diſcompoſure as often as I think of it; for indeed we all know, and all Hiſtory both Eccleſiaſtick and Prophane do confirm it, that Saint Peter never did any thing but by the concurrence of the Apoſtolick Colledge, but the Colledge often without Saint Peter; nor can I tell how the face of things came to be chang'd, for above twelve Centuries the Popes never inſinuated, or pretended to the creation of Biſhops, Cardinals, or other Officers of the Church, that belonging alwayes, to the Synode, and Colledge. But now the Popes do all things as they liſt themſelves; and yet the Cardinals muſt needs have the Title of Princes of the Holy Church, which the Popes do willingly allow them, as not caring who have the ſmoak, whilſt they themſelves run away with the roaſt.

But if the Popes have uſurp'd upon the Cardinals Juriſdiction in Spiritual things, much more have they robb'd them of it in Temporal. One of them being taken away, drew the other after it: Whilſt the Popes began at firſt by degrees to entrench upon that [Page] Authority in Spirituals that the Sacred Colledge was legally poſſeſs'd of, and finding by little and little that they parted with patience, with what they uſurp'd with pride, the good Popes took courage and ſeiz'd upon all, driving them out both of their Spiritual and Temporal Authority too, ſo that at this preſent the Cardinals have nothing left them but the benevolence of the Pope. The worſt is, the Cardinals cannot yet tell in what manner they came to be robb'd of thoſe Priviledges they in former times were poſſeſs'd of; but for my part I believe it was from nothing elſe but their negligence, and too little care they took of the conſervation of that Authority that was given them by God, by the Church, by the Emperors, and by the People; for ſeeing their Authority very great, they us'd not ſufficient diligence to preſerve it; whereas the Popes being conſcious of the weakneſs of their own, they made it their buſineſs to enlarge it, and they have done it ſo effectually, they have left the other none at all. Platina in his firſt impreſſion of the Life of Paul the ſecond, gives an account, that amongſt others being accus'd of I know not what, and brought Priſoner before the ſaid Pope, he petition'd his Holineſs that he might be try'd before the Colledge of Cardinals, in whoſe Judgement he would willingly acquieſce. But the Pope enrag'd at the requeſt, told him, What do you talk of Judgement? know you not that I am infallible, and carry all their Judgements and Reaſon in the Cabinet of my breaſt? I conſider no mans perſon: I am Pope, and 'tis in my power to null or confirm their Acts, as I think good my ſelf.

Let not the Cardinals inquire now, what means the Popes made uſe of, to invade and uſurp the authority they formerly injoy'd, becauſe they are ſure to be anſwer'd with nothing but violence, inſolence, and threats: againſt which, they having not courage enough to defend themſelves, do ſit down contented only with the Title and appearance: and it is certain at this day, that the Cardinals have no more authority over the Church, than the Duke of Savoy has over the Kingdom of Cyprus, of which he will be call'd King notwithſtanding; ſo the Cardinals will be call'd Princes of the Church, whilſt the Pope runs away with the power, doing, and undoing, as he pleaſes, giving offices and preferments at his pleaſure, and impoſing his own Laws without contradiction; inſomuch that the Conſiſtories, Congregations, and Colledges, are only for the ſervice and aſſiſtance of the Pope, who ſuffers not the Cardinals to tranſact any thing but by his direction, and if they do, he revoaks it; ſo that it is too true they have nothing left but a bare outſide authority.

All this would be paſt over nevertheleſs, and their affliction would not be ſo great, were it the Popes only that commanded the Cardinals; but the miſery is for more than an age paſt, ſo many Nephews as have been in Rome, ſo many Popes have there been to command them; for the Popes communicating the authority they uſurp'd, with each of their Nephews, they know very well which way to put in execution, and have no need to be taught how to make their advantages. Is it not a melancholly and moſt deplorable ſight to ſee two ſorry little-headed Nephews, make ſo many Logger-headed Cardinals to tremble? that one poor ſingle Nephew, ſhould keep the whole Colledge in awe? That two pittiful Relations of the Pope's, born, and brought up in obſcurity, ſhould be more conſiderable in Rome, than ſo many Princes of moſt noble Extraction? That the Popes ſhould give more ear to the advice of a Nephew, newly taken from School, and many times from the Shop, than to the Councels of ſo many Cardinals, us'd and accuſtom'd to publick affairs, and zealous of the Service of God? That they ſhould command, that know not how to command, and they be forc'd to obey thoſe, they ought in all equity to command? That the foreign and extraneous Nephews ſhould have freer and more uninterrupted acceſs to the Vatican, than the Cardinals that are born in Rome?

Now if affairs be carry'd in this manner in the Court of Rome, in reſpect of Spiritual and Temporal Things, how can the Cardinals be properly call'd Princes, that leave the Church in the hands of other people? It is the Nephews that are the Princes, that hold the Patrimony of Saint Peter in their poſſeſſion, that divide it from the Church without any reſiſtance, and appropriate it as a Patrimony for their particular Families. Nor ought the Nephews on the other ſide to permit (ſeeing they have the authority in them) the Cardinals to bear the Title of Princes of the Church, leſt very ill conſequences ſhould follow. They have no other right of Dominion over them, than by Uſurpation [Page] and Tyranny, and Tyranny is ſometimes rais'd above the Majeſty of Princes; Now if the Cardinals be Princes of the Church without any Soveraignty, the Nephews that have got that Soveraignty without any title muſt be Tyrants; and therefore to remove this inconvenience, it is neceſſary either to leave the Dominion of the Church to the Cardinals that have the Title, or to give the Nephews the Title that have the Power already, and exerciſe it with great Authority.

There is not a Heretick, a Gentile, a Jew, a Catholick, nor a Proteſtant, but knows the Government of the Church by the Nephews is Tyrannical, becauſe the Authority they have to govern it, is deriv'd only from the Popes, who have no Authority to diſpoſe of that which belongs legally to the Cardinals; Chriſt (as if on purpoſe to prevent diſputes) ſaid expreſly, when he gave the power of the Keyes to Saint Peter, Tibi dabo claves Regni coelorum: obſerve the word Tibi, to Thee, that is, to Peter I give the Keyes of my Church, and not to his Nephews: It is my pleaſure that you Command, and give Laws, not your Relations and Kindred, Tibi dabo claves Regni coelorum. And therefore Saint Peter, who underſtood his duty very well, would never admit any of his own Relations to the Government of the Church, but only ſuch as were call'd by the Divine mouth of our moſt bleſſed Saviour. Now a dayes the Popes proceed quite contrary, gloſſing as they pleaſe upon the Goſpel, robbing them (as ſoon as they are entred into the Vatican) of all their Authority, and giving it to their Nephews; and inſtead of governing the Church with the aſſiſtance of the Cardinals, (in whom the power is directly from our Saviour) they govern with the aſſiſtance of their Nephews, that cannot with any juſtice enter into the Vatican, nor take poſſeſſion of an Authority that belongs only to the Cardinals.

It is clear the Cardinals are the true ſucceſſors of the Apoſtles, ſo that if the Apoſtles receiv'd none of their Juriſdiction from Saint Peter, but immediately from God; and if Saint Peter did never command them, neither can nor ought the Popes to command the Cardinals; nor are they oblig'd to obey them in what relates to the Government of the Church, ſeeing they have as much power in thoſe affairs as the Popes: For my part when I ſhall ſee the Popes hold the ſame correſpondence with the Cardinals, that Saint Peter did with the Apoſtles, I ſhall believe them true Popes; ſo on the other ſide, I ſhall believe the Cardinals true Princes of the Holy Church, when I ſhall ſee them replete with holy zeal, and labouring for the recovery of that Juriſidiction which hath been ſo unjuſtly taken from them. If they ſhall at any time be reſtor'd to the exerciſe of that Authority, they formerly for ſeveral ages poſſeſs'd, they will make the Popes, the Church, and themſelves happy, and fortunate, and bleſs'd; themſelves bleſs'd, becauſe that reſpect which at preſent is given by the Faithfull to the Purple only, will be kindled in the hearts of all Chriſtendom, and break out into a flame of devotion, to behold them with ſuch paſſion and ſolicitouſneſs endeavouring the good of Chriſtianity, the Church fortunate, becauſe it ſhall be no more worryed nor tormented with the tongues and pens of Hiſtorians, but ſee every day new Chriſtians ſprouting up in her boſom. And laſtly, the Popes ſhall be happy, in having Companions in the care of the Flock of Chriſt, in diſcharging themſelves of a part of that burthen, that is not to be ſuſtain'd by one, but with great danger of ſinking under it. Let not the Cardinals therefore any longer delay the wreſting again that Dominion out of the hands of the Nephews, that by Divine ordination belongs to themſelves. Let them force themſelves, and endeavour the repoſe of the Church; let them have an eye over the affairs of the poor, whoſe lawfull Princes they are; and let them not (as they value the praiſe of the World, and the benediction of Chriſt) forget the Juriſdiction that was given them by him.

If the Popes by debaſing the Authority of the Cardinals, have erected their own Monarchy, why do not the Cardinals (by depreſſing that of the Pope) exalt themſelves to the condition of Senators in the Chriſtian Common-wealth? If the Popes have thought good for the private advantage of their particular Families, to change (to the great detriment of the Cardinals) the Republick of Chriſt, into a Monarchy for their Nephews, why ſhall not the Cardinals for the benefit of the Church, ſubvert that Monarchy, and re-eſtabliſh the Republick of Chriſt? Chriſt did not call them to the Apoſtleſhip, to make them Deacons of Apoſtles, but that they ſhould watch over, and [Page] ſuperintend, that the Offices of the Deacons were executed well. In Republicks the Dukes are not choſen to deſtroy the Senators, but on the contrary, they keep up the Grandeur of the Senators, to render their own Authority the more Majeſtick. Let the Cardinals therefore have a care it fares not with them, as it did with a Souldier of Alexander, who being ask'd his Name by the Emperor, and anſwering Alexander, his actions being not anſwerable to his Name, the Emperor reply'd, Either leave the Name of Alexander, or do as Alexander does.

And certainly the Cardinals ought either to act like Cardinals, and vindicate that dignity God has given them as principal Miniſters in his Church, or relinquiſh that Eminent Title. The habit makes not a Monk, nor the Purple Robe a Cardinal; if that were ſo, there would not want Purple to make Cardinals, nor habits to make Monks. The zeal of Religion, the ſafety of the Chriſtian Common-wealth, the protection of the People, the care of the Cures, the adminiſtration of the wealth of the Church, the baniſhment of Vice, Sweatings, and Labourings, and Watchings for the augmentation of the number of the Faithfull, and the propagation of Chriſtianity, are as the Poles upon which the Wheel of Cardinaliſm ought to turn. If a Cardinal goes this way to work, tyres and harraſſeth out himſelf in proſecution of the virtues aforeſaid, he will be a Cardinal indeed, though he wears no Purple; but if he ſhuts his eyes, and leaves all things forſaken and deſerted, he may have as much of the Purple as he pleaſe, but he will have nothing of the Cardinal. The Cardinals tremble at the very Name of the Pope, and yet it is they themſelves that give him his Papacy: They humble themſelves at the beck of him, who proceeds from their own bowels; they are contented to be ſtript of their Authority, to inveſt him with it that robb'd them.

The Proteſtants deny the whole power of the Pope, and in their Schools bring many arguments to refute it; yet they allow more dignity to the Cardinals, than they know how to ask of his Holineſs. They ſay that if the Pope could be contented to be a Cardinal amongſt the Cardinals, and the Cardinals as Popes with the Pope, the Church of God would be reſtor'd to the true form in which it was created in the infancy of Chriſtianity, when the Apoſtles were Peters, and Peter as the Apoſtles; and they would not find that difficulty of cloſing with our Church, which by that means would be Univerſal, and not particular; whereas now they are glad of any opportunity to diſtract it, becauſe they ſee it particular, by reaſon of the abſolute Authority that is given to the Pope.

I was a while ſince invited to dinner by a Friend of mine, and by accident there were ſeveral Proteſtants, and ſome Catholicks at the Table. About the latter end of dinner, the Catholicks with great freedom began to diſcourſe (it was in the time of the vacancy of the Chair) of the diſcord and diſſention amongſt the Cardinals; one of them inſtanc'd the example of the Apoſtles, who when the Holy Spirit deſcended upon them, were Congregati in unum; applying all to the difference betwixt the Apoſtolick Colledge in theſe times, in which they are at variance; and what it was in the Primitive, when there was nothing but meekneſs, and charity, and love.

Amongſt the reſt there was a French Gentleman indifferently well learn'd, and of a pleaſant converſation, who taking the word from the other, reply'd ſmilingly, that thoſe words Congregati in unum, might very juſtly be apply'd to the Apoſtolick Colledge in being, with this difference only, that the Apoſtles then were Congregati in unum with Chriſt, and now they are Congregati in unum with the Pope. And [...]e had gone further, had he not been interrupted, and forc'd to riſe from the Table, upon an unexpected viſit that was made, which altered the whole diſcourſe.

I who had then this Cardinaliſm in my head, and reſolv'd to make an end of it, and publiſh it to the world, began to make ſome reflection upon what the French man had ſaid, and I found his opinion was not [...]ll grounded, ſo much did it correſpond with mine. For in truth in Rome where the Congregations are infinite, the Cardinals are Congregati in unum, not in their judgements or deſires (in which many times there is ſo much diſcrepancy, that every Cardinal has a ſeveral opinion) but in a reſolution to do whatever his Holineſs commands them. They are Congregati in unum, becauſe in the Conſiſtories they conclude of nothing, but what is dictated by the Pope. From whence it happen'd [Page] that a Cardinal of a very profound judgement, that liv'd in the time of Innocent the tenth, being ask'd one day whether he went, he anſwer'd, To Donna Olimpia's Congregation, implying, that that Lady having the abſolute management of his Holineſs, her Couſin, it was neceſſary to obſerve her orders exactly whether they were good or bad: and indeed, ſome few that would needs peeviſhly and obſtinately withſtand her Commands, found but little eaſe or advantage by it. Were the Cardinals Congregati in unum, for a good underſtanding amongſt themſelves, as they are Congregati in unum, to do what ever they are commanded by the Pope, the Church would be better ſerv'd than it is, the State would flouriſh in plenty and peace, and the Nephews reduc'd to their primitive indigence and neceſſity. The Popes do rejoyce (if not contrive) to ſee the minds of the Cardinals divided, as much fearing the conſequence of their unity; and a certain great Pope that lived in our age, was wont to ſay, That the diviſion of the Cardinals, was the exaltation of the Popes; a ſaying, as Diabolical as Politick, which diſcover'd clearly, that the intentions of the Popes were fix'd upon the Supremacy they injoy, that is, to keep and conſerve the Monarchy of the Church, in their own abſolute Dominion, though to the utter deſtruction of all that oppos'd them; and becauſe there is no viſible oppoſition to be made, but from the Society of Cardinals (who are indeed the true Senators of the Chriſtian Commonwealth) for that reaſon the good Popes make uſe of a thouſand wheedles and pretences, to bereave them of that Senatorial dignity, and to bring the abſolute Dominion both in Temporals and Spirituals, to depend upon their own pleaſures and wills.

But here it may be objected, that I do contradict ſomething I have ſaid in another place, viz. that many Popes have by their particular vigilance, endeavour'd to aggrandize the Cardinalitial Majeſty; ſometimes by magnifying the reputation and credit of the Cardinals, ſometimes by declaring them to be like Kings, and ſometimes by advancing their Titles. To which I anſwer, that if things be examin'd nea [...]ly, there will no contradiction be found. True it is, the Popes have taken great pains to increaſe the Grandeur of the Cardinals, but not to raiſe by that Grandeur any real profit to the Cardinals; but that the Majeſty of the Cardinals may contribute to the augmentation of their own Grandeur. The Popes allow the Cardinals as much authority as is ſufficient to render them ſerviceable to them; but in other things they regard them not a jo [...]. They are not ſo weak to divide that Monarchy that in their hands is intire, to give it to the Cardinals, by whom they will be ſerv'd. That Pope that declar'd the Cardinals equal to Kings, had no regard but to his own ambition, to the end, the height of his Pontificacy might be the more illuſtrious, by how much he had Kings in his Service.

In ſhort, the Popes are very liberal in conceeding ample Privileges, and outward Magnificences to the Cardinals. Let them have the preceedence of Princes, let them go Cheek by Jole with Kings, let them have the Prelates for their Slaves, and tranſcend the Epiſcopal dignity, all is well, theſe things ſhall be allow'd them by the Popes, and the people oblig'd under pain of Excommunication to be contented. But let them have a care withall, that they meddle not with the publick Treaſure; that they touch not the Almsmoney; that they queſtion not the actions of the Pope; that they do not recommend the cauſes of the afflicted; that they preſs not the diſpoſal of offices and preferments to perſons of merit; that they look no further than they are deſir'd; that they do not work or inſinuate themſelves into any command, but as they are directed; and in a word, not ſo much as to mention the Robberies and Extortions of the Nephews; if they do, they will be baniſh'd the Court, frown'd upon by the Nephews, turn'd out of their Offices, and treated as the vileſt of their Subjects, without any reſpect at all to the Purple they wear. And of this, ſeveral examples have been ſeen in our dayes. I could name more than four Cardinals that are now alive; (and perhaps I ſhall name them when I come to ſpeak of them in particular) who, for having follow'd the dictates of their own reaſon, and for refuſing to comply with the extravagant deſires of the Nephews, were reduc'd to that exigence, they were forc'd to beg their protection from Foreign Princes. So implicitely do the Popes pretend the Cardinals are to obey them, without asking ſo much as why or wherefore.

This method of proceeding was very well known to a certain Cardinal Padrone, or [Page] Nephew of a Pope that dy'd not full thirty years ſince, who being in diſcourſe one day with his Unckle about certain perſons that were to be promoted to the Cardinalſhip, his Unckle inſiſting upon the merits of ſome perſons, and the ſervice they had done to the Church. The Nephew did what poſſible he could to put them out of his Holineſſes mind, and to recommend others that were in his head, if not in his purſe; and becauſe the Pope conſider'd his Paſtoral obligation, he would not turn from his reſolution, but to paciſie his Nephew, began with ſober and grave reaſons to demonſtrate the advantage that would accrue to his Family, by obliging perſons of that virtue and merit to his party. But the Nephew that was of another opinion, reply'd boldly to his Unckle, That be had no need of Cardinals but in the Conclave, ſo that it was of little importance to him whether his Creatures were virtuous or otherwiſe, if they were but wiſe enough to give their voices there.

I doubt not but if there are already none, there will be others of this opinion, and which is worſe, the Cardinals will not know what remedy to apply, the evil being ulcerated, and gone too far. But that would be done by the tryal of one ſingle medicine which ſhould be by renewing that Congregati in unum, not in unum with the Pope, but in unum with Chriſt; by ſerving the Church before the Pope, and the Flock of Chriſt before his Nephews; otherwiſe to repeat what I ſaid before, let their names be chang'd, and inſtead of Cardinals of the Holy Church, let them be call'd the Popes Cardinals, as indeed they are. If the Pope creates them for his own ſervice only, and his Nephews, let them not pretend to the Apoſtolick office; and if they be created for the Churches ſervice, why do they ſtick ſo cloſe to the intereſt of the Nephews? if the affairs of the world go on with the ſame viciſſitude as formerly, other things will be ſeen in time. However, either death muſt follow, or ſome remedy muſt be apply'd; a diſeaſe that increaſes ſo faſt, can never laſt long; but perhaps that which men are afraid to do, leſt they ſhould prejudice their own intereſt, may be done by God Almighty himſelf, who takes the only care of the intereſt of the Church.

I was upon a time in a Stationers Shop in Bolognia, in which they were diſcourſing of the inſatiable deſire the Nephews had of heaping up wealth, and of the careleſsneſs of the Cardinals in preſerving the Treaſure of the Church as they ought: and to ſpeak truth, I had a particular fancy to underſtand an expreſſion of an Academick of Bolognia, who ſaid the Cardinals were of three ſorts; the firſt, were ſuch as aim'd to be Popes, the ſecond, of meaner deſigns, and the third, the Princes. That the Cardinal Princes took that habit upon them, for the intereſt and advantage of their particular houſes, and took but little care of the Church, becauſe they had little from her but their bare Titles; the poorer and more intereſted Cardinals, look'd no further than the gaining of ſome Abbeys or Biſhopricks for their own conveniences, laying aſide all other conſiderations, leſt they might loſe their deſigns; the Cardinals that pretended to the Papacy (that they might not hazard that fortune that depended upon the votes of other people) would pretend not to ſee the Turks themſelves, ſhould they come to take poſſeſſion of the State. And of this opinion, I ſuppoſe there are many more in Rome, than in Bolognia.

But that which ſeems moſt ſtrange to me is, that the Cardinals ſhould have all the trouble, and the Nephews go away with the profit. That the Nephews break Treaties, and the Cardinals are left to make them up again. If there be any buſineſs of importance tranſacted in Rome, and it ſucceeds well, though done by the advice of the Cardinals, the Nephews have the honour of it; if the Nephews interrupt or break off any important Negotiation, without the knowledge of the Cardinals, the miſcarriage and diſgrace is taken from the Nephews, and imputed to the Cardinals; though the good Nephews do ordinarily declare and profeſs the ſpoyling, and perplexing of whatever they manage, to give the Cardinals the trouble to find out a remedy by their frequent conſultations, which they are forc'd to do, though to their very great affliction.

Paulus quintus (as a certain Politician of our time writes) being brought to an exigence in a buſineſs of great importance, by the ill conduct, or at leaſt, the ill fortune of the Cardinal Borgheſe his Nephew, in great melancholly and diſtreſs told him, Nephew, you have brought this affair into a very ill condition; to ſave your Reputation, it must be turn'd over to the Cardinals, if they can remedy it, it ſhall be our care to ſee you have the honour who began it ſo ill, and not the Cardinals that accompliſh'd it. Such Preſents as [Page] theſe the Popes Nephews ſend the Cardinals very often; though generally by their inſufficiencies they ruine what ever comes before them, and then ſend the buſineſs they have broken to pieces, to be patch'd up again in their Congregations and Conſiſtories.

The Cardinals are inrag'd, and like to burſt with indignation, and indeed they can do no leſs than be angry with thoſe that ruine their affairs, by not adviſing with them, or by thinking themſelves not oblig'd to do ſo; but when they conſider that the Cardinals their Predeceſſors took but little care of rectifying the ill wayes of the Court, they leave things at ſixes and ſevens as they found, according to the example of others that were before them.

The Nephews do but laugh and mock at all this, they live with that latitude and licentiouſneſs, as if there were neither God, nor Juſtice for them. If the Church has any thing that is good, they know how to make the profit on't; if any thing evil, let the Cardinals look to that. It is reported, that Donna Olimpia being in a fear one day that the Cardinals would not eſpouſe the intereſt of the Duke, out of animoſity to the Pope her Couſin, he pacify'd her with theſe words, Couſin, the Cardinals will be of our ſide in spight of their teeths, and defend the State for their own intereſt, although we would ruine it for ours.

Another Prelat, of a ſound Judgement, and Zeal towards the worſhip of God, and no leſs experienc'd in the Intrigues of the Court, was ask'd by a Gentleman of his acquaintance that travell'd with him, what it was the Cardinals did treat on in their Congregations, to which he anſwer'd, Sir, Let me adviſe you not to trouble your head about the actions or interest of that Court, for it is enough to confound the underſtanding of the moſt experienc'd Miniſter in the world: the leſs you know the better, yet in few words I will ſatisfie your curioſity; know then, that the Congregations (which are very numerous) ſerve only as a pretence to the Pope, whereby he would perſwade, that his affairs are manag'd with great prudence, ſeeing he has the judgement of ſo many Cardinals in Councel.

If an old Prelat of that Court ſpake in this manner to a ſtranger, it is a ſign he was well acquainted with the Intrigues of that City; and therefore there may ſome reflection be made upon thoſe words. There is certainly great difference betwixt ſaying, and doing, betwixt acting and adviſing: I believe really the Popes do conſult with the Cardinals, but they act with their Nephews; that is, if the Pope find the Councels of the Cardinals profitable to their Families, in the name of God their Councels are receiv'd, they are good Councels, and the Cardinals are commended as learned Councellors; but if it falls out on the other ſide, that the Cardinals to ſatisfie their Conſciences, adviſe any thing for the publique advantage of the Church, and of Chriſtendom, and contrary to the immoderate increaſe of Riches and Grandeur in the Nephews. In this caſe, the Popes laying aſide all reaſon, turn tayl upon the Councel of the Cardinals, and aſperſing them with inexperience, they call their Nephews to the Cabal, with whom they do not ſo much deliberate, as operate, in ſpight of whatever was propounded by the Cardinals; and which is worſe, the Popes in all theſe caſes pretend and excuſe themſelves with the advice of their Cardinals, though the buſineſs be reſolv'd with their Nephews only, and of this I ſhall give you an example.

Paul the fifth envying the Soveraign Authority that was given to the Venetian by God, Nature, and the liberality of the Emperors, and Popes, as ſoon as he had aſſum'd the Papacy, he began to ſearch out for wayes to ſubvert it, ſuppoſing by his threatning, to gain ſome part of his unjuſt pretenſions from that Commonwealth; and having a fair opportunity, by the means of ſome Eccleſiaſticks that were legally impriſon'd by the mature deliberation and prudence of that Senate, to bridle the inſolence of thoſe that pretended to be exempt from the Supremacy they had gain'd, with Sword in hand, in defence of the Chriſtian liberty. The good Pope thinking this a fair occaſion to diſgorge the hatred which he had kept ſo long in his ſtomach againſt this Republick, he began to thunder out his Excommunications and Interdictions againſt their Subjects, and the liberty of the Senate, without any regard to the trouble and diſquiet it gave, not to Italy only, but to all Europe, to ſee that Republick us'd at that rate, which God had ſo miraculouſly erected to be a Bulwark to Chriſtendom, a defence to the Liberties of the Italian Princes, a protection and re-eſtabliſhment to thoſe Popes that were chac'd out of [Page] Rome, and perſecuted by the Barbarians; the ornament of Europe, and the terrour of Aſia. The moſt Chriſtian King Henry the fourth, who had a particular eſteem for this Republick, diſpatch'd away an Ambaſſador Extraordinary, to divert his Holineſs from a Reſolution ſo dangerouſly prejudicial to the intereſt of the Publique. The Ambaſſador fail'd not to perform his duty with all ſincerity, and being one day in private diſcourſe with his Holineſs, he told him freely, He wondered how his Holineſs came to be ſo eaſily tranſported into a reſolution, that would be ſo tranſcendently prejudicial to the reputation of the Church. To which the Pope anſwer'd with ſome indignation, That that reſolution could not be call'd light, which came from the breaſt of Gods Vicegerent on Earth, and who was acted by Divine inſpiration, and aſſiſted by the counſell and deliberation of ſo many Cardinals. Thus do they ordinarily excuſe themſelves, thus do they pretend the advice of the Cardinals; thus are the guilty made innocent, and the innocent guilty. However if the Pope did really believe ſo, the Ambaſſador was of another opinion; he knew very well, that when his Holineſs call'd that Conſiſtory, in which Pope Paulus reſolution of Excommunicating the Venetian was for ſeveral dayes in debate, there were three factions of Cardinals; one of them deny'd abſolutely to concurr, and with good reaſons demonſtrated the Errour his Holineſs was in; the ſecond was of opinion to protract a while, to conſider more of it, and to try if by another means the Venetian might be brought to accommodate with his Holineſs his demands: The third faction (which conſiſted of Cardinals either created by him, or oblig'd to him for ſome Biſhopricks, Offices, or Preferments) gave their voices clearly for the Interdiction. Not but that they knew in their Conſciences the prejudice the Church would receive, and the danger of introducing ſome new Hereſie into Italy; but ſeeing the Pope reſolute, and impatient to be thundring his Excommunications amongſt them, to ſatisfie his deſigns, they ſtuck cloſe to him; and would have done the ſame to the detriment of the whole World, if the Pope had deſir'd it. And therefore it was that Paulus inſinuated, that he had done nothing but with the advice of his Cardinals; but he ſaid not, that he had follow'd the bad part of them, and neglected the good.

The caſe of Ʋrban the eighth is not much unlike it; he was a Pope otherwiſe of great worth, and had left a nobler memory of his actions, had he not (towards the end of his Papacy) obſcur'd the ſplendor of his labours, by ſuffering himſelf to be tranſported by the furious counſel of his Nephews, to a certain violence, deſtructive to the Eccleſiaſtical Decorum, the reputation of his own perſon, and the peace and repoſe of all Italy. I ſay, then when he undertook the invaſion of the Duke of Parma, who had deſerv'd very well of the Church; turning all Europe as it were top-ſi-turvy, and obliging all the Princes in Italy to ſtand upon their guard, againſt thoſe Armes that were taken up and manag'd with paſſion. Ʋrban at that time excus'd himſelf, with the ſame pretence that Paulus did, aſſuring all the Miniſters that were then in his Court, negotiating a Peace, That he was certain he had not erred, for beſides that as he was Chriſts Vicar he could not erre himſelf, he had not reſolv'd upon that War without the deliberation and advice of the whole Conſistory of Cardinals. Which thing was ſo ſaid, but not ſo done, for the leaſt thing that prevail'd with his Holineſs, was the opinion of his Cardinals, who with all the prayers and exhortations imaginable, beſeech'd him to deſiſt, laying before him the univerſal ſcandal it would give to all Chriſtendom, and the inſufferable calamities it would bring upon the people; but there was no room for ſuch arguments in the breaſt of the Pope, the Nephews had reſolv'd to turn the Croſs into a Sword, and the Rochet into a Mantle de la guerre; not at all regarding thoſe counſels that were inclining to peace. But let us leave this, and grant that that War was undertaken by the advice of the greateſt part of the Cardinals; Let it be as Ʋrban ſaid: but what then? ſhall the Pope be excuſable by that? or the Cardinals blam'd? Oh no: I affirm, that though the Cardinals had given their voices for the undertaking of that War, it would have been to be pardon'd. And that this is true, let us ſee what kind of Cardinals they were that were preſent when Ʋrban propos'd this War againſt the Duke of Parma? They were either Cardinals created at the inſtance of Franciſco, or Anthonio; Cardinals oblig'd for their Caps to the whole Houſe of the Barbarini. Now what could ſuch Cardinals do? deny to ſatisfie the deſires of the Barbarini, who had given them their [Page] Dignity? refuſe to give their voices for the War, if Franciſco and Anthonio recommended it? I know very well Reaſon ought to take place of Paſſion; that Gods intereſt is to be preferr'd before Mans; the univerſal advantage, to the particular; the honour of the Church, before any private perſon: and I know again, there is not any of the Cardinals ſo weak, but they know it; but the buſineſs is, the Eccleſiaſticks are fed with Fleſh, and not with Divinity: and the intereſt of this world outweighs the intereſt of the next, and the reaſon is, they are not Angels but Men.

Afterwards Alexander, who was (I ſpeak under the permiſſion of the Houſe of Chigi) Maſter of the turnings and equivocations, the jugglings and pretences that he us'd, underſtood this point better than the reſt; and ſome are of opinion, that for many years backward there was not to be found in the Vatican a Pope more inclin'd to Monarchy than he, taking no ſmall pleaſure in humouring and indulging himſelf, according to the dictates of his own fancy; nevertheleſs he broke the brains as it were of the Conſiſtories, and hourly tormented the Congregations, and by his uſual equivocations and falacies, he appear'd diſ-intereſted in all things, committing all things to the Councels of the Cardinals; in ſo much that in the beginning of his Papacy, there was a certain Cardinal ſo far deluded by his outward appearance, that he cry'd out one day in company where he was, God be prais'd we have at laſt found a Pope, that is a lover of good Councell. But when the ſack came to be ſhak'd, there was nothing but duſt; for whilſt he ſaid all the trouble upon the Cardinals, to lull and inebriate the World, he himſelf went away with the wealth, not deviating in the leaſt from the Capriccious Monarchy that was exercis'd by his Predeceſſors, unleſs it were in this, that he did it with more neatneſs and cunning. And indeed he not only left his Treaties, and matters of greateſt importance, to be lifted in the Congregations and Conſiſtories, but his common and more ordinary affairs; and yet he did but refer the cauſe from Herod to Pilate, by a Maxim of policy ſpun and contriv'd in his own brain. If the Judgements and Votes of the Cardinals did not agree with his deſires, though the buſineſs was determin'd and concluded in this Conſiſtory, or in that Congregation, he would ſtill refer it to another; but if they were ſuitable with his deſigns, then there was an end of the buſineſs, and the Cardinals diſcharg'd from any further trouble. In ſhort, Alexander made the affairs that were to be diſcuſs'd, to be ſo much tumbled and toſs'd in the Conſiſtories, that at laſt things would of neceſſity fall out as he would have them.

It happen'd one day a Conſiſtory being call'd, for I know not what buſineſs, already examin'd, and perhaps ſeveral times decided, two of the Cardinals going together to the ſaid Conſiſtory, and diſcourſing of the ſubject they were again to deliberate, the one ſaid to the other, The Pope will make us come and go in this manner, till we gueſs out his mind; 'tis better to make an end of it quickly and be at eaſe, then to let him tyre us out, and at laſt carry the victory. It is not ten months ſince I met in a Journey with two Roman Gentlemen, one a Prieſt, and the other a Secular, who were diſcourſing betwixt themſelves about the buſineſs of Castro, the Prieſt ſwearing that upon that ſingle ſubject, there had been more than two hundred Conſiſtories held; I who had already wrought my ſelf into the diſcourſe, (for to ſpeak truth when any thing is ſpoken of the intereſt of Rome, I open my ears as wide as is poſſible) had the curioſity to deſire the cauſe of it; to whom he anſwer'd like a true Roman, though not like a good Prieſt, You muſt know the Pope does nothing in Rome but what is conformable to his own deſigns, ſo that the Cardinals not all of them agreeing with his reſolutions in the buſineſs of Caſtro, the Pope to weary them out tumbles them up and down at that rate; and I am perſwaded there will never be an end of their Conſiſtories, till they comply with his Holineſs his pleaſure; and you ſhall yet ſee this affair of Caſtro brought about again to the Congregations and Conſistories, which is as much as to ſay, kept in a perpetual dependance in Rome. True it is, Alexander found out a good way to excuſe his obſtinacy, and in that he out-did both Innocent and Ʋrban; nor indeed was there ever any Pope knew better how to wynde himſelf out, and throw the fault upon the backs of the Congregations and Conſiſtories. When that infamous affront was offer'd to the perſons of the Duke and Dutcheſs of Crequy, the King of France being himſelf injur'd in the perſon of his Ambaſſador, writ many Letters full of reſentment, and amongſt the reſt one to the Queen of Sweden, which is inſerted [Page] at large in the Nepotiſmo, complaining not ſo much of the Pope as Pope, as of Alexander and Fabius, that is to ſay, of his Kindred. A Cardinal of no ſmall authority and zeal being inform'd of it, forbore not upon a good occaſion to ſpeak to the Pope himſelf in theſe words; Moſt Holy Father, his most Chriſtian Majesty does not complain of your perſon who is Chriſts Vicar, and Head of the Church ſo much as of your Brother and Nephews, who have too great inj [...]unce upon you. Alexander anſwer'd, That he had not receiv'd his Kindred into Rome but upon the perſwaſions of the Sacred Colledge. Which being told the Cardinal Albici when he was at his Table, he reply'd in the abſence of the Pope, what the other Cardinal omitted in his preſence, That 'tis true the Holy Colledge had entreated him to bring his Nephews to Rome, but not to deſtroy both Rome, and the Church too, to advance them. All this was told me by a Gentleman of credit that was then preſent in the Cardinal Albici's Chamber when the words were ſpoke; and it is no hard matter to believe it, to them that know the humour of his Eminence, who freely diſcharges himſelf of whatever is in his mind, and juſtifies reaſon in ſpight of the World.

It muſt needs be confeſs'd then, having ſo many examples to corroborate, and ſo many experiments to atteſt it, that the Popes uſe the Cardinals in the Government of the Church for a pretence, and no otherwiſe, laying the fault upon thoſe Cardinals rather that comply with the deſires of the Pope, than upon themſelves that act according to the pleaſures of their Nephews, or for ſatisfaction of their own private paſſions. Of this kind of proceeding I dare not for my part accuſe the Popes, who are forc'd to do what they can for the preſervation of their Monarchy: But the Cardinals I dare, who can ſo eaſily ſuffer themſelves to be robb'd of their Authority, be contented to take Eggs (as it were) for their money, and either out of meer puſillanimity, or ſome other thing, part with that which is legally their own, and permit their private paſſions to over-rule the intereſt of the Publique.

The Church without doubt would be a hundred times better ſerv'd, and the Court in greater eſteem, if the Cardinals would reſtrain the Nephews, and not [...]nff [...]r the Pope to operate as he pleaſes. When the attempt was made upon the Duke of Crequy, his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty (ſuppoſing it able to oblige the Pope to give him a proportionable reparation) apply'd himſelf to the Sacred Colledge for redreſs, and his Letter was exactly as follows.

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Couſin,

THe aſſault that was made the twentieth Currant upon the perſon of my Couſin the Duke of Crequy, my Ambaſſador Extraordinary, his Lady, and all the French the Corſi of Rome could meet with in the Streets that day, is an enormity ſo great in all its circumstances, that perhaps in no time, nor place, even amongst the Barbarians themſelves, can an inſtance be found in which the jus Gentium hath been with ſo much inhumanity violated and abus'd: And for as much as your Eminence is a Member of that Sacred Body, that is the natural Councel of the Popes, I have encharged Monſignor Burlemont, Auditor of the Rota, to wait upon you in this conjuncture, and acquaint you with my reſentment of ſo great an offence, to the end that by your interpoſition, (which I doubt not but you will willingly undertake as far as you ſhall be able) I may receive a ſatisfaction adequate to the quality and extravagance of the affront. But if your Eminences good offices ſhould happen to be ineffectual, they ſhall not be imputed to me (after this application) whatever miſchiefs or calamities ſhall happen, aſſuring my ſelf I ſhall be excuſable both to God▪ and to Man, whatever the conſequences be; and thus referring the reſt to what Mr. Burlemont will preſent to you by word of mouth, I beſeech God my good Couſin to preſerve you in his holy favour.

LEWIS.

St. Germans en Ley, 20 Aug. 1662.

De Lominie.

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This Letter was read and deliberated in the Sacred Colledge, but only in the particulars relating to the ſatisfying of the King, not in his Majeſties Complement in theſe words, Of the Sacred Colledge which is the Natural Councel of the Popes. The Cardinals [Page] ſpent no long time in reflecting upon that which was the principal point, and ought well to have been conſider'd, becauſe when one of the greateſt Monarchs in Chriſtendom does Canonize the Sacred Colledge for the Natural Councel of the Popes, what is it but to remember and excite them to maintain that Station God Almighty has plac'd them in, that is, to have a care the Popes uſurp not an abſolute authority over the Church, and that they do not, and undo not at their pleaſure, without any reſpect to the quality of the perſon they offend. What is natural to the Church, is by ſpecial favour from God, if the Councel of Cardinals be the natural Councel of the Popes, the Popes ought not to uſurp any juriſdiction over the Cardinals, ſo as not being at any time ſubordinate to the Popes, when they are united and aſſembled in the Sacred Colledge, it muſt of neceſſity be granted that the Popes are inferiour to that Councel, ſo that the Cardinals as Members of a Supreme Councel, and depending only upon the power of God, and the protection of Princes, are oblig'd to conſtrain the Popes to an obedience of thoſe Councels, that proceed from that Councel that indeed is natural. But the Cardinals will not underſtand this, but turning the Natural Councel into a Baſtard, they adviſe nothing that in their Conſciences they think neceſſary for the Service of God, for the Honour of the Church, or the Repoſe of the Faithfull, but only ſift out the Councels, Advices, Sentences, and Opinions of their Popes, and then making their Decrees as they deſire them, they take but little care of the reſt, not that they want good will, but courage, and audacity, to put that good will in execution, which is a thing ſo prejudicial to their Grandeur, that it detracts and leſſens their dignity. This I am ſure of, that would they once take up a reſolution of reſuming that authority they formerly injoy'd, and renounce the Tyranny of the Nephews, the greateſt Princes of Chriſtendom would take their parts, and provide them with all manner of aſſiſtance. But let us ſee the Cardinals Anſwer to the Kings Letter, which in my judgement will not improperly be inſerted in this place.

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Moſt Chriſtian and moſt Royal Sir,

I Am very ſenſible of the tranſcendant favour your Majeſty has done me, in vouchſafing to impart to me your reſentment for the unhappy accident betwixt the Corſes, and certain of the Duke of Crequy's train; beſides the honour you have done me by the benigne confidence expreſs'd in your Letter, and by the mouth of Mr. Burlemont, your Majeſty has alſo given me occaſion with all reverence to repreſent the great diſpleaſure conceived by our whole Court, but more eſpecially his Holineſs, in whoſe heart there is already ſo great an impreſſion of eſteem, and ſo tender an affection for your Majesty, produc'd and augmented by ſo many glorious actions, ſo many perpetual teſtimonies of your Valour and Piety, in demoliſhing the Garriſons of the Hereticks, and ſhutting their Churches in places under their command: ſo that his Holineſs could not evidence with more paternal demonſtration the diſguſt that action has given him; which he has not only declar' [...] publiquely in his Briefs upon that occaſion, but in the Conſiſtory alſo, and in his private diſcourſe, but much more in his actions, bending all his thoughts to your Majeſties ſatisfaction, as he has alwayes deſigned. I hope therefore your Majeſty, with your wonted generoſity, will reflect upon the just motives, and remain ſatisfied even for the intire quiet and conſolation of your Servants, amongſt which, I being not inferiour to any in point of obſervance, neither have, nor will fail in my obedience to your Majeſty, nor in imploying my ſelf to the utmoſt of my abilities in your Majeſties Service. On the other ſide likewiſe I ſhall rejoyce, if in your Majeſties reſolutions, your Majeſties Royal Bounty and Prudence does more and more ſhew. So that to make me perfectly happy, there remains nothing but your Majesties freſh commands, which I moſt obſequiouſly do beg of your Majeſty, and make my moſt humble Obeiſance.

Rome the 24. of Sept. 1662.

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Had theſe Cardinals have been to write in Paris, as they were in Rome, the Letter would perhaps have been otherwiſe, and not have flatter'd his Holineſs as it did; and indeed in any publique Conflagration, people run with water, and not with wood. Yet it is no ſuch wonder to me, that the Cardinals ſided with the Pope, as that they rob themſelves of their authority, and make ſhow of certain independency, giving the world [Page] to underſtand, that the compoſure and accommodation of the buſineſs belong'd wholly to the Pope. There would not ſo many ſcandalous offences be committed in Rome; there would not be ſo many Murthers in the State; the Church would not be ha [...]ra [...]'d as it is, nor thouſands of Families run away from the Tyranny of the Popes; the Court would not ſwarm ſo much with diſſolute and ignorant perſons, nor the people be ſo deplorably miſerable; Virtue would not be baniſh'd the Vatican, nor Flattery received into the Capital; Miters would not be beſtow'd upon Aſſes, nor Monkeys introduc'd into the Colledge; Caps would not be ſold at that rate, nor Offices conferr'd upon him that bids moſt; in ſhort, all things would go well, if the Cardinals would exerciſe the authority that God has given them, and not depend upon the Humour, and Capriccio of this Nephew, or of that; did the Popes ſee the Cardinals vigilant over their actions; were they ſure of their diligence and ſincerity towards the well governing of the Church, they would conſider of it a hundred times before they would call their Kindred to Rome, and put their whole Dominion into their hands; they would make many a ſerious reflection before they would diſoblige any Prince, and not ſuffer themſelves to be drawn by their Nephews into the diſpleaſure of one or the other. But in ſhort, if they meet no impediment, if they ſee the Cardinals loytering and aſleep, why ſhould they go about to ſatisfie their wills. Whilſt the Popes are ſure to have the Cadinals Canonize their errours, why ſhould they forbear to commit them.

I ſhall tell one Story very lamentable for the Catholick Church, though in this only, that it makes ſport for the ignorant and pragmatick Hereticks; for thoſe of better judgement, are troubled at any miſery that befalls the Catholicks, and which is more, do give God thanks when he delivers them from any extraordinary calamity; but becauſe what I am about to ſay, is ſufficient to break a mans heart, I ſhall for this reaſon accompany it with ſuch examples and arguments, as I have been able to draw from the diſcourſe of ſome perſons it was my fortune to be amongſt, and particularly two Divines, but both marry'd, which is enough to prove they were no Catholicks.

Theſe two reading of a Gazet one day (do not wonder kind Reader if I ſay they were reading a Gazet, for we live in an age in which the Eccleſiasticks ſpend more time about the affairs of the world, than about their Sermons; and of this ſort I knew one my ſelf, that in publique was reſerv'd and grave, and in company a very honeſt man; however he privately tranſlated out of Italian into French, a book ſo Prophane and Satyrical, that even the worſt of Chriſtians are afraid to read it) theſe two Preachers then being reading a Gazet, in the time of the vacancy of the See, they found in it, That the Cardinals had concluded upon certain Ordinances and Rules to be obſerv'd by the Pope, when he ſhall be created, and that they had propounded in the Veſtry of Saint Peter the aboliſhment of the Nipotiſmo. One of the two (which was he that was attending) with a grave voice, that ſeem'd to proceed from a heart full of zeal, ſaid, God Almighty remove thoſe good thoughts out of the minds of the Cardinals, for the ſcandals of their Church, are the edi [...]ications of ours; diſturbances in their Church, giving ours repoſe.

He that has ears to hear let him hear, he that has zeal enough to make reflection upon theſe words, let him make it, whilſt I betake my ſelf to more deep conſiderations. It is not above a hundred and ſixty years, ſince this Nipotiſmo began to Lord it over the Church and the Cardinals in Rome.

They inſinuated by degrees, and multiply'd their authority dayly to that paſs, that at preſent of a cuſtom, it is become a neceſſity; there being little difference either in their Grandeur or Command, betwixt a Pope and a Nephew; ſo ſtrangely is their Majeſty confounded.

About the ſame time Luther, and Calvin, one after another began to appear, preaching with great vehemence againſt the errors of the Catholick Church, and the exorbitant covetouſneſs of thoſe that govern'd it, and in a ſhort time putting the whole world into diſorder, introducing Reformations in thoſe very Kingdoms that were thought the moſt Catholick.

Againſt this Torrent that ran down with great Victory and Triumph, the Emperour Charles the fifth thought good to oppoſe his zeal, perhaps more ambitious of gaining Succeſs to his arms, than Provinces to the Pope; ſo that with his Sword in his hand, Tryumphing [Page] thorough Germany, he conquer'd their Captains, but not their Preachers; he ſubdued their Soldiers, but not their Conſciences; the Reformiſts increaſing every day.

It was not Luther and Calvin only that oppos'd themſelves againſt the abuſes in the Church, or that made themſelves heads of the Religious, and Reformiſts. There were other perſons that appear'd, of greater learning, of better extraction, and of more eminence and credit. Nevertheleſs the Popes of thoſe times knew how to find a remedy, and with moſt accurate diligence they hindred its growth, cruſhing the Brat as it were in the Cradle. And yet the Popes then had not ſo many thouſands of men, were not in that eſteem amongſt the Princes, had not ſo many Cities and Provinces under their Dominion, nor ſo many thouſand Crowns to expend, nor in ſhort, made uſe of their Spiritual and Temporal arms ſo eaſily.

And O God, who is it that can dive into the ſecrets of Heaven, or underſtand why the Church ſhould in its poverty be able to oppoſe it ſelf to the very face of its Perſecutors, and ſo weak and unable now the Popes are grown rich, to put a ſtop to an inundation, that ſprang from ſo ſmall a beginning? Oh God, why have the Popes, that pretend to an univerſal Monarchy, given place and ſubmitted to too weak and unarmed men? that their hearts ſhould be able to endure to ſee themſelves devour'd without ſo much as ſpeaking a word? that they ſhould be contented to condeſcend though with ſhame, rather than to contend with honour.

In this condition do things ſtand, though it ought to be otherwiſe; did not our experience teach us all this, it would very hardly be believ'd; did not example confirm our Faith, our Faith would ſtagger to believe it; did not our eyes behold the Enemies of Rome multiply'd daily, and Rome it ſelf neglected, theſe relations would be counted falſe, though they be never ſo true.

But let admiration ceaſe, when reaſon appears; the minds of the faithful are diſturb'd, and wander in the very ſight of that light that directs them. Let all amazement ceaſe, ſeeing the cauſe of theſe ev [...]s is ſo manifeſt. He that would know why the Popes for ſo many ages have ſhewn themſelves ſo zealous in defence of the Church that is committed to their cuſtody; let him go no further than Rome; Let him viſit the Coffers of the Popes, and he ſhall ſee that, and the reaſon why (being really beſotted and aſleep, notwithſtanding their pretences of vigilance) they have been this hundred and fifty years purging the Church of Chriſt of ſo many Perſecutors, to the great ſcandal of Chriſtendome, and the great deriſion of the Hereticks.

Before the ſaid hundred and fifty years, the Popes had no other thoughts than the eſpouſing the intereſt of the Church; ſo far have ſome of them been from preferring their own Families, that they would ſooner have expos'd all their Kindred to the greateſt misfortune, than in the leaſt have been deficient in their Paſtoral Cure. As ſoon as they were ſenſible of any new Hereſie that was broach'd, they ſtirr'd up immediately zeal in their breaſts, and indignation in their hearts, they united their Prayers, ſent Ambaſſadors every where, and open'd their Treaſures of Indulgences to the Reformiſts, and of Gold to the Soldiers.

The people being fortify'd in this manner, and the Princes excited, they cheerfully drew their Swords againſt the Hereticks, poſtponing their own, to defend the intereſt of Chriſt. They glory'd in expoſing themſelves to a thouſand inconveniencies and diſaſters, and to ſpend their bloods in the preſervation of the Chriſtian Faith. They emptied their Cheſts of their Treaſure, to repleniſh the Flock of Chriſt. They rais'd Armies of Chriſtians, to deſtroy the barbarous Enemies of Chriſtendome. And in a word, they thought of nothing but following the example of thoſe Biſhops, that follow'd the example of Chriſt.

But for theſe hundred and fifty years laſt paſt, things have gone clear otherwiſe; the Princes are grown cold, the Infidels multiply'd, the Hereticks increas'd, the Credit of the Clergy diminiſh'd, and the Church on all ſides afflicted; and why ſo? becauſe the Popes, of Paſtors of Chriſts Flock, being become Monarchs of the Church▪ have had no other thoughts but to make Princes of their Nephews; caſting off Gods Intereſt, leſt they ſhould deſtroy the Intereſt of their Kindred.

Hiſtory does ſhew us (as the curious may obſerve in a hundred places) and clearly [Page] evince, that for the ſpace of fifteen ages, the Princes took a pride to ſpend their Treaſure in oppoſition of thoſe that oppos'd the Religion of Chriſt: the reaſon that excited them, was the example of the Popes, who having but little, gave all they had notwithſtanding, to the ſupply and reimburſement of thoſe Princes that imploy'd theirs againſt the Enemies of Chriſt. And in truth, till within theſe fifteen hundred years, the Emperours, Kings, Princes, and Commonwealths, did ſtrive and contend to joyn themſelves in Leagues with the Popes, againſt the Hereticks and Infidels; and rejoyc'd more to be acknowledg'd Defendors of the Faith, and Perſecutors of the Infidels with their Swords in their hands, than Princes with their Scepters; and the ſame glory the Popes took likewiſe, not ſpending their dayes in pleaſure in their Caſtle of Gondolfo, nor ſtrutting in their Gardens of Monte Cavallo, but in ſolliciting and uniting the Princes in a League againſt the Infidels, offering on their part for their ſupply, not only to ſell their Conſecrated Veſſels from their Altars, but their very Clothes from their backs. But how comes it, things being thus manag'd, that the Armes of the Chriſtians advanc'd not victoriouſly to the fartheſt extremities of Aſia? How could Hereſie reign ſo long, if the Sword of the Catholicks was alwayes ready drawn againſt it?

But one may ask here, how it comes to paſs that the zeal of the Princes is grown ſo cold, ſeeing that for a hundred and fifty years laſt paſt, they have been more ready to perſecute the intereſt of the Popes, than to defend the Faith of Chriſt. To this it may be anſwer'd, That the Princes are grown cold, becauſe the Popes are ſo; whilſt they were zealous for the good of the Church, ſo were the Princes; but ſince they began to throw Religion behind their backs, and give themſelves over to the aggrandizement of their Nephews; ſince they began to empty the Coffers of the Church, to fill the bags of their own Kindred, the Princes are fallen off, as not conceiving it prudence to ſtrip themſelves of their Clothes, to cover the nakedneſs of that Church, that is robb'd and diſpoil'd by the Popes her Governours, or to ſupply their Nephews, who are Enemies to the Princes.

It would certainly be ridiculous, not only to the Infidels, but to the Chriſtians themſelves, ſhould the Princes ſuffer the Nephews of the Popes in Rome, to batten with the Blood of Chriſt; and they conſume the Treaſure of their Subjects, in making War upon thoſe that do not ſo much miſchief to the Popes, as their Nephews do to all Chriſtendom.

When the Knights of Malta took the Grand Sultaneſs, (which was the occaſion without doubt of the War with the Venetian) I was preſent in Rome, where they diſcours'd generally, that the Turks would not fail to be reveng'd, to the detriment of all Chriſtendom. And one day above all the reſt, as they were talking in this manner, a certain Roman adventur'd to ſay in theſe very words: I would to Heavens the Turks would take Rome; for 'tis moſt certain the Slaves in Conſtantinople are better treated by the Grand Signiour, than the poor free▪ born Romans are in Rome.

And another diſcourſing likewiſe upon the ſame ſubject, in the company (amongſt the reſt) of a Prelate that was diſcontented, and talking that there was a neceſſity of the Princes joyning in a firm League againſt the Turk; the Roman reply'd, That it would be a better deed to drive the Nephews out of Rome, than the Turk out of Conſtantinople, becauſe the Turk had never done ſo much miſchief to Chriſtendom, as the Nephews had done to the Church.

A Friend of mine had the curioſity to calculate the Money that has been given to the Nephews, and he began at the year 1500. and after a great deal of pains, he found iſſuing from the Treaſury of the Church, above ſeventy Millions of double Ducats, all deliver'd into the hands of their Kindred; and this is to be underſtood of viſible Moneys, for of private and inviſible ſums there may perhaps be twenty Millions more: And thoſe Romans that are within the Town, and have more time to caſt up what has been extorted from them, if they would take the pains to examine it more ſtrictly, I am ſatisfi'd would find it much more.

Now if theſe ſeventy Millions of double Ducats had been ſpent in perſecuting Hereticks, or in making War upon Infidels, where would any Infidels be? where would any Hereticks be? Thoſe ſeventy Millions would have been enough to have over-run all [Page] Aſia. And (which is of importance too) the Princes would have contributed as much more, had they ſeen the Popes more tenacious againſt their Kindred, and more free to the Souldiers that were fighting for Chriſt.

The Proteſtants apply all this to a Miracle of the Divine providence; for God Almighty, ſay they, began to ſend Popes that were zealous and paſſionate for the enrichment of their Kindred, from the very time the Reformiſts began to appear, to the end that the Popes having given all to their Nephews, and wanting money, they ſhould have no mind to aſſiſt thoſe Princes that would willingly have made War againſt the Reformiſts; and hence it was that it was ſaid by the Miniſter that read the Gazet, That he deſir'd that God would put it out of the minds of the Cardinals, to oblige the Pope to turn the Nipotiſme out of Rome. And not without reaſon, as fearing thoſe great Sums that have been robb'd from the Church, and hoarded up by the Nephews, ſhould be imploy'd afterwards to their ruine and deſtruction. I leave it to the zeal of the Cardinals to make reflection, who if they cannot obtain from the Popes that no more moneys of the Church be given to the Nephews, let them at leaſt prevail ſo far, as that they would pretend no longer to any Wars with the Hereticks and Turks, which would be more reputation to the Church, and give leſs ſcandal to the Catholicks: Who are engag'd upon any tydings of War with the Hereticks, and in that rapture cry out, How a Devil ſhould we make War with the Hereticks, whilst the Nephews run away with the means, applying that money to their private uſe▪ that was given by the Faithfull for maintenance of the Chriſtian Religion, and the deſtruction of the Enemies of Christ.

Hundreds of Examples we have to confirm theſe opinions; What Succours were ſent to the Emperor Ferdinand (who was then fighting againſt the Proteſtants in Germany) by Pope Ʋrban? plenary Indulgences, hortatory Epiſtles, and dilatory Excuſes: Yet it is certain there never went in all the times above 200000 Crowns in ready money, and moſt of that was kept in the hands of the Nuntioes, or Merchants; and whenever his Imperial Majeſty demanded ſupply, he was anſwer'd with pittiful Remonſtrances, and tedious Repreſentations of the miſerable Eſtate of the Church, the poverty of the people, and the emptineſs of their Treaſury. However the Barbarini were in Rome at the ſame time, and enjoy'd an annual rent of 400000 Crowns, and yet in a War of that importance to the Catholick Religion, they could not find above 40000. But oh God! (I ſpeak it with tears in my eyes) againſt the moſt Catholick Princes of Italy, whole Millions were nothing; they could turn the Croſs into a Sword, to revenge their particular injuries; but in relief of the Emperor, who was vindicating the Chriſtian Faith againſt the Enemies thereof, they could not find ſo much as a few Hundreds.

Innocent the tenth, to ſatisfie the fancy of a Kinſwoman, ſpent a hundred thouſand Crowns upon a Fountain, yet with great difficulty could ſcarce find 40000 for the ſupply of the Emperor, who ſeeing himſelf abandon'd by his Holineſs in his Wars with the Proteſtants, he was forc'd to patch up a Peace, with no ſmall diſadvantage to the Catholick Religion. And yet this good Pope could leave to his Couſin, to the Houſe of Pamphilia, and other Houſes allied to that, above eight Millions of Crowns, with which ſums they flouriſh in Rome to this very day.

The ſame ſtory is reported of the King of Poland, beſieg'd as one may ſay by the Proteſtants of that Kingdom, and brought to a neceſſity of lo [...]ing that Crown from the Catholicks, or the Catholick Religion from that Crown: And yet for all this both Ʋrban and Innocent thought of nothing leſs than relieving him, becauſe perhaps the Religion of the Nephews (which was nothing but riches and honour) was dearer to him than the Religion of Chriſt. In ſhort, (and let thoſe Paraſites not proſper that write the contrary) the Church of God was never ſo harraſs'd in Poland and Germany, as in the time of thoſe Popes. Not that the Emperor wanted heart, or the King of Poland courage, but becauſe they ſaw the Pipes (that convey'd the Supplys formerly from Rome) broken and cut off, and thoſe two Popes reſolv'd to ſpin out and protract the War, with bare hopes of relief; that they might not bring the reſt of the Catholicks into an extremity of miſery, they concluded to leave the Church of Rome to its ſelf, and make the beſt uſe of their own policies, though to the prejudice of Religion, ſeeing Rome took no care of the Church, nor the Popes of any thing but their Nephews: He that hath judgement, [Page] and zeal, and underſtands affairs, let him correct me if I ſpeak amiſs.

But what ſhall I ſay of the Venetians, who have ſpent the deareſt blood of their Citizens in defence of the Faith, of Religion, of Chriſt, and even of the Popes themſelves, and yet many times for all that have they been deſerted, and perſecuted by the Popes; of which ingratitude I ſhall not ſpeak much in this place, as hoping for the conſolation of all zealous Catholicks to publiſh ere long a Book entitled, The ingratitude of Princes towards the ſole Virgin of Chriſtendome.

This Republique, that for the Glory of God, and the Benefit of the Church, undertook ſo memorable a War againſt the Emperour Frederick, and all to reſtore the Vicar of Chriſt to the Apoſtolick Chair, out of which he had been chas'd, could not notwithſtanding obtain for the maintenance of its Armies imploy'd againſt the Enemies of Chriſtianity, any thing but a pittance of ſupply drawn by Prayers and Supplications, not from the purſe of the Popes, who had ſworn to beſtow all the Riches of the Church upon their Nephews, but from the tears of the Eccleſiaſticks that were deſtroy'd.

To that Republique that ſpent ten millions of Crowns and more, in two years time for the Service of his Holineſs in a War againſt Frederick the Emperour, the Popes ought in all reaſon to have given at leaſt two millions in ten years; that thoſe Senators that want neither courage, nor zeal, might have been completely inabl'd to have defended the Intereſt of Chriſt. Oh God! to what purpoſe will they keep ſo many Jewels at Loretto, ſo much conſecrated Plate in Rome, ſo many Abbeys for their Nephews, ſo many Benefices for the Cardinals, ſo much Wealth for the Popes; if abandoning this Commonwealth, and refuſing it that Humane ſupply that is neceſſary for the maintenance of the Celeſtial Glory, it be conſtrain'd to ſubmit and truckle to the Ottoman power, which threatens it now with its greateſt effect. If the Wealth of the Popes be devour'd, the Benefices of the Cardinals given to the Prieſt of Mahomet, the Abbeys of the Nephews uſurp'd by the Turks, the Sacred Veſſells in Rome prophan'd by thoſe Infidels, and the Seraglio adorn'd with the Gemms of Loretto. God grant my eyes may never ſee that ſpectacle.

Againſt this, your zeal, moſt eminent Princes, againſt this you care, is to watch. In our dayes (or rather) yours, we have ſeen the victorious Swede entring into Germany to the great detriment of the Catholicks, becauſe the Popes were pleas'd to have it ſo, that fatten'd up their Nephews with that nouriſhment, that ought to have been reſerv'd for the beating back the Swede to the very walls of Stockholme. God grant, that for want of our utmoſt aſſiſtance the Turk be not ſeen triumphing in the middle of Italy, nay of Rome it ſelf.

The Ottoman Emperour knows very well that Popes think of nothing but ſhearing the Flock of Chriſt, and giving the Wool to their Nephews; and this it is that ſecures the Turk that little aſſiſtance is to be expected from the Popes, and leſs from the Princes; concluding rationally enough, that the Princes will not do much, when the Popes that are Chriſts Vicars, do ſo little for his ſervice.

The Infidels laugh, and the Hereticks rejoyce, to ſee the Wealth of the Church ſo irreligiouſly devour'd, whilſt the poor Chriſtian weeps at their merriment. They know they are ſafe enough for having any more Leagues made againſt them; and underſtand the emulations and diſſentions amongſt the Cardinals. The Proteſtants are much more liberal of their utmoſt ſupplyes to thoſe Princes that make War upon the Catholicks, than the Popes are of their aſſiſtance to thoſe that fight againſt the Proteſtants: and from hence it is, the Turks are ſo victorious over the Chriſtians, and the Hereticks over the Catholicks at this day. That heat and paſſion which the Popes ſhew hourly for their Nephews; to gain Principalities for them, to beſtow Penſion upon Penſion upon them, to build Pallace upon Pallace for them, and to fill their Coffers with Treaſure to the Brims, is that which cools the reſolutions of the zealouſeſt Prince, and exaſperates the Infidels in their wicked deſigns. A great ſhame it is indeed, that the Hereticks ſhould have more ground to accuſe the Catholicks, than the Catholick has to impeach the Heretick. And of this the Cardinals are oblig'd ſeriouſly to conſider, as perſons thought worthy to be Members of that Sacred Body, that is, the Natural Councel of the Vicar of Chriſt.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

[Page]

PART II.

BOOK II.

The Contents.

In which ſeveral particularities of the magnificence of the Colledge of Cardinals are treated. Of the manner in which the Popes have endeavour'd to debaſe the Cardinalitial Majeſty Of the ill uſage Cardinal Aſtalli receiv'd of Innocent the tenth. Of a remarkable ſaying of a certain Cardinal, upon the ill uſage the Cardinals receive from the Popes. Of certain Popes that have had thoughts of encreaſing the number of Cardinals to a hundred, and the cauſes that mov'd them thereunto. Of certain politick reaſons, about this advancement, and diminution. Of the cauſes why the Popes delay to make Promotions till towards the latter end of their dayes. Of the reaſons that mov'd Urban the eighth to continue ſeven years without creating one Cardinal. Of the industry of the Nephews in raiſing their Fortunes, and procuring wealth to their Families. A parallel betwixt the Families of the Medici and Barbarini, in the time that Florence was a Republick. Of the ſmall esteem they had at Rome, before the creation of Urban. Of the promotion [Page] of Franciſco Barbarino to the Cardinalſhip. Of the time that Urban alone govern'd the Monarchy of the Church. Of the cauſes that mov'd him to leave the whole Dominion in the hands of his Nephews. Of the natural inclination of the Romans to count all the Popes Nephews Devils. Of the number of voices Cardinal Franciſco had in one ſcrutiny. Of the falſe opinion ſome people had, that Cardinal Franciſco bought the Papacy in the laſt Conclave, with the diſburſment of a round ſum of money. Of Cardinal Ginetti, of the difference of his manners and inclinations, from Cardinal Barbarino's. Of his immoderate covetouſneſs. Of the Vicarſhip, and other Benefices conferr'd upon him by Pope Urban the eighth. Of the number of Nephews that he hath, and of their virtues and vices. Of ſome particulars of Cardinal d'Arach, and how little he was regarded in the Court of Rome. Of his zeal in the reprehenſion of the iniquities of that Court, in their ſecret Congregations. Of Cardinal Antonio Barbarino, and the reaſon why he was call'd Romano. Of the Dignities conferr'd upon him before his Cardinalſhip. Of his inclination towards Women. Of the prudence he us'd in defence of the French Intereſt. Of the grëat ſeverity Cardinal Palotta us'd in his adminiſtrations of juſtice. Of his ſentencing Cecca Buffona, a famous Courtezan, and Cardinal Anthonio's Miſtreſs, to be whipp'd. Of the animoſities it begot, and the great perſecutions that follow'd thereupon. Of the diſ-intere [...]t he ſhew'd towards the Crowns. Of the manner how Cardinal Brancaccio obtain'd the Cap. Of a notable ſaying of a witty man. Of the great number of his Kindred. Of the aſſiduity wherewith Cardinal Carpegna was alwayes ready to ſerve the Barbarini. Of his humour that was ſomething melancholly. Of one of his Brothers call'd Don Mario. Of the difference betwixt the Youth, and the Age of Cardinal Durazzo. Of the way by which he arriv'd at the Cardinalſhip. Of his affability in converſation, and other particulars of his nature. Of his death. Of the advancement of Mr. Julio Gabrielli, from being Clerk of the Chamber, to the Cardinalſhip. Of his Biſhoprick of Aſcoli, and his Legation from Urban. Of his nature, and his ignorance in letters. Of the great merit of the Houſe of Urſino, and the promotion of Virginio Urſino to the Cardinalſhip. Of his protection of Portugal, and the great ardour with which he defended the Intereſt of France. Of the good life of Cardinal d'Eſte. Of his art in equivocating, and his affability in converſation. Of Cardinal Facchinetti, and his reputation in the Colledge. Of Urbans promotion of Girolamo Grimaldi, a Genoeſe, to the Cardinalſhip. Of the eſteem they had for him in the Court of Rome, and in Paris. Of Cardinal Roſetti, and his Negotiation into England. Of that which exalted Cardinal Donghi to the Cardinalſhip, and of the reputation he got in his Legation to Ferrara. Of the principal cauſes that mov'd the Pope to conferr a Cap upon Monſignor Rondanini. Of the fortune Nicolo Ludoviſi had to he advanc'd to the Cardinalſhip, and other particulars of his nature. Of the kindneſs Innocent had for the Cardinal Cibo, and of the eſteem he had in the Court for his good behaviour. Of the great reſpect and reputation Cardinal Sforza is in. Of his humour, that has more of a Souldier in it, than of a Prelate. Of the Cap that was given to Cardinal Odeſcalco, upon the importunity of Donna Olimpia, and of the opinion they have of him at the Court. Of the promotion of Monſignor Raggi to the Cardinalſhip, [Page] of his comportment, and what they thought of him at Court before his promotion. Of Cardinal Maldachini his humour, his promotion, and other particulars of his life. Of the promotion and Perſecution of Cardinal Rhetz. Of the ambition Cardinal Homodei had for the Cardinalſhip, and of his virtues. Of Cardinal Ottobuono, and his qualities. Of the Cardinal Imperial, and his qualities. Of Cardinal Borromeo, and of his promotion. Of Cardinal Santa Croce. Of the Cardinal d'Haſſia. Of the Cardinal Charles Barbarino. Of the Cardinal Spada. Of Cardinal Albici. Of Cardinal Aquaviva. Of Cardinal Pio. Of Cardinal Gualtieri. Of Cardinal Azolini, and ſeveral particulars of the Cardinals aforeſaid. Of the number of Cardinals created by Pope Urban the eight. Of the ſaying of a great Wit upon the number of thoſe Cardinals. Of the number of Cardinals created by Pope Innocent. Of the principal end the Popes ought to have in the promotion of Cardinals. Of the cauſes that render the Court of Rome ſo Majestick. Of the opinion of a Tuſcan Gentleman thereupon. Of the glory wherewith Innocent began his promotions. Of the Cardinal Princes created by Innocent the tenth. Of the little inclination Urban had for the creation of Cardinal Princes, and the diſguſt given to the creatures of Paul the fifth. Of the zeal wherewith Alexander the ſeventh began his Papacy. Of his intention at firſt to make many Cardinal Princes. Of the diſcourſe he held thereupon with his Domeſtiques. Of the power given to Signour Majetta Ambaſsador from the Duke of Savoy. Of the miſery the Colledge is in at this preſent, for not having a greater number of Cardinal Princes. Of the great pleaſure the Popes take at the news of the death of any Cardinal. Of the Cardinals that are created by the Douzanes, and oblig'd to follow the intereſt of the Nephews. Of the cauſe why the Cardinal Princes do wear the Purple, and of the great honour to receive it.

§

THE Magnificence of the Cardinalitial Colledge is ſo great, and its ſplendor ſo immenſe, the Cardinals themſelves could not wiſh it to be greater. The reſpect and obſervance that is paid them, is very little different from what is given to Kings, and in ſome things they exceed the condition of Princes. Yet the Grandeur of the Sacred Colledge would have been much greater, if (after its firſt inſtitution, or at leaſt after the multitude of Prerogatives conferr'd upon it by ſo many ſeveral Popes, by whom it hath been inrich'd) it had maintain'd and continu'd its antient virtue and decorum. But I know not how it is come to paſs, that the Popes either repenting that they had rais'd the Cardinals to ſo high a pitch of magnificence, or that they did not regard (as it is too likely) the pulique benefit of the Church, poſtponing it to their own private intereſts. It is ſufficient that they have endeavour'd not the conſervation or advancement of the Cardinalitial Majeſty, but the abaſement and deſtruction of it, and that two ſeveral wayes, but one much more pernicious than the other.

The firſt is, in having admitted into the Colledge perſons of mean extraction, and of as little virtue, with which they are not able to cover in the leaſt the baſeneſs of their birth, for certainly it would be a leſs evil, had they either virtue or learning to attone for their natural defects. Nor would this be ſo deſpicable and diſhonourable for the reputation of the Colledge, were the Caps given only to perſons of mean extraction, but the worſt is, they are conferr'd upon moſt infamous perſons, abounding with all wickedneſs and miſchief, and perhaps fitter for the Galleys, than the Colledge.

[Page]The ſecond is, that the ſame Popes (who with ſo many Bulls and Ordinances have ing [...]andiz'd the Colledge) either forgetful of their former policy, or blinded by ſome Mundane paſſion, have for a certain time paſt given themſelves over to leſſen and abuſe them, as has been many times ſeen, not only in the times of Paulus quartus, and Sexi [...]s quintus, and other Popes; but in the milder and more moderate dayes of Innocent the tenth, who upon a ſingle relation (whether true or falſe) receiv'd by Azoleni, againſt the perſon of Cardinal Aſtalli (as ſhall be related in its proper place) without proceſs, or information, nay I may ſay without any offence, prejudicial to the Church, or ſcandalous to the Court, he us'd the ſaid Cardinal Aſtalli ſo ill, he could not have us'd the greateſt Rogue or Criminal worſe; to which may be added the ſame uſage that Cardinal Anthonio receiv'd from the ſame Pope.

And after this manner it is, that the Cardinalitial dignity is brought into great obſcurity by the Popes themſelves, which ſerves as an example likewiſe to the greater Princes, who ſeeing the Cardinals handled at that rate by the Popes, they in time take their opportunities to intrench upon their authority, and uſurp upon them, inſpight of all the clatter of Rome. Inſomuch that there are ſome Cardinals aſham'd as it were of their Purples, to ſee themſelves ſubjected to the inſolencies of mean perſons, that for the moſt part are they that are advanc'd to the Papacy. To this purpoſe I remember, that one day two Cardinals of great judgement, talking together about the above ſaid ill uſage of the Cardidinal of Rhetz in France, the elder of them, told the other, That it is better to be abus'd by a great Monarch, than a great Clown. Nor is this dignity ambitioned by Princes to add honour to their birth, but only becauſe it is the office of the Cardinals as I have ſaid before, to make election of their Popes. For this reaſon the greateſt Monarchs are glad to have them their friends, and to oblige them with large penſions, which cuſtom was introduc'd by the Spaniards, amongſt whom it is practis'd with more liberality; that the Popes may thereby be made the more inclinable to their party. There have been ſome Popes that have had it in deſign, to incraaſe the number of Cardinals, from ſeventy to a hundred, according to the example of Romulus the founder of Rome, who elected a hunhred perſons, the moſt excellent in the whole City, and call'd them Fathers.

But the Popes of this Age, who are ſo taken up, and devoted to the intereſt of their private Families, would with more readineſs reduce, than increaſe them, in reſpect of the great reverences that are requiſite to the dignity they poſſeſs, it being neceſſary they ſhould leave ſome conſiderable ſubſiſtance to perſons oblig'd to live in Pomp and Grandeur. Yet the augmentation of their number would be more advantage, becauſe if their number was greater, the more frequent would their promotions be, and by conſequence they would be the more able to create more creatures to for their Families and Nephews, which is the only thing their Holineſſes think on.

But on the other ſide, if things be conſider'd more nearly, the ſmaller the number of the Cardinals is, the better for the Purſe of the Nephews, for by that means they receive the profits of all vacancies, the Popes not making a promotion, but with a great deal of trouble, whilſt they beſtow all the vacant Rents of the Cardinals upon their Nephews▪ who knowing very well there can be no better ſupply than ready money, they part with any thing that may furniſh them with that. However they are zealouſly induſtrious to get whatever they can; the Popes whilſt they are vigorous and ſtrong, and free from infirmities and diſeaſes, do keep their Cardinalſhips vacant and unſupply'd, drawing the whole profits to themſelves; but when they find themſelves ſick, or in extremity, they fill them up immediately, as Ʋrban the eight did, who for ſeven years together did not create one Cardinal; but afterwards, towards the latter end of his Papacy, he created fifteen at one Ordination, and eleven at another. And Alexander the ſeventh, would have put it off likewiſe to the laſt; yet the truth is, he left not the Sacred Colledge long unſupply'd, becauſe he had no other way to fortifie and ſuſtain his own Family, but by augmenting the number of Cardinals with his own creatures.

But it is time now we diſcourſe ſomething of the qualities, merits, cuſtoms and adherences of all the Cardinals, to give the greater perfection to our Cardinaliſm, and the greater light and illuſtration to the Reader, by conſideration of the natures and humours of all them that make up the Apoſtolical Colledge, which are in all ſixty eight, viz. of [Page] the creatures of Ʋrban, ſixteen, of Innocent the tenths, twenty, and of Alexanders, thirty two (of Clement the ninths addition we ſhall ſpeak in its proper place) and to avoid confuſion, we ſhall proceed according to the order of preceedence, beginning with the creatures of Ʋrban, amongſt whom FRANCISCO BARBARINO preſents himſelf firſt to our conſideration.

This Cardinal is at preſent Dean of the Sacred Colledge, to which dignity he arriv'd after the death of Cardinal Carlo de Medici, Unckle to the Great Duke. I ſhall not inlarge my ſelf here by the deſcription of the Family of the Barbarini, which conſider'd in the time when Florence was a Republique, appear'd to be equal, and in competition with the houſe of Medici, that had the preceedence of them all, which Family, increaſing in Riches and Grandeur, and growing by degrees to the Supremacy in command, the other could not brook the Tyranny of the Medici's, but diſpers'd his branches here and there, and particularly in Rome; where Maffeo Barbarino being made Cardinal, Franciſco, and Anthonio, two Brothers, and Sons of the ſaid Maffeo's Brother, were put to ſtudy in a certain Colledge, in which, the eſteem they had of them was ſo ſmall, that the Sons of Artificers would ſcarce give them the place, eſpecially to Franciſco, who was ſo little known, ſo ill ſhap'd, and of ſo unrefin'd a wit, they could not believe him to be the Nephew of a Cardinal who was witty and judicious indeed, but otherwiſe fit for any thing elſe than to make a Pope.

Fortune notwithſtanding, who ſports her ſelf with whom ſhe pleaſes, diſpos'd things in that manner, that ſhe render'd Cardinal Maffeo worthy of that dignity, in ſpight of the whole Colledge (if it be lawful for me to ſay ſo) who little thought of making ſuch a man Pope as was inducd with ſo arrogant and haughty a mind. No ſooner therefore was Maffeo leap'd into the Vatican by the name of Ʋrban, but he promoted Franciſco to the dignity of a Cardinal in the very firſt Conſiſtory, which was in the year 1623. on the ſecond of October, with the Title of Saint Onofrio firſt, and then of Saint Agata, to the wonder of all thoſe that would have thought it an injury to him, ſhould they have ſaid that he was in ſo ſhort a time to leap over their heads. And Pope Ʋrban underſtanding how unfit this Nephew was for Councel, how little read in politick affairs, and in the intereſt of the Court, he kept him a while from the management of buſineſs, and did not ſuffer him to be preſent at any debate; and under the Title of Maſter of his Chamber, he gave him Monſignour Filo Marini to be his Tutor and Governour, which Filo Marini had ſerv'd the ſaid Ʋrban in the ſame Character of Maeſtro di Camera.

But it was not poſſible for Barbarino to ſubmit himſelf to the Tutelage of Filo Marini, although he was but three and twenty years of age, he avoided not only his Councels as much as he could, but his Converſation and Company, having conceiv'd ſo great an averſion to his perſon, that forgetting all the ſervices he had done him, he endeavour'd to hinder his exaltation to the Cardinalſhip: a few months after he gave Filo Marini to underſtand that he ſhould not take too much upon him, or behave himſelf as his School-Maſter, for he had judgement enough to govern himſelf and other people too. And indeed he began to govern after his own fancy, and with ſo much inſolence, that he little regarded the diſpleaſure either of the Court, or his Unckle, who to ſatisfie his pride and ambition, gave him the quality of Cardinal Padrone, that was never known in Rome before, nor uſurp'd by any Nephew of the Popes.

About the ſame time Ʋrban created Anthonio Brother to the ſaid Franciſco Cardinal, and ſent both of them his Legats a Latere, Franciſco into Spain, and Anthonio into France, one of them taking upon him the protection of one Kingdom, and the other of the other. Franciſco obtain'd much more in Spain, than Anthonio did in France, returning with great preſents and penſions, and with an affection wholly devoted to the ſervice of that King, whom he afterwards alwayes obſerv'd with much more punctuality, than Anthonio did the French King.

For the ſpace of ten years Ʋrban govern'd all the Dominions of the Church, as well Spiritual as Temporal alone, in which time he got the reputation of being one of the moſt renowned Popes that ever was in the Vatican, not permitting his Nephews to thruſt themſelves into any buſineſs, till they had twice receiv'd his commands from his own mouth; ſo that the Cardinal Barbarino, who had the Title of Padrone, could not [Page] diſpoſe of ſo much as one flower in the Garden of the Vatican without his Unckles knowledge; but the ten years being expir'd, and Ʋrban growing infirm, and overlay'd with ſo many cares, and diſeaſes, Franciſco began to lift up his head, and to take the whole Government of the Church into his hands, and to manage it with great Magiſtery and Dominion. But this abſoluteneſs of his, brought him no ſmall diſrepute, for thereby he palpably diſguſted all the Princes of Chriſtendom, even the King of Spain himſelf, upon his own private Capriccio, oppoſing the Abbot Perretti's having a Cap, though that King did earneſtly deſire it.

But in this, Barbarino ſhew'd his great policy, revenging himſelf for a long time of Perretti, and preventing his having the Cap ſo cunningly, that the King had not the leaſt ſhadow of ſuſpition that it was he, but believ'd the fault to proceed rather from another.

However this I ſha [...]l ſay, that had not the Papacy of Ʋrban been ſo long, Franciſco had not had ſo many occaſions of diſguſting the Princes, he having otherwiſe qualities worthy of a Pope, both in reſpect of his Learning, his Prudence, and the Candor of his Converſe, which (though ſome people conceiv'd to be counterfit and forc'd) I could never imagine, he having given ſo many evident proofs to the contrary. The truth is, it being the nature of the Romans to look upon the Nephews as ſo many Devils, though they be never ſo good men (which notwithſtanding happens but ſeldom) Franciſco could not during the Pontificate of his Unckle obtain the leaſt air of reputation, unleſs from the common people, in reſpect of the great alms that were given them, not only from his own houſe, but from the Coffers of the Church.

Innocent the tenth, a ſworn Enemy of the houſe of Barbarini, endeavour'd to debaſe it, and reduce it to its primitive State; ſo that not contented with the proceſs made againſt Anthonio, he would needs take out new againſt Franciſco, but there were not ſo many Articles againſt this, as againſt the other. However this perſecution prov'd at laſt to the glory of the Barbarini, Pope Innocent recalling them from their Baniſhment in France, he made an alliance with them, and made uſe of them in the management of his principal affairs ſo much, that in his time Franciſco began to get great credit, reconciling himſelf to all the Princes, and to the Colledge of Cardinals, ſo that after the death of the ſaid Innocent, he wanted but little of leaping into the Vatican, having receiv'd in ſeveral Scrutinies, thirty four voices or more.

Certainly, conſider'd as a private perſon, this Cardinal deſerves ſo much praiſe, as is not poſſible to deſcribe; he is reckon'd of ſo immaculate and untainted a virtue, that he is by many people ſuppos'd to be a Virgin, and indeed I never heard the leaſt ſcandal or aſperſion upon his Chaſtity, he being alwayes a great Enemy of all ſort of ſcandal.

His manners were of that uprightneſs and integrity, that all thoſe gifts that Saint Paul recommended to the Paſtors of the Church, were applicable to him. There was never the leaſt Oath or Blaſphemy known to come out of his mouth; and if at any time he chanced to be tranſported with anger, he was never ſo far overcome, as to be carried out of his road of Modeſty, for which he had alwayes a great value, abroad, as well as in his own Court. There is not a day but he performs his Divine Offices, as well of Charity as Devotion, and ſo frequently, and ſo devoutly viſits the Church, that he makes all people believe him a Saint.

Amongſt all his Virtues, his Charity towards his Neighbour is moſt conſpicuous, he relieves very liberally, not only thoſe whoſe neceſſities are viſible to every one, but ſuch as are privately in miſery, giving ſeveral largeſſes of Alms to the Widows, and Fatherleſs, and ſuch poorer Families, as being aſham'd to beg, are wont to ſtarve betwixt four walls, before they can ask.

In ſhort, theſe works of Piety in him have ſo captivated the affections of the people, that 'tis verily believ'd, were the Election now in them, they would pull the preſent Pope out of the Vatican, to put Franciſco in his place. But if we conſider him as a Prince, his qualities are much different from his qualities as a private perſon, and I believe in thoſe, few Cardinals can compare with him. In his irreſolution he had no Peer, being ſo much unreſolv'd, he can ſcarce be brought to a reſolution after very long debates: his fear leſt things ſhould not ſucceed well, keeps him in ſo great a ſuſpence, that he forgets ſtill to come [Page] to a concluſion. He believes no man ſo wiſe as himſelf, and therefore can hardly be brought to take advice from any body elſe, and if he does, he ſpoils all commonly with his arguments thereupon.

The weakneſs of his judgement does not ſuffer him to undertake great matters, ſo that he alwayes endeavours to oppoſe them that would, contrary to his Brother Cardinal Anthonio, whoſe judgement is ſo ſtrong, that it is an eaſie matter for him to believe the whole world may be put into his hands: beſides, if at any time he has taken an impreſſion of any thing, whether good or bad, into his mind, which indeed happens but ſeldome; the power of God only is able to remove it, and not the Councel of man. His love to his Family is ſo great, that he advanceth them as if he Idoliz'd them, and thinks them impeccable, even at the ſame time he ſees them offending.

But all this would be nothing, were he not over-rul'd by a great deſire of revenge, as being an implacable Enemy to all that he hates: however he is no Hypocrite to his Enemies, for he carries that malice alwayes in his brow, that is rooted in his heart. Notwithſtanding all this, the defects that he has as a Prince, are obſcur'd by his virtues as a private perſon, with which virtues he has ſo effaſcinated the hearts of the Court, that he is generally thought worthy of the Apoſtolick Chair.

There are four things conſiderable in him, and capable to advance him to the Throne of the Vatican.

The firſt, is the affection of the people, purchas'd as I have ſaid by ſo many actions of Charity, that they do firmly believe he would not fail to find out ſome expedient, to eaſe the people of thoſe grievances in which they are ſo miſerably involv'd.

The ſecond, is his long practice and experience in publique affairs, there being not one Cardinal to be found more skilfull in the Intrigues of governing the Church; in the time of his Unckle, he Govern'd all, and in the time of Innocent, he did it further, who towards the latter end brought him into no ſmall reputatation, and though he had had ſome ſlips when he was Cardinal Padrone, and diſoblig'd ſeveral Princes, however 'tis now believ'd, being advanc'd in years, he will adminiſter with greater maturity and judgement.

The third, is the great Wealth of the Family of the Barbarini, beſides vaſt ſums of money lying by them, ſo as this argument of E [...]ecting a Pope, whoſe Familie has no need of greater ſupplyes, as being already on the Pinnacle of Felicity, may perhaps induce the Cardinals to exalt him, to ſtop the mouths of all Chriſtendom which murmures inceſſantly againſt the Popes, who for the inrichment of their Families, give themſelves over to the deſtruction of the Church.

In ſhort, if the Chair were vacant, his pretentions would probably bring it happily about, eſpecially if with his infinite wealth, and above all, with his ready money, he ſhould reſolve to follow the example of Alexander the ſeventh, a moſt barbarous and abominable Pope, that made it lawful, at a very dear rate to purchaſe the voices of the Cardinals; and this infamous Merchandizing, was by many people believ'd to be ſhut up in this laſt Conclave; but it has been found clear contrary by all people, and but the invention of falſe and malignant tongues, to pollute the reputation of the Barbarini, and the Conclave; ſuch a thing being not to be believ'd in honeſty, or piety (reaſons of too weak foundation when a Kingdom is the price) or rather becauſe Barbarino is ſtudious of appearing as he is, would not, nor never will, by ſo foul an action, defile the luſtre of his Virtues.

And there wants not another way for him to make his utmoſt attempt, and that is, by endeavouring to get the Chigi to his ſide, that they may cooperate with the reſt of his Creatures, the Spaniards being with him already, or at leaſt not againſt him; but obſerving new rubs in his way, he betook himſelf to his Politicks, and prevail'd to have the Papacy thrown upon Rospiglioſi, that is older and more infirm than he, as not deſpairing but he may outlive him, and have a new puſh with his pretences; but I will ſay as another man did.

Evecchio Barbarino, ed e Decano, | Dean Barbarino is an ancient man,
Ma e troppo d [...]ro, e ſaria gran fortuna, | 'Tis hard, and would be ſtrange, if ere he can
Calcar due volte il ſoglio Vaticano. | Twice get poſſeſſion of the Vatican.

[Page] GINETTI is the next in order of preceedence to Barbarino, a perſon in his converſe, and inclination, different from him to a wonder, there being no conformity betwixt them, but in the integrity of their lives, and the irreprehenſible preſervation of their Chaſtity, both of them being believ'd to be Virgins. For other things, Ginetti contrary to Barbarino, would be a good Prince, as loving good Councel without an obſtinate adhaeſion to his own opinion, a great enemy to Revenge, and a friend to all good Reſolution.

But on the other ſide, as a private perſon, he is very unfit in many reſpects, but eſpecially for his extraordinary Avarice, for which he is called by an Antonomaſia il Giud [...]o, a vice that is, and will be much to his prejudice, having already render'd him ungrateful to all good people, and ſubject to many falſities and lies: and it may be ſaid very truly, that this height and extravagance of Covetouſneſs, has twice ſnatch'd the Papacy out of his hands. That Cardinals not thinking it poſſible he can be a good Prince that is ſo polluted with a deſire of gain, though otherwiſe of very great virtues and endowments.

He was born in the City of Velletri, the Son of a Merchant▪ of but ſmall fortune, yet very induſtrious in the acquiſition of Wealth, and trading in trifles, ſo he might but turn the Penny; and from him it was Ginetti learn'd his Covetouſneſs, and proved his Fathers own Son.

His name of Martio, made him never the more Martial, his inclinations bending him to Peace and not War, to idleneſs rather than labour; and finding the ſcarcity in his own houſe not agreeing with his deſires, he came to Rome, and took upon him the Eccleſiaſtical Habit, as proper to conceal the defects of his nature; and it fell out very well, for after he had courted certain Cardinals, he gave himſelf wholly to the ſervice of the Barbarini, ſerving Cardinal Franciſco, as he would have him himſelf, and with as much humility as was poſſible. And Barbarino well ſatisfied with his ſervice, and approving the intireneſs of his dependance upon his Beck, made him be created a Cardinal, that he might be ſure of one that would be true to his intereſt. And Ʋrban moreover, that he might ſtick the cloſer to his Family, declar'd him his Vicar in Rome, which is a conſiderable charge; and for life, he gave him ſeveral other Benefices likewiſe, and great authority in the Apoſtolical Pallace, and made him Protector of the Order of the Carmelits beſides.

Ʋrban alſo would needs have him acknowledg'd amongſt the Princes, but 'tis moſt certain he had better have ſuffer'd him to have ſtaid in Rome, than to have ſent him his Legat into Germany to negotiate an univerſal peace amongſt the Princes, ſeeing that Legation turn'd to his perpetual diſhonour, by reaſon that he addicted himſelf more to the intereſt of his own Family, than of Chriſtendome; but that which is moſt ſtrange is, that at his return (as if to do the Church ill ſervice, was to merit reward) he was declar'd Legat of Ferrara, where for three years time he heap'd up much wealth, and tranſacted underhand with the Jews themſelves, and all to leave his Kindred rich, if he ſhould dye before he arriv'd at the Popedom: he having not omitted any thing imaginable to advance them to divers offices, and civilize that ruſticity that was natural to them.

The affection he hath for his Family, and the deſire he hath to advance them both in Honour and Wealth, though in him it be very exorbitant, yet 'tis a fault rather of the age, than of his perſon particularly: for in the Sacred Colledge at this very time (by the ſecret judgement of God perhaps) there is ſcarce one perſon to be found that is not overwhelm'd with that abominable Vice, and would not be glad to ſee the whole Treaſure of the Church in his private Coffers.

Ginetti has three Nephews, and two Neeces, the elder that is a Prelat, helps much towards the expiation of his Unckles miſerableneſs, by the luſtre of his own liberality; he is Chierico di Camera, and in his inclinations as bountiful, as his Unckle is ſordid, noble in his converſation, ſtudious, intelligent in matters of Law, and not ignorant in Politicks, and the art of Government; ſo that many believe the Papacy would be very happy in the hands of Ginetti, becauſe this Nephew would be as it were chief Miniſter, and ma [...]e good the defects of his Unckle.

The other Nephew is a Prelat likewiſe, and in his nature reſembles his Unckle, but not in his ablities; for that reaſon he is not much conſider'd, every one being ſatisfy'd, [Page] that though his Unckle ſhould be elected Pope, he would never make much uſe of ſuch a man as he.

The third is a Secular, an honeſt man, but of very ſmall parts, however his Unckle is pleas'd that he has marry'd him into the Family of Emilio Cavalieri, foraſmuch as great Alliances carry no ſmall advantages along with them.

What to preſage of him further I cannot tell, becauſe he is fourſcore and two years of age, and the Pope that was made not above three months ſince, is but ſeventy: and yet it happens many times the Lamb dyes before the Sheep; but though they have leap'd over his head twice already, he may live to be leap'd over again, though the Spaniard be his friend, he having alwayes carry'd himſelf with great circumſpection towards him, and the Barbarini muſt acknowledge him their conſtant creature.

If he ſhould live to ſee another Conclave, in reſpect of his great age, he might poſſibly have a great party, though otherwiſe his extravagant parſimony would be no ſmall impediment; for it may be ſaid with Paſquin;

Ecco che nella gioſtra entra Ginetto, | Ginetto for the Popedom (like a Dog)
Grave d'eta, ne ſperarebbe in va [...]o, | Does wait, nor would he meet with any clog,
Se il Conſiſtoro ſifac [...]ſſe al Ghetto. | Were but the Conſiſt'ry a Synagogue.

ERNESTO ALDALBERTO d'ARACH, a Dutchman, troubles himſelf not much with the Court of Rome, for divers reaſons, but eſpecially becauſe he finds the Romans to have as little regard for him; not but they have an opinion of his merits, but becauſe he obſerves his Country to be almoſt alwayes infeſted with wars and troubles, ſo that every time he appears in Rome, he fills them with a thouſand jealouſies and ſuſpitions; and therefore with great prudence he keeps himſelf at a diſtance, and never comes to Rome, but upon a Vacancy, and then only to keep up the intereſt of the Emperour, to whom he has alwayes been a moſt affectionate Subject, and not ingrateful for the benefits he has receiv'd.

He was a Prieſt at the time Pope Ʋrban the eight conferr'd the Cap upon him at the inſtance of the Emperour, to whom he had done ſo many tranſcendant ſervices, that he ſeem'd oblig'd to advance him to a Cardinalſhip, there being nobody more worthy, both in reſpect of the greatneſs of his parts, and the goodneſs of his life; which qualities, gain'd him the Arch-Biſhoprick of Prague alſo; which office he exerciſes ſo well, that the people adore him, all Nations reverence him, and the Germans acknowledge him a perſon of great Morality and Virtue.

He has a great averſion to the artifices and diſſimulations of the Court of Rome, and in the laſt Conſiſtory for Clement the ninth, it aſtoniſh'd ſome of the Cardinals that were preſent, and had their reſidence in Rome, to hear with what frankneſs and integrity, he reprehended (in their private Congregations) thoſe iniquities that afflict the Court, and are a ſcandal to the Church.

This Cardinal in his converſe is very affable, and familiar with every body; he is very generous to his Servants, and no leſs charitable to the poor. He was promoted in the year 1626. the 19. o [...] January.

ANTONIO BARBARINO, a Floretine, is Brother to Cardinal Franciſco, is Chamberlain of the Holy Church, has an infinite number of Abbeys, and Protections of Orders, and is Arch-Prieſt of Santa Maria Maggiore; he was born in Rome, and for that reaſon was call'd Romano. His Unckle made him Prior and Grand Croce di Malta; not being willing to violate the Decrees of the Popes, who do expreſly forbid the making of two Brothers Cardinals.

But Antonio being impatienty ambitious of a Cap, ſolicited his Unckle ſo earneſtly, that he declar'd him Cardinal in the year 1628. though Franciſco was not pleas'd with his preferment, and privately oppos'd it as much as he could. Great were the employments Pope Ʋrban conferr'd upon Antonio, being much pleas'd with the gallantry and generoſity of his deportment; he was declar'd Generaliſſimo in the States of Bolonia, Ferrara, and Romania, againſt the Venetian, the Great Duke of Tuſcany, of Parma, and Modena, and behav'd himſelf very honourably in his charge; but the people that were [Page] ſa [...]ated with the Government of the Barbarini, and look'd upon that War with an ill eye, and as an affliction both to their Bodyes and Souls, approv'd not the manner of his proceedings, though in truth he knew well enough how to manage his affairs.

The great inclination he has had to women, hath been no ſmall blem [...]ſh to his reputation, nevertheleſs he knew how to waſh out that ſtain. At firſt he was a great Enemy to learning, but he is ſince grown a great lover, and protector of it.

Splendour and Generoſity are ſo natural to him, he has gain'd off ſeveral creatures from other perſons, by his liberality and magnificence, and although in the the opinion of the people he be fallen into ſome errors, yet he is ſo far from being hateful, he is exceedingly grateful to the people of Rome.

He uſes great prudence in defending the intereſt of France, to which Crown he is infinitely oblig'd; he ſpeaks of the French with very great reſpect, but ſo, as to give no juſt offence to the Spaniard. Though he receives great emoluments from France, yet he ſpends much more than he receives in regaling the French.

GIO. BATTISTA PALLOTTA of Cald [...]rola in the Province of Marca, is the Nephew of the late Cardinal Pallotta, who left him not only his Eſtate, which was great, but his Maximes alſo: and a certain auſtere way of proceeding, in his diſtribution of Juſtice.

The houſe of Pallotta deduces its nobility no further, than from the dignity of theſe two Cardinals, and particularly of him that is living, who had Benefices and dignities conferr'd on him, as ſoon as he had taken the Eccleſiaſtical Habit upon him. Ʋrban the eight loved him ſo well, he thought him a proper perſon to do the Church good Service, and therefore, as it were in the beginning of his Papacy, he declar'd him Governour of the City of Rome, in which office he gain'd the affection of the whole City, exerciſing all things impartially, without reſpect of perſons, not regarding ſo much as the Nephews themſelves; which was evident enough, when he order'd Cecca Buffona (a famous Courtezan, and very dear to to Cardinal Antonio) to be whipp'd thorough Rome▪ Cecca Buffona believ'd, under the protection of that Cardinal, ſhe might do what ſhe pleas'd, ſo that ſhe made no ſcruple to tranſgreſs againſt a ſevere order of the Governour Pallotta, but he was not long in revenging it; and that he might do it with the leſs trouble, and impediment, he charg'd his Servants, that for the ſpace of two hours, nobody ſhould be introduc'd to his Cabinet, where he ſhut himſelf up, whilſt juſtice was executing upon her. Cardinal Antonio having the news of her Impriſonment, diſpatch'd a Gentleman to Pallotta, who was very civilly entertain'd by his Domeſticks, till the two hours were expir'd, and then he being brought into the preſence of Pallotta, preſented him with an order from the Cardinal Antonio, for the immediate inlargement of the Priſoner Cecca; Pallotta reply'd, his Eminence was his Padrone, and without more ado, gave order for her diſmiſſion. He arriv'd with his order at the Priſon, juſt as the Officer brought her back from being whipp'd, which put the Cardinal into ſuch a rage, he ſwore he would be reveng'd. Pallotta own'd all to his Holineſs, who was well pleas'd with the action; but knowing well his Nephews humour, to prevent any miſchief he might contrive againſt Pallotta he ſent him in the quality of Collettore into Portugal, where in the maintenance of ſome Punctilio of Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction, he excommunicated the Royal Councel of the City of Lisbon; who ſending their Officers to carry him to Priſon, he was forc'd to leap out of a window to eſcape, with no ſmall danger of breaking his neck: and ſo poſting to Rome, a few months after his arrival, he was promoted to the Cardinalſhip, in ſpight of Cardinal Antonio, who did his utmoſt to prevent it.

But his promotion notwithſtanding did not ſecure him againſt perſecution, for he did not only meet with many troubles, and affronts, during the time of Pope Ʋrban, by means of Cardinal Antonio, who ſtudyed day and night which way to do him an injury; but was forc'd likewiſe to retire out of Rome in the Papacy of Innocent the tenth, by the contumelyes he receiv'd from Donna Olimpia, incens'd againſt him for being one of thoſe that endeavour'd her expulſion. His great zeal not induring to ſee a woman domineering in the Vatican.

In the Congregations, and Conſiſtories, his judgement is as much regarded as any mans, nay even by the Barbarini his profeſs'd Enemies themſelves: his converſation [Page] is pleaſant, his life Angelical, and retir'd from all vain company.

He is inclin'd to do good to all people; there is no body comes to him, but he goes ſatisfi'd away; he gives his Letters of recommendation very freely, provided it be not to reſtrain the hand of Juſtice; in that caſe he by no means concerns himſelf for any one, nor will hinder the courſe of Juſtice that is alwayes to be free.

In his Legation of Ferrara he gain'd the ill will of the Venetian, by ſome controverſies that they had, but certainly they had no reaſon to complain of him, becauſe he upon all occaſions ſpeaks well of them: For the Crowns indeed he ſhews no great concern, as ſhunning all occaſions of giving jealouſie either to the one or the other: yet 'tis generally believ'd he is inclining to the Spaniſh party. He is more fear'd than belov'd in the Court; he is a man of great integrity, and irreprehenſible in his converſation. In his tranſactions he is ſomething too long and irreſolute, and too much given to the affairs of the Fryers: Not only his Lodgings, but his Palace is perpetually full of Solicitors, in private affairs as well as publick; and it is believ'd by every body, that if he were Pope, he would go very far in the reformation of the Fryers.

But this tediouſneſs and delay in his affairs, may be excus'd by a certain abhorrence, and impatience of idleneſs that he has in his nature, that ſpurs him on to be doing, though it be never ſo little, and raiſes him buſineſs out of every trifle. Yet were his imployments greater, he would appear no leſs reſolute than he was in his Government of Rome. For my part I think him not likely to come to the Papacy, and that out of chaſtiſement to the People, that are not worthy of ſo good a Pope; for this I dare affirm, that in the whole Colledge of Cardinals there are not any more deſerving the Chair than Pallotta, Farneſe, and Elci, for their integrity, juſtice, love of the people, for their impartiality, and that they are not lovers of their Kindred; only Pallotta is ſeventy years old, and were it not for the Gout wherewith he is often tormented, he would be very healthfull and ſtrong.

FRANCISCO MARIA BRANCACCIO is a great Lord, and Knight of Nido in Naples, which is as much as to ſay, one of the principal Nobility. He receiv'd the Cap from Ʋrban the eighth, at a time when he little expected it, and was created, more in deſpight of the Spaniard, than for any merits of his own; for they going about to violate ſome of the Immunities of the Church, Brancaccio undertook to defend them, and caus'd the Captain of a Company of Spaniſh Foot, that was over-active againſt him, to be ſhot. The Spaniards reſenting much the death of their Captain, (who was Nephew to the Preſident of that Province) ſent out immediately to take the Cardinal (that was then Biſhop of Carpaſio) Priſoner; but he to avoid the violence of the Kings Officers, eſcap'd by night, and arrived ſafely at Rome, where within certain months he was made Cardinal, and gave occaſion to a witty perſon to ſay, That he who kills one Spaniard is made a Cardinal, and he that kills two a Pope.

Ʋrban did this to animate the reſt of the Prelates againſt the Spaniards, and one there was that attempted in the ſame nature, but he was clapt in Priſon, and came not out but with his heels forward. Brancaccio is a great Lord, moderately generous, but irreſolute and inconſtant.

He loves Learning well enough, but gives not much countenance to learned men; he is a good Lawyer, and ſuſtains only ſuch cauſes as are equitable and juſt, which makes him to be thought worthy of the Papacy, though his exceſſive kindneſs to his Kindred, makes him not take the right way to attain it.

The number of his Relations is infinite; for the Houſe of the Brancaccio is ſo numerous, and divided into ſo many ſeveral Families in that Kingdom, as will ſupply (upon occaſion of his Exaltation) all the Charges and Dignities of the Church. So as ſhould he live to ſee another vacancy, there would be but little hopes for him, the Spaniards having no great affection for him, though they pretend to be reconcil'd; and beſides he has but a very ſmall party of his own. He is about 69 years of age, much addicted to his pleaſures, and too frequent at Balls and Comedies, though his age takes him off very much.

ƲLDERIGO CARPEGNA of Ʋrbino, in regard of his Nobility, has ſome ſmall reſpect in his own Country, but his poverty obſcures it; and to the end he might not [Page] alwayes remain ſo, he devoted himſelf with great aſſiduity to the ſervice of the Barbarini: and they to remunerate his ſervices, and adde another Creature of their to the Colledge, got him created Cardinal in the year 1633. the 28. of November.

He is a great lover of Learning, and Learned men; he is a good man, of an exemplary life, but his parts not extraordinary; in affairs of State he is competently well practis'd, but the beſt is, he knows well enough he is not the moſt experienc'd man in the World, and therefore hearkens very readily to other peoples counſel, as having wit and judgement ſufficient, to chooſe and ſelect the moſt proper for his own affairs.

His humour is ſomething melancholly, but without aſperity or moroſeneſs, ſpeaking alwayes kindly to every body; to the poor he is very charitable, and would be more, if his Eſtate would bear it.

His complection is weak, and his age about ſeventy: He is a moſt partial Friend to the Great Duke and his Family, who would govern all in caſe of his exaltation to the Papacy: And the truth is, the Barbarini and the Grand Duke have endeavour'd his exaltation to the utmoſt in the Conclave of Chigi, but in this laſt there was no great mention of him, becauſe there were no Cardinals of the Houſe of Medici to promote his intereſt.

He has a Brother call'd Comte Mario, a name not at all acceptable in Rome, for Don Mario Chigi's ſake, though he be of a humour clearly different; for this Count is of a good nature, and a profound judgement, ſo that were his Brother Pope, 'tis probable he would have the Government of all things. But if the Chair ſhould come to be vacant, I know not what to ſay of him, he having nothing to recommend him but his being a Cardinal, nor nothing to ſupport him but the Grand Duke; ſo as I ſhall ſay of him as they did in the laſt Conclave,

Carpegna c'ha una debil compleſſione | Carpegna's of a weak complection,
Si tien ſpedito, perche questa volta | And may deſpair of his Election,
Li Medici non fanno ordinatione. | Since Medici give no direction.

STEPHANO DƲRAZZO, was born in Genoa, of a Noble Family, and conſiderable amongſt the greateſt and moſt antient in that State, though his Order be but modern; his youth and his age were very different, for he may pray with all the reaſon in the world, Delicta juvent [...]tis mea, & ignorantias meas ne memineris Domine.

And indeed before he was Cardinal, that is whilſt he was a Prelate only, he regarded nothing but his pleaſures, and indulging his Genius, playing from morning to night very often at Cards and other recreations, both with men and women, but eſpecially with women, his nature inclining him more particularly to that ſex; in ſo much that whilſt he was young and under thirty, he was more than once or twice conſtrain'd to kiſs the Holy Croſs, and keep Lent with Bisket and hard Eggs only; nor can he now he is old number the money that he has ſpent upon Ladies, and Luxury.

But as ſoon as he was made a Cardinal, he alter'd his humour ſo much, that it may be ſaid, there are very few equal to him, in the unblamableneſs and devotion of his preſent life. As ſoon as he took upon him the Eccleſiaſtick habit, he bought the Office of Chierico di Camera, and a while after that of Teſoriere Generale Apostolico; but he enjoy'd that but a ſhort time, for the Barbarini that they might have it to [...]ell to another, made Durazzo a Cardinal, and as report goes at this day in Rome, there was a Preſent extraordinary in the caſe.

Ʋrban the eighth having no mind he ſhould be idle, gave him imployments good ſtore, and particularly he made him Legate of Bolonia, in which Office he deported himſelf ſo well, he gain'd the univerſal affection of the people. But the Nobility look'd not ſo kindly upon him, becauſe when Juſtice was in action he conſider'd not the difference of degrees. He was likewiſe Legate of Ferrara, but he ſtaid not his full time there, being oblig'd to give place to Cardinal Antonio, during the Wars with the Princes of Italy; ſo that he retir'd to his Archbiſhoprick of Genoa, from whence he ſeldom came forth unleſs it were to the Conclave.

[Page]There is nobody, but he perhaps could have told how to have diſintangled himſelf from thoſe many difficulties he met with in that Archiepiſcopacy; he having upon ſundry occaſions diſoblig'd the Senate. In his Converſation he is affable, but not alwayes of the ſame humour; ſo that oftentimes the beſt way is to comply with that, and they that know how to do it, obtain what they pleaſe themſelves.

He is acceſſible enough, but not too liberal to the poor, eſpecially for a perſon of his fortune. He has not been over happy in the Election of his Vicars, there having been ſome of them that have ſerv'd him very ill. He ſeems to intereſt himſelf zealouſly for the Crown of Spain; but when it comes to an Election of the Pope, he does no great matter, which makes ſome people of opinion, he is for the French at his heart. If he has had hitherto any thoughts of being Pope, having paſt the ſeventy fifth year of his age, I imagine he has laid them by now. In the laſt Scrutiny he had ſeventen voices, and had he had thirty more, 'tis probable he might have carry'd it. But I ſhall ſpeak no more of him, for at this very time▪ when I am concluding the aforeſaid particulars, I have news that he dy'd the tenth of July; God Almighty ſend him peace, for he has left a great number of Maſſes for his Soul.

GIƲLIO GABRIELLI a Roman, from the Chiericatura di Camera, was advanc'd to the Cardinalitial dignity without any merits of his own, only the good diſpoſition of Ʋrban would have it ſo; and the Nephews were reſolv'd to ſell his place to another.

He was made Biſhop of Aſcoli a while after, nobody elſe being to be found that would accept it, becauſe it was ſo unreaſonably overcharg'd with Penſions. But he ventur'd on it, meerly that he might have his reſidence out of Rome; according to the judgement of many, believing, that the leſs a Cardinal is preſent at Court, the more likely he is to arrive at the Papacy; he is a true Roman, when he has a mind to diſcover himſelf freely, (which he does but ſeldome) he uſes great variety of Complements, which at firſt were look'd upon as very great inſtances of his goodneſs by ſome perſons, but ſince it has been generally known, that it was only to imitate and revive the Modes of Innocent the tenth, they have for the moſt part chang'd their opinion.

In the time that he was Legat of Ʋrbin, under the Government of Ʋrban the eight, he ſhew'd no ſmall rapacity, or (to give it a milder name) avidity; ſo it is, by his parſimony, and other ways, he has known how to inrich his own Family vaſtly, and would do it more, ſhould it come into the Cardinals heads but to make him Pope; but I ſee no great probability of that now, for Clement the ninth, that is but lately Elected, is a year younger than Gabrielli, and will ſcarce leave him his place ſo ſoon. It is true, he has the Spaniard on his ſide, with whom he holds correſpendence; but for the future 'tis ſuppos'd his intelligence may be greater with the French, in reſpect of an allyance he pretends to have with the Cardinal Vandome.

He has many other noble Kindred, as being ally'd to ſeveral of the principal Families in Rome, as the Altieri, Lancelotti, Coccini, and others.

The people of his Dioceſs are not weſ [...] ſatisfy'd with him, not for any defect in the exerciſe of his Paſtoral Cure, but becauſe he preſs'd and exacted ſeveral Taxes that were impos'd by the Pope.

His virtues are, that being conſcious of his own ignorance, he endeavours what he can to improve himſelf, and to that purpoſe diſdains not the converſation of learned men, in whoſe company he is very ſweet and affable, but ſomething too ceremonious. Some there are, that look upon him as malacious, and revengeful, and truly I think him ſo, but it is only in great and ſerious matters that he ſhows it, for ſmall things he paſſes over with gentleneſs enough. He was promoted in the year 1641.

VIRGINIO ORSINO a Roman, known all Europe over, as well as in the Court, is eſteem'd by all that underſtand the merits of the houſe of Orſino; this Family of Orſino has for ſeveral ages paſt, kept the Barbarians from Rome, and preſerved the Apoſtolick Chair in tranquility, ſo that with good reaſon may it be ſaid, that the whole Church of God are particularly oblig'd to the Orſini, and that the Popes will be very ingrateful, if they ſuffer not them to have a Cap now, as they have formerly had, there having been above three hundred Cardinals in that Family.

He was an Abbot; and whilſt it was in agitation to make him relinquiſh his Abbey, [Page] to qualifie him to marry the Princeſs Ludoviſi, Pope Ʋrban being alarm'd at the conjunction of two ſuch Families, to prevent the match, promoted him to the Cardinal [...] p, as ſoon as he underſtood the deſign.

Some there are that imagine he was made a Cardinal at the great inſtance of Cardinal Antonio, who induc'd by the importunity and preſents of the Duke of Bracciano, Unckle to the Cardinal Orſino, who being troubl'd to ſee his Family without a Cap, apply'd himſelf ſo effectually to the Cardinal Antonio, that at length he obtain'd his deſire.

But for my part I cannot believe it, for his Nephew the Abbot, by his virtue, and his parts, did ſufficiently deſerve a Cap, beſides the nobility of his houſe; and in truth the Colledge of Cardinals receives more honour to have one of the houſe of Orſino, to be a Member thereof, than the houſe of Orſino to have a Cardinalſhip; and therefore 'tis not to be believ'd that thoſe advantages can have made him purchaſe that ſo dearly, that was due to him without it.

Formerly the houſe of Orſino was of the Spaniſh faction, but now it has the Protection of France, and his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty has Cardinal Orſino in great eſtimation, and not unreaſonably, for there is not any body that regards the intereſt of that Crown with more ardour and integrity, than that Cardinal does.

Some years ſince, to the great diſſatisfaction of the Spaniard, he was declar'd Protector of Portugal, yet the Marquiſs of St. Romano forbore not to invite him amongſt the reſt of the Cardinals when he made his Entry into Rome; but repenting of it afterwards, he ſent to him that he ſhould not incommode himſelf, unleſs he would declare upon what ſcore he would ſend his Coach, leſt afterwards he ſhould give out he ſent it as Protector of Portugal. This was reckon'd a great weakneſs in the Ambaſſador, and a thing that might have produc'd ill conſequences to himſelf; but all was pacify'd and ſet right again before the Entrade, by the interpoſition of Monſignor Burlemont, a perſon of great worth, that by the prudence of his deportment does the French great honour in Rome.

This Cardinal is much reſpected in Rome, becauſe he is much fear'd, ſome people believing him vindicative, but his anger is only a ſudden impetus, not laſting or durable at all.

In one of the Congregations held during the vacancy of the See after Alexander, the revocation of the Decree made by the Congregation of Ceremonies, about the Title and Entertainment the Cardinals were to give the Roman Princes, being propos'd and preſs'd by the Cardinal Aquaviva, Orſino was ſo much diſguſted, that he departed an hour before the Congregation did riſe, and continued in open defiance with the ſaid Cardinal.

He lives ſplendidly enough, if we conſider what he has, and keeps up that Grandeur, and Liberality, that have been alwayes connatural to his Predeceſſors.

There are ſome that aſperſe him with Pride, but unjuſtly; for he is very civil to all perſons that come near him, and particularly obliging in his Letters, which he vouchſafes to return in very familiar language to all that write to him, eſpecially if they be of any quality.

RINALDO d'ESTE a Modeneſe, is a Prince of an Angelical life, a great Enemy to Epicuriſm, and voluptuouſneſs, which in ſome Cardinals Princes ſeems to be their only deſign, they being oftentimes ambitious to be Cardinals for no other end, but to live profuſely and high.

Yet is not this Cardinal ſo ſevere, but that he uſes ſuch recreations and divertiſements as are honourable, and may conſiſt with the dignity of his place.

Amongſt the reſt of the Virtues in this Prince▪ there are two more eſpecially reſplendent: one is his affability in treating readily with all ſuch as come to him, making no ſcruple, as others do, to give acceſs to every body, and to diſpatch them with good ſatisfaction: the other, is the great affection and alacrity with which he protects all ſuch as have their recourſe to him, and to be protected by ſuch a perſon, is not amiſs.

All the world holds him very well read in the Art of diſſembling, and keeping his deſigns cloſe and reſerv'd: yet he could not diſſemble at the news that was brought him, that the Admiral of Caſtile, Ambaſſador extraordinary from the Crown of Spain, had declar'd at his arrival at Rome, that he would viſit all the Sacred Colledge, but the Cardinal d'Eſte; which the Cardinal diſdaining, he took a reſolution to go immediately to [Page] Rome, where having entred into ſome difference with the Ambaſſadour, they both fell to their Arms, and as ſome Hiſtories report, put the whole City into confuſion. Nor could he diſſemble any more when Pope Ʋrban told him, that he did believe, that he having been formerly againſt the Family of the Barbarini, and now tack'd about to their ſide, did it only to obtain the Abbey he deſir'd, with which the Cardinal was very much netled, and reply'd haſtily, I ſuppoſe your Holineſs likes not my being in Rome, if I were ſure of it, I ſhould depart immediately; and the Pope having told him, God be your ſpeed, the Cardinal took Coach forthwith, and return'd to Modena.

This Abbey of Nonantola came into his hands by means of the Marriage the Barbarini made with the Duke of Modena his Nephew, the Barbarini having given nothing to that Cardinal, but that Abbey which yeilds him but twenty thouſand Crowns a year at the moſt. He was promoted to the Cardinalſhip in the year 1641. the 16. of December.

CESARE FACCHINETTI, is a Gentleman of Bolonia, Innocent the ninths Nephews ſon. He is a worthy perſon, and lives with the reputation of an honeſt and prudent man. He hath been imploy'd in the principal offices of the Court, and has ſhown great judgement and dexterity in them all, but eſpecially when he was Nuntio in Spain, where he carry'd himſelf ſo well, he got the applauſe of the whole Nation, the King declaring him a perſon of worth, and recommending him to his Holineſs, ſo as upon his return, he was made a Cardinal by Pope Ʋrban.

He was afterwards made Biſhop of Si [...]gaglia, a ſtrong City and Port in the Dutchy of Ʋrbin; but his merits being more worthy, he had the Biſhoprick of Spol [...]to given him in exchange, where he now remains, to avoid all occaſion of involving himſelf in the intereſts of the Court, which are too often but a prejudice to ſuch perſons of deſert, as think that way to advance their fortunes, though many believe the way to arrive at the Papacy, is to keep out of Rome.

He has no Cardinals his Enemies in the whole Colledge: the Spaniards are his friends, and the French have no reaſon to complain on him; his merits alſo are ſo great, that if the See were vacant, he would have no ſmall party for his Election. But the miſchief is, an unlucky cuſtom that is lately introduc'd, and that is, that the Nephews of the laſt Pope, will have one of their own creatures to ſucceed him. He was promoted to the Cardinalſhip in the year 1643. the 13. of July.

GIROLAMO GRIMALDI a Genoeſe, was promoted to the Cardinalſhip by Pope Ʋrban, and that for four reaſons. The firſt was, becauſe he was born of one of the principal Families of Genoa, with the quality of Soveraign, as he was Prince of Monaco. The ſecond was, to recompence the office of Chierico di Camera that was purchas'd by the ſaid Grimaldi, and devolv'd afterwards to the benefit of the Pope. The third was, the prudence of his carriage in his Government of Rome, with which he gain'd the affection of the whole people, as alſo when he was Nuntio in France, and began with all integrity imaginable to incline to the intereſt of that Crown. And the fourth was, to find him ſo firm to the ſervice of the Barbarini his Nephews.

By ſeveral perſons I have been inform'd of his qualities and humour, in the relation of which, his virtues and his frailties have been deſcrib'd as follow.

He is ſaid to be very thoughtful and cogitative, a great deſignor, jealous of himſelf, bold in his enterpriſes, and full of tricks and windings to ſupport them, inclin'd to his own accommodation, though with never ſo much inconvenience to his Neighbour, a friend to Novelties, pleas'd to hear his enemies ill ſpoken off, a free diſcoverer of his own mind, and not a little given to the converſation of Ladies.

As to his Virtues, they ſay he has many likewiſe, with which the French were much taken; and particularly he is loving and courteous, and deſires with gentleneſs to ſatisfie all that have buſineſs with him; he is reſpectful to all people, without exception of perſons, that is, every one according to his degree; he rewards his ſervants liberally, and willingly receives the recommendations of his friends; he loves learned men, and delights himſelf to converſe with them in the time of his recreations; he has a quick judgement, and diſcerns very well betwixt what is to be retained, and what is to be rejected; in ſhort, he is well beloved both at Rome, and at Paris, as a perſon dexterous inbuſineſs, and exquiſite in the moſt eminent affairs.

[Page] CARLO ROSSETTI of Ferrara, was a wild and diſſolute young man, and inſolent in all the Company he came; and becauſe ordinarily the Italians believe, to put a Religious habit upon ſuch ſhoulders as his, is to conſecrate a Sacrifice to God, Roſetti was adviſed to repair to Rome, and take the Eccleſiaſtick habit upon him; which he did immediately, and apply'd hemſelf to the ſervice of the Barbarini, who were then regnant, and particularly to Franciſco, who took ſo extraordinary an affection to him, that he provided him ſuch imployments as might lead and introduce him into the Colledge of Cardinals.

He was ſent in the quality of Nuntio into England, to negotiate with that Kingdom for the eaſe of the Catholicks, but his Negotiation had but little ſucceſs, his life being in no ſmall danger amongſt thoſe tumults; and indeed he would have withdrawn himſelf with more reputation, had he been wiſer: but he had much ado to ſcape with his life.

When he was Nuntio at Colen with Chigi, he ſpoil'd all that tranſaction, by the too much partiality he ſhew'd to the Spaniard, and had not the prudence and conduct of Chigi been interpos'd, all things had gone top-ſi-turvy: At which he took ſo great a diſpleaſure, that he alone oppos'd the Election of the ſaid Chigi, although he ſaw the Barbarini on his ſide, to which Family he was gratefull only in this, that he oppos'd himſelf publickly againſt Pamſilio's Election, and for no other reaſon but that the Barbarini were againſt him.

In ſhort, in the perſon of this Cardinal, there are two things conſiderable, his moral vertue, and his politick dexterity; as to the laſt he never had any great ſucceſs in all his Negotiations, either that he had no fortune, (which oftentimes has its ſhare in the greateſt tranſactions) or that he had not that ſubtilty or ſagacity in buſineſs as is neceſſary. It is enough that he deſerv'd not the Title of an Excellent Politician, though ſome of his Friends, and particularly in the Grand Dukes Court, do cry him up for an Arch Politician: But they that look nearer upon him, do but laugh at thoſe Elogiums.

As to his morals, he is indeed worthy of commendation, not having given the leaſt ſcandal ſince he took the habit upon him. He is inclin'd to do juſtice impartially, and therefore in the Biſhoprick of Faenza where he is ordinarily reſident, he is belov'd of all people; he is charitabls to the poor, eſpecially if they be ſick; he is zealous of the Worſhip of God, and has other vertues that render him worthy of being Cardinal and Biſhop, but not Pope, which is no leſs Prince. He was promoted to the Cardinalſhip 1643. the 13. of July.

GIO. STEPHANO DONGHI is a Gentleman of Genoa, worthy of the Purple from the very time he took upon him the Eccleſiaſtical habit, yet it was not his worth, but his wealth, that open'd the door to his promotion to the Cardinalſhip.

He firſt bought one of the Clerkſhips di Camera, and a while after Cardinal Spada's negotiation proving unhappy, he was ſent into Lombardy in the quality of Nuntio and Plenipotentiary, to agitate the Peace with the Princes of Italy, in which imployment he ſpent above fifty thouſand Crowns of his own money, and being return'd to Rome, he complain'd very much of the Barbarini, that ſo many perſons of leſs merit than he, were preferr'd before him that had done ſuch ſervice to the Church, and that Family, at his own trouble and expence. In ſo much that Ʋrban to avoid the imputation of ingratitude, and that he might have the Clerkſhip di Camera to diſpoſe of again, promoted him to the Cardinalſhip on the 13. of July 1643. in which Dignity he behaves himſelf with ſo general applauſe, that they have good reaſon to bleſs God for his promotion.

In his Legation of Ferrara he acquir'd immortal reputation, as a perſon that underſtood which way to diſtribute juſtice, with ſweetneſs; and upon ſeveral occaſions he oblig'd the Venetian ſo, that they give him the greateſt commendation imaginable.

He is apparently engag'd to follow the intereſt of Spain, his whole Family depending upon the protection of that Crown, yet he manages himſelf with that prudence, that he gives no diſguſt by his expreſſions, to the other party.

As he is rich, his expences are great, but it is in things that are honourable and neceſſary, not in vanities and trifles. He is of a benign, affable, and pleaſant nature, and [Page] charitable above all, ſo that were it not for his unhappineſs in being a Genoeſe, he would be very worthy of the Popedom.

PAƲLO EMILIO RONDANINI, the laſt Cardinal of Pope Ʋrbans Creatures, he was promoted the 13. of July 1643. and that for two reaſons eſpecially: The firſt was the deſire the Barbarini had to be ſelling his Office of Chierico di Camera, and fingering the money. The other was, to recompence the ſeveral ſervices he had done them, particularly when at his own charges he rais'd a Troop of Cuiraſiers for the ſervice of the Barbarini, againſt the Princes of the League.

He has many virtues that render him worthy of the Dignity he poſſeſſes, but thoſe virtues are eclips'd by certain natural defects, and above all by his pride, he diſdaining to take notice of the ſalutes that are given him; but he is ſtriving by art to correct theſe infirmities in his nature: he loves to be acc [...]ſted, and comes not with the laſt to Comedies and Paſtimes. In matters of buſineſs he is not much conſiderable, his brain is too weak to receive any thing of conſequence, though he ſhould engage himſelf in any ſuch affair, ſo as I fancy he will dye before he will arrive at the Papacy, and be content rather to enjoy what he deſires.

It follows now that we ſpeak of the Cardinals created by Innocent the tenth at ſeveral promotions, which are now living, and the firſt that preſents himſelf is NICOLO LƲ DOVISI a Bolonian, who was advanc'd to the Cardinalſhip on the ſixth of March 1645.

This Lord obtain'd the Cap by fortune meerly, his merits not rendring him worthy of that honour, though he was endued with judgement and other qualities good enough for a Prelate.

The Cardinal Colonna about the beginning of the Papacy of Innocent, reſign'd the Archbiſhoprick of Bolonia to him, but ſo over-charg'd with Penſions, there remain'd not a thouſand Crowns clear, for the maintenance of himſelf and his Court. His friends advis'd him not to engage himſelf in that manner, nor to undertake ſo troubleſome a Cure, where the profit and reputation was ſo ſmall; for it was the general diſcourſe that Colonna had a long time ſought out for a perſon that would accept of it, and could find none, it ſeeming impoſſible to moſt people to live with ſo great a charge. So that it may be rationally concluded, that the Archbiſhoprick was not conferr'd upon him in conſideration of his merits, ſo much as of the Penſions that were upon it; however the Nephews out of an ambition of having an Archbiſhoprick at their devotion in their own Country, encourag'd him to take it, and he did ſo.

The Prince Ludoviſi being about this time married to a Neece of Pope Innocents, was conſequently introduc'd into the favour of the ſaid Pope, though but indifferently, (Donna Olimpia not ſuffering his greateſt graces to depend upon any but her own authority;) he began to imagine it would be convenient to have a Cardinal in his own Family, that he might have the better intelligence of the ſecrets of the Court; and ruminating with himſelf of this, and of that, the Archbiſhop came at laſt into his mind, who was his Couſin by the Mothers ſide, and carry'd the Name of Nicolo Albergati; ſo that he entreated his Holineſs at his requeſt to confer a Cap upon the ſaid Albergati, but upon condition he ſhould renounce the Name of Albergati, and be call'd Cardinal Ludoviſi.

His Holineſs ſatisfi'd the deſires of the Prince, and diſpatch'd away a Brief immediately with the conditions propos'd by the Prince; which Albergati made no difficulty to accept, and to take upon him the Name of Ludoviſi and the Cardinalſhip together, which in Honour and Nobility exceeded much the Name of Albergati; and theſe were the degrees by which this perſon aſcended to the Purple.

All the expences that are uſual in ſuch caſes, were defray'd by the Prince, for his own poverty affording him little to ſpend, he made uſe of the Houſe of the Prince, his Couſin, as if he had been his own Brother.

The Pope having an eye upon his indigence, gave him ſome other means to ſuſtain himſelf, and among the reſt made him Chief Penitentiary, and ſent him Apoſtolick Legate to Florence, to Chriſten a Son of the Great Dukes. In which Legation he was preſented with very fine Arras Hangings, and other curioſities for his Chamber, the Grand Duke very well underſtanding what he had principally need of.

Many believe that in time, being a little ripened with age, he may raiſe his fortunes in ſome Conclave or other; and this their opinion is founded upon the exemplanarineſs [Page] of life which he pretends to (though many ſuſpect it to be but forc'd from the exactneſs with which he has govern'd his own Church) upon the reputation all his Brothers carry in Bolonia, being eſteem'd perſons of judgement and integrity, and upon the affection the Spaniards bear to him, whoſe intereſt upon all occaſion he takes great glory to eſpouſe.

Theſe reaſons amongſt the common people do aſcertain him to be Pope, but they that underſtand him better, and converſe with him often, are of another opinion, and do find him uncapable of governing ſuch a Kingdom, by reaſon of his invincible obſtinacy, which is ſo natural, and ſo great in him, that amongſt many it is counted perfect madneſs; for he renders himſelf thereby unacceptable to all that deal with him, eſpecially when they treat of matters of Conſcience, he is ſo refractory, all the arguments in the world are not able [...]o alter his opinion.

This is the judgement of him amongſt the Cardinals; but it may be when he grows riper in years, this obſtacle may be remov'd, for exceſſive obſtinacy is doubtleſs an obſtacle to any that pretend to the Papacy, as may eaſily be prov'd by the example of Sextus the fifth, who was the moſt fantaſtical and g [...]ddy headed perſon in all the Cloyſters; yet when he came to be Cardinal, ambitious of fiſhing in the Sea of Saint Peter, he offer'd violence to his nature, counterfeiting meekneſs ſo much, that he was counted ignorant, ſubmitting alwayes his own opinion to the judgement of the other Cardinals.

If he will do ſo, the Papacy 'tis poſſible may fall into his hands, whereas otherwiſe he will fall out of the hands of the Papacy, as he fell out of the Padronage. When Innocent took his reſolution to create a Cardinal Padrone, for his aſſiſtance in his Paſtoral Cure, the Prince with all the importunity he was able, recommended the ſaid Cardinal Ludoviſi his Kinſman; but Innocent knew him too well, deny'd to ſatisfie the Prince, and promoted Astalli to the peace, not that his Talents were greater than the others; but becauſe Panzirolo (who had great influence upon his Holineſs) had told him, that he was a perſon able to diſtinguiſh betwixt good and evil, that he was ſolid in his Councils, and not peremptory in his opinions as Ludoviſi was; it is enough to ſay that Ludoviſi was laid aſide, and Aſtalli, receiv'd into the place; and indeed it was better for him to have been rejected, than to have run the ſame fortune with Aſtalli, which will be memorable in all Ages.

ALDARANO CIBO da Maſſa di Carrara, was promoted to the Cardinalſhip the 6. of March 1645.

Innocent alwayes lov'd him very well, and look'd upon him as worthy of preferment; inſomuch, that as ſoon as he was created Pope, he declar'd him Maggior-domo of the Apoſtolical Pallace, he having in his Prelacy gain'd ſome reputation; and afterwards made him Cardinal in the year aforeſaid, both for his particular inclination to his perſon, and a reſpect he bore him as he was deſcended from the Noble Family of the Cibo in Genoa, from whence Innocent the eighth was deſcended. But the principal motive, according to the common opinion was, becauſe Innocent was perſwaded by Donna Olimpia to get Monſignor Cibo's Palace that was joyning [...] his own, and laying them together, to make a magnificent one for the Family of Pamfilio: which deſign being apprehended by Cibo, he made his Holineſs a preſent of it, refuring any conſideration. And though the Pope paid for it, would by no means accept it as a gift; yet it left an obligation upon him, that he was offer'd it, ſo that for this reaſon, and the other, he created him a Cardinal, in which dignity he has comported himſelf ſo well, he has the applauſe of the whole Court, and will increaſe i [...] dayly, he being eſteem'd a perſon of great juſtice and integrity; and in his Church di J [...]ſi, where he ordinarily reſides, his reputation is ſo great amongſt the people of that Country, that they ſwear there cannot a more worthy Paſtor be found in the whole Univerſe.

In two L [...]gations that he perform'd, he ſignaliz'd himſelf ſo, that he acquir'd the reputation of a great Stateſman, and a perſon proper for the higheſt imployments.

He is very ſtudious, and indeed a little too much, for his ſtudy makes him ſomething Melancholly; his diverſion is Muſick, which delights him exceedingly, eſpecially if it be Spiritual Muſick. He is Spaniard both in his inclination, and intereſt, his Family being all under the protection of that Crown.

[Page]He is as retir'd, as he can poſſibly, which makes all people ſuſpect he aſpires to the Papacy, and in my opinion, were merits rightly conſider'd, he might obtain it; but the miſchief is, in the Conclaves at preſent, the intereſt of factions, and nor the merit of the perſon, carryes it, would the Cardinal ſatisfie their own Conſciences, and give their voices for ſo worthy a perſon, there might be ſome good expected from ſuch an Election, the Church would certainly be better ſerv'd, and the State better govern'd; provided he chang'd not his humour as Alexander the ſeventh did, who of a Saint of a Cardinal, became a Devil of a Pope as ſoon as he receiv'd the Keys; which will make the Cardinals conſider for the time to come, before they give their Votes for an honeſt man, that is, for ſuch an one as counterfits, and pretends honeſty only, which I cannot believe of this perſon.

FEDERICO SFORZA a Roman, is a moſt conſiderable perſon in reſpect of the Nobility of his Family, that have formerly been Dukes of Milan, with the Title of Soveraignty, beſides an infinite number of Cardinals, that have render'd it conſpicuous with their Scarlet.

In the Pontificate of Ʋrban, he took upon him the Habit of a Prelat, with hopes to obtain what he has now got; but he could not reach it in that Popes dayes, nor get any higher than to be Vice-Legal of Avignon, which was given him by Cardinal Antonio, with promiſe alſo of a Cap; but that promiſe vaniſh'd into ſmoak, Cardinal Antonio finding excuſes enough, to withdraw himſelf from his word.

Innocent the tenth, that ſo noble a Family might not be without that Purple, created him a Cardinal 1645. and becauſe he knew he was diſguſted at the manner of Antonio's proceeding with him, he gave him the office of Chamberlain, which the ſaid Antonio was poſſeſs'd of, but rather in deſpight to Antonio, than affection to Sforza; who (without regard to thoſe benefits, being unable to bridle his nature, that was alwayes inclin'd to ſpeak his Sentiments freely againſt whoever it was) fell a murmuring againſt Donna Olimpia the Popes Couſin, with ſuch Satyrical arguments, that ſhe not being able to bear them, was forc'd to put him out of favour with his Holineſs, who diſcharg'd him of his office of Chamberlain (which was no ſmall honour and advantage to him) and oblig'd him to retire to his Biſhoprick of Rimini.

He was alwayes thought a Frenchman in his humour, by the activity of his ſpirit, and the liberty of his tongue, beſides, that his reſidence at Avignon, had contributed its ſhare.

But for all this, he follow'd the Spaniſh intereſt, in which he proſper'd very well; ſeveral were the cauſes that mov'd him thereto; the firſt inducement was the rich Eccleſiaſtical preferments that were given him by the Spaniard; the ſecond, in averſion he had to Mazarine, with whom he could not poſſibly hold correſpondence, if he were for the French; the third was, that he could not (as he ſaid himſelf) go along with the deſigns of the Cardinal Antonio; and the laſt, becauſe his Father held ſeveral Feuditary Lands, as Heir to a Milaneſe Lord, that was his Kinſman, in the Dutchy of Milan.

The Cardinal Antonio did really ſhow this Cardinal Sforza a Roman trick, and that was the reaſon of his animoſity: he kept him in ſo ſly a ſuſpence for the Cardinalſhip, that Sforza reſolv'd to let him have his Pallace of Sforza, as it were for a ſong, Antonio perſwading him he ſhould not fail of his Cap; but the contract being made and ſecur'd, not a word of the Cap more, which netled Sforza to the quick.

At preſent things ſeem to be compos'd, yet every time that Sforza looks upon that Palace, that is ſince given by the Cardinal Antonio to the Crown of France, for a Reſidence to the French Ambaſſadors, it troubles him to the heart.

In ſhort, this Cardinal has a head more for a Souldier than a Prieſt, is fear'd at Court rather than beloved, and given to all kind of pleaſure.

BENEDETTO ODESCALCO of Como, was promoted with Sforza, and the reſt, the 6. of March 1645.

His deſign was from his youth to put himſelf into the Prelacy, and therefore in the beginning of Ʋrbans Pontificate, he began to court the Cardinal Barbarino, with hopes to obtain the Clerkſhip di Camera; to which end, he not only gave him moneys by way of advance, but quickn'd and reminded him dayly by ſome new preſent or other, ſo that [Page] Barbarino was oblig'd to procure him that office, in which he left him for a while, and deſign'd to promote him to the Cardinalſhip, which was the principal thing Odeſcalco aim'd at.

Pope Ʋrban being dead, ambition augmented in the breaſt of this perſon, that could not ſleep for contriving which way he ſhould arrive at the Cardinalſhip; he knew he was well enough provided with wealth, and therefore thought it beſt to take that way, to ingratiate himſelf with Donna Olimpia, Couſin to Innocent that ſucceeded Ʋrban; he preſented her ſeveral times very nobly, and amongſt the reſt, he gave her a moſt ſtately Cupboard of Silver Plate, which was the thing indeed that open'd the way to his Cardinalſhip: for Donna Olimpia being oblig'd by his preſents, that ſhe might not be tax'd with ingratitude, and that ſhe might give encouragement to other pretendors in the Court, to addreſs themſelves to her in the ſame way, ſhe went to her Couſin the Pope, and begg'd a Cap for Odeſcalco, which ſhe obtain'd, but not without the interceſſion of Cardinal Pallotta alſo.

Whilſt he was but a Prelate, he took great delight in Comedies, and Balls, and ſuch recreations; but ſince he has been a Cardinal, he has alter'd his wayes, and taken ſuch as are more neceſſary and direct for the acquiring the Papacy: many people wonder at the great charge in him, from ſo great a liberty in his life (yet not to vice) to ſee him retir'd to that degree, as if he hated now, what he formerly lov'd. He is of the humour of the Lombards, free, and without Hypocriſie, and cannot hold from ſpeaking his mind whether it be good or bad; reſembling Cardinal Sforza very much in that point, with whom he is a great correſpondent, and is often ſeen in his company. But Sforza is more fierce and violent, which paſſion over-maſters his judgement, whereas Odeſcalco is more moderate. He is no great Politician, yet he is wiſe enough to make uſe of the policies of other people.

The Spaniards love him very well, becauſe he profeſſes himſelf their true Subject, and in the whole Colledge, I believe he has ſcarce an Enemy, unleſs it be the Cardinal Imperial▪ and that by reaſon he was one of thoſe that decreed his Baniſhment, upon the attempt that was made upon the French Ambaſſadour in Rome, which ſo diſguſted Imperiale, that in the laſt Conclave he did Odeſcalco all the miſchief that he could, who paid him again in his own Coyn according as he was able.

LORENZO RAGGI Biſhop of Caſania in Sicily, is deſcended of a new Family in Genoa, not many years ſince introduc'd into the number of the Noble houſes.

In the time of Ʋrban the eighth, he had the Treaſurerſhip General of the Church given him, at the requeſt of his Unckle Cardinal Raggi, who went under the name of Ottaviano, and was one of the moſt ridiculous perſons that ever was ſeen in the Colledge; he was ignorant, diſſolute, and malicious, and ſo impertment, he order'd a Cardinals Habit to be made for him (before he was promoted to the Cardinalſhip) and put it on two or three times a day in the preſence of his Servants, commanding them to tell him how it ſate upon his back, who could do no leſs than to give him ſuch anſwers as he would like: animated therefore by an ambition of that dignity, he went to the Pope one night late, in the habit of a Cardinal, who lov'd him very well for ſeveral reaſons, but eſpecially for the ſimplicity he obſerv'd in him: as ſoon as he came into his preſence, and had kiſs'd his foot, he told him, Moſt Holy Father, I beſeech you to vouchſafe to gratifie the Old man my Father, and make me a Cardinal, 'tis a thing he deſires very much, but I ten times more.

In the next Promotion after this gentile viſit, Ʋrban created him a Cardinal, whereupon, as ſoon as he had receiv'd his Cap, he went immediately to giver his Holineſs thanks, and imbrac'd him in the moſt ridiculous manner in the world. The Pope deſir'd him to deſiſt, and told him, That he hurt him, to which he reply'd, I am ſo glad that I am made a Cardinal, that I could eat you for joy. In ſhort, he that would recount all the impertinencies of this perſon, would make the beſt far [...]e in the world, and worthy to be recited at a Carneval.

When the Nephew Lorenzo was made Treaſurer as aforeſaid, he call'd him to him, and in the preſence of all his Courtiers told him, Nephew, if you have a deſire to arrive at that dignity I am at, you muſt ſtudy, and be ſure you follow my ſteps: which words of his, ſet not only his Servants a laughing, but the Nephew himſelf.

[Page]This Nephew, who at preſent is Cardinal Raggi, his Unckle being dead, was by the Barbarini made Superintendant General of the Gabels, through the whole State Eccleſiaſtick, and that for no other reaſon, but becauſe he was known to be a great friend to Parſimony and Thrift: and the Barbarini believing that he being ambitious of a Cap, he would not fail to be a friend to their Coffers; nor were they miſtaken, for Monſignor Raggi that he might be ſerviceable to them in heaping up money, and to ſatisfie himſelf in his covetous humour, carry'd himſelf ſo ill in his imployment, that he gave occaſion to ſeveral diſorders, and particularly in the raiſing Armes againſt the Duke of Parma, and the Princes of the League, at which time the Souldiers could not receive their money, though the Pope had given expreſs order they ſhould have four Muſters pay: In ſo much that the next day after the Election of Innocent the tenth, the Souldiers appointed as a Guard to the Conclave, fell a plundering whatever they met with, and becauſe Raggi would give them but one half of their pay, they took it ſo ill, they with great fury fell upon the place where their money was, broke up the Cheſts, and carry'd all away they could find; and in that rage, they aſſaulted the Palace of Don Tadeo, ſearching every where up and down for Raggi; but he having notice of their deſigns, leap'd out of a window to ſave his life: And indeed ſo highly were they incens'd, every body was affraid of ſome popular revolution, which had certainly fallen out, had not Pope Innocent (who was but newly elected) apply'd remedy immediately.

Such a buſineſs as this, could do no leſs than give offence to the whole Court, and to imprint a diſguſt againſt the perſon of Raggi, in the breaſt of the Pope; ſo that every one believ'd his Office would be taken away, becauſe it was privately hinted to him, that he ſhould offer to reſign it: But it happen'd clear contrary, for in the year 1647. in the month of October, he was created Cardinal, to the admiration of the whole Court; though afterwards, when he was promoted to that Dignity, he fram'd himſelf exceedingly to the Cuſtomes of the Court of Rome, which in him appear'd more remarkable than in any other perſon, becauſe he underſtood how to accompany them with ſuch Ceremonies, as allure and inveagle the hearts of all ſuch as have buſineſs with him. But when it comes to the drawing of his purſe-ſtrings, he does no great matter; all that is to be got, is but civility and good words: he has a ſmattering in Learning, and if he would ſtudy more, he would become more conſiderable.

His manners and humour would not be ill, were they not obſcured by his ambition and avarice, vices that have too great dominion over him.

In the Court he paſſes for an indifferent perſon, and is ſpoken of only as he makes himſelf notorious by his defending the intereſt of Spain, he being one of the moſt Spanioliz'd Cardinals of them all.

To be ſhort, he is about 45. years of age; he abounds not over much with charity; he is a Genoeſe, and by conſequence out of all hope of being Pope, unleſs the face of affairs be alter'd. But he ſeems not to have any ambition for it, becauſe he does not take the right way to arrive at the Papacy; ſo that though the face of affairs ſhould alter, there would be but little hopes for him.

FRANCISCO MALDACHINO, is the Son of Marqueſs Andrea Maldachino, that was Collateral General to all the State of the Church; he was promoted to the Cardinalſhip, out of the great affection his Holineſs bore to Donna Olimpia, Siſter to the ſaid Marqueſs, and Couſin to the Pope, the ſeventh of October 1647. to the wonder not only of the Court, but of all Chriſtendom.

His Holineſs to ſpeak the truth was with great difficulty brought to condeſcend, for ſix months together he refus'd all the importunities his Couſin could make, as not willing to burden his Conſcience, by admitting ſuch a Monſter in Nature, into the number of ſo great Princes, and into a Colledge of worthy men; but he could not reſiſt her multiply'd prayers any longer, but as it were blind-fold he created him Cardinal, in the 18th. year of his age.

But that which is moſt ſtrange is, that Donna Olimpia not contented to ſee her Nephew in Scarlet, (notwithſtanding the irregularities both of his perſon and manners) would needs introduce him to the Government of the Eccleſiaſtick State, and give him poſſeſſion of the ſame credit and authority, that Cardinal Barbarino had, during the Popedom of [Page] Ʋrban the eighth; ſeeing his Holineſs her Couſin reſolv'd (that he might have aſſiſtance in the ſuſtaining ſo great a weight) to adopt a counterfeit Nephew, becauſe he could have no real one, ſince Pamfilio that was his Nephew indeed, had renounc'd the Cardinalſhip, to marry the Princeſs of Roſanno, as noble a reſolution perhaps as ever fell into the heart of man, though diſlik'd both by his Unckle the Pope, and Donna Olimpia his Mother; he having by that marriage perpetuated the Name of Pamfilio, by two little Sons that he has, worthy of ſuch a Princeſs to their Mother, and which do contribute much to the honour of Rome.

Donna Olimpia imploy'd her utmoſt intereſt with the Pope, to have made him Cardinal Padrone, or Cardinal Nephew; and becauſe his Holineſs was I know not how engaged in his affections to this Lady his Kinſwoman, and durſt not abſolutely deny her, ſo on the other ſide being unwilling to promiſe it, he temporiz'd and dally'd with her, that he might not diſpleaſe her: But ſhe to make all ſure, by his Holineſs conſent, put him under the inſtitution of the Cardinals Panzirolo, and Cherubino, that he might be well inſtructed in the affairs of Court. But this was no more than to ſow Corn upon a Rock; Maldachini had no capacity to receive any thing at all, having brought an incredible ſtupidity along with him, even from his Mothers belly.

Panzirolo that underſtood very well the humour of Maldachini, and the Popes reſolution not to entertain ſuch a Statue into buſineſs of State, advis'd his Holineſs to create Aſtalli Cardinal Nephew, and he did ſo, but with ſo much diſſatisfaction to Donna Olimpia when ſhe heard it, that ſhe fell almoſt mad upon it, thundering out her maledictions and invectives againſt Panzirolo with ſuch fury, that it was a great cauſe of her falling out of favour with his Holineſs.

All the while Innocent liv'd after the Creation of Maldachini, he expreſs'd great regret for having made ſuch a perſon a Cardinal, and could not endure to have it mention'd upon any occaſion. Alexander the ſeventh was not well pleas'd neither to ſee him cheek by jowle amongſt ſo many ſelect perſons, and therefore gave himſelf over to uſe him ill, ſending him away without any reſpect to a place that was a greater diſtance from Rome; but the reſt of the Cardinals looking upon the miſuſage of his perſon, as a reflection upon the Order in general, they made their complaint to his Holineſs, and he was immediately ſet at liberty.

Donna Olimpia perſwaded him to eſpouſe the intereſt of Spain, which he did, but (finding by degrees the little eſteem the Spaniards had for him, by their ſeveral times neglecting to call him to their Aſſemblies, in which the intrigues of that Court were tranſacted, and all becauſe they knew he had not judgement enough to give them any Councel;) he turn'd to the French, who receiv'd him very readily, (if for no other reaſon) to ſecure his voice in the Conclave. And this is certain, his negotiating with the French has not a little inſtructed him in his Complements; it being the general obſervation of the Court, that ſince his Voyage into France, he is grown much more converſable than formerly.

In the laſt Conclave of Roſpiglioſi he ſuffer'd himſelf to be tranſported into ſome expreſſions (rather dictated to him, than ſpoken by him) againſt the Spaniards. The Spaniards were nettled, and bit their thumbs (as the Italians uſe to do) in private, though in publick they ſeem'd but to laugh at it: Some ſay the Spaniſh Ambaſſador having notice of it from one of the Conclave, who being no great friend of Maldachini's, had told the ſtory a little too ſharply, reply'd laughing, The voice of an Aſs reaches not to Heaven; which coming likewiſe to Maldachini's ears, diſpleas'd him exceedingly, ſo that he fell a railing againſt all that belong'd to Spain; which the Spaniards likewiſe underſtanding, (for the Spyes in Rome will not fail to do that good office) to mortifie and rebuke him, they reſolv'd to ſtop the Rents of thoſe Abbeys and Benefices that he held in the Kingdom of Naples, and other Catholick States; and he finding himſelf in this manner neceſſitated to renounce, has within few months reſign'd three Abbeys into the hands of the Pope; one of which is given to Monſignor Strada, the ſecond to Monſignor Polini, both of them of the Privy-Chamber, and the third to a Son of the Marqueſs Aſtalli, Nephew to the Cardinal aforeſaid, whoſe Father is of the Faction of Spain. In ſhort, I would not ſwear this Cardinal ſhould not be Pope, if there [Page] was need of nothing but his own ſingle voice; but otherwiſe I fear he will dye without it.

GIO. FRANCISCO GONDI a Frenchman, call'd Cardinal di Retz, he was promoted to the Cardinalſhip the 19th. of February▪ in the year 1652. at the inſtance of the King of France, with whom he was afterwards diſguſted, having receiv'd ſome conſiderable affronts, though he was Archbiſhop of Paris.

The Court cry'd out exceedingly againſt Mazarine, who govern'd all at that time, and was the principal cauſe of the perſecuting this perſon, and that upon good grounds. The Eccleſiaſticks pretended, that the greateſt Princes that are, cannot repreſs the power of a Cardinal, when they are treating of matters of State, no though the Cardinals be contriving the ruine or diſturbance of the Publique Peace: But this is a doctrine the Princes do but laugh at, and amongst the reſt, the Kings of France, who upon any ſuch occaſion do fly preſently to their Gallican Rites.

It was ſtrange to Innocent, that after the Crown of France had with ſo much inſtance and importunity, recommended this perſon to be promoted, and after he was advanc'd to ſo honourable a Dignity, he ſhould be ſlighted, and ill uſed immediately by the ſame Crown, of which he made frequent complaints to Mazarine, who wanted not his pretences to excuſe them. However the Politicians look'd upon it as a great over-ſight in Mazarine, to preſent that perſon to the Cardinalſhip, without pre-conſidering what might follow; and indeed they that underſtood the Spirit of the man, inclin'd alwayes to diſturb and perplex the quiet of his Superiours, were much ſcandaliz'd to ſee Mazarine inſtead of keeping him at a diſtance, by ſome politick pretence, to endeavour to make him equal in Dignity to himſelf; and by conſequence to give him greater opportunity and encouragement to undertake what in effect he did enterprize.

But Mazarine was oblig'd to do what he did, for private and occult reaſons, not imagining the ſaid perſon could have been able to have kindled ſo great a Conflagration as he did.

The timid, though unquiet Nature, with which he obſerv'd Gondi to be govern'd, perſwaded him that he was not to be parted from that Country where he manag'd all; ſo as the judgement of ſo great a Head-piece as Mazarine, is many times deceiv'd, he finding by experience, that the moſt timerous man, if back'd and ſupported, grows moſt troubleſome and ambitious.

The Spaniards endeavour'd what they could to fetch over this Cardinal to their party, promiſing him, as is reported▪ much more than he could hope for in France; but he that had his aim upon France, and not upon Spain, kept himſelf cloſe to the intereſt of that Crown, demonſtrating upon ſeveral occaſions, that his adherance to the Male-contents, was not from any animoſity to that Kingdom, but only from a deſire to humble the fortunes of Cardinal Mazarine.

At the time that accident happen'd to the Duke of Crequy in Rome, which was the twentieth of August 63. amongſt all the Cardinals there was none that ſtuck ſo zealouſly to the French party as he; to the admiration of every body, that a perſon that had been turn'd out of his Church, and other Benefices, had been impriſon'd, perſecuted, and baniſh'd, ſhould appear with ſuch ardour in defence of that intereſt, that was the cauſe of his troubles, and (which is worſe) reſolv'd never to readmit him to the Dignities he had loſt. But his proceedings in this point were prudent enough, for having voluntarily diſoblig'd his Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, it was but reaſon he ſhould be voluntarily oblig'd. And the King of France unwilling to let the conſtancy, or generoſity of Retz, with which he maintain'd the juſt Priviledges of his Crown, to go unrewarded, he admitted him again into his favour, which he enjoys to this day, but with ſome conditional limitations, as retaining ſtill in his mind the prejudice he did formerly to the Crown, though he often declar'd, that all his deſigns were againſt Mazarine.

LƲIGI HOMODEI, from his very firſt entrance into the Prelacy, had an ambitious hankering after a Cap, and it coſt him and his Family no ſmall quantity of money before he did compaſs his ends.

It was thought very ſtrange, his Family being like to extinguiſh for want of Heirs, [Page] that he would ſuffer it to periſh, rather than marry; it is reported, that a friend of his adviſing him to marry, he reply'd, That he had higher thoughts. However, things have ſucceeded to his deſires, and that without any diſadvantage to his houſe, which had Children afterwards, and is become one of the moſt conſpicuous, richeſt, and beſt ally'd Familyes in Spain.

He had firſt the Arch-Biſhoprick of Milan given him, which was in his own Country, where he was reſident for ſome time, and performed his Paſtoral Function like a good Sheepherd; at laſt, on the nineteenth of February 1652. he was promoted to the Cardinalſhip by Innocent the tenth, a while after diſcharging himſelf of his Biſhoprick, and in good part, by the means of the Spaniards, who have this for a particular Maxime to make their Cardinals live in Rome as much as poſſibly they can: and though he was a Spaniard both in reſpect of his Family, and Inclination, yet in the Conclave of Innocent, where Alexander was created, he went againſt the judgement of the Spaniards, but they took not much notice of it, becauſe there were ſo many concern'd in the Conſpiracy.

This Cardinal is in ſhort of a noble Extraction, of an exemplary life, and good manners, having ſhown himſelf in all Congregations and Offices, a perſon of much worth, and one that ſticks cloſe to the buſineſs that belongs to him. However in his obſtinacy he is a [...] to blame, yet he yeilds if he be preſs'd with good words; he is otherwiſe of a merry diſpoſition, and by the ſweetneſs of his Converſation, ſhews that he has no ſecret grudge againſt any body. For which I would not anſwer, though he be a good Lumbard, which is as much as to ſay, an enemy to Hypocriſie.

He would be no ill Pope, but I much fear he will dye a Cardinal, yet not without ſome hopes of the Papacy, in which ſo many of them die.

PETRO OTTOBƲONO a noble Venetian, was created Cardinal at the ſame promotion on the 19. of February 1652. being Clerk of the Chamber; but he was promoted at the inſtance of the Commonwealth of Venice, and his own, in that promotion in which the Pope was deſirous to ſatisfie all the Catholick Crowns, and Potentates, amongſt which, after the two Crowns of France, and Spain, Venice has much the greater place; the Popes being oblig'd to give them as much honour in Rome, as is due to the greateſt Crowns, ſeeing God has made that Commonwealth as a Bulwork to all Chriſtendome.

The nature of this Cardinal is, to carry himſelf with all poſſible complaiſance to his own Republique in whatſoever he is imploy'd.

He is not very rich, but indued with good qualities, and his parts are more than ordinary. The Venetians look upon him as a perſon of great worth, but the Court that believes nothing but what they ſee, have not that opinion of him, as not having had any experience of him in any conſiderable affair, he having been confin'd as it were to his Church at Breſcia, and kept at [...] diſtance from the Court, without ever being imploy'd in any Legation. His friends ſay, that from that very thing proceeding from the envy they have for him at Court, the tranſcendent worth of his perſon may be known; which indeed is not unlikely, for Princes trouble not themſelves ſo much to find out perſons of any excellent endowments, as to find ſuch weak poor ſpirited perſons as they can command at their pleaſures: from whence it happens, that they which preſide, do ſuffer them to be diſcontented, that are otherwiſe in favour.

In the Conclave of Alexander, he had a great ſhare in uniting that party that thwarted and croſs'd the deſigns of the Crowns, who were not at all ſatisfi'd, either with him, or his party. And in this laſt Conclave of Clements, he had a great part in facilitating the Election of that Pope, who as ſoon as he was poſſeſs'd of the Pontificate, to ſhow his gratitude to the Senate, and to Ottobuono, declar'd him Datary, ſo that the ſaid Ottobuono having been Auditor di Rota, he may execute that charge very well, and demonſtrate his worth to the Court, he having given them already ſome Eſſays of his Virtues.

LORENZO IMPERIALE of Genoa, was promoted the ſecond of March 1654▪ being Governour of Rome. It was a great wonder to many people, to ſee ſo many perſons of much more merit than he, paſt by, and a perſon made choice of, that had done ſo little ſervice for the Church.

[Page]But thoſe that look'd deeper into the buſineſs, ceas'd immediately to wonder, as knowing the riches of his Family, and the great ambition they had to have a Cap: nor was that juncture of time amiſs, for Donna Olimpia being again receiv'd into favour, deſign'd to re-eſtabliſh her ſelf by getting of moneys, which is all that can be ſaid for his exaltation. He is of an affable and pleaſant nature, and of great frankneſs and candour in his converſation, and doubtleſs he would be much more acceptable to all that converſe with him, were not he a little too tedious in tracing out other peoples thoughts.

His judgement could not have been more dexterous in finding out defects, than it is, nor his judgement accompany'd with more prudence in applying ſeaſonable remedies to them, ſo that from hence it may be argu'd that he is a perſon fit for the management of great affairs.

There are but few ſo well acquainted with the intereſt of the Court, as himſelf, having ſpent a good time of his Prelacy therein; he is ſo conſtant in his reſolutions, that it paſſes almoſt to obduracy. Yet his judgement being very good, he hardens not himſelf, but where he has reaſon on his ſide, and in that caſe the whole world cannot move him.

Did he deſign any higher than his Cardinalſhip, which I can hardly believe he will, he would meet with many rubs in his way: it being almoſt impoſſible to ſucceed, he being known ſo well by the Kings, Princes, and Cardinals, to be a man of ſuch high thoughts, as would attempt that in a ſhort time, which other Princes have labour'd at for ſeveral ages, and without effect; which is ſufficient to obſtruct his pretenſions, were not the Spaniards likewiſe who are his friends, likely to give him greater impediment, than the French that are his Enemies; the Spaniards being never inclin'd to thoſe perſons, that will enterpriſe too high.

In the two laſt Conclaves, he manag'd himſelf ſo with his flying Squadron, that it gave no little diſguſt to the Crowns, to ſee ſuch a Combination of Cardinals driving with great reſolution at the deſtruction of their intereſt, to make the Papacy wholly dependant upon their own. But in the laſt Conclave, and in the Exaltation of his Nephew Bonetti, he made it more clear than it was before, that he cared not to verefie the Opinion the Court had on him, viz. that he was inclin'd to attempt impoſſibilities, in deſpight of any body that ſhould oppoſe him.

The affront he receiv'd in his baniſhment, not only out of the lands of the Church, but out of all Italy, for the Inſolencies committed by the Corſi upon the Duke and Dutcheſs of Crequi, kept him under for a while, all his judgement and ſagacity being too weak to clear him of his accuſations; the others having found out evaſions, and tricks to ſhift the fault of their own backs, and lay it upon poor Aſtalli, who was conſtrain'd to ſuffer the greateſt part of the French indignation towards which King he was forc'd to addreſs himſelf, by his mediation to obtain the favour of having that ſentence revoak'd: and yet for all that, he retains an animoſity againſt the French, though he promis'd his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty to be his particular ſervant; and accordingly ſome few months ſince, with moſt inconſiderate audacity, and contrary to the judgement of Cardinal Farneſe, he oppos'd the validity of the Bull for the incameration of Caſtro; for which he was ſufficiently blam'd, and in danger of experimenting the effects of that Kings indignation: which will alwayes be recorded of his manner of proceeding.

GIBERTO BORROMEI of Milan, was created Cardinal in the reſolution of the Pope, at the promotion on the 19 of Frebruary 1652. with Cardinal Imperiale; but they were not effectively declar'd till the 2d. of March 1654.

This Cardinal being great Grandchild to San Carlo Borromeo, he deported himſelf modeſtly in all his actions, not at all degenerating from thoſe virtues that are natural to that Noble Family, which has alwayes given conſpicuous examples of their goodneſs. From the time he took upon him the Prelatical Habit, he has in all the offices he has gone thorough, given great Teſtimonies of his modeſty, ſincerity, and juſtice, qualities too rarely viſible in perſons of that authority and command.

In his Legation of Romania, he behav'd himſelf ſo well, there was not the leaſt complaint againſt him; though ſome of his Court fell into ſome kind of errours, as having more mind to get money, than reputation: however they abſtain'd from many acts of injuſtice, for very fear of falling into the Legats diſpleaſure, who they knew was averſe to ſuch inequitable deſigns.

[Page]In ſhort, the whole Court unanimouſly gives a good Character of his Sentiments towards the Publique; yet there wants not ſome Criticks that ſuſpect him of ſome degree of Hypocriſie. It is enough he would make a Pope anſwerable to the deſires of the Spaniard, which is, to keep what they have got, and not trouble themſelves to acquire what ever is poſſible, as too many do.

But there is no grat hopes for him whilſt Milan is the Spaniards; for in the Conclave, they look not ſo much upon the merits of the perſon, as the intereſt of State.

MARCELLO SANTA▪ CROCE a Roman, is a perſon that has added virtue and deſert to the Nobility of his Birth; confirming dayly by a hundred examples, the inclinations he hath for the publique good, inſomuch that in the Congregations and Conſiſtories he is one of thoſe, that laying aſide all private paſſion, devote themſelves wholly to the advantage of the Publique; and therefore many are of opinion, in time there will be great hopes for him in the Conclave.

He was promoted to the Cardinalſhip the 19 of Febr. 1652. and the principal reaſons that moved Innocent to promote him, were two, a General, and a particular; the General reaſon was, becauſe the Pope had taken a reſolution to re-advance all the Noble Families in Rome, that began to leſſen and decay in their ſplendour, that thereby he might render the City more Pompous and Majeſtick: but whether he was induc'd to this out of pure generoſity, or out of an ambition he had to oblige all thoſe reinvigorated Families to his own, I cannot tell; be it one or the other, the deſign was noble, and had been executed more exactly, had not the importunity of his Couſin diverted him, and forc'd him to ſell that which he pretended to give.

The particular was, that ſeveral occaſions being given to Santa Croce, to defend and repreſent [...]in his Holineſſes preſence, certain intricate and difficult points, he did it with that plainneſs and facility, it made ſuch an impreſſion upon the Genius of the Pope, that he thought him worthy of the Cap. And declar'd many times before certain of his Cardinals, that he never gave ſentence with leſs injury to his Conſcience, than after he had conſulted and been well inform'd by Santa Croce; and yet Innocent was eſteem'd a good Lawyer, as he was indeed, yet his underſtanding was but dull and obtuſe, and therefore he lov'd them beſt that could make things moſt eaſie and perſpicuous to his capacity; but whether it was for one reaſon or the other, this I know his advancing Santa Croce to the Cardinalſhip, was much commended.

FEDERICO d'HASSIA a German, created the 19 of Jan. 1652. is a perſon of ſpirit and generoſity ſuitable to the nobleneſs of his extraction.

He is very juſt and exact in his judgement, diſtinguiſhing betwixt good and bad to a hair; ſo that it may be ſaid with reaſon, his commendations are without flattery, his reprehenſions without envy, becauſe his praiſes, or rebukes, (void of all paſſion) are exactly proportion'd to the merits of the Party.

He was tranſlated from the Camp to the Cloyſter, from the Sword to the Croſs, from the Proteſtant Religion to the Catholick, which at the beginning of his promotion, made ſeveral perſons believe that he would gain but little honour by the Cardinalſhip, ſuppoſing he had imbib'd too much of the confus'd principles of the Proteſtant, and Souldier; but they were undeceiv'd when they ſaw him give ſuch Teſtimonies of himſelf, by expreſſing himſelf a good Catholick, and a true obſerver of the Maximes of the Court of Rome. However the general opinion is, that his Talent would have been better imploy'd in matters of Arms, than the Gown, which ſeems to be ſomthing forc'd and unnatural to him, becauſe impos'd, not generated with him, whereas this inclination to Arms was born with him, and he has retain'd it from his Cradle.

The being utterly without, or at leaſt not over-well furniſh'd with the ornaments of learning, which do oftentimes work upon the hearts of the Popes, to confe [...] ſubſidies extraordinary upon ſuch Cardinals as are Forreigners, is the reaſon that he wants more conveniencies than he enjoys, every one withdrawing himſelf from his ſupply, becauſe that to relieve him according to the largeneſs of his own thoughts, would require too much. The Spaniards themſelves, whoſe Maxime it is to inlarge their hands to perſons of that quality, have been cloſe enough as to him, becauſe they ſee that to maintain him in his original Grandeur, would ask as much as to maintain ſix others, ſo as they [Page] have rather choſe to oblige many than one; and hence it is that this Cardinal is neceſſitated to hunt after Foreign aſſiſtance, as he did for two years time, that he was in Rome, after the creation of Pope Alexander, ſo ſtreightned and diſtreſs'd by the diſappointment of his Aſſignments, that were promis'd him but not paid, that to avoid falling into greater, he was forc'd to retire into Germany, to attend ſome fortune that might put him into a condition to live again according to his deſires in Rome; to which he has a great inclination, as thinking that place more pleaſant than Germany: But the truth is, when he is in Germany, his inclinations are after Rome, and when in Rome, they are the ſame for Germany.

CARLO BARBARINI a Roman, was deſign'd in the promotion the 19th. of February 1652. and afterwards declar'd Cardinal alone, on the 25. of June 1653. to the admiration of all the World, that by ſuch an exceſs of favour, he ſhould admit three Cardinals living at one time, of one Family, a thing never ſeen nor heard of in former times; and that which magnifi'd their aſtoniſhment more was, that they ſaw them initiated into the favour of that Pope, who look'd upon it as a matter of great importance to deſtroy, or at leaſt to debaſe that Family, as knowing how ſtrong their intereſt was in gaining the people, and working over the hearts of the diſcontented to themſelves.

The Reconciliation was brought about by means of an Alliance contriv'd by Donna Olimpia, who fore-ſeeing the death of the Pope her Couſin approaching, and conſidering there was no body of her party that could ſuſtain her, upon any accident or adverſity, ſhe having diſoblig'd even her own Sons, ſhe reſolv'd to undertake ſomething extraordinary, and that was to negotiate an Alliance with the Barbarini. And the Princeſs her Daughter, that was marry'd to the Prince Juſtinian, having at that time a Daughter that was marriageable, ſhe entred into treaty with Cardinal Franciſco Barbarino, for the Prince di Paleſtrina their Nephew, and promis'd reſtitution of whatever had been ſequeſtred from them.

The Barbarini though they had need enough to have buſineſſes accommodated, were not ſo weak nevertheleſs as to give them their eldeſt Son, but they told her, that he was inclin'd to take the Prelacy upon him, (which was as much as to ſay he deſir'd a Cap) and that he would reſign his Prefectſhip to the Abbot his Brother, and take the Abbey to himſelf, as it afterwards happen'd, with advantage to them both; and in this manner Charles having reſigned his Primogeniture to Maffeo Barbarino his Brother, the marriage was concluded, and the ſaid Charles created Cardinal in reſpect of the ſaid Match.

Yet this accumulation of honour upon honour, was not to be blam'd in the Pope, if the excellent qualities of this young Cardinal be conſider'd; his modeſty is ſo conſpicuous, and his life ſo unblamable, that he conſtrains the very Enemies of his Family to love him, and draws reſpect from every perſon in the Court.

Cardinal Franciſco's virtues are viſible in the virtues of ſuch a Nephew, who depends ſo entirely upon the beck of his Unckle, that his obedience appears little leſs than adoration.

The greateſt part of the day he addicts either to Study, Devotion, or other Spiritual exerciſes, retaining ſome time alſo for politick affairs, under the direction of his Unckle Cardinal Franciſco, a perſon of great experience in thoſe things, to whoſe model and example he frames himſelf exactly.

In ſhort, he takes the ſame way with his Predeceſſors that pretended to the Papacy; but I ſhall ſay no more of him, becauſe he is not above forty years old, but in time he may be elected, as ſoon as the greateſt pretender of them all.

GIO. BATTISTA SPADA, a Lucheſe, (otherwiſe call'd di Santa S [...]ſanna) was in his Prelacy entruſted by Ʋrban the eighth, with certain great and conſiderable Offices, which he diſcharg'd to his commendations; yet though Ʋrban promis'd him a Cap, he was not ſo good as his word. But Innocent being inform'd of the excellency of his qualities, that the ſervices that he had done to the Publique might remain unrewarded no longer, he created him Cardinal the 2. of March 1654.

He is a perſon of great prudence, of a good humour, skill'd well enough in the Law, [Page] and of no ſmall experience in the Court: Cardinal Barbarino (that loves him at his heart) cryes him up for one of the greateſt Politicians in the World, and addes many things more then that to his commendations.

The Spaniards have great confidence in him, as looking upon him of a quiet nature, and not given to novelties. But his being ſo ſtrangely united in affection with Barbarino, has given the Grand Duke occaſion of Jealouſie, and ſo much the more, becauſe they have eſpous'd the intereſt of their Country.

In his Legation of Ferrara he was a little faulty, but they were rather of Omiſſion than of Commiſſion, he leaving the Reins too looſe to his Miniſters to be corrupt, in ſo much that they who had any buſineſs in his Tribunal, complain'd of the rapacity of his Officers, and the too great goodneſs of the Cardinal.

FRANCISCO ALBICI of Ceſena, is a well deſerving and well affected Servant to the Duke of Tuſcany, whoſe Vaſſail he is originally, though was born in Ceſena, where having exercis'd his pragmatical humour for ſome time, and according to the uſual impetuoſity of his nature, he conſtrain'd a Gentleman of that Country to handle him like a Vaſſail indeed: and after ſuch an affront, not being able to ſtay longer in thoſe parts, he came to Rome, and entred himſelf into the family of Panzirolo, who carry'd him along with him into Spain, in ſpight of ſeveral of his Court that were unwilling to have aſſociated with ſo extravagant a brain.

At his return from Spain, he was imploy'd by Innocent in the buſineſs of the Janſ [...]niſts, which he tranſacted ſo well, that he was look'd upon as a perſon of great abilities, and cunning, if for no other reaſon, for complying ſo exquiſitely with the humour of the Pope, that he made him a Cardinal on the 2d. of March 1654. which otherwiſe, with all Panzirolo's intereſt he could never obtain. But the principal cauſe that ſome will have for his promotion, was the known animoſity betwixt him and Cardinal Maculano, a perſon exceedingly odious to Donna Olimpia, and the whole houſe of Pamphilia; pretending that by introducing into the Conclave a perſon of his temper and vehemence, all the hopes Maculano had, would be daſh'd; ſo that it it may be ſaid, he was not advanc'd upon the ſcore of his merits, but that he might be an impediment to all ſuch practiſes as ſhould be us'd in favour of the ſaid Maculano.

The Tongue of this Cardinal is extremely Satyrical, and he utters many times things that are inſufferably ſharp; he has utterly diſoblig'd the Chigi with his talking, againſt whom, now they are out of authority, he ſpeaks more frankly than formerly.

But he reckons that a virtue in himſelf, pretending he does it not out of any malevolence, but juſtice, as being naturally averſe to the corruptions of the Age, not of the Court; and therefore he cannot content himſelf to reprehend the vices of other people at their private meetings, but in his publique Orations he takes delight to oſtentate his eloquence in that manner; every body admiring that he (that is not without his defects himſelf) ſhould give himſelf over to the cenſuring of other perſons, without any reſpect.

This Satyrical way of proceeding, obſcures the luſtre of his learning, and the great experience he has in the affairs of the world; for other things he has a very good head, and is therefore hated by the Spaniard, who is alwayes jealous of ſuch perſons, as they that by their contrivances are able to diſturb the repoſe of the whole Univerſe.

OTTAVIO AQƲAVIVA a Neopolitan, has a general applauſe, as a perſon that has virtue ſufficient to render him worthy of that honour, beſides that the Nobility of his Birth makes him as illuſtrious as his virtues.

He is very well practis'd in the politicks of the Court, and indeed ſo much, he needs no addition to qualifie him for the Congregations, or other offices; but as to the Supremacy, he could not in any manner attain meerly by that experience he has already; it would be neceſſary for him to look out for aſſiſtance, which he could ſcarce want having no ſmall number of Allies, and Kindred, who (whether good or bad) are they which govern the Church in behalf of the Pope.

He retains much of the Neapolitan ſtill, though he has been a long time out of that Countrey, that is, he is liberal of his tongue, but very ſparing of his [...]urſe. Not that he does no generous actions, but only that he wants judgement to diſtribute them with [Page] diſcretion, giving all ſometimes to one, and to another nothing, and commonly he offers more than he can give, and then gives leſs than he promis'd.

He obtain'd the Cap the 2d. of March 1654. but I know not whether of Pope Innocent, or of his Couſin Donna Olimpia; For of two perſons, one of them was belov'd by the Pope, and hated by Donna Olimpia, and the other belov'd by Donna Olimpia, and abhor'd by his Holineſs; this Lady was able to eradicate from the Popes heart the perſon he affected, and place her own favourite there, ſooner than his Holineſs could put her friend out of her mind, to make room for his own.

But that which gave greateſt occaſion of wonder to the Court was, to ſee that Lady that was wont to regard nothing but money, without thinking on the merits of the perſons recommended, that ſhe ſhould fix her eye upon a perſon of his worth and deſerts, without a feeling in the hand.

Her conſiderations were politick and good, and ſo allow'd by Innocent himſelf, for Donna Olimpia having got money enough, ſhe thought it time to lay about her for friends; and therefore ſeeing his Holineſs declining a pace, ſhe betook her ſelf to her politicks, endeavouring to fortifie her Family and perſon, by obliging ſuch perſons of worth and nobility, as could upon any ſiniſter occaſion give them protection.

Many believe that this Aquaviva being ſo generous a perſon, left not ſo great a benefit unrewarded; but be it as it will, this is moſt certain, that upon the bare ſcore of the Cap, there was not the leaſt preſent made: and if afterward he was created Cardinal, he did any thing in that kind (which I do not believe) it was not for that reaſon, but ſome other; for this I am ſure of, he knew ſo well the worth of his Family, that he would a thouſand times ſooner have been contented to have remain'd without a Cap as he was before, than to have tainted it, with the leaſt thought of Simony.

The Spaniards love him, and honour him; but I know not whether they be thoroughly ſatisfi'd with him, or not, becauſe in many things he behaves himſelf as a Neuter, not expreſſing that ardour and zeal, he ought to do, as he is a ſubject to that Crown; beſides in the Conclaves he gave them no perfect content.

CARLO PIO of Ferrara, was Nephew to the lately deceas'd Cardinal of that name, who by his ill life, left occaſion to many people to diſcourſe of him, with no great advantage to his reputation.

This Nephew of whom we are ſpeaking was Treſoriere di Camera, an office that coſt eighty thouſand Crowns; and therefore in the vacancy of ſuch offices, they advanc'd perſons not for their merits, but their moneys. The ſame caſe exactly happen'd in the promotion of Carlo Pio, for Innocent decaying daly, his Couſin was ſtill at his elbow, egging and ſoliciting him perpetually to ſome new way of drawing more ſums to her Coffers; and to give her content, he created him Cardinal the 2d. of March 1654. ſelling the Treaſurers place to another, and ſo two ſeveral wayes augmenting the Treaſury of his Couſin.

The Family of this Lord, for its nobility and deſerts, might well have deſerv'd a Cap, without this manner of dealing; however he did well to come by it as he did, otherwiſe he might have gone without it as long as he liv'd.

Many things might be ſaid of the nature of this perſon, if the number of them would not confound both the Writer, and Reader; he never injoy'd his health perfectly from his youth, he was troubled with many infirmities, that diſabl'd him for ſeveral functions; but he finding himſelf incurable, forc'd his nature by ſome kind of exerciſe▪ as much as was poſſible, and with ſucceſs above the opinions of thoſe Phyſitians that govern'd him.

He had the Church of Ferrara given him, in conſideration rather of his Family than his perſon; but it would have been better for him to have refus'd it, and continu'd in Rome, than by accepting it to render that pittance and remainder of his health more weakly and infirm, by the labour of his Paſtoral Cure, and to let the people of his own Country know, the quality of his complection.

The principal cauſe that put him upon that reſolution, was, that he alſo had imbib'd that commune Maxim, That the leſs a Cardinal is preſent in the Court; with the more caſe will he in time arrive at the Papacy: which ſaying, though it be univerſal▪ bears [Page] no place in the Politicks of the Romans, who being become Maſters of experience, they can eaſily ſee through their deſigns that think that way to conceal them, and do give precedence rather to thoſe that comport themſelves handſomely at Court, than thoſe that retire themſelves into the Country. This Cardinal therefore obſerving, that by reaſon of his Youth, or at leaſt the immaturity of his age for the Popedom, thoſe hopes were too remote from him, he concluded to reſign his Church of Ferrara, and to change his principals under pretence that the air of Rome was more agreeable to his health.

And now to come to the particulars of his humour, I ſhall ſay, that the moſt politick do think him very blamable, as being exceſſively ſevere, and untractable in extremity. He would fain have reform'd all the Clergy in his Dioceſs, upon the meer authority of a Biſhop; beginning not with Fatherly exhortations, ſo much as with comminations and threatnings, in ſo much that he has taken a courſe to publiſh certain offences, that were but private before, and to divide thoſe he deſign'd to have united, only to get the reputation of a good Magiſtrate.

But he intended to have done all this to a good end, having an ambition to make himſelf thought an honeſt man, and zealous for the Church, without obſerving, that when Zeal is not accompany'd with moral Prudence, to moderate the impulſes of Nature, it becomes odious even to good men, and inſtead of Zeal, diſcovers it ſelf to be Tyranny.

But this is an infirmity peculiar in this preſent age to thoſe Eccleſiaſticks, that if by weakneſs of Age, or ſtrength of Continence, they forbear thoſe publick ſcandals of the Fleſh, they preſently ſwell, and boaſt up the excellency of their Nature, with which they come afterwards to a certain heat, and arrogance, they call Zeal: and of this ſort is the Zeal of this Cardinal eſteem'd, who to ſpeak truth has but few frailties to correct, either that his infirmities do debilitate his Nature, or his virtue over-power it; it is ſufficient that there are no conſiderable faults to be found in him, unleſs it be that he is but little inclin'd to do kindneſſes for any body, and that he is too fierce in the con [...]utation of him that refuſes to yield at the firſt daſh, eſpecially if it be in matters of Conſcience, in which he is ſcrupulous to the higheſt.

As for his Negotiations he cannot expect much, having had no occaſion to be exercis'd in great affairs; beſides his temper is too tender, and would not ſuffer him to take ſuch imployments upon him, though perhaps he would force himſelf rather than be behind the reſt, his brain being ſtimulated by the ſame thing, that excites the whole Colledge to the Papacy: In time he might make an offer at the Papacy, as others do, I know not whether he would obtain it; but this I know, that many perſons inferiour to him have leap'd into the Vatican.

CARLO GƲALTIERI of Orvietta, was by the mediation of Donna Olimpia promoted to the Cardinalſhip, the 2. of March 1654. not that he was a perſon worthy of a Cap, or that the Pope had made uſe of him in any conſiderable affair, but becauſe it was his fortune to be ally'd to the Houſe of Pamphilia.

Innocent was really in his own mind averſe from introducing perſons of ſo ſmall virtue as this, and Maldachino, into the Sacred Colledge, amongſt ſo many Eminent perſons, and ſo many great Princes. But Donna Olimpia, who was Paramount and did what ſhe pleas'd, caſt ſuch a miſt before the eyes of that Innocent Pope, that he diſcern'd not what he did himſelf, by the promotion of thoſe two perſons, uniting them and fixing them upon her, and which is of greater importance, leaving ſo many perſons that for many years together had worn themſelves out in the ſervice of the Church; which his poor Holineſs forgot, till the errour was committed, and all the Streets of Rome in a tumult to have it remedy'd. If the qualities of Maldachino and Gualtieri were compar'd, Gualtieri's though they are good for little or nothing, are yet leſs ridiculous than the former.

Donna Olimpia imploy'd him in her ſecret affairs, that is, ſhe made him negotiate the ſelling of Benefices, in which ſhe did very ill, to entruſt things of great importance in the hands of a perſon of no experience, and leſs judgement; but as bad as he was, he knew well enough to make his advantages of the Election ſhe gave him, from whom he [Page] learn'd alſo a great dexterity in ſhearing of his Flock; and in his Church of Fermo, (of which he is Biſhop) he diſdains not from time to time to receive preſents from his Clerks, not that he demands them, but when they are offer'd he never refuſes them.

The Pope gave him this Biſhoprick, not to recompence any deſert he had found in him, nor that he thought him worthy to execute that Paſtoral charge, but only to ſend him packing from Rome, it going againſt the hair to ſee in the Conſiſtories and publique meetings, ſuch a creature ſitting amongſt ſo many Cardinals of renoun; and he had done better yet, had he by as honourable a baniſhment ſent Maldachino as far from the Court.

If there be any thing good in this Gualtieri, it is that he is not envious, and that knowing his own ignorance, he takes kindly the advice of any one that knows more than himſelf; being very ſeldome obſtinate in his opinion, but in caſe of anger, or ſome particular paſſion.

DECIO AZZOLINI is the laſt Cardinal of the Creation of Innocent the tenth; he is of a Sicilian Race, though born in the City of Fermo in the Marquiſat of Ancona, where we have ſaid Gualtieri was Biſhop.

It would be a long ſtory, if we ſhould ſet down the whole cauſe of his Exaltation, and we ſhould be forc'd to repeat much of what has been ſaid already; I ſhall only ſay, that being conſcious of his incapacity of arriving at that Grandeur his ambition prompted him to, as having no means nor merits to advance him, nor any thing beſides a ſimple Prelature, he took upon him that way which takes very oft in the Court of Rome, and that is in plain terms he turn'd Spy; in which he improv'd himſelf ſo well, it was generally believ'd there was not any one more dexterous in diſcovering the corruptions of others than he; and this he manifeſted, when Pope Innocent was in tranſaction of ſomething with the Barbarini, upon the acquiſition of the Kingdom of Naples, the Barbarini having a great thirſt after certain Principalities of that Crown, which falling into the hands of the Church, they doubted not by the power of their purſe to have a competent ſhare thereof. Cardinal Aſtalli having notice of all (though the Barbarini had render'd him ſo ſuſpicious to the Pope, that he was kept at a diſtance from this deſign) he gave immediate intelligence to the Spaniard, with whom he kept a ſtrict correſpondence. Which being ſmelt by Azzolini after his wonted manner being Clerk of the Breves, a charge of no ordinary importance, and confidence, he gave a private account of it to the Pope, who us'd Aſtalli very ill upon it, depriving him (as every body knows) of all he had given him, except his Cap; by way of recompence making Azzolini Cardinal the 2d. of March 1654. and ſo it was firſt diſcover'd, that the ruine and fall of Aſtalli was occaſion'd in great part by the Relations, whether true or falſe of this perſon, who has ſince made the myſtery of a Spy ſo honourable, that at preſent, in hopes of great rewards, there are Prelats of greater reputation than he have undertaken the ſame way.

But moſt of them find themſelves miſtaken, every one not being of Innocents mind, to love the Treaſon and not the Traitor.

In the laſt Conclave he beſtirr'd himſelf very much for the intereſt of Roſpiglioſi, to whom he gave relation ſeveral times of all the obſtructions he met with▪ wherewith Roſpiglioſi was ſo well ſatisfy'd, that the very night of his Election, he declar'd the ſaid Azzolini his Secretary of State, a place of great truſt, and which he had executed himſelf thorough the whole Pontificate of Alexander.

The friends of this Azzolini do cry him up for a perſon of very great judgement and experience in politick affairs; but thoſe that have try'd him in buſineſs, do ſay there is nothing in him extraordinary, but a certain dexterity of the pen, which he has acquir'd by long converſation in the Secretaries place.

But if there were any thing in him more than ordinarily conſpicuous, it would be eclips'd by certain defects that over-rule him, and particularly by his amours to all kind of Ladies, both Virgins, and Wives, he paſſing moſt of his time in car [...]ſſing of them, not regarding whether the Republique receives any advantage, or no.

Of how poor and abject a ſpirit he is, appears by this, that even whilſt he was a Cardinal, he hath yeilded himſelf up to certain Doxeys brought into his Chamber, by a [Page] certain Fryer his Pandor; but ſince he began to have familiar converſe in the Court of the Queen of Sweden, his thoughts are ſomewhat advanc'd.

Alexander not enduring the publiqueneſs of this Cardinals amours, ſent him Legat to Ravenna, rather to remove him out of his ſight, than for any thing elſe; after his departure there were many things diſcover'd, which gave great occaſion of diſcourſe about the Court. Yet it is as true, he was no ſooner return'd, but his very preſence ſtopp'd the mouths of the people, if not of the Court.

The whole number of Cardinals created by Ʋrban the eight, were 72. which made a good wit of the Court ſay, That amongſt all the Popes of Rome, Ʋrban was the only Vicar of Chriſt; for as Chriſt had choſen for the ſervice of the Church 72 Diſciples, ſo had Ʋrban call'd 72 Cardinals to the Apoſtleſhip; with this difference only, that the firſt were made by our Saviour to be ſerviceable to the Chriſtians, but the laſt to make the Chriſtian ſerviceable to them: which gives the Proteſtants occaſion to laugh both at Cardinals and Pope too.

Theſe Cardinals were created in eleven ſeveral Ordinations, and to ſpeak the truth, the greateſt part of thoſe that were promoted, were but ordinary perſons, of no eminence, either for learning, or extraction, having more regard to advance the intereſt of his own Family, than the Ornament of the Church. True it is, his intention was to have fill'd the Colledge with perſons of eminence, but he was either diverted by his Nephews, or repented himſelf of thoſe inclinations, and gave the Cap to ſuch, as had ſcarce wit enough to know which way 'twas to be worn.

Innocent the tenth made 39 in ten Ordinations, making as many Ordinations in ten years, as Ʋrban did in twenty; yet if the merit of the perſons be compar'd that were created in Innocents time, and in Ʋrbans, thoſe that were promoted by Innocent, will doubtleſs tranſcend thoſe very much that were created by Ʋrban, though Innocent himſelf had his failings too, and introduc'd perſons into the Colledge that were fit to wear the habit of a poor Fryer in a Cloyſter, rather than the Robes of a Cardinal in the Colledge. But this is certain, had it not been for Donna Olimpia, Innocent would have choſen ſuch as had been worthy of the Colledge; for thoſe that he created himſelf, of his own proper motion, and without the advice of his Couſin, were all perſons of eminence; whereas all that were promoted by her means (except one or two at the moſt) were rather to fill up the number, than to adorn the Church.

The principal care of the Popes ſhould be to fill up the Colledge with ſuch perſons, as ſhould be an honour and reputation to their Robes, and not with ſuch as ſtand gaping in hopes to receive honour by them. A great ſhame it is for the Church of Chriſt to ſay, that for an age backward, the Popes have had no other deſign but to make their Grooms and their Footmen Cardinals, and to paſs by Princes, and perſons of worth, and ſuch as have with ſo much labour and ſweat, endeavour'd the advancement, not of the Nepotiſmo, but Chriſtianity it ſelf.

For my part I cannot ſee by what policy it is, that the Popes of our dayes (to go no further) have in their Creations of Cardinals, had more regard to the number than the qualifications of them, although their qualities be of much more importance than their number, and of more benefit both to the Church and Pope.

Two Cardinal Princes, of quality, of birth, and eſteem, are more capable of adorning the Cardinalitial dignity, of defending the intereſt of the Church, and of adding ſplendour to the Court, than a dozen ſuch Clowns, as (be it ſpoken with reverence) are too often to be ſeen in the Colledge, with the Scarlet upon their ſhoulders. He that receives a Cap, to do it honour, forces himſelf what he can to let the world ſee he is able to do it, and that he be not indebted to his dignity; but he that receives his Robes to be honour'd by them, looks no further than his own intereſt; it is ſufficient to him he is accounted a Cardinal, as if the Cardinalſhip were in him, not he in the Cardinalſhip; ſo great a difference is there betwixt receiving the Purple, and being receiv'd by it.

There is no doubt but it would be more for the advantage of the Popes, to create their Cardinals, few in number, and great in worth, than it is to have whole Troops of them, inconſiderable in their qualities, and great only in their number. The principal [Page] end of the Popes (as I have ſaid in another place) in the creation of Cardinals, (unleſs it be the filling of his purſe) is nothing but the ſupporting the fortunes of his Family, and the leaving his Nephews ſuch Friends in the Conclave and Colledge, as may ſtand by them in caſe of perſecution, and be Advocates in their cauſes.

Nor is this (if it be conſider'd nearly) ill policy; yet it would be much more profitable, if inſtead of making inferiour perſons Protectors of the Nephews, they would chooſe ſuch potent Cardinals, as could defend them by the greatneſs of their own Families, and not by the virtue only of another mans Gown. Great perſons are alwayes great, and their words are valued accordingly, ſo that if the Purple be but added, they throw flame and luſtre about every thing: Thoſe that are but ordinary, and of but moderate Talents, though they have the honour of the Purple, yet they can do nothing but meanly, becauſe the luſtre they caſt is unnatural and forc'd, and turns all their glory into ſmoak. Moreover, it would be much more for the advantage of the Popes, to create few Cardinals, and thoſe Great, than to create many, and thoſe ordinary and mean; when I ſay Great, I mean Princes, that not only honour the Purple with their perſons, but ſpare the money of the Chamber, (I ſhould have ſaid, of the Popes) whereas poor Cardinals do weaken and diſable the Datary, the Popes being oblig'd with Penſions, Benefices, and Biſhopricks, to maintain and put them into a capacity of ſupporting their Cardinalſhip honourably: But all that money would be reſerv'd, either for the Chamber, or for the Nephews, or for the Pope; becauſe Princes receive not the Cap, out of any regard to the profit of the Cardinalſhip, but by their being Cardinals to adde profit to the Church.

On the other ſide, the Court of Rome is ſo far Majeſtick, and reckon'd among the principal of the World, by how far the Cardinals do render it ſo; for by how much the perſons are conſiderable, that carry the Purple, by ſo much is the Court more ſplendid and magnificent, becauſe the Court is made magnificent by the Cardinals.

To this purpoſe I remember I was ſpeaking one day with a Foreign Gentleman, of the Grandeur of the Court of Rome, and I having ſaid, that its greateſt ornament and glory, conſiſted in the perſons of the Cardinals, who reſembling Kings, the Court by conſequence was adorn'd with as many Kings, as Cardinals: But he having been in Rome, and holding particular intelligence, had good information of the intereſts and policies of the Popes, anſwered me thus; Sir, the habit makes not the Monk, but the Monk the habit: An ill man though he wears a Religious habit, is but an ill man ſtill; but a good man in the worſt habit, ſhall be eſteem'd good notwithſtanding. In like manner, it is not the Purple that makes the Cardinal, but the Cardinal the Purple; ſo that the Cardinals would be Kings indeed, if the Popes would chooſe them amongst the Princes, and not amongst ſuch as they too often do.

To ſpeak the truth, how can that Cardinal be an honour to the Court, that cannot read? how can he adde ſplendor to the Papacy, that cannot write? how can he give Majeſty to an Imperial City, that is but the off-ſpring of a Country Village? how can he merit the Title of a King, that never convers'd but with the vileſt of the people? Yet of ſuch kind of ſtuff the Popes make their Cardinals too often; and then how can that Court be thought great, or ſerviceable to the Church, if they that ſerve it are Kings indeed by name, but Scoundrils in fact? Let that Cap be beſtow'd on thoſe that know how to wear it; let him be advanc'd to the Cardinalſhip, that has deſerv'd to be a King: In ſhort, thoſe Popes that deſire to ſee the Church and the Court ſhining in Majeſty and ſplendor, let not them conferr that honour upon the quantity, but the quality of the Perſons.

Innocent the tenth began his promotions with the greateſt glory in the World, having open'd his Creation, by giving his firſt Cap to the moſt Serene Prince Gio. Carlo di Medici, Brother to the Great Duke of Tuſcany, and that on the 14th. of November 1644. a perſon of that worth, that for thoſe twenty years he liv'd a Cardinal, he may be ſaid to have been the glory of the Colledge. The next year continuing in that good humour, he created Franciſco Maria Farneſe, Brother to the Duke of Parma; who joyning the Highneſs of his Birth, to the Eminence of the Cardinalſhip, added honour to the Order, and had done it more, had not the untimelineſs of his death prevented it. The third [Page] year he gave the Cap to Giovanni Caſimiro, the King of Polands Brother, which he afterwards reſign'd in the year 1648. being call'd back to receive that Crown in the room of his Brother, that was lately dead; by that means making it clear, that the Purple can produce a Scepter, if the Purple be taken from the Scepters. And laſt of all, in the laſt year but one of his Pontificate, ambitious perhaps to immortalize his Name, by admitting the moſt Eminent perſons into the Colledge, he created Prince Frederick Lantgrave of Haſſia Cardinal, of whom we have ſpoken already in his proper place.

Paul the fifth had a particular aim thorow the whole courſe of his Popedom, to ennoble the Court, to adde new Majeſty to the Colledge, and to ſelect ſuch perſons as were proper by their own grandeur, to defend the honour of the Church; and accordingly in three promotions, he advanc'd five Princes of very great quality to the Cardinalſhip; viz. Mauritio Son to the Duke of Savoy, who renounc'd it afterwards, to marry one of the Neeces, holding it leſs ſcandal to ſubject himſelf to a Lady, than to be a ſlave to the Nipotiſme of Ʋrban the eighth; Ferdinando, and Vicenzo Gonſaga, both Sons to the Duke of Mantoa; Carlo di Medici, Son to the Duke of Tuſcany; and Ferdinando Infante di Spagna, who as Hiſtories report, immortaliz'd the honour of the Cardinalſhip, by fighting for the Faith of Chriſt.

Ʋrban the eighth that lived Pope ſo long, although he created three Princes Cardinals, viz. Nicolo Franciſco, Brother to the Duke of Lorain; Gio. Alberto, Brother to the King of Poland; and Rinald d'Eſte, Brother to the Duke of Modena; yet for all that he was either diverted by his Kindred afterwards, or elſe his own inclinations were not fix'd upon ſuch Noble objects, and he endeavour'd to keep at a diſtance from the Colledge ſuch perſons as deſerv'd the Cap, not only for the glory of their Birth, but for the many ſervices they had perform'd for the Church: In this manner Ʋrban kept ſeveral Princes as far from the Cardinalſhip as was poſſible, and amongſt the reſt Franciſco Maria Farneſe, Brother to the Duke of Parma, who as many wayes deſerv'd it, as any one: But the Pope poſtponing the publick intereſt of the Church, to the fancy and Capriccio of his Kindred, depriv'd the Colledge of ſo Honourable a Member, the Church of ſo conſiderable a Protector, his own Family of ſo potent a ſupport, and his own perſon of the acquiſition of a Fame, more immortal than that of his being Pope: For when the Popes do give occaſion and matter to have it immortaliz'd, they immortalize their own Names themſelves; nor can they find any more honourable way, than by filling the Cardinalitial Colledge with perſons of Honour.

But that which is moſt conſiderable is, he not only diſoblig'd the Cardinal Princes that were created by Paulus, but thoſe few alſo that he created himſelf, being forc'd thereto for certain pittifull and poor-ſpirited reaſons, in ſo much that they were leaving of the Court, and retiring out of Rome, rather than to ſee the Prerogative of their Births, proſtituted to a few perſons that had not wit nor education enough to uſe them civilly, eſpecially ſuch as had deſerv'd their promotion by their other virtues. And it is moſt certain, (I beg the pardon of their relations that are living, becauſe I write only the common opinion, and what is declar'd in ſeveral Hiſtories) the Church would have been in great perplexity, to ſee it ſelf out of all hopes of being ſerv'd by Princes, if another Ʋrban had ſucceeded the former, and not an Innocent. But that God that governs all things, above the comprehenſion of man, put clear other thoughts into the heart of Innocent, (who by his Divine providence, was call'd to the Papacy) than what were in Ʋrban; for as the one endeavour'd what he could to keep the Purple from the ſhoulders of the Princes, the more did the other labour to place it there.

Alexander the ſeventh, that began his Pontificate with the zeal of a Saint, and the magnificence of Alexander the Great, expreſs'd a great ambition that he had, to ſee in his time the Court more Majeſtick than ever; and he ſought out all the wayes he could to adorn it, not only by endeavouring the number of Ambaſſadors of Foreign Princes might be encreas'd, (who do adde indeed great ſplendor to a Court) but he declar'd alſo, he would fill up the Colledge with more Eminent perſons, than had ever been ſeen there before; and at this rate he diſcours'd frequently, not only with the Cardinals themſelves, but with his Familiars and Domeſticks, proteſting his whole deſign was to promote half a dozen Princes at the leaſt; which being related to an old Courtier, he [Page] told a Friend of his, that had a mind to a Cap; Sir, till now I look'd upon you as a Cardinal, becauſe Cardinals were made formerly of any thing, but now the Pope is reſolv'd to make them of the beſt only, there is but little hopes for you. I underſtand you, (reply'd the other) and I had rather wave the ſervices I have done to the Church for the ſake of a Prince, than of an ignoble Competitor.

To the Marqueſs of Majetta, Ambaſſador from the Duke of Savoy, Alexander made no ſmall proteſtations, that he was very ſorry he could not find one perſon in that Royal Family of the Duke, that was capable of the Cardinalitial Dignity, whereby he might ſatisfie his natural inclination, of adding new ſplendor to the Colledge, by introducing perſons of that eminence, and extraction.

And ſuch pretences as theſe he us'd to the Ambaſſadors of other Princes, that is, of ſuch in whoſe Families he ſaw no hopes of finding a perſon proper for ſo great an honour. But it was known very well, he us'd no ſuch diſcourſes but in meer hypocriſie, becauſe he never made any ſuch Propoſitions to thoſe Princes that were able to have furniſh'd him. And this piece of diſſimulation, for which he was ſuſpected at Court, was verified towards his latter end, when as there being two Cardinals of the Houſe of Medici dead, who without doubt had been the greateſt Ornament of that Sacred Colledge, and it being in his power to have immortaliz'd his Name, by the promotion of others out of the ſame; he ſhut his eyes, and his ears, againſt all the overtures that were made, ſo that inſtead of re-admitting one at leaſt of the ſaid Family into the vacancy, he fill'd them both up with Sieneſes, chooſing rather to rob the Church of ſo great an honour, than deny himſelf the latitude of his paſſions, in ſo much as after his laſt promotion, which he made dying as it were, and in his Bed, many people began to cry out, that it was but fit the Church ſhould remain a Widdow, without a Paſtor, ſeeing it was his will, the Colledge ſhould remain a Widdow, without any more of the Houſe of Medici.

And indeed for a whole age to this time, there has not been found in the Colledge ſo few Cardinal Princes, as at preſent, eſpecially of the Houſe of Medici, the Cardinals of which, have not only labour'd by their outward magnificence to preſerve the ſplendor of the Court, but upon ſeveral occaſions have demonſtrated to the Popes, that it was neceſſary to continue ſuch perſons in the Colledge, for defence of the reputation of the Popedom, and the honour of the Church; and this the Houſe of Chigi above all others would acknowledge, did not their paſſions blind their belief, for without the aſſiſtance of the two Cardinals of the Houſe of Medici, Alexander would have found himſelf more than once, or twice either, in ſuch a Labyrinth of buſineſs, as would have been prejudicial not only to his own Family, but to the common good of Chriſtendom; and particularly, in the time of that accident to the Duke of Crequy: But for all that, he regarded not to deprive his own Houſe, of the protection of that; it being the cuſtom (by natural inſtinct) of ſuch as are born Subjects, to kick and repine againſt their natural Lords; and this was manifeſt in Pope Alexander, who in the beginning of his Papacy, ſpake of nothing more in all his Conſiſtories both publick and private, than of the tranſcendent worth in the Houſe and Perſon of the Great Duke; but afterwards towards his latter end, having opportunity of ſhewing the effects of his pretended affection, and the obligations he ought to him, as his Subject, by promoting ſome perſon of the Houſe of Medici to the Cardinalſhip, forgetting what he had talk'd in the beginning, the Grand Duke was the laſt perſon in his thoughts.

It is moſt certain, that for theſe hundred years and more, there has not been a Pope like Alexander in the Church, ſo little inclin'd to make Cardinal Princes, he not having had the honour to have created one in his whole time, a thing that has not happen'd in a whole age before; ſome Popes having created two, ſome three, ſome more, ſome leſs, as is to be ſeen in the Catalogue of the Popes, only Alexander alone created not one. But this I cannot attribute ſo much to the ill diſpoſition of Alexander, as to the ill fortune of his Pontificate, that could not accommodate the times to the will of Alexander, nor the will of Alexander to the times; in ſo much that the Church was the greateſt ſufferer.

When the Cardinal Princes dye, the Popes may well mourn, eſpecially if they have not an intention to fill up their places with new Princes.

[Page]And now I ſpeak of mourning, I will be bold to ſay, before I paſs any further, that inſtead of that, the greateſt pleaſure the Popes receive at any time, is the news of the death of a Cardinal; and on the other ſide, the Cardinals are as glad at the death of the Pope, and that either out of hopes to arrive at the Popedom themſelves, or at leaſt by virtue of their own negotiations, to preferr ſome perſon depending upon their amity and beck. The Popes rejoyce to have vacancies in the Colledge, out of a deſire to leave great numbers of Creatures oblig'd to follow the intereſt of the Nipotiſme: And becauſe the Cardinal Princes do uſually walk in wayes that are independant, and moſt agreeable to the intereſt of their own Families, and to the publick advantage of the Church; or rather becauſe they are aſham'd to give their Votes at the direction of the Nephews, therefore are the Popes ſo carefull of their intereſt, ſo ſhy and cautious in promoting them, holding this as a Maxime, that ſo many Caps as are given to the Princes, ſo many Votes are given away from the Nephews: And this it is, that inclines them to make Cardinals rather of ſuch perſons as will (with Reverence be it ſpoken) be led by the Noſe by the Nipotiſme, than of the Princes, that would certainly make the Popes Nephews to follow them.

Nor is it a wonder, ſeeing in truth, the more thoſe Cardinals that are made by the dozens, are oblig'd to follow the Commands of the Nipotiſme, the more are the Cardinal Princes concern'd to preſerve the liberty of the Colledge, and to endeavour that the Nephews do follow their ſteps. The ordinary Cardinals receive the Cap, becauſe it ſuits with the intereſt of the Nipotiſme: The Princes receive the Purple, becauſe the Majeſty of Chriſtendom, and the reputation of the Sacred Colledge requires it; and beſides theſe are oblig'd to defend the priviledges of the Colledge, and the honour of the Church; whereas the other are ty'd only to gratifie the Nipotiſme, and ſhew themſelves ſlaves as it were to their wills. The Popes therefore being well inſtructed in this kind of learning, do for the moſt part fill up the Colledge with perſons fit to be commanded, and in ſpight of the honour of the Church, keep off thoſe that are able to Command, and that indeed have deſerv'd it.

At leaſt if the Popes be not inclin'd to the honour of the Church, and the glory of the Cardinalitial Colledge, and do not therefore create them Cardinals that are Princes born; yet they ought to take care to advance ſuch as are learned, for their own private reputations, the Church having great need of them; for ſeeing the Hereticks write ſo learnedly againſt it, it is neceſſary it ſhould be defended with learning.

The Colledge of Cardinals was never ſo ill provided with learned men, as now; 'tis true, it abounds in imaginary learning enough, every one believing himſelf wiſer than Solomon; and theſe are not my Sentiments only, but the opinion of ſuch as are daily in Rome, and nearly converſant with the Cardinals themſelves, and have frequent opportunities to make the experiment.

When I firſt took a reſolution of publiſhing this Work, which I had before conceiv'd in my mind, I writ ſeveral Letters to my Friends in Rome, and in other places, that they ſhould give me a relation of the ſeveral Cardinals, and of their virtues and vices; particularly I requeſted, with reiterated inſtances, that they would give me advice, what Learning there was amongſt them, which of the Cardinals had the moſt of it, and whether any of them was more learned than other people.

The Anſwers were different in this particular, but they agreed well enough in the main: One writ me word, That learning was ſo rare amongst them, that with all the diligence he could uſe, he could not find the leaſt print of it. Another writ, That there were ſo many ignorant Cardinals, they would not ſuffer a learned one to be ſeen. There was one, and (which is more conſiderable) a Prieſt, that ſent me word, That he could not find a Cardinal in the Sacred Colledge, that had ſpent ſo much time at School, as he had loſt in enquiring what improvements they had made by their ſtudy. An Academick return'd me this anſwer; That Literature was out of faſhion at Court, becauſe every one pretended to be learned, in ſo much that the Cardinals valued not to be ſo, becauſe they look'd upon learning as Pedantique and beneath them. A Roman all wit, and indifferently well learned▪ return'd me this anſwer, That the Cardinals were created by the Popes, and their Nephews, and they had rather find rich perſons, than learned. Not unlike to [Page] this was the anſwer of one of my greateſt Confidents, who writ to me in this manner.

SIR, Your humour is not at all correſponding with the humour of the Nephews, they look for money from the Cardinals, and you for learning; but I can aſſure you the Nephews underſtand them better than you, becauſe money is eaſier found amongſt them▪ than learning: had the Church the power of electing her Cardinals, I am ſure the Colledge would be of another mold; but the Nephews having the creation of them at their pleaſures, is the reaſon why there are ſo many ignorant ones; becauſe they think not ſo much of the advantage of the Church▪ as of their own. Formerly they choſe perſons eminent in all ſorts of learning, becauſe the genius of that age was inclin'd to virtue, but at preſent, virtuous men may lye and rot in their ſtudies, it is an age of gold in Rome, I mean for the Popes, who have abſolute power to make▪ and unmake, and to beſtow his Caps, as he pleaſes. Forbear I beſeech you to inquire after learned Cardinals any further, leſt you your ſelf be thought ignorant, for with us everybody knows there is nothing leſs thought on in Rome.

With this Letter, I receiv'd another at the ſame time, but from another of my friends, that writ thus, Among the Cardinals there are many ignorant to be found, few that underſtand latin, but of [...]hoſe that you call moderately learned, the number is ſo ſmall, I am aſham'd to give you an account on't; nevertheleſs I would force my ſelf to endure that diſcouragement (for 'tis certainly a diſcouragement for a man to ſeek a thing in a place, where it is not to be found) if their virtue was accompany'd with modesty; for to ſay the truth, thoſe few Cardinals that have any learning, have ſo overlay'd it with vice, that ignorance would be more deſirable with a good converſation, than the greateſt depth of learning with an ill one.

And this is the diſcourſe at Rome of the Scholarſhip of the Cardinals; a thing that brings no ſmall incommodity to the Chriſtian Religion, becauſe it cannot ſupport it ſelf without the aſſiſtance of learned men, who are they indeed that ſerve as banks againſt the impetuoſity of that torrent, that ſprings dayly from the Fountain of Hereſie, by a ſtream of falſe opinions, indangering the pollution of that pure Evangelical River, that purles ſo ſweetly and ſonorouſly in the ears of the Faithful.

And this is demonſtrated by ſundry eminent perſons, that by the labour of their hands, and the ſweat of their brains, have confuted thouſand of Hereſies; and it is well enough known to our age that has had the fortune to ſee thoſe two Lamps of learning▪ Bellarmine and Toledo, combating with ſo much ardour againſt Hereticks, and ſpending more ſweat in the ſervice of the Church, than can eaſily be imagin'd.

At preſent, ſuch as they ſeem to be baniſh'd out of the Church, as well as from the Conſiſtory of Cardinals, for there is not any one now adayes that undertakes the defence of Chriſtianity againſt its enemies: yet I am unwilling to think that learning is baniſh'd out of the Church, but rather out of the hearts of the Popes, who forgetting their duties in the promotions of Cardinals, have no other aim, than to accommodate their own Families, before the Church of Chriſt; ſo that they not only take no care, to find out learned men, but they diſpiſe them when they are offer'd.

This is the reaſon that all that are in Rome do ſtrive to be aforehand with the world, and to obtain the good will of his Holineſs, not by ſuch means as were formerly us'd; for of old, the Popes requir'd nothing but learning of thoſe perſons that deſir'd to paſs to the moſt conſpicuous degree in the Church; and therefore no body durſt ſo much as pretend to any office or dignity, that was not largely endued with that, and the more Scholarſhip they had, the ſooner were they receiv'd by his Holineſs. At preſent they have other methods; learning is ſo ineffectual in the Vatican, that there is no one dares venture to carry it thither, it being much better to batter their Gates that rule the roaſt now with Gold, than with any thing elſe, for 'tis that which will open them ſooneſt.

It is not many months ſince, I ask'd a certain Curate that was reading theſe words, In principio erat Verbum, the cauſe why ignorance raign'd ſo much amongſt the Prieſts, and he anſwered me in theſe words; Men would be beaſts to ſtudy to be Prieſts, whilſt the Popes makes Cardinals of Aſſes: Every body knows, that if it be eaſie for the beaſt of a Prieſt to obtain a Cap, 'twill be much more eaſie for a Secular Aſs to be made a Canon.

The Religious, that are in ſo little requeſt at the Court (I mean thoſe of any reading) retire themſelves from their Studies, with hopes, that by forbearing to proſecute and improve [Page] their learning, they ſhall be able to advance themſelves, becauſe they obſerve 'tis ignorance, not learning, beſtows the places in the Vatican. In ſhort, I find the ſtricteſt account the Popes are to give at the Tribunal of Gods Juſtice, is, that they have diſcourag'd learning, and promoted ignorant. I know all this is better known to the Popes, than to me; but the miſery is, they will not know what they are oblig'd to do, and which would immortallize their names much better than the Gold they leave to their Nephews.

Their Gold will fail them, but their good names will never, and yet this good name is nothing ſo dear to the Popes, as the other; but if they would content themſelves with a little of both, the buſineſs would be ſomething tollerable.

If the number of the Cardinals were but ſix or ſeven, as they were in the infancy of the Church, the Popes indeed might have ſome excuſe, that might ſatisfie ſuch Princes as deſerve Caps, and ſuch learned perſons as the Church have need of; but what can they ſay now for refuſing to introduce learned men, and Princes, into the Colledge? I will not ſtand here to make an Epilogue, nor recite many places in the Hiſtory of the Popes, in which they ſpeak of dozens of Cardinals created without ſo much as one Prince, or one learned man; there being no other deſign, but the ſatisfaction of private intereſt.

He that underſtands the Hiſtory of the Court of Rome, let him have the curioſity to ſee whether I lye or not; let him read the deſcription of the Promotions, that would know the quality of the perſons that are created Cardinals. Ʋrban the eighth, after he had created ſeventy and more, towards the latter end of his life reſolv'd to make one perſon a Cardinal, out of pure conſideration of his learning, and that was Father Gio. di Lug [...] a Spaniſh Jeſuite; but if the truth were known, there were other reaſons beſide, for that would have ſcarcely been ſufficient. In ſhort, it is neceſſary that we pray to Almighty God to inſpire the Popes to ſearch out for perſons worthy of their Promotions, and proper by the Majeſty of their perſon, and the excellence of their parts, to defend the Church of Chriſt, that lyes afflicted both within and without; without by its publique Enemies, and within by its private; without by the Hereticks, that torture her with their falſe opinion, within by the Nephews, that deſtroy and devour her. He that hath ears to hear, let him hear.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

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PART II.

BOOK III.

The Contents.

VVherein is diſcours'd of the birth and advancement of Cardinal Flavio Chigi, Nepew to Pope Alexander. Of the intention of Don Mario his Father to Marry him. Of the arrival of the ſaid Don Mario at Rome. The declaration of a Cardinal Padrone, in the perſon of Chigi. Of his abilities in the beginning of his Padronſhip. Of the little covetouſneſs he ſhew'd to laying up money. Of his Legation into France. Of Cardinal Bonviſi, and of his deſign to remove himſelf to Rome, to try his fortunes. Of his reſolutions to keep from the Court. Of the renuntiation of the Prefectſhip. Of his being declar'd Maeſtro di Camera, and of his promotion to the Cardinalſhip. Of his good qualities, and the ill actions of Franciſco Bonviſi his Nephew. Of the evident tokens of virtue Cardinal Elci ſhew'd from his youth. Of the ſatisfaction that he gave to the Senate, when he was Nuntio at Venice. Of his paſſage from Venice into Germany. Of the great eſteem Innocent the tenth had of the perſon of Cardinal Farneſe. Of what he had done in favour [Page] of the houſe of Chigi. Of the prejudice he might have had againſt it, in caſe of a vacancy. Of his diſgust with Cardinal Barbarino. Of the animoſity betwixt him and Cardinal Imperiale. Of his great obſtinacy in defending his opinions. Of the promotion of Anthonio Bichi of Siena to the Cardinalſhip. Of the great pains the Chigi took to exclude Prior Bichi from the Colledge, and the reaſons of that excluſion. Of the fair entertainment this Cardinal gives to thoſe that have buſineſs with him. Of the means by which Cardinal Giacomo Franzone arriv'd at the Purple. Of his offices before he was made a Cardinal. Of his Love to Juſtice, and of his Charity to the Poor. Of his Kindred in Genoa. Of Cardinal Bonelli. And of the authority Cardinal Imperiale has over him. Of the promotion of Celio Piccolomini to the Cardinalſhip. Of his leaving of Paris. Of what befell him by the way. Of his conference with the Spaniſh Ambaſsador. Of a Letter written by Monſignor Tellier. Of the trouble it was to his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, to be oblig'd to uſe the Nuntio ſo ſeverely, and yet it was but juſt. Of the opinion of the Court, that he would be made a Cardinal as ſoon as he arriv'd at Rome. Of the deſerts and qualities of Cardinal Caraffa. Of the great dexterity wherewith he negotiated the return of the Jeſuits to Venice, when he was Nuntio. Of his Legation of Bolonia. Of Cardinal Angelo Celſi a Roman. Of certain faults that he fell into in his Youth. Of his abilities in politick affairs, and how great they are. Of the Family of the Savelli, and how much it is eſteem'd. Of Cardinal Paulo Savelli. Of his great knowledge in affairs of State. Of Cardinal Litta, Arch-Biſhop of Milan. Of the excellence of his life. Of the Pique he had to the Spaniards, and of the common opinion about it. Of Cardinal Nerio Corſini a Florentine. Of his qualities. Of his Legation to Ferrara. Of the great pains wherewith Cardinal Paluzzi has ſerv'd the Church. Of his goodneſs and decrepitage. Of the qualities of Cardinal Raſponi. Of the concluſion of his Nuntiature in France. Of his clear and unbyaſs'd judgement of the Abbot Raſponi his Nephew. Of Cardinal Conti, and of the worthy perſons that Family has afforded ſeveral times. Of his qualities that are an ornament to the Eccleſiaſtical Habit. Of Cardinal Pietro Vidoni of Cremona. Of Cardinal Barbarigo a Venetian. Of Cardinal Paſcale d'Aragona a Spaniard. Of Cardinal Mancini a Roman. Of Cardinal Buon Compagni a Boloneſe. Of Cardinal Nini of Siena. Of Cardinal Roberti a Roman. Of Cardinal Spinola of Genoa. Of Cardinal Viſconti of Milan. Of Cardinal Caraccioli a Neapolitan. Of Cardinal Delfini a Venetian. Of Cardinal Baldo de Tun a German. Of Cardinal Vendoſme a Frenchman. Of Cardinal Moncada a Sicilian. Of the laſt Cardinals made by Clement the ninth, and of ſome other particulars.

§

I Ought not to omit in this place to enter upon an Anotomy of the cuſtoms, qualities, effects, and inclinations of the Cardinals created by Alexander the ſeventh, for ſeveral reſpects, but more particularly, becauſe the greateſt part of them are but little known in the Court▪ as having worn the Cardinalitial habit no long time in Rome, as well as becauſe they profeſs there to make their inclinations inveſtigable; however, having hitherto taken great pains to procure Memoires from all parts, that the work I exhibit might not be altogether imperfect, I ſhall with that taſt taken from the [Page] Memoires that were ſent me by ſeveral perſons actually in the ſervice of Cardinals, proceed in the relation following in this book; but ſo, that in the multiplicity of occurrences touching the Cardinals created by Alexander the ſeventh, I ſhall endeavour to be ſhort, and that the impreſſion may be the greater in the memory of the Reader, I ſhall reſtrain my ſelf only to the moſt ſubſtantial and material things. I ſhall begin therefore according to the order of precedence with thoſe that were firſt promoted to the Cardinalſhip.

FLAVIO CHIGI Nephew to Alexander the ſeventh, born in the year 1631. in the City of Siena, was the eldeſt Son of Don Mario, Brother to Alexander, and Donna Berenice a Lady of Siena of the Family of Ciaia, who alwayes had a particular affection for Flavio her ſon. Don Mario took what care he could to have him brought up to learning, but his inclinations leading him another way, he made ſmall progreſs in that; but contrary to the documents of his Father, he apply'd himſelf to divert amongſt other young men, rather than to converſe amongſt books: and that the more, becauſe he found himſelf to be the only male of the Family of the Chigi, and therefore was ſure he ſhould be married to keep up the houſe.

Don Mario though he was inclin'd for ſeveral reſpects to marry him▪ he endeavour'd nevertheleſs to eaſe himſelf of that charge, by recommending him to his Brother Cardinal Chigi, who was afterwards Alexander the ſeventh, to the end, that being near him he might be inſtructed in ſuch politick Maximes, as paſs'd dayly thorough his hands, as he was Secretary; an office the ſaid Cardinal Chigi, had injoy'd for ſome time in Rome.

But he whoſe deſigns were wholly bent upon the Vatican, moſt hypocritically pretended, not only to ſhew himſelf impartial and diſintereſted to his own Family, but their enemy rather, refuſing to admit any of them about him▪ eſpecially his Nephew Flavio, who he knew wanted ſuch parts as were worthy to be ſeen in the Court of Rome. Don Mario perceiving which way things went, reſolv'd by all means poſſible to provide ſome advantagious match for his Son, and had ſeveral of the moſt conſiderable Ladies of Siena in his eye; though he was ſure enough in reſpect of the ſmalneſs of his Eſtate, he was not likely to carry them. In ſhort, Flavio lived there, making of love, Courting of this Lady and of that, and minding nothing but his amours, without the leaſt thought of ever being a Cardinal; and indeed, had any one told him he ſhould one day be one of the principal Cardinals in the Colledge, and provided with ſo many Benefices and preferments, he would have thought without doubt he had but droll'd: ſo ſmall an opinion his Aſſociates had of his perſon.

But fortune that goes far in Rome, and is as it were Arbitrator of all the Families in Siena, chang'd the face of affairs in ſuch manner, that by the help of ſome ſmall merit that was found in the perſon of Cardinal Chigi, he was aſſum'd to the Papacy, under the name of Alexander the ſeventh. This news was ſo welcome to Don Mario, he almoſt ran mad at the hearing it, and would have been marching immediately to Rome; but the Pope (keeping cloſe to his Hypocriſie, as he had promis'd long before he was exalted) declar'd, he would by no means admit any of his Relations into Rome. And this whimſey continued for ſome months to the great diſpleaſure of Don Mario, who went fretting, and diſtracted up and down, to ſee his younger Brother the greateſt Monarch in the world, abounding in all manner of wealth, and himſelf to live poorly in Siena without any command or authority. Wherefore, beſides his own, he deſir'd the prayers of the Religious Mendicants, that God Almighty would change that obſtinate humour in his Brother; and accordingly by the Prayers of the one or the other, it was chang'd, and all of them call'd to the Vatican.

No ſooner did Don Mario appear triumphantly in Rome, with the preheminence that was due to a perſon ſo nearly related to the Pope, but he began by the impu [...]ion of his own ambitious Spirit, to endeavour the advancement of his Son; he pretended that himſelf as the moſt antient, and his Son as the eldeſt of all the youth of the Family of the Chigi, ought to take upon them the perpetuation of their name; intending thereby to do his [...]tmoſt that his Son might marry ſome Princeſs or other, according to his own requeſt, who was much more inclin'd to a Wife than a Cap; but the Pope would not hear [Page] of that ear, but commanded Flavio to be contented with a Cap, having reſolv'd to find out a Wife for Don Agoſtino, a Nephew of the Popes likewiſe, but by another brother, whoſe memory had more influence with his Holineſs, becauſe he had receiv'd greater kindneſs from him than from Don Mario, and would therefore renew his memory in the perſon of Don Agostino, whom he declar'd head of the Chigi, to the no ſmall diſpleaſure of Flavio, that was made a Cardinal at the firſt Promotion, and retain'd in his heart ſome ſparks of envy towards his Couſin; but his Holineſs to extinguiſh them, comported himſelf ſo, that by ſhowing them favour alternately, he took away all occaſion of Jealouſie and emulation.

Flavio being declar'd Cardinal, and which is more Cardinal Padrone, with power to give audience to Ambaſſadors, and with authority to negotiate the greateſt affairs of the Church, in caſe of any indiſpoſition in the Pope; he began by little and little to take upon him exceedingly, and apply himſelf wholly to the execution of it, But the Pope his Unckle, who underſtood his debility too well to commit ſuch a charge intirely to him, he left him no liberty at all, but in appearance, diſpatching all things himſelf, and uſing all poſſible care to inſtruct him in ſuch things as were requiſite in that place. It ſeem'd to the Cardinal, that with the authority and ſuperintendency that was given him, he had receiv'd trouble enough to break his brain, a thing he abhorr'd in his very nature; inſomuch, that as often as his buſineſs increas'd, ſo often would he be diſguſted, and repine at his Couſin Agoſtino, that injoy'd all the felicities and applauſes of the Court, without the leaſt diſturbance at all: and therefore without any reſpect to the admonitions of his Father, who exhorted him to acquaint himſelf by all poſſible diligence in the myſteries of the Court, he exercis'd the office of Padrone only, in taking recreations, and turning his back upon all buſineſs that would give him any trouble, to the no ſmall diſſatisfaction of his Unckle, who was forc'd thereby to ſwallow more of it himſelf.

In ſhort, he began to be ſo well known to all the publique Miniſters that were reſident in the Court, for his weakneſs and indexterity in politick affairs, that in matters of importance, they thought it better to make their addreſſes immediately to his Holineſs, than to make uſe of the interpoſition of the Cardinal Padrone, who for the moſt part was entertaining himſelf with his ordinary paſtimes, to which he was inclin'd more naturally, than to the troubles of the Court; and indeed all thoſe that had a mind to try their fortunes, and to negotiate with him, loſt their labour and their time, he forgetting every circumſtance of what he was inform'd, ſo ſtrange an addiction he had to his ſports, and ſo ſtrange an averſion to any thing of buſineſs.

Towards the latter end of the Pontificate of his Unckle (by reaſon he was tyr'd with the multitudes of buſineſs he had undertaken at the beginning of his Papacy, and began to allow his Nephew more reins) he ſhew'd himſelf diligent enough in his office of Padronancy, but yet without renouncing his ordinary recreations. He is indifferently well vers'd in the Hiſtory of Italy▪ and diſcourſes of it upon occaſion, with ſome ſort of judgement. They that have buſineſs, go away contented ſtill, but not ſatisfi'd, for being very civil, and courtly, he ſends them off well furniſh'd with complements and good words, though in ſtrictneſs, they ſignifie nothing: yet ſome few months before the death of his Unckle, when he had abſolute authority to diſpoſe of things as he pleas'd, he precipitated as it were, the buſineſſes that were before him, uſing at that time more deeds than words, and yet nevertheleſs the greateſt ſatisfaction any of them had, was fair promiſes, and civil uſage, he ſhewing himſelf indifferent to all, though otherwiſe he was of a nature that would truckle to the firſt difficulty that appear'd.

In the time of the Padronancy of this Cardinal, he ſhew'd no great covetouſneſs, but choſe rather to ſpend, than to lay up, and that, as was ſuppos'd for two reaſons; the firſt, for that he had no other Nephew for his Brother, his branch determining in himſelf, and envying alſo on the other ſide Don Agoſtino his Couſin, he contented himſelf to be careleſs of getting, leſt thereby he ſhould render his Couſins branch more conſiderable. The other reaſon was, becauſe he ſaw his Father Don Mario ſo anxious and greedy, whoſe Eſtate he knew would fall to him, as the only Male of his time, as indeed afterwards it did. But the laſt year he chang'd his opinion, and gave himſelf with that fury to the filling his Coffers, as if he car'd not for the ill name he would leave amongſt the people.

[Page]In his Legation into France, he gave more inſtances of generoſity, then of any thing elſe, endeavouring to give every body ſatisfaction; and truly all the French that had any thing to do with him, were well pleas'd with the humanity of his entertainment; though in ſtrictneſs he kept not his word with his Majeſty in the buſineſs of Caſtro, and of the next Conclave. At the beginning of his Unckles Pontificate, not knowing which way was moſt fit for him to follow, whether the intereſt of France, or of Spain, he carried himſelf with a certain indifference to both. But the Spaniards found a way, though not wholly, yet in great part, to gain him, ſo that in many things he favour'd the Spaniſh intereſt, to the utmoſt of his power, yet ſo as not to diſoblige the French, whom if he did not love, he did not hate at all. But after the attempt upon the Duke of Crequy, he became for the Spaniard clearly at his heart, though he durſt not do any thing to provoke the King of France, whoſe anger he dreads exceedingly. After the death of his Unckle, it was impoſſible but he muſt receive ſome affront both from the people, and the Colledge; yet he knew how to ſwallow all with prudence, endeavouring with large preſents, to gain the favour of the Nephews regnant.

GIROLAMO BONVISI, a Noble man of Lucca, repair'd to Rome with deſign to try his fortune, as others of his Countrymen were wont; to that end he apply'd himſelf to the courting of the Barbarini then regnant, with all patience and aſſiduity, for he knew very well how to gain their affection. Cardinal Antonio knowing him to be inclin'd to ſecrecy; began to have confidence in him, and to entruſt him in matters of no ordinary importance, and particularly in the time of the Wars with the Princes of Italy, he made uſe of him as of a well-affected Miniſter; which being ill underſtood by ſome Courtiers, they made ſport with it in their diſcourſe.

He bought the Chiericatura di Camera, in which he gain'd ſome reputation, eſpecially in the Aſſemblies da Cameranti, being very well practis'd in matters concerning the profeſſion of Law. Afterwards being grown into particular favour, he diſcharg'd himſelf in ſeveral Offices that he executed with good reputation. But being troubled at the inconſtancy of the Court, to ſee perſons preferr'd to eminent degrees, that were leſs deſerving than himſelf, he took a reſolution to leave them, and return into his own Country, as he did afterwards, and remain'd for a long time out of Rome, to the great admiration of many, becauſe he had at firſt expreſs'd ſuch conſtancy to the Court.

The principal cauſe of his abſence was, becauſe he could not endure that inſatiable liberty, that Donna Olimpia us'd in getting of money, with ſo much diminution of the Treaſure of the Church; and particularly, when he ſaw the bartering for the Taxes upon Proviſions, he generouſly refus'd the Prefecture, that he might not be inſtrumental in ſo infamous a buſineſs; which Innocent, and Donna Olimpia eſpecially, taking in dudgeon, they began to contrive ſome way of doing him a diſpleaſure: which he having notice of, retired, and thereby eſcap'd that Rock he might otherwiſe have fallen upon.

This renuntiation of the Prefecture, gave Bonviſi a great reputation in the Court, and made him be look'd upon as a perſon of great conſcience and integrity. But amongſt all, Cardinal Chigi took a particular kindneſs for him, and as ſoon as he was made Pope, by the name of Alexander the ſeventh, without any ſupplication or interceſſion at all, he call'd him into his ſervice; he being ſatisfy'd thereby, that Alexander look'd no further than the merits, and qualities of the perſons, he began to rejoyce, and revive thoſe hopes he thought had been utterly extinct.

Being arriv'd at Rome, it was not long before he was declar'd Maeſtro di Camera to his Holineſs; in which he gave ſo good ſatisfaction to the Pope, that in the firſt promotion he (with five others ſo qualify'd) were created Cardinals, to the great joy of the whole Court.

The qualities of this Cardinal are commended every where, he having all the virtues and good parts that are requiſite, to make a man eſteem'd; he loving, and reſpecting every one again, endeavouring by the ſweetneſs of his converſe to gain the affections of the Court, but of the Princes eſpecially; uſing all dexterity, and avoiding with all poſſible caution to ſhew himſelf devoted to either of the Crowns. So that amongſt all the Cardinals that deſir'd to live in a Neutrality, this may be moſt properly ſaid to have [Page] manag'd it the beſt. He negotiates with every body, with great candour, gives audience [...]o ſuch as have buſineſs with him, with incredible benignity; and which is more, he endeavours by all means to ſend them ſatisfy'd away, at leaſt with good words, in which he do's not a little abound; but not with that flattering and complemental ſtile that is us'd in Rome, for to that he is a very great enemy, though there be many other Cardinals and Prelates of that Court, which follow nothing elſe.

But all the luſtre of his good qualities, is in ſome meaſure adumbrated by certain defects that are obſerv'd in him. He being indiſpos'd, and naturally diſinclin'd to buſineſs, loves his eaſe, and ſometimes to the prejudice of affairs, which he purſues not with that vigour and aſſiduity that is neceſſary. So that many believe he will ſcarce arrive at the Papacy, and that the rather becauſe he has a Nephew that he loves exceedingly, call'd Franciſco Bonviſi, Maestro di Camera to Chigi, a cruel and barbarous perſon, full of a thouſand vices, who in caſe of his Unckles exaltation, would be the Protoquamquam in Rome. But for all this Bonviſi may have a pull for it in his turn.

SCIPIONE DE CONTI d'ELCI, of Siena, from the beginning of his youth, gave great tokens of his capacity to try his fortune in the habit of a Prelate; by his own inclination therefore, and to ſatisfie his Parents that put him forward, as thinking ſo great ingenuity would be injur'd in not doing it, he went to Rome, where by degrees he wrought himſelf into the moſt conſpicuous and moſt intricate affairs there.

He was ſent Nuntio to Venice, and carry'd himſelf ſo much to the ſatisfaction of the Senate, that he was ador'd amongſt them as an Oracle. Yet his negotiation for the Churches, for proviſion for the Biſhops, ſucceeded not ſo well, ſome of them remaining without Paſtors all the time of his Nuntiature, by reaſon of the differences betwixt the Pope, and the Senate; but this was no ſmall trouble to the Nuntio, eſpecially being by frequent Letters ſolicited by his Holineſs, as if he could have turn'd and wound the Venetians about, as he had pleas'd: but they are too carefull and vigilant, to ſuffer Rome to ſet his foot upon any Priviledge of theirs.

About the end of his Pontificate, Pope Innocent ſent him Nuntio from thence into Germany, whoſe departure diſpleas'd the Senate in ſome meaſure, as being doubtfull to have ſome giddy Capriccious Nuntio ſent in his place, that would be fitter to foment, than extinguiſh their differences; whereas Monſignor Elci, had for many years manag'd the buſineſs with that prudence, that if the quarrels were not abſolutely compos'd, they were at leaſt kept from increaſing, by a peculiar and Noble way he had of tranſacting.

He remain'd about two years in Germany, in which time Alexander the ſeventh his Kinſman, being made Pope, he thought he could not diſcharge his Conſcience, as he declar'd to ſeveral, without promoting a perſon of his worth to the Cardinalſhip; yet he would not promote him for his Title of Nuntio, but as he was a gratefull man, and worthy of that honour; and beſides, he was deſirous his Kindred ſhould have their ſhare in that Promotion. This is moſt certain, this Cardinals qualities do render him worthy not of the Purple only, but of the Popedom; in the obtaining of which, (if the Election happen'd in his time) he could meet no impediment but his being of Siena: for to ſpeak truth, the Court has been glutted with Popes from Siena. He is charitable, kind, and a great lover of his Friend: He intends his buſineſs is of great Authority in the Conſiſtory, and his opinion in the Congregations more reſpected than any ones. His Kindred trouble him not much, but perhaps would do more if he were Pope: He can diſſemble well, and ſeems to take no notice of an injury, though it be written very deep in his heart.

GIROLAMO FARNESE a Roman, has made a ſhift, without any Foreign aſſiſtance, to ſcramble into ſeveral Honours. In his youth he was thought wild and unconſtant, and he was ſo indeed; but he grew more diſcreet, and prudently by degrees wrought off all thoſe imputations that might hurt him, reſerving only, or endeavouring to acquire, thoſe virtues that are neceſſary in Rome to the gaining of a Cap; which deſign breaks the ſleep of many a good Prelate.

Innocent the tenth, who was ſo difficult to accommodate with another mans opinion, had ſo great an eſteem for this perſon, that in all his affairs he would have his judgement [Page] ſtill, and pris'd it ſo, as to preferr it to his own; and which is more, to give him further credit in the Court, he declar'd publiquely to all that he convers'd with, that the Counſels of that man were worthy to be embrac'd by any Pope whatſoever, becauſe they were deliver'd with prudence, integrity, and learning, which are in effect the virtues that ought to illuſtrate the Councellors of a Pope.

This great affection of the Pope, gave no ſmall jealouſie to the reſt of the Prelats who pretended to have deſerv'd better than thoſe for which Farneſe was call'd to the new Cardinalſhip, every body being aſſur'd that Pope Innocent would promote him. But this I ſhall ſay more, that ſome wits that envy'd his good fortune, made Libels on him, calling him moſt commonly the fifth Evangeliſt.

But thoſe perſons that were ſounder in their judgements, did but laugh at theſe reports, and the reputation Farneſe had amongſt the people; knowing the inconſtancy of his Spirit, they were patient, and cry'd ſtill, obſerve the end. And indeed it ſucceeded as they preſag'd, for Innocent being diſguſted by him, that he had before look'd upon as an Oracle, either becauſe he would not ſing as he would have him, or that Donna Olimpia had given him a lift, or for other conſiderations unknown, he not only made no uſe of him in his affairs, but turn'd his love into diſdain, reviling that perſon as extravagantly as ever he had commended him.

Alexander the ſeventh, that pretended to underſtand the merits of a man, as well as any body, and was reſolv'd to uſe no mans judgement but his own in the Election of his Cardinals, was no ſooner leap'd into the Chair, but he made him his Maggior domo; and becauſe he knew this perſon to have a brain capable to diſpatch ſeveral buſineſſes at once, he gave him a hundred employments, there being never a Congregation; where there was any affair of importance to be tranſacted, but he was preſent, and yet he diſcharg'd exactly his duty, as he was Maggior domo, to the ſatisfaction of the Pope, endeavouring with might and main to ſecure himſelf of the affection of the houſe of Chigi, by whoſe favour he facilitated the acquiſition of the Terra Farneſe, which was his own juriſdiction, and found out a way to exclude the Duke of Parma, who was to ſucceed him in caſe the right line fail'd.

All theſe things conſider'd, the Pope reſolv'd to give him a Cap, and at the ſame time ſent him Legat to Bologna, in which, he carry'd himſelf to his Holineſſes ſatisfaction; but he found things well diſpos'd, by the good management of Lomelini his Predeceſſor, who had govern'd that City to the incredible ſatisfaction of the People.

He is a man of a very great brain, which perhaps would be a prejudice to him if the Chair was vacant, becauſe they all know too much wind does more hurt to a Ship, than too little. In all his Negotiations he has behav'd himſelf like a true Roman. It is a hard matter to find a man ſo devoted to buſineſs as he. He adminiſters juſtice with ſuch exactneſs, that it appears ſeverity. He is old, and of a weakly complection, and yet of a ſtrange extravagant life, going to ſupper, either when other people riſe, or go to bed.

He is not much inclin'd to Piety, nor Charity; he gives Almes ſometimes, but 'tis more out of policy, than any thing elſe: all the injuries that are done him, ſtick cloſe at his heart, ſo that he does beſt that offends him not at all, and ſo much the rather, becauſe he can diſſemble his malice ſo well.

For ſome months paſt, he has forborn coming to the Congregations del Annona, upon a diſguſt that Cardinal Barbarino gave him, by obſtructing ſome reſolutions of his, under pretence that it was neceſſary to ſtay till the Abbot Rospiglioſi was preſent; but he had a greater quarrel with Imperiale, becauſe he oppos'd himſelf in one of the Congregations againſt Farneſe, about the validity of the Bull for the Incameration of Castro, for which Imperiale had no great thanks, he having thereby expos'd himſelf to the indignation of the Crown of France. In ſhort, Farneſe is ſomething refractory in his opinion, and is angry with every body, when things go not as he adviſes; and ſometimes he is angry alone.

He has but few Kindred, and thoſe he has, have ſo little eſteem for him, that they do not care to trouble him; yet ſome ſuſpect that all is but Hypocriſie, and like that of Alexander the ſevenths, who alwayes expreſs great alienation to his, till he was Pope, and then he chang'd his mind to ſome purpoſe, ſo that the more he hated them when he [Page] was a Cardinal, the more he lov'd them when he was Pope; and juſt ſo it is believ'd Farneſe would do, were he in that quality. He is moreover no great rewarder of his Servants, nor do his Friends receive much benefit by his protection, he ſhowing himſelf but indifferent in the affairs of his greateſt Confidents.

ANTHONIO BICHI of Siena, is Nephew to the Siſter of Alexander the ſeventh, and Brother to Prior Bichi, a Knight of Malta, and one that has the commendations of a very worthy man. The Popes deſign was to make a Cardinal of the Knight, and to leave the other alone in his Biſhoprick of Oſimo; but to prevent that, the whole Family of the Chigi conſpir'd, I mean the branches of Don Mario, and Don Agoſtino.

The Knight had intelligence of all, and made all imaginable ſubmiſſion to redintigrate with Cardinal Flavio, and Don Agoſtino, and ſuch as perhaps the worſt Servant he had would have ſcorn'd to have done; but ambition was too predominant in his heart, and the extreme deſire he had to be a Cardinal, would have made him do ten times worſe to obtain it. However he was not ſo fortunate, for the Chigi were too poſitive for his excluſion, though they ſeem'd well enough ſatisfi'd with his obſequiouſneſs.

The principal cauſe of this oppoſition of the Nephews, proceeded from a ſuſpition they had, that if that Couſin of theirs ſhould arrive at the Cardinalſhip, that is, into ſuch an eminent degree, as would authorize him to ſpeak his mind freely, he would not fail to create ſome differences betwixt them, and that the rather, becauſe they had already more jealouſies of one another, than the Pope, or their Con [...]anguinity would allow: nor indeed was their fear without reaſon; for though he be outwardly civil, he has a ſtrange dexterity at ſetting other people by the ears.

In this manner the Cavalier being excluded, with no little ſatisfaction to the Chigi, who thought they had atchiev'd a great matter; the other Brothers intereſt was ſet on foot, againſt which the Chigi made not only no oppoſition, but recommended him to his Holineſs, who to revive the memory of his Siſter, was reſolv'd to make of them a Cardinal. Alexander having reſolv'd from the beginning of his Papacy to give the Cavalier a Cap, could not without ſome repugnancy be perſwaded to quit that reſolution, and give it to the other Brother, that he never intended; nor was it a wonder, for the Cavalier knew well enough by acts of ſubmiſſion, and obſequiouſneſs of behaviour, how to gain upon his Unckle: whereas the other remaining as it were ſhut up in his Church at Oſnno, had not thoſe opportunities to ingratiate with him that had the power to advance him to the degree he is now in, perhaps by the ill fate of his Brother the Cavalier.

Whilſt he was Biſhop of Oſimo, he gave good demonſtration of his ability in governing the Church; having wrought himſelf into the hearts of all people, eſpecially the Clergy, who magnifi'd him for one of the beſt Biſhops that ever was in that place. After he was promoted to the Cardinalſhip, his Holineſs began to employ him in ſeveral important and politick affairs. But in a ſhort time it was plain, that what credit he got in his Paſtoral Cure, he loſt in his Negotiations, inſomuch that in many Congregations he was almoſt ridiculous. The Pope underſtood very well, that his parts were but indifferent, and therefore he gave him ſome lea [...]ure to improve himſelf, which he has done ſo effectually, that if in the Congregations his Vote be not the firſt, it is not moſt certainly the laſt, he having grown to a capacity of penetrating into the good and bad of an affair, and of chooſing the beſt when he has done.

He receives all perſons that come to him, with great civility, and endeavours to ingratiate with the Miniſters of Princes, without giving occaſion of jealon [...]ie either to one or other. He ſeems a great enemy to tumults and noiſe, yet fails not upon occaſion to ſpeak his own ſence, and that with ſome violence of words. He was very devout and pious when he was a Biſhop, and they are much increas'd ſince he was made a Cardinal. In ſhort, he alſo is driving at the Popedom, but I fear he will miſcarry, as all the reſt have done that have taken his way.

GIACOMO FRANZONI of Genoa, Cardinal with the Title of Santa Maria in Aquino, advanc'd himſelf to the Cardinalſhip by the ſame means which are commonly us'd by his Countrymen. In the Popedom of Innocent he had ſeveral Offices, beſides [Page] the Teſorieria della Camera, which he bought with ready money; for the Pope either at the requeſt of his Couſin, or becauſe he knew him a perſon of worth, would not ſuffer him to be idle, but heap'd Governments upon him continually: He was made General of the Holy Church, Keeper of the Caſtle of Saint Angels, General of the Popes Gallies, and Commiſſioner for the Armes, all of them executed by him at a time. By reaſon his Imployments were ſo many, he was thought by ſome to be too tedious in his reſolutions, and not unjuſtly, he himſelf not knowing ſometimes which way to turn him, but miſtaking his buſineſs, he diſpatch'd that which was laſt, having forgot what was before. By this many people ſuffer'd not a little in their affairs, and complain'd much of his delay, which proceeded not ſo much from any ill principle in him, as from a torrent of buſineſs that overwhelm'd him, and left him ſcarce time to take his breath: in one Scene, like a Comedian, acting two perſons, the Souldier and the Prelate, not only to the admiration of the people, but the indignation of other perſons of merit, that were left idle, without any imployment at all.

This Cardinal in all the Congregations where he came, was very doubtfull and irreſolute, and all from a certain ſubtilty that he has, in penetrating into the affairs that are before him, ſifting and deliberating what is to be done, without conſidering it will be determin'd without him.

He is a great lover of Juſtice, very zealous, and a particular favourer of the poor, in ſo much that when he was Legate of Ferrara, (which he exercis'd to his praiſe) he recommended daily to the Judges, that they ſhould have ſpecial regard, that the Poor ſhould not be oppreſs'd by the Potent, in their Tryals at Law; and hearing upon a time that there was a Suit betwixt a Noble man, and a Commoner, he would not truſt it to the Judges, but took it into his own hands, leaſt the Noble man ſome way or other might have wrought upon the Judges to have given ſentence in his favour.

This Cardinal has ſtore of good qualities, he is a perſon of a good Conſcience, candid, ſubtil, and has not thoſe ſcruples, that make other Cardinals be thought hypocrites, rather than honeſt men; he is very well read in the Rules of Friendſhip, ſtudies what he can to preſerve it, and it is good therefore to have him for one Friend. He is very chaſt, and therefore it was never heard that he committed any ſenſual ſin: Towards the Princes he is indifferent, keeping himſelf equally betwixt both the Crowns, and without giving the leaſt token or inclination of depending more upon one than the other, keeping the middle way. He is not prodigal, but liberal enough in rewarding his Servants. In ſhort, he is not over covetous, though he be a Genoeſe. The Eccleſiaſtical habit ſits well upon his back, becauſe his manners and humour is proper to ennoble it; he is imploy'd in rectifying the abuſes in his Biſhoprick of Camerino. His age is about 55. and he is not much ſubject to infirmities.

As to his Kindred, he has two Brothers, one married, the other not; he has a Nephew alſo, the Son of the elder of the two Brothers, who is call'd Anfrano Franzoni, a youth of good humour, ſtudious, and much addicted to Learning. Of the two Brothers one of them is call'd Agoſtino Franzoni, a perſon of good converſation too, particularly intent upon the diſcharge of ſuch Offices as are given him by that Republique, and very curious in the liberal Arts; but he ſpends his money alla Genoeſe. The other Brother is call'd Paulo Geronimo, and wholly devoted to the intereſt of that Commonwealth. I will not ſay whether this Cardinal aims at the Ppoedom, becauſe he is a Genoeſe, which is as much as to ſay, he does not.

CARLO BONELLI correſponds in great part with his Name, which ſignifies little goodneſs; he offends in many things, more out of an affected ſimplicity that he pretends to, to be counted Holy, than for any thing elſe: But he has one great fault indeed, and that is, that he ſuffers himſelf to be led by the Noſe in matters of greateſt conſequence, and in trifles and things of no importance he is ſo peremptory, fifty yoak of Oxon cannot remove him.

Cardinal Imperiale his Unckle manages him, as a Rider does a great Horſe, making him gallop, and change as he pleaſes, ſo that his Vote depends clearly on his Unckle, to whom to ſpeak truth, Bonelli is bound by all obligations to be obſequious, becauſe it was by his contrivance and interceſſion the Cap fell upon Bonelli's head, he never being able [Page] to have obtain'd it himſelf. This is certain, there has not been a relation to be found that has ſhewn more zeal in the advancement of another, than Imperiale has demonſtrated to Bonelli; for as if he were not contented to have made him a Cardinal, he endeavour'd what he could to make him Pope, and if he had ſucceeded, Bonelli would have had the honour, but Imperiale would have gone away with the profit.

This Cardinal before he obtain'd his Cap, was put very young upon the principal imployments of the Court; he was made Governour, and ſent Nuntio into Spain, more at the inſtance and interceſſion of Imperiale, who had a great intereſt at that time, than for any merits of his own. In which charges he neither diminiſh'd, nor encreas'd his reputation amongſt them that knew him. And indeed his parts are as ſmall, as his ſtature, though Imperiale cryes him up for one of the greateſt Politicians in the Court. Alexander had never any great opinion of him, nevertheleſs he created him in the quality of Cardinal Nuntio▪ under the Title of Santa Anaſtaſia.

CELIO PICCOLOMINI, of a very good Family in Siena, is deſcended of a Pontifical branch, though its leaves are much fallen. In the Popedom of Innocent, he went up and down courting thoſe with great ſubmiſſion, that were in any eſteem with the Pope, to advance himſelf to the place he is now in. He obtain'd ſome charges which he executed well; his talent is but ſmall; he is full of good words, but loves alwayes to croſs the ſtream; he ſticks cloſe enough to his Relations, but has not the liberality to give them any thing; he has no faults that make him unworthy of his honour, the Eccleſiaſtical Habit ſitting well upon his back▪ Moſt of his Countrymen envy him, and eſpecially they that have not proſper'd ſo well: he departed from his Nuntiature of France with no little diſguſt, of which it will not be impertinent to give a ſhort deſcription.

The 20th. of August, there arriv'd a Courier from the French Ambaſſador, the Duke of Crequy, with an account of the accident that happen'd betwixt his Excellences Servants, and the Corſi. The King of France call'd a Councel immediately, which laſted for two hours and more, after which, the Comti di Brienne was ſent to the Nuntio in his Majeſties name to command him to leave Paris the next morning, and to retire to Meaux, and not to ſtir from thence till further order from his Majeſty; pretending it as an expedient to ſecure his perſon▪ againſt ſome ſuch tumult as happen'd in Rome.

Piccolomini reply'd with all poſſible reſpect, that he would obey his Majeſties order but he deſir'd firſt to be heard, and went therefore that very night to Court; but being heard with nobody but Mounſieur Lyon, he declar'd the Sentiments of the Pope, the order he had taken for the puniſhment of the offendors, the demonſtrations of kindneſs the Pope had made to the Ambaſſador; endeavouring with all the art of Rhetorick, to clear the buſineſs, and by contrary relations to what came before, to let him underſtand he could not receive a Relegation. The next morning, the Nuntio retir'd to Saint Germans, and ſtirr'd not out of the Caſtle, that he might not ſeem to diſobey the Orders of the King. Mounſieur Tellier came to ſpeak with him by his Majeſties permiſſion, but being ſtiff and inflexible to the requeſts of the Nuntio, who by all his ſubmiſſions, by laying before him the reflection, the ill uſage of his perſon, would have upon the Church, not being able to prevail for the Protraction of his departure, as ſoon as he was return'd to his houſe, he writ him this Letter.

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Moſt Excellent Sir,

I Can by no means admit that the Kings religation of me is a favour, if it be ſaid that 'tis in order to my ſecurity, how great a reflection will it have upon the Grandeur of his Majeſty, when it is reported that an innocent perſon, and his Holineſſes Nuntio, could not be ſafe in Paris Let it be lawfull therefore for me with all due reverence and ſubmiſſion to ſay, that indeed it is at the Kings pleaſure to retein or command me whither he pleaſes, but it is not in my power to conſent without particular permiſſion from his Holineſs, or at leaſt an apparent neceſſity for me to do it: His Majeſty cannot aſcribe it to any want of profound Obedience in me▪ which for my part I ſhall alwayes ſhew with the greateſt demonſtrations of humility and ſervice I am able, and therefore I conceive he cannot in juſtice impoſe [Page] any penalty upon a Nuntio, for ſo contingent an accident, eſpecially his Holineſs having already declar'd his reſolution to chastiſe the offendors, and begun to execute that reſolution. I hope your Excellence will have ſo much compaſſion, as in this caſe to endeavour the protection of

Yours

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The Nuntio perſiſted that there ought to be an apparent and preciſe neceſſity for his departure; and accordingly on the 31. he receiv'd Letters from Monſieur de Lion, with reiterated orders from his Majeſty, for his removal to Meaux; ſo that all the interceſſion of Foreign Miniſters, who endeavour'd to mittigate the buſineſs, being in vain, by their advice he went out of Paris, but went inſtead of Meaux, to Saint Dennis, that he might not ſeem to conſent to his diſmiſſion, and by the mediation of the Miniſters about the King, and the interpoſition of Foreign Repreſentatives, he obtain'd, that his reſolution was allow'd at Court, without further irritation to his Majeſty. It was reported at firſt, that the Duke of Crequy had orders to be gone out of the Territories of the Church, and to retire to Siena; and when that order ſhould be known to be executed, the Nuntio was to be diſpatch'd likewiſe out of France.

On the ſeventh of September, the Nuntio found himſelf beſet by a party of forty Souldiers a horſeback, drawn by order out of his Majeſties Muſquetoons, who guarded all the paſſages into the Covent of the Dominicans, where he lodg'd, and accompany'd the Nuntio and all his Servants when ever they went forth. He complain'd to the Court of this action, but he was anſwer'd that they knew nothing of it. The Nuntio diſſembling the buſineſs, pretended to take no notice of it, but gave orders that the Souldiers as ſtrangers ſhould be invited to dinner, and to what civilities the houſe could afford, but they accepted not the invitation, but refus'd it with reciprocal civility.

The ſame night there arriv'd a Courrier to the Nuntio from Rome, with his Holineſs his firſt Breve written to the King, with more diſtinct information of what was paſt againſt the delinquents there by the Popes orders, as the price that was ſet upon their heads, the deputation of two Congregations, the viſit Cardinal Chigi made to the Duke of Crequy, and a long Letter of narration to Monſieur de Lyon.

The next morning the Nuntio diſpatch'd it to Monſieur Lyon, with a Billet of his own, deſiring him to preſent the Breve to his Majeſty, give him an account of the reſt, and to prevail that the Nuntio might be admitted to ſpeak with himſelf. Monſieur Lyon receiving the Billet, ſaid he could do no leſs; he carry'd both the one and the other to his Majeſty, expecting what he would pleaſe to command; after he had read the Breve to his Majeſty, he return'd him this anſwer, That he ſhould read the reſt of the diſpatch that day to his Majeſty; and accordingly he appointed a Conference with the Nuntio at Turrene, whether the Nuntio paſs'd the ſame night attended by 40. Muſquetiers.

The Conference was long, the Nuntio laying before him, what upon the foundation of truth, reaſon, and the paternal inclination of his Holineſs, was like to mittigate his Majeſty. The Sieur de Lyon aſſur'd the Nuntio that he had endeavour'd to quench, not to kindle the fire. That his Majeſty at the reading of the Brief, expreſs'd much ſatisfaction to ſee his Holineſs ſo well diſpos'd to an accommodation, and at laſt it was concluded, that on Sunday the tenth of December he ſhould have an anſwer. The Nuntio had intelligence, that the Brief being read in Councel, they began to be appeas'd; but at the ſame time a Gentleman arriving from the Duke of Crequy, with advice that he was commanded out of the Territories of the Church, incens'd his Majeſty ſo much, that as ſoon as he was gone out of the Councel, orders were diſpatch'd immediately to the Nuntio to depart that Kingdom the next day; and though he ſent another Breve from his Holineſs, and an anſwer to Mr. Lyon from himſelf, there was no further Treaty to be had.

The Letters from the Nuntio to Seignour Lyon and Tellier, were not open'd at all. The 14 in the morning before he departed, he made another overture, but could not be heard, ſo that then he prepar'd himſelf to obey, and accordingly departed under the conduct of 50 Muſquetiers on horſe-back, 25 before his Coach, and as many behind, not ſuffering him to diſcourſe with any body, forcing him to march ten leagues a day, [Page] and carrying him every night out of the Road, without acquainting him which way he was to paſs. In ten dayes time he arriv'd in Savoy, and ſtaid there for ſome time in the Chambery, till he could receive further orders from his Holineſs, to whom he had given particular advice of all that had paſt.

Whilſt the Nuntio was marching in this poſture, the Marquis de Fuentes, Ambaſſador from the Crown of Spain, came to give him a viſit, but the guards deny'd him admiſſion; Fuentes perſiſted, and preſs'd very hard, but all that he could get, was liberty to enter with two guards with him, who underſtanding neither Italian nor Spaniſh would needs have oblig'd the Nuntio and Fuentes to have ſpoken in French; but they could not be perſwaded, but diſcours'd three hours together in the preſence of the guards, that underſtood not a word that they ſaid. The news that was brought by the Gentleman from the Duke of Crequy, was, that he was forc'd to go out of Rome for the ſecurity of his perſon, that he was limited in his Victuals, and ty'd up to a certain allowance every day; but this in time was found to be falſe, and only an invention to exaſperate his Majeſty the more.

His Majeſty was troubl'd to find himſelf in a neceſſity of uſing the Nuntio accordingly, becauſe he had been not a little pleas'd with his proceedings during his Nuntiature. Many believ'd, that as ſoon as theſe difficulties ſhould be compos'd, and due ſatisfaction be given to the King, that Piccolomini would be remanded into France; but with this general opinion, the policy of the Eccleſiaſticks did not agree: it was imagin'd likewiſe, that the Pope (for his own reputation, and to recompence the Nuntio's diſgrace in being turn'd out of France) would ſend him a Cap before his entrance into Rome, which would have been very acceptable to Piccolomini. But there were other reaſons that diverted his Holineſs from ſuch thoughts; however he was with other Nuntio's promoted to the Cardina [...]ſhip 1664 with the Title of San Pietro al Monte d'oro. Were he better furniſh'd with humility, it would be better for him, for he is generally reckon'd a very proud man.

CARLO CARAFF A a Neapolitan, is a perſon of great parts, and worthy of higher advancement, did not the memory of Paul the fourth (who was not at all propitious to the Spaniard) give ſome obſtruction to the maturity of his years, he being yet freſh, healthful, and vigorous. He was ſent Nuntio to Venice by Innocent the tenth, and confirm'd by Alexander the ſeventh, who imploy'd him in a buſineſs of the greateſt difficulty perhaps, that ever Nuntio was imploy [...]d in; and that was the re-eſtabliſhment of the Jeſuits in the State of Venice, which the ſaid Alexander recommended to him with the greateſt earneſtneſs imaginable.

Caraffa to ſatisfie the ardency of the Popes deſire, undertook that Negotiation, but he met with ſo many obſtacles, he deſpair'd of it himſelf, though in his Letter to Rome, he diſſembl'd it as much as he could, writing alwayes ambiguouſly, leaſt he ſhould put his Holineſs too into deſpair, who had a great fancy he ſhould weather that point. In ſhort, he behav'd himſelf ſo ſubtilly in the Senate, and knew ſo well how to manage his affairs, that he brought the Venetian to his Luer, and willingly to condeſcend to the importunities of the Pope.

In this tranſaction, Caraffa's parts, and dexterity in great affairs, was very well known: he having receiv'd ſeveral teſtimonies of commendation from the Pope himſelf. But yet things did not follow the expectations of the Court; where it was reported, that if he happen'd to effect the re-eſtabliſhment of the Jeſuite sin Venice, the Pope would without doubt reward him with a Cap; and this was writ in a Letter from Rome, to one of the principal in the Nuntio's Court. But the Jeſuites were reſtor'd, the Pope pleas'd, and the Senate ſatisfy'd, yet the Nuntio uncapt for ſome time, and not one word to be heard of his promotion.

From Venice, he was ſent Nuntio to the Emperour of Germany; where he met likewiſe with ſeveral difficult affairs, but they laſted not long, becauſe he knew very well how to diſintangle himſelf with honour; and certainly he is a perſon ſufficiently dexterous, active, and proper for the management of the moſt conſiderable tranſactions. Though he be pleaſant alwayes, and merry in the converſation of Ladies; he lies under no great imputation of vice; he protects his friends cheerfully, and rejoyces to do good [Page] offices for all that deſire him; he has many Kindred in Naples, and not few in Rome: if he tranſgreſſes any way, 'tis in his ſeverity, his juſtice having too often more of rigour than mercy. He was promoted with the other Nuntii, 1664. with the Title of Santa Suſanna. At preſent he is Legate at Bolognia, from whence it is hop'd he will come away with the applauſe of the people, he having given already an eſſay of his good Government.

ANGELO CELSI a Roman, was created Cardinal with the Title of Saint George in the year 1664. being Auditor di Rota, in which office he made himſelf ſome Enemies, thing [...] for no conſiderable reaſons. In his youth he fell into ſome faults, ſuitable but little wore the Eccleſiaſtical habit which he wore; for though he was a Prieſt, he could not abſtain from ſeveral ſenſualities, many people believing him given over ſo much to luxury, that he was fitter to have been a Husband than a Prieſt. However he now reſtrains his natural inclinations with great prudence, or at leaſt tranſgreſſes in ſecret.

He is very much inclin'd to revenge, but has not the faculty to diſſemble it, for where he is an enemy, he profeſſes it, and where he is a friend, he does the ſame. He is antient, but of a ſtrong complection, though ſubject to infirmities. He is ſevere in his nature, and inclin'd to juſtice with too much punctilio. In certain Congregations, his Vo [...]e has been almoſt Tyrannical, and all to do juſtice, ſo as the concern'd and offended parties have ſaid, that he was a Phalaris, or a perſon of a cruel and carnal nature; becauſe ordinarily they go together, and your cruel people are obſerv'd to be moſt carnal.

Many are of opinion, that if his life correſponded to his parts, there would not be a more worthy perſon in the whole Colledge. He has certainly a ſound judgement, a brain capable of any thing; he is more learned than ordinary, curious in all kind of Hiſtory, politick, dextrous in treaties and buſineſs, aſſiduous in what he undertakes, not obſtinate in his opinion; in ſhort, he is a perſon of general parts, which in the Congregations, and Conſiſtories, he dayly diſcovers.

He has but one Brother, an antient man too, but inclin'd as much to pleaſure, as this is to ſeverity. He has great ſtore of friends and adherents in Rome; his neareſt are Caraffelli, and Capranica, with whom he holds very good correſpondence; the great affection he bears to Ravizza (a perſon odious to the Romans) has given ſome check to his reputation, and the rather, becauſe he appear'd in his defence againſt Cardinal Chigi.

PAƲLO SAVELLI a Roman, is the Nephew of the late Cardinal Fabriſio Savelli, that ſerv'd a long time in the wars of Germany, in the quality of General. This Family is the moſt conſiderable in Rome, and that not only for its antientneſs and nobility, but for the great Prerogatives it enjoys, as the office of Mariſciallo di Santa Chieſa, and to that Marſhalſhip, belongs the keeping of the Conclave. During the vacation of the See, the ſaid Savelli has no ſmall authority and juriſdiction in Rome. He may raiſe Souldiers for a Guard for himſelf, at the charge of the Apoſtolical Chamber, upon any emergency or apprehenſion, and chaſtiſe thoſe that tranſgreſs the orders of the Conclave; as he did in the Conclave of Ʋrban the eight, when he ſent ſeveral little Clarks to the Galeys, for conveying Letters to the Cardinals in the Conclave, and threatned others with death.

Though this Family has had two Popes of it, and a great number of Cardinals, yet it has been in great danger of falling; and this is moſt certain, had it not been for the inheritance of Montalto, it would have been very low. But ſo opulent an eſtate falling to them by a marriage contracted with a Siſter of Montalto, (that happen'd to be the laſt of the houſe of Perretii) and the Prince Savelli, was ſufficient to make him lift up his head again, though to ſpeak truth, he had never abated of his uſual ſplendour, unleſs in ſome ſmall retrenchments of his Court.

This Paulo that we ſpeak of, purchas'd the Chiericatura di Camera, with firm confidence, to be choſen a Cardinal, as indeed it fell out; for Alexander retaining the ſame inclination to the Roman Families, as Innocent had▪ that he might not ſee ſo honourable a houſe without a Cap, at the death of Cardinal Fabritio, he made him a Cardinal 1664. with the Title of Santa Maria della Scala.

This Cardinal has no great knowledge in the moſt conſiderable affairs of State; but [Page] he has capacity enough to inform himſelf. If he would read Hiſtory a little more, he would do much better in the Congregations, though his judgement already is none of the worſt. He is a Spaniard, but concerns not himſelf too farr in defence of that Crown. His Converſation is good, and grateful, yet ſome there are that think him proud, but I could never ſee but he was humble enough.

ALPHONSO LITTA a Milaneſe, has been imploy'd in ſeveral important affairs, in which he has alwayes expreſs'd himſelf by the honourableneſs of his ſucceſs, a man of great parts, and experience. He is certainly a man very proper for buſineſs, indefatigable in ſearching and perpending of every thing he undertakes, that he may not afterward be at a loſs, when he comes to give his judgement or vote; ſo that this is moſt ſure, that he that loſes any thing in his preſence, may be ſatisfy'd very well, for he is not us'd to do things blindfold, as others do even in Rome it ſelf.

He has given tokens of his parts and good life from his very youth, yet he fell into ſome light miſcarriages, but not conſiderable; he is a perſon of good learning, great practice, no ordinary experience, and has a ſtrange head for ſolid and profound buſineſs. Whilſt he was Archbiſhop of Milan, he ſhew'd himſelf an excellent Paſtor, conciliating the affection of the whole people there; but for all this, ſome there be that believe that he fail'd in a little punctilio of prudence, when he appear'd ſo ſtiff for the immunities of the Church, and other things, in which he might have wink'd with more diſcretion. In ſhort, he has ſo much diſoblig'd the Spaniards, that they are grown his implacable enemies, and doubtleſs were not their fortune at preſent ſo low, they would handle him ſo, as to force him to leave the Church, as they have done before to other Prelats in the Kingdom of Naples. Did things therefore go as they would have, they would not fail to give him a lift; for it is not their cuſtom, to pardon till they be reveng'd.

His promotion to the Cardinalſhip, was no welcome news to the Spaniards, who had not concern'd themſelves at all in his aſſiſtance, but rather by their private ſuggeſtions done what they could to obſtruct it. But Pope Alexander knowing his deſerts very well, and the high ſervices he had done the Church, that he being Pope might not ſeem ungrateful, the laſt promotion but one he made him a Cardinal, with the Title di Santa Croce in Jeruſalem, giving him the Archbiſhoprick with it. Very few Cardinals there have been, that have attain'd that dignity upon the bare account of their merits, as this perſon has done to his immortal reputation.

He holds the ſame Maxime with other people, that to be Pope, it is neceſſary to be at odds with the Spaniard; and therefore being Cardinal, he is the more incens'd againſt them. Don Lewis d'Haro, Governour of Milan, with whom he had ſome variance, writ ſeveral Letters to the Spaniſh Ambaſſador at Rome in the time of the vacancy of the See, againſt the promotion of Litta; inſomuch that it is the opinion of many wiſe men, that a Cardinal that is born a Subject to a Prince, and has conſiderable dignities in his Principalities, cannot but be thought imprudent, if he quarrels and contends with that Prince. But for my part, I do not queſtion but there were many conſiderable reaſons to work a perſon of his diſcretion and worth to ſuch a reſolution.

NERIO CORSINI a Florentine, was Treaſurer, and afterwards Cardinal, with the Title of Santi Neri Achillo; which Title was given him for its correſpondence with his name. His Kindred are but of indifferent quality, but he endeavours what he can to advance them upon all occaſions. The Great Duke loves him very well, but imployes him not in any buſineſs of conſequence, perhaps for his private intereſt. In his Treaſurerſhip, he got the reputation of a perſon of no ordinary Talent; but it is not ſo much as it ought to have been, for when he drove at the Cardinalſhip, he was fain to worſhip and fawn upon thoſe at the Helme, and it ſucceeded as well as he could wiſh.

In the Congregations, he has ſhewn himſelf a perſon of worth, a good politician, and impartial in all matters of conſequence; and indeed he has a great capacity, and ſome good learning. He is not over rigid, and ſevere, yet he ſuffers not himſelf to be led by the Noſe too much, as loving his own fancy and capriccio, eſpecially if he knows he has reaſon on his ſide. At preſent he is Legat of Ferrara, a conſiderable Legation, and of great truſt, becauſe upon the Confines. He will have great opportunity of ſhewing his parts there, of which he has given good eſſay already, though it is not above three [Page] months ſince he arriv'd. Every body is in expectation of the ſucceſs of this Legation; for my part I do not doubt but he will come off honourably, if his ſervants do not make him tranſgreſs, for to ſpeak the truth, he is ſometimes too indulgent.

PALƲZZO PALƲZZI a Roman, has ſerv'd the Church above forty years with extraordinary diligence, yet had never any remuneration from Pope Innocent, though he knew what pains he had taken very well; ſo that it was no ſmall wonder to ſee many perſons of leſs merit than he, that had not done half the ſervice he had done for the Church, advanc'd before him, and which is more, in ſo difficult conjunctures.

Yet Innocent would confeſs that this Prelats ſhoulders deſerv'd the Purple, but that his tongue ſpoil'd them; and truly he has too little Phlegm, and is too fierce in condemning the actions of others, without any regard to the quality of their perſons, inſomuch that ſpeaking in publique, and with too much liberty, of the actions of the favourites at Court, he has retarded the progreſs of his fortunes. Yet his way of Mutining is not without its grace, for he pricks them with honey, and kindles the fire in the Cenſer, to burn the hands of the Prieſt, under pretence of doing it for the benefit and glory of the Altar. This I will ſay, he is as zealous in all his expreſſions, as is imaginable; but he does it not upon any particular intereſt, but for the publick advantage. But he is out in his politicks now, becauſe this age is for nothing but diſſembling at Rome; zeal indeed is good with reſpect to the time and the place, but not when it will be taken for faction and repining.

Many people obſerving that he was old, and had no Cap, concluded for certain he would never have any; and indeed he did not look for it himſelf. But Alexander conſidering, that to leave a perſon who for ſo long time had been ſerviceable to the Church, without any reward, would but diſcourage and intepidate the reſt, he reſolv'd to take away that ſcandal, and created him Cardinal with the Title of Baſilica degli dode [...]i Apostoli.

He is an honeſt man, well vers'd in the Canons, and not a little in the Civil Prudence, but improper for the Cadinalitial Function in reſpect of his blindneſs, which ſuffer'd him to come but very ſeldom into the Congregations; but he was preſent in the laſt Conclave, and gave his voice. In brief, he is ſo decrepid, that he looks every moment for death, and therefore has but little regard for the things of this world.

CESARE RASPONI of Ravenna, has by his handſome deſigns inſinuated himſelf at Court, in ſuch manner, that he is arriv'd at that honourable degree he deſerves, as being a perſon worthy of the Cardinalitial dignity. He has alwayes had a great ambition to advance himſelf in offices and employments, but he has had the prudence to conceal it; he is very obſequious to ſuch as have any abilities to aſſiſt him, yet ſo as not to fall into any extravagant flattery.

He was made Secretary of the Councel, and in many Controverſies with thoſe Prelates, he gave good demonſtration of his parts. And becauſe that charge is a charge of great confidence, with the Cardinal Padrone, he found out a way to ſatisfie the Chigi, without receding from the Priviledge of his place. Alexander had a good opinion of him, and therefore in ſeveral of his buſineſſes of importance, he took his judgement along with him, which he willingly, and with his wonted modeſty deliver'd, ſo that Alexander left this advice to Chigi his Nephew, that in all intricate matters he ſhould make uſe of the judgement of Monſignor Raſponi.

A few months after the fatal diſaſter, as one may call it, that happen'd to the Duke of Crequy in Rome, he was ſent Nuntio Extraordinary into France, to endeavour to accommodate the buſineſs, to ſatisfie the King of France, but without diminution to the Majeſty of the Pope. This was an affair of great conſequence, and therefore his Holineſs ſeveral dayes together conſulted with his Cardinals about the election of a fit perſon for ſuch an imployment; after the nomination of ſeveral, and the rejection of all, Raſponi was judg'd the moſt proper and habile perſon, from whence may be argu'd the reputation he had amongſt the Prelates of the Court.

At the very beginning of his Legation, there happen'd a certain difference that conſtrain'd him to depart from Lyons, where he was arriv'd, and to return into Savoy, to ſome Neutral place; But his Negotiation had no great ſucceſs, ſo that the Duke of [Page] Crequy return'd to Paris, and he to Rome; nevertheleſs Raſponi had ſo well accommodated things to his Majeſties ſatisfaction, that he had almoſt pardon'd the affront offer'd to his Ambaſſador: But the buſineſs of Caſtro, which the King would have compriz'd in that Treaty, and without which he was reſolv'd to have none, put all things into a ſuſpence. For all that, the Pope was ſo well ſatisfi'd with the tranſaction of Raſponi, that to recompence him for it, and his other ſervices to the Church, he created him Cardinal in his firſt promotion, with the Title of San Giovanni in Porta Latina.

This Cardinal has a ſound judgement, and great dexterity in buſineſs, and that the more, becauſe he is not too much inamour'd with his own opinions, nor adheres too much to them as others do, who though they know another mans advice be more adequate and beneficial to the matter in hand, yet in deſpight of all reaſon, will defend their own judgements, be they never ſo falſe; he carries himſelf indifferently, and labours much to be counted impartial His Kindred are of condition good enough, but not rich, and in particular a Nephew that is call'd the Abbot Rasponi, which being but a youth of 27-years of age, he carry'd into France with him, being a perſon of good behaviour, and great generoſity; and though he abounds not with any extraordinary Learning, yet his judgement is ſo good, that with a little exerciſe he may very well go through the moſt important affairs. This Cardinal may with maturity of years make a paſs in the Conclave, as well as any of the reſt.

GIO. NICOLA CONTI is a Roman, of an antient Family, that has ſeveral times afforded illuſtrious perſons to the Church, and by whom it has been ſerv'd with all punctuality and honour. This Lord has had ſeveral ordinary imployments, and diſcharg'd himſelf indifferently well: The greateſt of his Offices was the Government of Rome, which he began to exerciſe with great ſeverity, having declar'd to his Holineſs himſelf, that he would proceed in an exact way of Juſtice, without partiality to any body. But in a ſhort time he had chang'd his opinion, and was obſerv'd to follow other things inſtead of ſeverity, eſpecially if any thing relating to the ſatisfaction of the Nephews was in debate; for he was grown very carefull of giving them any diſguſt, as complying in every thing there, though with never ſo much injury to Juſtice: Beſides this, he is thought to have been too indulgent to the recommendations of the Cardinals, and Nobility of Rome, that are his Friends and Relations, at whoſe inſtances he has diſcharg'd ſeveral Priſoners that were more worthy to have been corrected. Not that he can be charg'd with Bribery, his hands are clean enough from that, though he be none of the liberaleſt perſons about the Court.

It cannot be deny'd but there are ſeveral good qualities in him, that may make him capable of being an Ornament to his Dignity, although he fell into ſome frailties (before he took the Prelacy upon him) that are not worthy to be remembred, though he be now prudent enough to make the goodneſs of his deportment, ſatisfie for the evil that is paſt. He fails not to endeavour to raiſe himſelf as much as he can, and he takes that way that is moſt likely to give him reputation in the Conclave. He deals with the French and the Spaniards ſo, that when he is arrived at a competent age, if there be occaſion, he may incline them both to be his Friends. He has many Relations both Souldiers and Prelates, that would not be at all offended to ſee him Pope. Alexander had ſeveral reaſons for his Creation, but the chief was to fortifie his own Family, by obliging of a perſon of ſo great Alliance in Rome; he made him Cardinal with the Title of Santa Maria in Traſpontina.

GIACOMO NINI of Siena, has been ſcrambling after Honours and Offices from the time he took the Eccleſiaſtical habit upon him, and has left no ſtone unturn'd to arrive at his deſigns. His ambition put him forward ſo, that he ſeveral times attempted to have been made Nuntio, but his inſufficiency was too well known at Court, to ſucceed therein, he having but little of the Politicks that are neceſſary to make a good Miniſter of State, as failing often rather out of honeſty, than any thing elſe. Yet he thinks himſelf able to deal with the greateſt Politicians in Rome, becauſe he has a little ſmattering in Learning, and an obliging way with his Complements, and fair words, which in reality ſignifie not much, for he ſpeaks oftner with his tongue, than his heart, becauſe he has no great foundation of reaſon, though he wants not ſome ordinary Maximes.

[Page] Alexander the 7th. in conſideration of his Country, and other things, made him Maggior domo of the Apoſtolical Pallace, after he had honour'd him with other offices, and finally created him Cardinal in his laſt Promotion but one, with the Title of Santa Maria della pace, which Promotion gave great diſguſt to the Cavalier della Ciaia Unckle to Chigi, that at the ſame time pretended to the Cardinalſhip, and ſeeing Nini preferr'd, was ready to run mad. But though Nini had ſcarce merits enough for a Cap, yet he deſerv'd more than Ciaia.

The report was at firſt, that Cardinal Chigi was the perſon that had driven on the intereſt of Nini, and made him a Cardinal; but it appear'd afterwards, that it proceeded from the meer pleaſure and inclination of the Pope. Before his death there happen'd ſome differences betwixt Chigi and Nini, but by the interpoſition of the Conclave, Chigi was oblig'd to reconcile himſelf with Nini after the beſt manner he could, which he did.

When Cardinal Anthonio Barbarino went thorough France to the poſſeſſion of his Arch-Biſhoprick, he left his Vineyard near San Pancratio, to Cardinal Nini, during his abſence, which gave the Spaniard great ſuſpition that he was inclining to the intereſt of the French.

GREGORIO BARBARIGO a Venetian, was created at the nomination of the State of Venice, with the Title of San Tomaſo in Parione. Nor did the Pope make any difficulty in the Promotion of ſo worthy a perſon, that had given continual teſtimonies of an excellent Prelate, from the very time he firſt enter'd into the Eccleſiaſtical habit, and has confirm'd them ſince by the exemplarineſs of his life, free from thoſe ſcandals that at preſent are ſo numerous in Rome.

Amongſt the reſt of his virtues, which are conſiderable and proper for a perſon of his dignity; one eminent one is, his Cordial affection for his Countrey, by which he obliges that wiſe Senate (that is ſeldome ungrateful) to continue a grateful correſpondence with him upon all occaſions.

After the death of Monſignour Giorgio Cornaro, the Biſhoprick of Padoa was conferr'd upon him, which is one of the beſt Biſhopricks, I will not ſay in that State, for they have no other like it, but in all Italy; and becauſe his Predeceſſor (being a great Cavalier, and of one the moſt renowned Family in Venice) had ſuffer'd ſome abuſes to grow, till they had obſcur'd in great part the glory of the Clergy; Barbarigo not being able to ſee ſo conſiderable a Church under ſuch enormities, he inſtituted a Congregation of pious and good Prieſts to reform them; giving them ample authority to effect it. This new manner of Congregation, unknown to the reſt of the Biſhops, was at firſt ill interpreted at Rome; ſo that ſome envious people ſpake of it after a pungent and ſatyrical way; but the Pope commended it much, and exhorted them to follow ſo good an example. The Clergy of Padoa that were diſſolute and looſe, thought that reſolution too ſevere, but thoſe of any Piety or Religion, commended it to the Skyes. In ſhort, this Cardinal was alwayes full of zeal both to his Church and to his Countrey.

PIETRO VIDONI of Cremona, made up his fortunes, not ſo much by the exemplarity of his life, as by the ſubtlety of his wit. His mind was alwayes inclinable [...]o holy Orders, and averſe to Matrimony, though not altogether free from ſuch Carnal affections as are too common in the Clergy of our dayes.

In the beginning of his Prelacy, he fell into certain little errours, but he knew well enough how to excuſe himſelf, and to ſtop the mouths of all ſuch as ſpake any thing to his prejudice.

In the beginning of Innocents Pontificate, he was imploy'd in certain offices, but they were of no conſiderable truſt; and though he endeavour'd all he could to hit the humour of his Holineſs, yet he had not the ſucceſs he deſir'd.

In his Nuntiature in Polonia (which is uſually the touchſtone whereon they try the ability of their wits) he met with ſuch rubs in certain buſineſſes committed to him by his Holineſs, that he was very near loſing of that reputation he gain'd in the beginning of his Nuntiature. But he diſintangl'd himſelf with ſuch prudence, that he receiv'd thanks from his Holineſs for what he had done, for the advantage of the Catholick Religion, [Page] and the eaſe of the Catholick Princes in that Kingdom; King Caſimir recommended him very earneſtly to the Pope, and favour'd him much at his Court; ſo that the Pope, who was inclinable enough to reward the deſerts of ſuch perſons, as had done beſt ſervice to the Church, created him Cardinal, with the Title of Saint Caliſto. Nor was this creation diſpleaſing to the Spaniard, his Eminence being as it were a Subject to that Crown, and one that had alwayes held a fair correſpondence with it, but without diſguſting the French, uſing ſuch dexterity, that he oblig'd the one, without giving jealouſie to the other. In the Congregations he did alwayes very well, and what he ſaid, was upon good foundation: yet he might have been a little more ſhort and ſuccinct in his diſcourſes, for he would amplifie ſo much, he would often loſe his way, not knowing how to get back to his Poſt; but in things of higher importance, he took more time and conſideration. He neither exceeds in clemency, nor rigour, but keeps a middle way betwixt both; only in certain caſes where the intereſt of his own or his friends is concern'd he will miſtake ſometimes, and be rigid, where he ſhould be merciful, and merciful, where he ſhould be ſevere; at Court he has but an ordinary reputation.

PASCALE d'ARAGONA is a natural Spaniard, of one of the moſt illuſtrious Families in Spain, if not of the Royal; he was made Cardinal at the nomination of the King of Spain, with the Title of Santa Balbina; before his Creation he had ſerv'd his Majeſty in very conſiderable imployments, and much to the advantage and ſatisfaction of that Crown.

In Rome where he receiv'd the Cap from his Holineſſes own hands, he was certain months in the character of Ambaſſador; but in a ſhort time he was declar'd Vice-Roy of Naples, which is one of the greateſt Governments that depend upon that Crown, ſubſtituting Don Pietro d'Aragona his Brother, Ambaſſador in his place; he went from Rome to take poſſeſſion of his new Government, where he was receiv'd with all imaginable Pomp by thoſe people, to whom he expreſs'd all the tokens of integrity and juſtice, taking off at firſt daſh ſeveral of their Grievances and Gabels; though he was afterwards enforc'd to lay others in their room, which he did without any way diſguſting the people.

The King of Spain dying in the mean time, this Cardinal was declar'd one of the Principal Counſellors to the Queen Dowager, call'd back into Spain to aſſiſt in the Government of that Monarchy, and his Brother Don Pietro, declar'd Vice-Roy in his ſtead; but rather in conſideration of the Cardinal, than the proper merits of Don Pietro, who was indeed, next him, the moſt worthy of that charge, which he doth ſtill execute with honour to himſelf, and ſatisfaction to the people.

Whilſt he was Vice-Roy, the dignity of Sopremo Inquiſitore was conferr'd upon him; but he held it not long, reſigning it to the Queens chief Confeſſor in exchange for the Arch-Biſhoprick of Toledo, which he has in poſſeſſion at this time. This Cardinal is certainly a perſon of great intelligence in politick affairs; generous upon many occaſions, but not upon all; he delights in certain magnificencies and paſtimes, provided they be honourable. The Queen has him in great eſteem, and makes uſe, not of his publick Counſels only, but his private; inſomuch that there are many Grandees in the Court that envy him exceedingly, calling him the Spaniſh Mazarine; but they are very much miſtaken.

FRANCISCO MARIA MANCINI a Roman, was made Cardinal by Alexander, at the nomination of the moſt Chriſtian King, with the Title of Santi Visto, e Modeſto. Cardinal Mazarine, who was his Couſin, and reſolv'd to make all his Relations conſiderable both in wealth and preheminence, ſeeing his Brother Cardinal Michele Mazarine was dead, for whoſe exaltation, he had ſet his authority upon the Tenterhooks, he began immediately to bend his mind to the ingrandizing this Kinſman; and to that end he conferr'd honours upon him, and introduc'd him into the ſervice of the King, that he might not ſeem to exalt a perſon to the Cardinalſhip (though his deſign was no other) by the interceſſion of the Crown of France, till he had given ſome teſtimony of his affection to his Majeſties ſervice; and he had reaſon, for when by his ſervices to the Crown of France, he had prevail'd with his Majeſty to recommend his Brother Michele for a Cap. Pope Ʋrban refus'd for ſome time to conſent, and either ſtimulated [Page] by the Spaniards, or induc'd by ſome other reaſons, he excus'd himſelf, by pretending that his Majeſty ought not to interpoſe for a perſon, that had done no ſervice for his Crown. But be it as it will, he obtain'd it at laſt, though he enjoy'd it but a few months, death taking him out of the World without regard to the power of Mazarine, who was much afflicted at the news thereof. And that Mazarine might not have it again caſt in his diſh, that he made the Crown of France nominate another Cardinal of no merit nor deſert, he put forth his hand to this Gentleman alſo, and gave him opportunity of ſerving his Majeſty, in things that redounded more to the honour of Mancini himſelf, than to the ſervice of that Crown; for Mazarine performing many things by his own great and fortunate brain, afterwards gave out that all was perform'd by the conduct and affection of Mancini, who perhaps knew nothing thereof himſelf, though he wanted no will nor deſire to ſerve well. Alexander (that envyed the great Authority of Mazarine in France, and in his Nuntiature to Colen had taken ſome ill impreſſions againſt him, as ſuppoſing him the great obſtructer of the Peace) lik'd not this Exaltation of his Couſin, but endeavour'd under-hand what he could to defeat it; but finding the inconveniences that would follow, he created him, and ſeem'd to do that willingly, that he could not prevent.

This Cardinal is not ingratefull to the Crown that gave him his Cap, having carry'd himſelf alwayes with great fervour in defence of its intereſt. But he has not that headpiece that is neceſſary for them that undertake the protection of Crowns. In the Congregations he ſhews himſelf a perſon of indifferent judgement, delivering his opinion temperately and modeſtly, though he be naturally ſubject to choller. He would be glad to take any way would bring him to the Papacy, but knowing that thoſe Cardinals that have been propos'd by the Crowns, do but loſe their times to think on't, he alters his mind, and contents himſelf to be counted a good Cardinal, as he is indeed, having very few vices or defects, but forces himſelf what he can to preſerve the reputation of his Dignity. In the Sacred Colledge he has more Friends than Enemies, and amongſt all the Cardinals that follow the intereſt of France, he is the leaſt hated by the Spaniard, though he be Couſin to Mazarine, a Name that is odious to Spain to this day, for his great fortune in the time of the Wars, and for the cunning he ſhew'd at the ſurrendring of Caſſal. He converſes civilly with every body, he is generous upon occaſion, but not over-much; he protects all willingly that are recommended to him; he loves Learned men well enough, and 'tis no fault of his if he obliges not all of them.

GIROLAMO BƲONCOMPAGNI of Bolonia, is Gregory the thirteenths Great Nephew; that Pope was very well inclin'd to the advancement of his own Family, from the time he was admitted to the Papacy in the year 1572. in ſo much that in the twelve years he was Pope, he brought the Buoncompagni to that grandeur, that for above thirty years they liv'd like Princes. Giacomo Buoncompagni, General for the Church, and Grandfather to the Cardinal we are now a ſpeaking of, left ſeveral Sons, all very rich, and well ally'd; yet in a ſhort time after, though there was not any prodigal in the whole Family, all was diſpers'd and gone; beſides though ſome of them were Cardinals ſtill, and had conſiderable Offices, yet they left their Families worſe and worſe in reſpect of their Eſtate; and had not two Marriages ſuſtain'd it, and put them into a moderate degree of ſubſiſtance, in reſpect of what they were in before, without doubt they would have run a great hazard of being in a worſe condition.

Girolamo Buoncompagni took the Eccleſiaſtical habit upon him for no other end, but to ſee if he could advance his F [...]mily again to its former grandeur, by the acquiſition of a Cap: for amongſt the Italians they that fall to any decay, have no other hopes to reeſtabliſh themſelves, but by taking the Prieſts habit upon them, as knowing very well the Church has eminent wayes enough to raiſe them that uſe the right means.

In the time of Innocent, he courted and inſinuated what he could, to work himſelf into ſome conſiderable imployment, but he could not effect it, for ſeveral reaſons, but eſpecially in reſpect of his youth, which in Rome is uſually a great impediment; beſides Innocent looking on him as a perſon but of indifferent parts, and ſmall experience in matters of conſequence, durſt not truſt him, leaſt he ſhould not come off with that honour [Page] that he ought to do: However he imploy'd him in ſuch Offices as might exerciſe him, and by degrees he inſtructed him in greater affairs, doing what he could poſſibly to make him conceiv'd a man of abilities, and worthy of greater preferment.

Alexander that had a mind alwayes to be eſteem'd a Pope that was zealous for the publique honour of the Church, having created Cardinal Farneſe that was Maggiordomo of the Apoſtolick Palace, with deſign to advance ſome other perſon of equal merits to the place he reſigned; he declar'd Buoncompagni Maggiordomo, who began in a ſhort time to execute it exactly, though it was joyn'd with a hundred ſeveral imployments; he knew very well how to comport himſelf with the two branches of the Chigi, without giving occaſion of jealouſie to the one or the other, obliging them ſo that they made no ſcruple to recommend him to the Pope, eſpecially Cardinal Chigi did him good offices, as glorying that he had amongſt his Creatures, ſo conſiderable a perſon; ſo that Alexander perſwaded by their arguments, created him Cardinal in his third Promotion, with the Title of San Pietro, e Marcellino.

A while after the ſaid Alexander gave him the Archbiſhoprick of Bolonia, in which this Cardinal gave great proofs of his making an excellent Prelate; he is charitable to the poor, benigne to all that have buſineſs with him, impartial to the higheſt degree, and free and unbyaſs'd in his judgement. The Sacred Colledge has ſo great an eſteem for him, there is not a Cardinal has any conſiderable animoſity againſt him; ſo that if he encreaſes in goodneſs, as he may do in years, he may have no ſmall party in the Conclave.

CARLO ROBERTI a Roman, has labour'd might and main, that he might not come behind the reſt, and has made courtſhip to more than two or three, that he might the better advance himſelf; for he diſcern'd the neceſſity wherein his Family ſtood of conſiderable aſſiſtance, and how ambitious it was to have a Cap amongſt them. Innocent imploy'd him in ſome places of ordinary importance, and though he did what he could to gain the reputation of having well ſerv'd the Church, yet (whether it was that the Court was then forming extravagant Scenes of their own, or whether it was that he could not hit the humour of the Pope) there was little or no notice taken of him.

But in the Popedom of Alexander, being imploy'd in greater affairs, he began to gain ſome reputation both with People and Pope, who ſpake of him often to his relations, as of a perſon adorn'd with ſeveral good qualities, and fit to ſerve the Church in the moſt troubleſome and calamitous times.

After the pacification betwixt the Pope and the King of France, upon the rupture about the Duke of Crequy, this Roberti was created Nuntio, and ſent into France in the room of Piccolomini that was driven from thence; which is an evident ſign his Holineſs had a good opinion of him, when he put that Nuntiature into his hands, that required ſo great prudence and dexterity to manage it: For though the groſs of the quarrel was compos'd by the Treaty at Piſa, yet there were certain reliques remaining, that without good management might have unravell'd all again; above all, his Holineſs gave Roberti in charge, that he ſhould as much as poſſible redintegrate into the favour of his Majeſty, and the principal Officers in his Court, the opinion the Chigi had loſt in France, and that he ſhould endeavour to make them appear innocent, and full of affection for that Crown. Which ſaid orders were obſerv'd by the Nuntio, according as they ought to be, he having in a ſhort time gain'd the reputation of an excellent and impartial Miniſter in that Court. At length in his laſt promotion, Alexander made him a Cardinal with the reſt of the Nuntioes, and ſent him his Cap to Paris.

Before his Nuntiature into France, this Prelate was much inclin'd to the intereſt of Spain, but after he began to be acquainted with the Chriſtian Kings manner of Entertainment, and the civility of the French Court, he chang'd his mind, and follow'd the humour of the French. The Cardinals of that Kings faction, endeavour'd what they could to gain him, though but extrinſecally, whilſt they diſcover'd what was intrinſecally in him; however they gain'd but little upon him, their diſcourſes being only in general terms.

[Page]It is not known what good ſucceſs he would have had in the management of the Congregations, becauſe he ſtay'd not long in Rome after the aſſumption of Clement the ninth, being immediately ſent Legat to Romagna, where he order'd his affairs with great regularity, and juſtice; but 'tis ſuppos'd he would have done very well, becauſe he is a perſon of ſound judgement, modeſt in his opinion, and one that will give both God and Caeſar their due, which is as much as to ſay, he is both a good States-man, and a good Church-man too, and would be much better, were he not addicted ſo much to the benefit of his own Family.

GIƲLIO SPINOLA a Genoeſe, is a perſon of excellent parts, generous, magnanimous, and full of civility, and meekneſs; he is an enemy to prodigality, yet loves not covetouſneſs; the darling of his Country-men. He arriv'ed at the Prelacy (though he was otherwiſe deſerving enough) by the ordinary way of the Genoeſes, who have taken an oath as it were to buy all the offices that are to be ſold in Rome by the Church. In his very firſt imployments, he expreſs'd himſelf a perſon of worth; and indeed he is not a little learned, nor a little converſant amongſt learned men; his delight is to be diſcourſing amongſt ſuch as are experienc'd in Politicks, and Eccleſiaſtical affairs, obſerving with great diligence, which way he may make the moſt profit of them; and this he loves as his Recreations.

In his youth he was not ſo chaſt altogether as he ſhould have been, having ſuffer'd himſelf to be carry'd away too much with the love of Women, to the ſcandal of all that had affection for him; but ſince he took the habit of a Prelate upon him, he has been more circumſpect, and if he has not girt himſelf ſo cloſe with the girdle of Chaſtity, as he ought, yet he has brought himſelf to ſo formal and exterior modeſty, and ſo ſeeming a prudence, in covering thoſe frailties which cannot be forſaken by thoſe that carry them along with them, that at preſent he is eſteem'd chaſt, whether he be ſo or no.

He (being a perſon deſcended from a Family ſo famous through all Europe in ſeveral reſpects, particularly in conſideration of the Marquiſs Spinola the great Captain, and Cardinal Agoſtino Spinola, a moſt noble perſon, and very beneficial to the poor) had no great difficulty to obtain a reputation at Court, which every body is ambitious of at Rome; many people admir'd rather that he was imploy'd no ſooner in more conſiderable affairs, ſeeing that to the Nobility of his Birth, he wanted not the good endowments of mind. Alexander having experienc'd him in ſome intricate buſineſs, and found him a perſon of worth, he ſent him Nuntio into Germany, in Caraffa's place, who was created Cardinal. In which he comported himſelf ſo well, to the ſatisfaction both of the Emperour and Pope, eſpecially in matters of Religion, and the differences betwixt the Catholick and Proteſtant, that in the laſt Promotion of Pope Alexander, he deſervedly obtain'd a Cap; and a while after, he left the Imperial Court, to be preſent at the Conclave in Rome.

His voice will alwayes be in favour of the houſe of Auſtria, as well from his natural inclination, as from the obligations the Family of Spinola has alwayes receiv'd from the Catholick Crown; from whence it acknowledges the greateſt part of its fortunes. He delights much in walking, in Comedyes, and Balls, and perhaps his dignity has alter'd his humours; however he is aſſiduous enough in buſineſs, and is very ſincere and affectionate in what eyer he undertakes: he is very apt to be angry, if things ſucceed not according to his deſigns: he looks cloſely enough to the people of his Court, and allows them not ſuch latitude, as other Prelates and Cardinals do allow to their Courts. 'Tis ſuppos'd he would do very well in the management of ſome Legation, which he might have, if there was any regard had of the deſert of a perſon; but in thoſe caſes, the Popes aim no further than to ſatisfie them they are pleas'd with, not thoſe that deſerve it. He uſes great prudence in gaining upon ſuch Princes Miniſters, as are reſident in Rome; and ſpeaks of the merit of his Countrey ſo, as gives occaſion of jealouſie to all that envy them.

VITALIANO VISCONTI of Milan, is a Gentleman of an illuſtrious Family, and deſcended from the antient Dukes of Milan. He devotes himſelf to the ſervice of the Church, that ſometime or other he may come to the Cardinalſhip, for which he had alwayes a particular fancy. His friends did what they could to have perſwaded him to the [Page] Warrs, but he lik'd the Croſs better, as that which brings ordinarily more profit, more honour, and leſs danger. The beginning of his Prelacy was not ſo ſucceſsful as he look'd for, ſo that he was often changing his profeſſion, being weary as he ſaid, to ſee things go on ſo ſlowly; but he had no reaſon, for he thought honours would have been ſhower'd down upon his head, though it came as faſt as he could reaſonably expect.

Pope Alexander, who had the firſt occaſion to try him in matters of truſt, did it in his Papacy, honouring and loading him with offices, till that when Monſignour Bonelli that was Nuntio in Spain, was created Cardinal; he gave that Nuntiature to Viſconti, though there were others that put hard for it. But the Pope, who knew well enough the merits of the cauſe, declar'd Viſconti Nuntio, at one blow ſatisfying his own inclination, and the Spaniards too, who were not diſpleas'd to have for their Nuntio, a Prelate not only born their Subject, but bound by many obligations to the Catholick Crown. In this Nuntiature which laſted but three years, Philip the fourth King of Spain dy'd, upon which occaſion, the Nuntio ſhew'd himſelf both a faithfull Paſtor, and a great Politician, aſſiſting in many things with favour to the Church, and without any prejudice to the Crown of Spain. Before he ended his dayes, Alexander thought good to promote him to the Cardinalſhip, as well to recompence his ſervices to the Church, as that he might not ſee ſo honourable a Family without the dignity of a Cardinal, which had had heretofore the Soveraignty of Milan.

From the advice of his Promotion reſolv'd, to the news of the unhappy and dying condition of the Pope, there were but few dayes paſt; ſo that (either out of his own deſire to be in the Conclave, or otherwiſe to comply with the importunity of the Spaniſh Ambaſſador at Rome, who preſs'd him earneſtly to make haſt, that the Spaniſh intereſt might be made ſtronger thereby) he reſolv'd to take Poſt, and make his journey by land. But the Counſel of Madrid would not admit his Auditor to propoſe it, and therefore he was forc'd to ſtay in Spain, and expect new orders from the new Pope, with great diſguſt to the Ambaſſador at Rome.

The Spaniards careſs him much, hoping he will do them ſome important ſervice, as well becauſe he is born their Subject, as becauſe he has a particular inclination for them. He is a perſon of good qualities, liberal of his promiſes, generous to a certain proportion, for he loves not to caſt away too much of his own; affable, benigne, and of ſuch a Majeſty, as appears pride outwardly, but in effect is no ſuch thing.

INNICO CARACCIOLI a Neapolitane, although he is deſcended of a Noble houſe, and the chief of Nido in Naples; he was forc'd for all that, to dig his fortunes from under-ground, that is to ſay, to acquire the reputation of the Prelacy by buying of offices, and by his courteſie and obſequiouſneſs, obliging this Popeling ſometimes, and ſometimes that. He is of a nature to diſſemble very well, and like a true Neapolitane, entertards the fury of his heart, and the ebullition of his bloud, with a counterfeit medeſty and goodneſs. From hence it is, ſome men conceive him a perſon of an unſetled head, capriccious, and giddy; and indeed he will talk ſometime of this thing, and ſometimes of that; ſometimes of the reformation, ſometimes of the decorum of the Church; now he defends its frailties, anon he would be Pope, and reform them. Others will have him as honeſt, and as able, as his age will bear; but be it one way or the other, this is moſt certain, he has a heart of Steel, cover'd over with Gold, that in caſe of neceſſity, would be able to withſtand all the comminations, and violences of other people, and with humility make his arguments prevail, inſpight of all their contradictions.

The Chigi had alwayes an affection for him, and held him imploy'd in many buſineſſes of truſt, till at laſt Alexander towards his latter end, either to recompence ſo deſerving a perſon, or to have the office of Auditor di Camera void again, created him Cardinal, and gave him the Cap with his own hands the 16 of March 1667. injoyning him earneſtly to hold fair correſpondency with Cardinal Chigi his Nephew, who treated him at his Pallace that day at dinner with great magnificence.

He ſeems to be more inclin'd to the ſervice of Spain, than the other Neapolitane Cardinals, and Subjects of that Crown, have formerly been; and indeed the Spaniards reckon him in the number of their Confidents, though to his great diſſatisfaction they [Page] truſt him not, as they ought to do. But many are of opinion, that he is not of an humour to continue long in that correſpondence with the Spaniards, becauſe he is ſuppos'd to be of the nature of the late Cardinal Filomarino, that had a perfect hatred for the Miniſters of Spain, and as great an affection for the King, towards whom he carry'd himſelf with the greateſt humility, but to his Miniſters with the greateſt pride. Some ſay 'tis better to treat with him now he is a Cardinal, than it was before, when he was but Auditor di Camera: He was then an exactor of certain punctilioes, but now he ſhews great ripeneſs and dexterity in the Congregations, perhaps with deſign to advance himſelf higher yet, when his years will make him capable. He has Kindred good ſtore, but being all of them perſons of quality, they do not trouble him; however he does not fail to aſſiſt them that are of the Church: He loves the divertiſement of Comedies, and ſuch other recreations, but ſo as to give no ſcandal, as much as he can.

GIO. DELFINI a Venetian, has alwayes expreſs'd himſelf a good Prelate, and maintain'd the Eccleſiaſtical habit with great Decorum, in ſo much as that Republique taking notice of his merits, having a convenient occaſion, they recommended him to Pope Alexander, who was reſolv'd to do that honour to thoſe Princes, who had for a long time a right of nominating one of their Subjects, as well as any of the Crowns. For this reaſon reſolving not to fail in a buſineſs of that conſequence, amongſt the reſt that were recommended, he choſe Monſignor Delfini, and created him Cardinal with the reſt that were recommended by the Crowns, in March 1667. his Holineſs having diſpatch'd Monſignor Falconieri his Chamberlain of Honour, to preſent him with the Cap, whoſe arrival was celebrated with the publique ſolemnity of Fire-works, Balls, and Feſtivals, for three dayes together; particularly the Houſe of Delfini, that is of the antienteſt Nobility, made great expreſſion of their joy, by their charity to the poor, and their Fountains running with Wine, to give the people entertainment; though to ſpeak the truth, the Venetians are too near the Water, to be much given to Wine.

The Republique of Venice according to their uſual generoſity, order'd him ſix thouſand Ducats, as they are wont to give every Cardinal of that Nation, as ſoon as they are promoted, towards their expences, and to put them into an Equipage proportionable to their Dignity. He has as yet no great reputation at Court, but he may in a ſhort time, having a particular way of civility, whereby he obliges all ſuch as have any affairs with him; and he has already ſhewn ſuch manifeſt tokens of it in ſome of the Congregations, that he has diſcover'd himſelf to be much more capable, than the common ſort of Cardinals do imagine. He has declar'd, that he will keep fair correſpondence with all the Miniſters that are reſident in Rome, provided the intereſt of his Country obliges him not to the contrary; for to ſpeak truth, he bears as cordial an affection to his Country, as can be expected from the beſt of Subjects, poſtponing his private intereſt, to the publique ſervice of the Senate, though he be not quite void of affection to his own. Amongſt his other virtues, the modeſty of his language is ſuch, he ſuffers not himſelf to be tranſported to any body.

GƲIDO BALDO DE TƲN a German, and Archbiſhop of Salsburg, was made Cardinal at the inſtance of the Emperor, and by him diſpatch'd with all ſpeed to Rome, to be preſent at the Conclave, to fortifie the Spaniſh intereſt in the election of a new Pope. The Duke Altemps invited him to take his Lodgings in his Palace, but he excus'd himſelf, upon pretence that he deſir'd rather to lodge in the German Colledge, where he had been ſometimes a Student, and had given hopes of thoſe excellent qualities, which he diſcover'd more plainly, after he had taken the Eccleſiaſtical habit upon him, by reſtraining himſelf as much as poſſibly he could, from giving any publique ſcandal.

The people of his Dioceſs hold him very honeſt, an excellent Paſtor, and one that leaves no ſtone unturn'd that may make his Clergy ſerviceable, and aſſiduous in the Divine Worſhip. The Emperor careſſes him very much, as a perſon of deſert, and as a perſon of Eſtate; his Treaſure being ſo vaſt, that upon an exigence he can furniſh him abundantly, not by way of Benevolence, but Loan. The greateſt defect the Germans obſerve in him, is his Covetouſneſs, adhering with great affection to his own intereſts: yet for all that it cannot be ſaid, that he ever committed any unworthy action, to accumulate [Page] wealth, his wayes were rational, and by frugality: Yet ſome Germans have told me, that upon occaſion he has ſpent with great generoſity, and eſpecially at the Empreſſes arrival in Germany, he ſhew'd himſelf as liberal and magnificent as the beſt. Whilſt he was but a Prelate, he diſtributed his Almes with a little too much temperance, but ſince he has been a Cardinal, his heart is enlarg'd proportionable to his Dignity: He is a perſon of a ſound judgement, and one that traces Corruption to the bottom, though in appearance he ſeems no ſuch perſon. But that which is more conſiderable is, the candor which is natural to his Countrymen; he is never tranſported with paſſion, but blames or commends people impartially, as they deſerve. He is ſlow in his Negotiations, advancing like a Tortoiſe, ſo that 'tis thought he would be a fitter Miniſter for Spain, than for Germany: He ſpeaks his mind freely, and is not troubled to be contradicted, provided they bring reaſons enough to oppoſe him.

LEWIS Duke of VENDOSME a Frenchman, is deſcended from a Natural Son of Henry the 4th. who marrying with Frances of Lorain Dutcheſs of Mercoeur, had this Lewis by her. He had no great inclination to the Eccleſiaſtical habit, his mind running more after Matrimony, and the affairs of the World. Accordingly when he was arriv'd at a competent age, he married a Neice of Cardinal Mazarines, who was then the Dominus fac totum in France, hoping by means of his favour, to open a way to ſome honourable imployment. This Lady was of the ſame ſtock with Cardinal Mancini, that is now living, but lived not many years with her Husband the Duke, to whom ſhe left two very hopefull Sons, but not old enough to know, or lament, the loſs of ſo incomparable a Mother.

No ſooner was this Lord fallen into the condition of a Widdower, but he chang'd his mind, and as when he was young, he was all for Matrimony, ſo now he is altogether for the Eccleſiaſtical habit, not in any penitential way, but only to capacitate him for the Cardinalſhip, which is that he has alwayes aim'd at, and with all induſtry endeavours. Finally, his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, according to the Prerogative of his Crown, being to nominate a perſon in the laſt promotion of Alexander, preſented this as a perſon of great merit, and fit to be an Ornament both to the Colledge and Cap; and the rather, becauſe in his Vice-Royſhip in Catalonia, and in his Government of Provence, he had ſhewn great aſſiduity in his Majeſties ſervice.

A few dayes after he had receiv'd his Cap, the tydings of the languiſhing condition of his Holineſs arriv'd; ſo that with directions from the King, he parted immediately for Rome, to be preſent at the new Conclave, where he met exactly with the reſt of the French Cardinals. In this Conclave he behav'd himſelf with great prudence, and perhaps more than was expected by the elder Cardinals, that had been a long time acquainted with the intrigues of the Conclaves. The Election being made, he prepar'd for his return into France, but firſt he recommended to his Holineſs, the intereſts of his Maſter, particularly in the buſineſs of the diſincameration of Caſtro, according to the Treaty at Piſa; during his ſtay at Rome, he gave great evidences of his generoſity, diſpatching all that came to him with great ſatisfaction.

The Republique of Genoa, which is not backward in obliging the Subjects of his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, and his Cardinals much more, endeavour'd what they could to find out away to oblige this; and being in his way at Savona, where he was complemented by the Governour with all due reſpect, they ſent him ſix Corſaires of Provence, that had been condemn'd to the Galleys, and were ſet at liberty at the inſtance of that Cardinal, for which he expreſs'd great ſatisfaction, and thankfulneſs to that Commonwealth. In ſhort, this Cardinal is not to undertake any matters of great importance, though his judgement is well enough, and he manages indifferent things to a hair.

LEWIS MONCADA is a Sicilian, and the laſt Cardinal created by Alexander the ſeventh; he was promoted at the inſtance of the King of Spain, with three others, nominated by the Emperour, the King of France, and the State of Venice. The Spaniards deſign in the nomination of this perſon, was not ſo much to remunerate the ſervices he had done to that Crown upon ſeveral occaſions, as that they might have in the Sacred Colledge, a Cardinal conſiderable both in Birth and Authority, of which the Spaniards have great need at this time, conſidering the lowneſs and languor of their condition, [Page] eſpecially in Rome, where they are regarded by the Eccleſiaſticks for nothing but the profit and authority they receive from the Catholick States, and that King: ſo that their authority muſt needs leſſen, and their Revenews diminiſh, if the Eccleſiaſticks do withdraw themſelves from their affection to Spain.

He has a great reputation in the Court of Spain, but not ſo much for the integrity of his manners, or the goodneſs of his life, (for he is but a man, and ſubject to frailties, though he be prudent, and abſtains from ſuch ſcandals, as are offenſive to his gravity) but for his exquiſite knowledge in Government, which he ſignaliz'd in ſeveral charges committed to him by his Catholick Majeſty. Yet he would ſcarce make ſo good a Paſtor in the Government of the Church, having had but little converſe in Eccleſiaſtical affairs, eſpecially in certain Spiritual matters, he has had little or no occaſion to know, as one that has been drawn away by matters of State Policy of greateſt importance, the myſteries and intrigues of which, he underſtands very well, and will be alwayes faithfull to the Spaniard; and indeed his vigilance is ſo great, they muſt riſe betimes that deceive him. It is ſuppos'd the intelligence betwixt him, and the Cardinal of Aragon, is not very good, which laſt, looking upon himſelf as a perſon that has been longer imploy'd in the affairs of that Crown, would pretend to do all; and this, who profeſſes to act with all ſincerity and affection in his Majeſties ſervice, will not be brought to condeſcend to receive orders from the Cardinal of Aragon; Eſpecially their humours being different, for though they are both Spaniards born, yet one retains the manners of a Sicilian.

In Rome, which is the touchſtone of wits, they ſpeak not as yet either good or bad of Moncada, becauſe they have not ſeen him in his Scarlet, which the Romans do very much deſire. A German Lord that is acquainted with him, told me, that he is of a moſt extream jealous nature, not much liberal, though not much covetous, grave in his audiences, majeſtick in his words, outwardly charitable, and full of Spaniſh Maximes.

Here ends the Colledge of Alexanders Cardinals, who are now living, ſome of his Creatures being dead, as Cardinal Bagni, Pallavicino, Bandinelli, and Vecchiarelli, of which I ſhall ſpeak ſomething by the bye, becauſe as yet their memory is freſh. In the death of Cardinal Bagni, it may be ſaid, and ſaid truly, the Church receiv'd no great loſs, becauſe he was ſo old before he receiv'd the Purple, that it was talk'd up and down in Rome, that the Cap was beſtow'd on him, in hopes he would not keep it long; but in other reſpects his death has made a great breach in the Colledge, for he was certainly a learned man, of great experience in the Arts both of Warr and Peace; ſo that Alexander with great judgement, not only promoted him amongſt the reſt, but admitted him amongſt the greateſt of his Confidents, and receiv'd the news of his death with great ſorrow, and affliction. The ſame may be ſaid of Cardinal Bandinelli a Genoeſe, a perſon indeed of no profound learning, yet of great practice and experience in the myſteries of Court, which Alexander underſtood very well, when he made him a Cardinal, to the general ſatisfaction of the Court, that look'd upon him as worthy of the higheſt command; but he dying juſt in the nick of the vacancy of the See, depriv'd the Conclave of a perſon they talk'd much of at that time, and perhaps he might have ſucceeded. Whether the Church ſuſtain'd any great loſs by the death of Cardinal Pallavicino, may be argu'd from his qualities, for indeed he was an honeſt man, bent wholly upon the benefit of the Church, in which he alwayes expreſs'd great ſincerity. He was very well read, both in Divinity, Morality, and ſpeculative Philoſophy, but principally in Morality; and therefore his Holineſs conferr'd with him ſtill, in all matters of Theology, and Morality, in which he was ſo perfect, there was not one amongſt all the Cardinals did equal him His Holineſs conſulted him likewiſe in matters of State, not but that he was ſenſible enough of his inexperience therein; but he did it to ſhew him honour, and to manifeſt his confidence in him: not ſticking alwayes to his opinion, becauſe he found him a little too rigid, and zealous for the Eccleſiaſtical Laws, and ſubject to thoſe errors, which thoſe perſons do ordinarily fall into, who ſtand ſo ſtiffly to the punctilio's of reformation, and will go no way but their own; and theſe in plain terms are they, that are obſtinate, and intractible in their opinions, be they good or bad. His name ſurvives in the Hiſtory of the Councel of Trent, written to the ſhame of what Father Paulo [Page] Servita had publiſh'd; for which reaſon the Venetians thought themſelves oblig'd to prohibit it in their Dominions. His manner of life, was like a Fryar, or rather like a Jeſuite; he never viſited Ladies, not ſo much as the Wives of Ambaſſadors; and therefore they conſider'd him no further, than as a good Cardinal. He dy'd likewiſe in the vacancy of the Chair, and ſo poor, he ſcarce left wherewithal to bury him; inſomuch that Cardinal Chigi, as if he deſign'd to make him ſenſible of his liberality, even after his death, order'd a thouſand Crowns to be laid out in the Celebration of this Funeral, which was perform'd in the Jeſuites Church: Odoardo Vecchiarelli da Ricti, that had been Auditor di Camera before his Promotion to the Cardinalſhip, had the honour, or good fortune, to ſee the Conclave, and be preſent at the Election of a new Pope, and afterwards to dye, which was more than Pallavicino and Bandanelli had. The death of this Cardinal was not ſo reſented by the Court, becauſe he was not of any extraordinary parts, though otherwiſe well enough practis'd in the buſineſs of the world: and not altogether unskilfull in Eccleſiaſtical affairs, though not well enough to give Counſel, yet ſufficiently to ſpeak his mind frankly in the Congregations; but the greateſt loſs the Church ſuſtain'd, was in the death of Cardinal Farneſe, who at this very time, I have notice dy'd, the laſt Sunday but one in February 1668. but becauſe I have ſaid enough of him already, I ſhall ſpeak no further, only that as ſoon as Cardinal Chigi had the news of his death, he turn'd about to his Friends that were with him, and ſaid, Had we made Farneſe Pope, as Grimaldi would have had us, we ſhould have been now ſtriving again to elect a new one.

And now it is time we come to Clement the ninth, and ſpeak ſomething of the Cardinals created by him: But firſt it will not be amiſs, to premiſe ſomething about his Government of the Church, which can be no great matter, becauſe he is but newly entred as it were into the Papacy. And certainly to apply himſelf wholly to buſineſs, is a moſt worthy humour in his Holineſs: He gives Audience daily to every body, without regard to the weakneſs or infirmities of his Nature; whilſt he was Cardinal he was retir'd, ſhun'd all converſation as much as was poſſible, and would admit of no imployment but his Charge; but now the Scene is chang'd, and he converſes with more freedome; and that which is moſt conſiderable, he does not decline thoſe perſons that come to negotiate with him about publique affairs.

At the happy beginning of his Papacy, he caus'd Medals to be made, and gave them about to his Friends, with this inſcription, Conſtantia Silveri ad imitandum propoſita. Which by the Wits of the Court was interpreted thus, That as San Silverio the Pope, though depos'd from the Apoſtolick Chair, and for ſome time a Priſoner to the Emperor, could never be brought to renounce any thing, that juſtly belong'd to his Predeceſſor, ſo Clement the ninth was never to be perſwaded to the diſcameration of Caſtro; and indeed it has appear'd ſo ſince, for all the art they could uſe, could never bring him to the execution of the Treaty at Piſa, in which it is articled, That Castro ſhould be deliver'd. Nor can all the inſtances of the Ambaſſador of France, nor his preſſing that that Treaty was ſubſcrib'd by the greateſt part of the Cardinals, work upon his reſolutions. And yet for all this, the King of France has invited him to be a Godfather to a young Princeſs his Daughter. And the Pope has ſent a Bull to Cardinal Vendoſme, declaring him Legate a latere, and thereby qualifying him for that Function, which is to be ſuddenly perform'd with all magnificence imaginable.

This Pope would not go the way of his Predeceſſor Alexander, and keep his Kindred ſo many months out of Rome, to acquire the Epithite of Holy. Clement knew very well it was but formality, and ſo reckon'd by the people, and therefore that they might not be deceiv'd in him, he call'd in his Relations immediately to the Court, that is, his Brother, and his Nephews, and Nieces, aſſigning the ſame preheminences to all of them, that his Predeceſſors had given to theirs. True it is, there happen'd ſome diſguſts betwixt the Pope, and the State of Malta; for the Pope having an eye (as was but reaſonable) that nothing ſhould ſcape his hands, that might aggrandize his Nephews, gave to Fra Vincenzo his Nephew, (a Cavalier of Malta) the Priory of Santa Eufemia, which by Seniority belong'd to Brancacci, another of the Knights: at which, the Grand Maſter being diſguſted, threatned to turn the Inquiſitor out of the Iſland, and [Page] gave him other tokens of his Reſentment; but all was compos'd by the good conduct of his Holineſs, in ſuch manner, that Brancaccio was ſatisfi'd, by the perſwaſion of a Cardinal of that name, that for the Popes intereſt, and his Nephews, accommodated all.

The Nobility of his Holineſs, and the Family of the Roſpiglioſi, is as conſiderable as the City of Piſtoia can make it; it is reckon'd amongſt the moſt antient of that place, and has not o [...]y maintain'd it ſelf in the principal Honours that Town could afford, and ally'd it ſelf with Families their equals, but has in all ages afforded eminent men in Tuſcany, and elſewhere, ſo as it may well ſtand in competition with any that enveighs it, in ſeveral reſpects; his Holineſs however, aims to aggrandize his Family in ſpight of them all, eſpecially in the perſon of the new Cardinal his Nephew, whom we ſhall yet conſider as Abbot Roſpiglioſi; and indeed, there are many Proviſions and Offices ſuſpended till the ſaid Abbot arrives in Rome, who by unhappy accident ſell ſick by the way; all people being big with expectation, parturiunt montes, but they know not whether they may ſay, naſcetur ridiculus Mus, or laugh out as is hop'd, naſcetur ingens Elephas.

His Holineſs in the mean time, being alwayes intent upon the eaſing and indulging of the people under his Care, has order'd it to be publiſh'd in all the Pariſhes, and to all the Eccleſiaſtick Miniſters within the diſtrict of Rome, that the ſeveral Dioceſans be call'd, to the end that if they find themſelves aggriev'd by the Roman Barons; or other Governours, they ſhould appeal immediately to him, and he would relieve them with all poſſible juſtice But all was but ſhew, as many believ'd, it being the property of the Romans to complain, with exceſs of ill Government, and to call what is good, but Hypocriſie; ſo that this benignity of his Holineſs, was look'd upon but as a Copy of his Countenance. He was reported likewiſe to be too eaſie in granting favours to the Ladies, but that report was rais'd upon the Lady Marcheſs of Paleotti's prevailing (by her inſinuations, and the prettineſs of her diſcourſe) with his Holineſs to beſtow upon her Father the Duke of Nortumbia, a Penſion of five hundred Crowns a year, with this additional favour, that it might be paid from time to time by the Congregation de propaganda ſide. From this bounty of the Popes, the Romans took occaſion to ſay, that his Holineſs was very ready to gratifie the Ladies in any thing; but the contrary appears in the perſon of the very ſame Lady, who thinking to find the ſame eaſineſs as ſhe did in the Penſion, ſhe adventur'd ſo far as to deſire to be divorc'd from her Husband; but ſhe found his Holineſs impenetrable as to that, who reproving her for her demand, ſent her away much diſcontented.

The Pope was highly accus'd upon the reſolution he took as ſoon as he was leap'd into the Vatican, to confirm the Invenſtiture of the Prefectſhip of Rome, given by Ʋrban the eighth to Don Tadco, and to his third Generation, although Innocent and Alexander, his Predeceſſors, had refus'd to confirm the ſame to Don Ma [...]t [...]o his Son, the Prince of Paleſtrina; however Clement was willing to gratifie him, in remembrance of the obligations he had alwayes profeſs'd to the Barbarini, but with this condition notwithſtanding, that the ſaid Prefect ſhould give place to the Ambaſſadors of Crowns only, allowing them precedence not only before all Roman Barons, but even before the Popes Nephews pro tempore. A buſineſs that did not pleaſe the Barons at all, and gave great diſguſt to the Hiſtoriographers, who all of them knowing this Miniſter to be a ſecond Emperor, and that all the former Popes (except Ʋrban for his own intereſt) had endeavour'd, out of a politick maxime, to aboliſh the very memory of it, did wonder to ſee Clement confirming it, at his very firſt entrance into the Chair.

The firſt of his Nephews that came to Rome, were two, one of them call'd Fra Vincenzo a Knight of Malta, and the other Tomaſo: They were perſons of no great noiſe, but reſolute, modeſt, courteous, and full of humility, in a word, not unlike their Unckle in their modeſty, who though he had call'd them to Rome, declar'd notwithſtanding that he would not ſuffer them to fix their Families in Rome, nor take any other Titles upon them, than what belong'd to their Births: But that reſolution was of no long continuance, for he left them at liberty to their Titles, and whatever preheminence they pleas'd, [Page] in ſo much that his Holineſs one day did ſolemnly rebuke Seignour Giacinto del Bufalo, Maſtro di Camera to Fra. Vincent, becauſe he had made Gio. Battiſta Vallaſi to ſtay at dinner with the ſaid Cavalier, and his brother, as a perſon that not being of Noble Extraction, did not deſerve to dine with his Holineſſes Nephews; a clear ſign he intended to render them Majeſtique: having given likewiſe eighty thouſand Crowns toward the furniſhing of Ludoviſi's Pallace, deſigned for the reſidence of the Nephews, beſides thirty thouſand he ſent the Abbot at one time, and above fifty thouſand at another, to help to defray his charges in his Journey.

I ſhall now paſs to the Promotion of Cardinals by Clement the ninth, about the end of Decemb. 1667. and the firſt that preſents himſelf, is Prince Leopald di Medici brother to the Grand Duke. Whilſt Alexander was living, ſeveral inſtances were made to him, that he would do the Colledge of Cardinals that honour, as to beſtow a Cap upon ſuch a Prince as this, of a Family that was of a Neighbour State, and had deſerv'd well of the Church; but Alexander reſerving it for his Succeſſor, deny'd himſelf that glory: as it happen'd afterwards indeed; for no ſooner was Clement got into the Vatican, but, either moved by the natural merit of his perſon, or by a deſire to do good, he declar'd he would promote the ſaid Prince Leopald to the Cardinalſhip, without attending the Grand Dukes mediation; which fell out afterwards, but rather to preſerve I know not what kind of right of nomination the Grand Duke pretended to, than for any thing elſe. The Popes having ordinarily contended to ſatisfie the inſtances of the Great Dukes, by the Promotion of ſome perſon of the houſe of Medici, as well for the benefit of the Church, as the State Eccleſiaſtick.

From this new Prince Cardinal, and call'd Cardinal in quality of a Prince, there can be nothing expected but good actions, favourable, propitious, and equitable to the common good of Italy, as the reſt of the Cardinals of the houſe of Medici's, have upon all occaſions expreſs'd: particularly Gio. Carlo, and Carlo that dyed laſt, who with great prudence promoted the advantage of all Italy, as zealouſly, as the benefit of their own Families: ſo that it is believed this Cardinal will not prove inferiour, either to his Unckle, or Brother, as having, beſides his generoſity and natural Majeſty, talents ſufficient for the management of State affairs; beſides a competent skill in matters Eccleſiaſtick and Military; but in the firſt eſpecially, as having from his youth been curious in Hiſtory, and very ſerious in making reflections to his advantage. In a word there cannot, nor ought not any thing to be ſaid, but that this Cardinal is a great and moſt excellent Prince.

GIACOMO ROSPIGLIOSI is his Holineſſes Nephew, with that Title created Cardinal, and which is of more importance, Cardinal Padrone; he is the eldeſt Son of Seignour Camillo Roſpiglioſi, the Popes Brother, a perſon that deſerves to be Brother to the greateſt Monarch in the Univerſe. The great expreſſions of joy that he made at the exaltation of his Brother, was nothing but a liberal diſtribution of proviſions to the poor, benignity and charity to the diſtreſſed, being his natural endowments; nor was it the poor of Piſtoia only, that participated of his alms, but the poor of the whole Eccleſiaſtical State almoſt, for in his journey from Piſtoia to Rome, he diſpens'd ſo largely amongſt them all, that it was much admir'd from whence that Treaſure ſhould come; which indeed was his own, for he had not began to ſuck the honey of the Church.

In the Caſtle of Gondolfo, which was the firſt place in which he preſented himſelf to his Holineſs, his Magnificence and Piety to the Poor, and to the Religious, was moſt conſpicuous; for beſides, that at his arrival he open'd the priſons, diſmiſs'd the Debtors, and with his own money ſatisfy'd their debts; he reſtor'd thoſe Criminals that were reſtrain'd upon any honourable accounts, and reliev'd all ſuch of the poor, as were inclin'd by the great noiſe, and report of his Charity, to come to that place, having reliev'd the Church of the Mendicants in like manner, ſo that the acclamations were too great to be expreſs'd in Paper: many there were nevertheleſs, that thought all this but hypocriſie, and a deſign upon the popular applauſe, that he might afterwards have the management of the Treaſure of the Church with more liberty; and this opinion increas'd much, when it was conſider'd that in the beginning he deny'd to go ſo ſuddenly to Rome, that he had refus'd to take the charge of General of the Holy Church upon him, [Page] which was uſually conſerr'd upon the Brother, or next Kinſman to the Pope; and upon his refuſal, it was accepted by the Duke of Sermoneta, who out of his natural bounty offer'd to execute it without pay, and to ſet out that for the payment of the debts of the Chamber: yet he alter'd his mind nevertheleſs, and got poſſeſſion of the ſaid command, and of all the other opulent offices that were vacant by the death of Don Mario Chigi. But be things as they will, he is moſt certainly a generous, charitable, and noble perſon, and as yet not ſo much given to covetouſneſs as ſeveral others are.

The Mother of the Cardinal, and Wife to Don Camillo, of the houſe Celliſi, and own Siſter to the Cavalier Celliſi, of the order of Malta, is a Lady of good judgement, and well experienc'd in the Government of her own Family; but being born in a pittifull City, out of all courtſhip, and entertainment, ſhe ſeems to be diſcompos'd with the multitude of her viſits, ſo that the Nephews do ſtrive to inſtruct and render her the more gentile a Princeſs, which thing is feaſible enough, for Donna Beruice Wife to Don Mario, had no better breeding than this Lady when ſhe came firſt to Rome, and yet in a ſhort time ſhe became ſo exquiſite in all the formalities of the Court, that ſhe out did all them that were born in Rome.

The Cardinal has three Brothers beſides, the firſt is Vincenzo, a Knight of Malta, about thirty years old, of indifferent parts, civil, and ſomething Lordly in his deportment. The ſecond is Don Thomaſo, about twenty five years of age, but not ſo crafty as his Brother, though his humour be buſie and cunning likewiſe. The other Brother that is but young, is called Don Gregorio, who without doubt in time will be the moſt skilfull of any of them in the affairs of Rome, as having opportunity to acquaint himſelf therewith, even now in his youth. It is believ'd if his Holineſs lives another year, he will without fail make one of theſe three a Cardinal, as Ʋrban the eight did, who notwithſtanding all the Decres of the Councels, created two Brothers Cardinals; but in thoſe dayes they thought of-nothing but heaping up wealth without meaſure. The Cardinal has two Siſters likewiſe, one of them marryed to a Nobleman of the houſe of Pangiatici, and the other, to a Noble man of the houſe of Banchieri, whom they likewiſe inſtruct in the manners of the Court.

The Abbot Roſpiglioſi had alwayes a particular inclination to follow the Eccleſiaſtical habit, and the perſon of his Unckle, who being admitted into the Prelacy, began to make himſelf taken notice of for a perſon of great hopes; and on the other ſide his Unckle, who had alwayes a great affection for his Brother Don Camillo, who had already a numerous Family; to eaſe him of thoſe cares that Sons do uſually give their Parents, and that he might have one of his own blood to be near him, for his Confident, and that he might inſtruct him in publick affairs, he writ to his Brother Camillo, that he ſhould ſend Giacomo his eldeſt Nephew to him; which he did, and he arriv'd in his Unckles Palace, in a very youthfull and brisk age.

About this time Monſignour Roſpiglioſi being declar'd Nuntio to Spain, was in great doubt whether he ſhould carry his Nephew along with him ſo young, for he was not then paſt 15; but knowing the good Genius of his Nephew very well, and that he was given to no vice that might rob him of the bounty of his Unckle; but that on the other ſide, his age being conſider'd, he was endu'd with a modeſt gentleneſs, that gave him great hopes: being advis'd therefore by his friends, and diſpos'd by his own inclinations, he reſolv'd to take him along, with intention to improve his ſtudyes at Salamanca: and indeed he was no ſooner arriv'd in Spain, but he ſent him thither, where he took his degree of Doctorſhip before came away.

Roſpiglioſi being created Cardinal, and firſt Secretary of State, and being return'd from Spain, took his Nephew Giacomo with him, employing him firſt in drawing Letters of no great importance; for great buſineſs he deſerv'd wholly to himſelf. In brief, this Abbot whilſt he bore that Title, as young as he was, did great honour to his Unckles Family; who ſlipt no opportunity on his ſide to advance him, as he did in making him Cupbearer to Cardinal Chigi, in which employment, he gain'd much upon the affections of Chigi, who held him for a youth of no ordinary knowledge. About this time the accident happen'd to the Duke of Crequy, of which we have ſpoke ſufficiently before: and Chigi having ſatisfy'd his Unckle the Pope, that it was neceſſary to ſend ſome [Page] perſon of worth to the French Ambaſſador that was then retir'd to Saint Quirico, in the Grand Dukes Dominions; the Abbot Roſpiglioſi was pitch'd upon, both by the Pope and his Nephew, to be the man into whoſe hands they would put the firſt overtures of accommodation; ſo that from hence may be argued the opinion the Court had of him, when they diſpatch'd him immediately with their Orders, or rather their neceſſary Memoires, as may be ſeen in the following Letter written by the Cardinal, to the Ambaſſador, who was then at Quirico, as aforeſaid.

§

Moſt Illuſtrious, and moſt Excellent Lord,

I Ʋnderſtand by Mounſieur Burlemont, and by word of mouth from the Tuſcan Ambaſſador, that your Excellence has receiv'd from his moſt Christian Majeſty an ample faculty and power in order to the compoſure of what has happen'd by the exorbitance of the Corſies, and that if a perſon were ſent from hence to underſtand his Majesties reſolutions, they ſhould immediately be imparted; upon this information, which his Holineſs receiv'd with very great pleaſure. I have diſpatch'd my Cup bearer, the Abbot Roſpiglioſi, to receive from your Excellence what part you ſhall think fit to communicate of his Majeſties mind and deſires, not doubting but they are ſuch, as will evidence to the World his Majeſties great piety, and your Excellences moſt ſingular prudence and reſpect towards the Holy See, as Mounſieur Burlemont has aſſur'd me: To the end I may have a happy opportunity of operating with his Holineſs for his Majeſties ſervice, as I am bound to do alwayes to my utmost, I beſeech your Excellence to believe whatever the ſaid Abbot ſayes of my deſire to ſerve you. And thus committing the reſt to him, I do with all my heart kiſs your Excellences hands.

Rome the 3d. of Octob. 1662.

§

The Ambaſſador receiv'd the Abbot very kindly, but entred not into any diſcourſe with him about the Accommodation, upon pretence that he could not negotiate with him, he having brought no Orders along with him from his Holineſs to that purpoſe. His anſwer to the Cardinal was thus.

§

Moſt Eminent, and moſt Reverend Lord,

I Have receiv'd your Eminences Letter, which you were pleas'd to write to me the third inſtant, from the hands of Seignor Abbot Roſpiglioſi, but it appearing to me, he had no Order from his Holineſs to treat with me about ſatisfaction due to the King my Master, I could not believe I had any opportunity of entring into any ſuch debate with him: I have deſir'd the Abbot to aſſure your Eminence of my juſt intentions, and ſo I moſt humbly kiſs your hands.

§

Whilſt things were thus tending to a compoſure, the Abbot was declar'd Internuntio to Bruſſels, having been alwayes inclin'd to hold a good correſpondence with the Spaniard, ever ſince he was ſo long in Spain: It being in his way to Bruſſels, Cardinal Chigi carry'd him along with him in his Legation to France, in which journey he did the Cardinal good ſervice, and gave great ſatisfaction to the French. The Spaniards eſteem'd very well of him at Bruſſels, in as much as in the management of his Charge, he gave particular evidence of his prudence.

About this time the Cardinals Unckle being advanc'd to the Papacy, and he having diſpatches and advices from all parts, but particularly from the Great Duke, who ſent a Courier with all ſpeed on purpoſe, who was receiv'd with that affection by the Abbot, that he gave him not only a Billet for a thouſand Ducats, but a Carcanet of Gold worth five hundred Crowns, and a purſe of fifty Ducats for his journey. But he would not ſtir from Bruſſels without order from his Holineſs, who being reſolv'd to imploy him in the Peace betwixt the two Crowns, that were in a new rupture of late. He commanded the ſaid Abbot his Nephew, to negotiate with his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty about the differences in Flanders, and the rather, becauſe the Spaniards did earneſtly beg it of the Pope. The Abbot went accordingly into France, and that ſooner for the convenience of [Page] his paſſage, than to begin his Negotiations, which requir'd great time and aſſiduity. His Majeſty receiv'd him with all imaginable benignity, giving Orders that he ſhould be treated like a Nephew of the regnant Pope: and it is moſt certain, that his paſſage from Bruſſels to Rome, was like a continued triumph almoſt, all Ambaſſadors, Miniſters of Princes, and Prelates, making him their Viſits. He fell ſick by the way, and was forc'd for ſome time to take up at Suſa, where he experimented the generoſity of the Royal Houſe of Savoy. The Cardinal Antonio that was then paſſing into France, and had ſhewn his affection to the perſon of the Abbot in Rome, having left a deed of reſignation of the Arch-Prieſtſhip of Santa Maria Maggiore, and the Prefecture of the ſignature of Grace, in favour of the ſaid Rospiglioſi, he paſt from Savona to Suſa to viſit him, and to communicate ſome important affairs with him: being ſomething recover'd, though ſtill feavouriſh, he embarqu'd upon the River Poc, in his voyage to Rome, becauſe his Holineſs expected him with impatience, being deſirous to make him a Cardinal ſuddenly, as it followed; for as ſoon as he was arrived at Rome, and received with all poſſible magnificence, he ſtaid but a few days before he was created Cardinal, with the Title of Padrone, and with all due preheminence.

His Holineſs left him not ſo large an authority as he would have had, with which he was not over-well ſatisfy'd: he endeavour'd by all means to caſhier all thoſe that were in favour with his Unkle, that he himſelf might remain abſolute; as it appear'd a while ſince, when coming to make his Holineſs a viſit, his Holineſs askt him what they ſaid of him in the Court; To which he reply'd immediately, that he was applauded in every thing, but one, and that was, that he was too prodigal of his favours to Paulus Strada, which the ſaid Paul ſold afterwards at a very dear rate: His Holineſs with a ſevere brow returned him this anſwer, That he wondred he would be the Meſſenger of ſuch news, Strada being the beſt Miniſter he ever had yet, that he could not believe Strada would do ſuch unjuſt things; and that otherwiſe he took great pleaſure in Strada's advantages: To which he ſubjoyn'd, (and indeed that was it that netled the Cardinals) That if he himſelf who was his Nephew, would have any favour from him, he ſhould ſooner obtain it by the interceſſion of Paulus Strada: At which words the Cardinal ſhrinking up his ſhoulders, departed very melancholly, that he could not compaſs his deſigns. However he cannot complain that he has not full liberty to aggrandize and [...]nrich himſelf; becauſe, no ſooner is any good Beneſice or Abbey void, but 'tis immediately beſtow'd on him: and indeed he is already ſo well provided, that let his Holineſs dye as ſoon as he pleaſes, he is ſure to be left rich enough. The Romans that are always prying upon the actions of the Nephews, are better pleas'd with the Father than with the Son; and this is moſt certain, that in charity, and in his charge, Don Camillo exceeds him far. It ſeem'd ſtrange to the Court to ſee the ſaid Cardinal going abroad at firſt daſh with Cardinal Sigiſmond Chigi and Don Agostino in his Coach, without any other Cardinal or Prelate: whereas at firſt, the Cardinal Nephews appear with great trains of Principal perſons, and not with inferiour Cardinals: from hence they inferr the lowneſs of his mind: But the wiſer ſort ſee well enough into the deſign, which is, that both Unkle and Nephew are reſolv'd to tye an indiviſible knot betwixt the two Families, and to render themſelves invincible to the reſt, by redoubling of marriages. And of this dayly proof is to be ſeen, his Holineſs having commended the friendſhip of the Chigi to all his own friends, perſwading them they are bound to kiſs the place where the Chigi ſet their feet.

As far as may be gueſt by outward appearance, 'tis a great trouble to the Cardinal that he has ſo many Brothers, becauſe the multitude of Nephews leſſens the authority he would have wholly to himſelf; inſomuch that there has been already ſome diſguſts betwixt him, and his Brother Vincenzo, about I know not what reducement of the Light-horſe, Vincenzo telling him with ſome bitterneſs, that it did not belong to him to wind and inſinuate himſelf into ſuch affairs, ſeeing he did not concern himſelf in Eccleſiaſtick; But the greateſt obſtacle in his Eyes, is Paulus Strada; for to ſpeak truth, his Holineſs conſults him from morning to night, and follows his advice as if he were an Oracle.

The Miniſters of Princes that are reſident in Rome, have not yet had experience of the [Page] Cardinals worth in buſineſs: for knowing that his Holineſs follows other peoples advice, and not his Nephews, they apply themſelves immediately to the Pope, till they ſhall ſee the Cardinal a little more ſetled in his Padronancy; but the Cardinal being naturally ambitious of authority, thruſts himſelf many times upon things he is not call'd to: and his Holineſs to ſatisfie him, more than any thing elſe, gives him liberty to give audience to ſome of the Miniſters of Princes; which he performs, both receiving, and diſpatching them with very good Complements, in which he abounds perhaps beyond any of the antienteſt Courtiers; whereupon an Ambaſſador from a King being in diſcourſe about this Cardinal Padrone, ſaid, That he believ'd his Eminences virtues conſiſted not [...]n any thing beſides complements and fair words; To which it was reply'd, That he would have made a better Maſter of the Coremonies, than Cardinal Padrone.

He is of an humour very contrary to Cardinal Chigi, who ſhuns all buſineſs that may diſorder his mind, betaking himſelf only to his recreations, and leaving the moſt difficult affairs to be diſpatch'd by other people; whereas Roſpiglioſi on the other ſide, (though he be not ſo void of humanity, but that he loves likewiſe to paſs the time honourably, and divert himſelf as well as other people) yet he would g [...]dly have all difficult affairs go thorough his hands, and be thought the perſon of greateſt authority, which may happen for ought I know in a ſhort time; becauſe his Holineſs will not fail to lay upon him as many of his troubleſome affairs as he can undertake, as well for the eaſe of his own age and indiſpoſition, as to give opportunity to his Nephew to do all, which is the only thing he deſires.

A few dayes ſince he made his ſolemn Cavalcade to go and take poſſeſſion of his Arch-Prieſtſhip of Santa Maria Maggiore, and a while after his Holineſs introduc'd him into the Signatura di gratia; open'd his mouth (as the cuſtom is) in the Publick Conſiſtory, and gave him the Title of San Sisto, which his ſaid Holineſs had himſelf when he was a Cardinal. But at the ſame time hemet with ſome kind of diſſatisfaction, becauſe his Holineſs being deſirous to accomodate his Adjutants of the Chamber, gave order to the Datary, to diſpatch upon the firſt vacancy, Bulls for 200 Crowns a piece, to the three Chamberlains; and one of them of 1300 Crowns falling void, the Datary drew the ſaid three Bulls, and afterwards another for the remaining 700 Crowns, in favour of Roſpiglioſi; which his Holines obſerving, order'd the Bull for the 700 Crowns to be torn, and that the three other, one of 200 for Cardinal Nini, another of 200 for Azolini, and a third of 300 for the Datary himſelf, ſhould be paid: of which Roſpiglioſi had no reaſon to complain; for the Pope, 'tis true, takes away the Crums as it were that would be loſt betwixt his teeth, but he gives him the ſubſtantial Morſe [...]s which will ſtick by the Ribs, and ſatiate the Appetite, whereas the other do but provoke it.

The Cardinals have not that affliction, and perplexity they were us'd to have in the beginning of other Popes Pontificates, when they were conſtrain'd to be ſubject to certain Cardinal Nephews, who by their inexperience, knew not which way ſo much as to honour the Sacred Colledge. And truly it is above 10 [...] years ſince any Pope had a Cardinal Nephew ſo well practis'd, and of ſo mature an age; for other Nephews never ſurpaſs'd 25, and this is 35 at leaſt; and which is more, moſt of them has been imploy'd in inſtructing himſelf in the moſt conſiderable affairs of Court; he being a perſon alwayes very curious in matters of State. There is a great deſire in him of gaining the good word of the people, and to keep fair correſpondence with the Roman Princes, though as yet it is not known upon what deſign. The unhappy rupture betwixt the Paleſtrina, and Don Agoſtino, in the Pallace of Don Camillo, ſet the Cardinal Padrone a work, (without ſhewing any intereſt or partiality) to endeavour to pacifie them; and having confin'd them both to their houſes, he ſent the Marquiſs Luigi Matt [...]i to negotiate the peace, which follow'd indeed, but ſo, that it is ſuppos'd there will alwayes be ſome difference betwixt thoſe two perſons, about precedence.

The Cardinal took ſome diſtaſt at this accident, and amongſt ſome of his Domeſticks, ſpake with ſome heat in defence of Don Agoſtino, which being underſtood by the Prince Paleſtrina, he alſo gave out ſome expreſſions of reſentment, upbraiding the Cardinal of ingratitude; but it was in private, amongſt his moſt intimate friends: and indeed the Roſpiglioſi muſt needs own more obligation to the houſe of Barbarini, than to [Page] the Chigi, becauſe Ʋrban the eight, was the firſt that open'd the door to the honour of the preſent Pope; and Franciſco Barbarino was a great favourer of him in the time of Innocent the tenth, uſing all his art to advance him into ſome great office; whereas Alexander gave him only a Cap: for which the houſe of Chigi have been paid in their own Coin, in Don Sigiſmonds having another, with this difference only, that Alexander gave his Cap to one that had ſerv'd the Church with great honour for a long time, and that he could not but promote him, without doing an affront both to himſelf and the Church: whereas Clement gave the Cap to a Youth, who though he was indeed qualify'd very well; yet he had no merit, nor any ſervice to promote him, but meerly the good fortune to be Nephew to the Pope. But be it how it will, there is great likelyhood the Roſpiglioſi, will be more for the Chigi, than the Barbarini; though in the Conclave Cardinal Barbarino beſtirr'd himſelf much more for Roſpiglioſi, than Cardinal Chigi did.

The Spaniards having obſerv'd him a little too favourable to the French Ambaſſador, begin to be a little jealous of the Cardinal Padrone, as doubting his journey into France where he was ſo honourably receiv'd, may have corrupted his mind, and cool'd that affection he had alwayes for Spain; which it is poſſible may be true: yet the moſt learned, are of opinion he runs along with the Fide, not caring to ingage in diſputes; and will do what he can to have a ſuck at the honey without the ſting, and the rather, becauſe he will not budge from the Councels and deſigns of his Unckle the Pope; for this is moſt certain, he that has the Pope on his ſide, has his Nephew alſo, unleſs ſomething happens that renders his Holineſs infirm, and then the Cardinal is Commander in chief. The Avignon Ambaſſadors that came out of France, to congratulate his Holineſs, had their conference with the Cardinal Nephew, who was declar'd Legat of Avignon, a Title that he receiv'd with the higheſt ſatisfaction, and expreſs'd it, by a moſt magnificent Feaſt. All the time of this Carnival, this Cardinal had great entertainments in his houſe, to which he invited moſt part of the Prelates of the Court; and Don Camillo did the ſame, with deſign to delight the people by their Comedies and Muſick, for which, his Holineſs had order'd ten thouſand Crowns to be disburs'd; yet there wanted not thoſe that libell'd their liberality, but without reaſon, for they diſtributed great ſtore of Alms amongſt the poor, that they might have their ſhare in the Carnival: and beſides they paid off all the Workmen which were imploy'd about Don Camillo's houſe, a thing which the Relations of other Popes never did willingly; but with great clutter and noiſe, they would make them be contented with half what was due. So that thus far all goes well enough, ſeeing the Air of Rome changes not now the nature of perſons, as it has former [...]y done many times.

SIGISMONDO CHIGI has the laſt place amongſt the Cardinals, as he that was laſt promoted by Clement, with the Title of Santa Maria in Dominica: he is Brother to Don Agoſtino, and Couſin by conſequence to Cardinal Chigi. Don Agoſtino ſuſpecting he would marry, and by dividing the Eſtate, weaken the fortune of the Family, he labour'd night and day to make him a Cardinal, by that means to quiet his mind, which every body began to be afraid of; but in this point Alexander would not gratifie him, either that he would not put a Youth of his age into the Sacred Colledge, or that he otherwiſe preſag'd what did afterwards follow. In ſhort, he left him in a little obſcurity, but provided with Abbeys and Penſions good Store. Clement the ninth, as ſoon as he was receiv'd to the Papacy, as well for the obligations he alwayes profeſs'd to Alexander, and the houſe of Chigi, as alſo becauſe it was become an uſual cuſtom in the Church, for the Pope to reſign his Cap, to the Relation of that Pope that promoted him: and there being no other perſon of the Family of the Chigi's capable of the Cardinalſhip, he reſolv'd to place his Habit upon the ſhoulders of this young Lord, thereby obliging at one ſtroke all the Relations of the late Pope; but eſpecially Don Agoſtino, and Cardinal Chigi, to ſee their party re-inforc'd again by a new Cardinal, inſpight of all thoſe, who envious of their good fortune, deſir'd to ſee that Family the moſt inconſiderable of all the Papal Familyes.

If the age of this Cardinal be ſeriouſly conſider'd (who to difference him from the other Chigi, was call'd Sigiſmond, as is uſual amongſt the Barbarini, amongſt whom, [Page] one only bears the name of the Family, the others diſtinguiſhing themſelves by their Chriſtian names) it will appear a defect in his Holineſs to introduce amongſt ſo many reverend and grave Cardinals, a Youth that had not then reach'd nineteen years. But if on the other ſide, the wit, and judgement, and virtue of the young man be conſider'd, the reſolution is not ſo much to be condemn'd: his Holineſs in that caſe may anſwer with the Ambaſſador who was upbraided by his youth, That Virtue conſiſted not in the Beard. And would to God that all the Cardinals that are created with their white Beards, were but as well provided with judgement and zeal, as this young Gentleman that has nothing to be charg'd with, but his minority.

In the year 1660. his Unckle Alexander the Pope ſent for him to Rome, (being as yet but about twelve years of age) about the ſame time that the Cardinals Siſter appear'd there, and that to take away all occaſion of jealouſie; becauſe he ſaw the branch of Don Mario was well enough pleas'd to ſee the Siſter of Cardinal Chigi entertain'd li [...]e Princeſſes of the Popes own blood, to the end that he might not ſuſpect himſelf leſs belov'd by Don Agoſtino his Couſin, though he ſolicited might and main, to have the younger Brother to Rome, out of a deſire to put him into the Clergy.

Don Mario, and the Cardinal were much pleas'd, to ſee this little Nipotiſme at Rome, and Don Agoſtino forc'd himſelf to diſſemble the jealouſie, that lay gnawing in his Breaſt, and to careſs his Couſins with all appearances of joy to ſee them there. The Pope himſelf that diſtributed his favours indifferently, could not but rejoyce to ſee Sigiſmond in his his preſence, and ſo like his brother in his features. At his firſt arrival, he ask'd him ſeveral queſtions, to which he anſwer'd ſo appoſitely, his Unckle was as well ſatisfy'd with his replyes, that he wept for very tenderneſs, and gave immediate orders he ſhould be furniſh'd with ſuch experienc'd Maſters, as might inſtruct him in all manner of learning.

The people of Rome were much ſurpris'd to ſee the diſparity of humours in theſe two brothers Agoſtino and Sigiſmondo, and that they ſhould love one another ſo intirely, when the one was as proud as the other was humble. And indeed Agostino, (either becauſe his preſent felicity had made him forget his primitive condition, or that the levity of his nature, produc'd higher thoughts in his heart) is ſo lofty and high, he will ſcarce vouchſafe to ſalute thoſe again that ſalute him, though otherwiſe he is civil enough, and gentile in his converſation, if not with every body, at leaſt with his friends; but he begins now to abate a little, but without deſertion of his ordinary Grandeur, becauſe he obſerves his Holineſs ſo much affected to the houſe of Chigi. Don Sigiſmond however has another way, and has pleas'd himſelf ſtill to converſe familiarly with all people, and civilly to ſalute the ordinarieſt perſon about the Pope; but with Majeſty enough too, which makes him be belov'd, and reſpected, not as a Nephew of the Popes only, but as a perſon of worth.

He was alwayes obſerv'd to be highly prudent, but eſpecially at the death of his Unckle, when the people being inrag'd againſt the Family of Chigi, ran up and down the Streets exclaiming againſt them in ſuch bitter language, that the Chigi being netled, threatned nothing but revenge upon the perſons that were the occaſions of thoſe inſolencies. But Sigiſmond who had ambition after the Cardinalſhip, diſſembled all, and kept himſelf from all ſuch diſcourſe, that he might have no occaſion to quarrel, and this he did either out of the deſign aforeſaid, or out of the natural benignity, wherewith he is ſo abundantly ſtor'd. The truth is, the branch of Don Agostino had no reaſon to be troubl'd at the people, for they troubl'd themſelves not much either with him, nor his brother Sigiſmond; but rather with Don Mario and the Cardinal, againſt whom their Inſolencies ran very high: but for all this, all things are quiet, and they ſeeing the inclination of the preſent Pope to that Family, the people do now honour and eſteem them more than ever. In this Scene there were many extravagancies to be ſeen, the nature of Metamorphoſes being too obvious at Rome; for Clement, either that he reſerv'd his other deſigns, or that he counterfited, to the end that he might not draw upon himſelf the odium of the People, by the defence of a Family they hated ſo much; at the beginning of the Pontificate he pretended a longius ire, and abſtain'd from conferring any honour, or ſhewing the leaſt appearance of affection to [Page] the Chigi, in ſo much that it was the general diſcourſe of the City, that Don Mario was thinking to retire to Siena, Don Agoſtino and Don Sigiſmond to Riccia, and Cardinal Chigi under pretence of viſiting his Abbeys, would withdraw himſelf from Court for ſome time in diſcontent: whereupon many of the Wits went up and down the Streets diſperſing of theſe Inſcriptions.

SEDENTE CLEMENTE NONO, PONTIFICE OPTIMO MAXIMO, NOVO ROMANAE REIPƲBLICAE REPARATORE, DE CHISIO SEMINE TARQƲINII PƲBLICAE QƲIETIS, APERTO JANO AB ƲRBE EXƲLARƲNT. Anno Domini 1667.

Of all theſe extravagancies of fortune, Don Agoſtino, who is the leaſt hated by the people, felt the moſt trouble, as holding now all his hopes deſperate, of ever ſeeing his Brother Sigiſmond a Cardinal, upon which all his deſigns depended. Cardinal Chigi that had got all the money all this while, did but laugh, or at leaſt pretend to laugh at the buſineſs, expecting to ſee the fury of the people, to cool by degrees, as it did in a ſhort time; his Holineſs with great prudence taking off ſome of the Gabels, made them forget their animoſity to the Chigi, who were the Authors of laying them on. However there were thouſands of Libels and Satyrs flew abroad, againſt Don Mario and the Cardinal his Son, but not one againſt Don Agoſtino, or his Brother: But as ſoon as Don Mario dyed, the odium of the people dyed with him, and ſeem'd to be buried in his Grave. About the ſame time his Holineſs began to ſhew his partiality to the Family of the Chigi, giving Don Sigiſmond hopes of a Cap, and turning his ear to the propoſition of Matrimony, betwixt the Princeſs Chigi, and his Holineſs his Nephew, which is believ'd already concluded, or at leaſt in a very fair way.

The people rejoyc'd exceedingly at the promotion of Don Sigiſmond, and much more than the Family of the Chigi did expect. Seignor Agostino, and Cardinal Chigi, ſolemniz'd it with great Feaſts, as well to expreſs their own joy, as to comply with the congratulations of other people. The Viſits were innumerable, and the whole World amaz'd at the Magnificence. The Ambaſſadors, Cardinals, Prelates, and Noblemen of Rome, though the moſt of them were acquainted with him when he was but a private perſon, yet upon this occaſion they took no ordinary delight, to ſee with what Majeſty and Decorum his new Cardinalſhip receiv'd his Viſits, correſponding with every body, and ſatisfying them not ſo much with multiplicity, as with the materiality of his Complements, which is a quality remarkable in him ever ſince his coming to Rome.

It is generally believ'd he will be aſſiduous in the Congregations, becauſe he has ſhewn himſelf ſo in his Domeſtick and Scholaſtick Exerciſes; beſides which he gives great ſigns of good nature and affection, in whatever he undertakes, nor are the poor in the laſt place with him; he is often ſeen in publick, as if he took delight to oſtentate his Purple: yet he does it not out of pride, being as humble as is neceſſary, and no more. He ſpeaks his mind freely, but is never tranſported, correcting himſelf ſtill when he finds himſelf in the wrong, which he is in but very ſeldom, In ſhort, he would do all that is poſſible, would he but endeavour to ſuppreſs certain paſſionate effluctions from his youth, that make him ambitious of being thought the beſt Cardinal in the Court, that he may arrive at a higher fortune thereby. The Spaniards careſs him, and begin to make uſe of their Statagems to get him over to their party, which may be compaſs'd in ſeveral reſpects, but eſpecially becauſe Don Agostino is a F [...]udatary to the Empire.

It will be now neceſſary we expect the ſucceſs of the other promotions of Clement the ninth, whoſe intention of filling the Sacred Colledge with perſons of Eminency as well in Name as in Action, is honourable and good: he has declar'd he will be very vigilant, that no paſſion of his may adumbrate that Holy reſolution, but to ſpeak the truth, there have been infinite of other Popes that have arriv'd at the Vatican with the ſame thoughts, who in a ſhort time have alter'd their minds, and choſen their Cardinals winking, if not blindfold, ſuffering themſelves to be overſwayed by their own paſſions, or by their Nephews. The World is certainly corrupt all over, and inferiour people [Page] prevail ſooner for Preferments, than their ſuperiours, eſpecially in Rome, where the Eccleſiaſticks are but men as in other places.

The Court murmurs exceedingly to ſee ſo many deſerving perſons ſtand idle without imployment, and yet his Holineſs has taken many Offices from ſome, to beſtow them upon others, according as Cardinal Albici adviſes him, who has a great ſhare in his affection. There are two reaſons may be the cauſe of it, either that the number of the meritorious is very great, or his Holineſſes capacity of diſcerning them very ſmall: Let it be which way it will, 'tis our duty to pray to God to inſpire him with judgement to ſelect perſons of piety for the ſervice of the Church, and that he will fill up the Sacred Colledge with Cardinals, illuſtrious by their Blood, their Virtues, and their Bounty.

THE ITALIAN PRINTER TO THE READER.

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THE abſence of the Author has been the occaſion that certain little Errors (if you will not Chriſten them great ones) have ſlip'd in this Third Part. The truth is, when the Author ſent the Manuſcript to my hands, by one of his Friends, we being at great diſtance from one another, I promis'd to do my endeavour to Correct it; and I was as good as my word, doing all that I was able, though my good will was above my abilities; yet I believe there is ſcarce any Error to be found, which your diſcretion may not correct in the reading, and that is it I do moſt humbly intreat. I am oblig'd alſo in the behalf of the Author to admoniſh, that if you find any palpable Error in point of Hiſtory, you would diſpence with it, becauſe the time was ſo ſhort from the Compoſition to the Printing. The curioſity and impatience of ſome perſons, made me ſnatch the Manuſcript out of the hands of the Corrector, and perhaps ſome of my Workmen printed ſome of them, before he ſaw them at all. I am to deſire you likewiſe from the Author himſelf, that you would not cenſure him, that he has inſerted into this Third Part ſome things which have been written by other men, he believ'd he has done for the beſt, and truly I am of opinion you will not ſay the contrary, there being no reaſon a thing ſhould be left out, where it will ſtand well, becauſe it was in another place where perhaps it ſtood worſe: Your Bricklayers, and your Writers, are in my judgement alike, or rather, your Writers and your Bricklayers; the Bricklayers think Old Materials much better to build with than New, as finiſhing more exquiſitely with a mixture of Old and New: The Old is New to him that begins, and the New is Old to him that finiſhes. Whilſt this whole Work was a Printing, I gave it leaf by leaf to a Friend of mine (very well vers'd in the greateſt Curioſities) to peruſe: He told me, this Third [Page] Part was the beſt, and more neceſſary to be publiſh'd than all the reſt; and I do eaſily perſwade my ſelf you will be of his opinion: But you muſt read it impartially, or it will ſcarce turn to accompt. Have a care of doing as he did, who read Books only to ſatisfie his Friend: Yet in this Work I ſhall be oblig'd to you, if you will correct the Errors of the Preſs as you go along. The Conclave of Clement the 9th. (after which the Politick Aphoriſms do follow) was taken out of the hands of a Conclaviſt who indeed had no intention to publiſh them, but only to ſhew it to his Friends; I ſuppoſe it is conformable to the truth of the Hiſtory, being the perſon who collected it is very impartial. I had two of them in my hands, which I ſhew'd to a Friend of mine, a Virtuoſo, and well skill'd in the Intereſts of the Court of Rome, that he might judge which of the two were the beſt, and moſt proper to be publiſh'd; having kept them ſome dayes in his hands, he return'd them both to me, with his opinion in writing, that this was to be preferr'd. Thoſe who know already how paſſages have gone, may read it for Obſervation, and thoſe who know nothing, for their Curioſity. Of the Politick Aphoriſms I ſhall ſay nothing, becauſe they carry their Subtilty, and Excellence in the very Name of the Author: Some would have had the Author taken pains to make a Table of the moſt Conſiderable Matters, with reference to the ſeveral Pages; but the Author did not think it convenient to lengthen it out unneceſſarily with another Table, ſeeing in every Book there was one large enough before. However I have made an Index of ſome proper Names, eſpecially of the Cardinals, and Popes, but left out (for the greater eaſe of the Reader) ſome ſuch Sirnames, and Names, as are many times multiply'd according to the neceſſity of the Hiſtory. If you find no ſatisfaction in this Cardinaliſme, you will find it perhaps in his EƲROPA MORTA, which the Author has promis'd a while ago, and I do promiſe on my part to uſe my utmoſt endeavours to facilitate the Reading, by a carefull and faithfull Correction of the Preſs. May you live happy in the mean time, and be as candid in Correcting the Errors, as I am affectionate in declaring my ſelf,

Your Servant.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OF THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

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PART III.

BOOK I.

The Contents.

In which is diſcours'd of the reſemblance of the Church, to a Ship, and the reaſon why. Of the City of Rome born to Lord it over other Nations. Of what is requiſite for the underſtanding of the Pontifical Election. Of the age of Holineſs in the Church. Of the reaſons why there were no difficulties in the infancy of the Church, about the Election of Popes. Of a Pidgeon that ſate upon the head of Fabianus Romanus, and made him be declar'd Pope. The reaſon why Sanctity decay'd in the Church. Of the felicity of Peace experimented by the Eccleſiaſticks. Of the introduction of Pride. Of the Emperours, and how little they regarded the Spiritual affairs of the Church. Of a diſſention at the Election of Pope Simacus. Of certain ſcandals which ſprang up during Pope Bonifaces vacancy of the See. Of Pelagius Romanus, and his ſucceeding of Virgilius. Of certain Priviledges granted by the Pope to Attila King of the Goths, call'd FLAGELLUM DEI. Of the authority [Page] aſsum'd by the Emperours in the Election of the Pope. Of the Reception given by the Emperour to Conſtantine the firſt at Conſtantinople. Of the great hatred Philippus call'd Bardono, bore to the Pontifical Grandeur. Of the Election of Pope Zachary a Grecian, without any Communication with the Emperour. Of the depoſal of Chilperick by the Pope, his being ſtripp'd of all Title to the kingdome of France, and the reaſon wherefore. Of the Emperours being declared, excluded from all right in the Pontifical Election. Of Berrha's (the Widdow of Charlemains) journey to Rome, to demand juſtice of the Pope, and of the ſucceſs of her journey. Of a particular alliance betwixt Charles the Great, and the Pope. Of a popular tumult that happen'd in Rome againſt the perſon of Pope Adrian. Of the Creation of Pope Stephen by the people, againſt the conſent of the Emperour. Of the Popes journey into France, to clear himſelf to that King of the accuſations againſt him. Of the induſtry Pope Paſcal us'd to increaſe his authority. Of the Election of Eugenius the ſecond, a moſt eloquent man. Of the threatnings of King Lewis againſt the Pope. Of the reaſon why the Popes chang'd their Names at firſt. Of the deſire the Romans had to ſhake off the Yoke of the Empire. Of two Popes, ſucceſſors to Adrian. Of Adrian the third's Bull againſt the Emperour. Of Otho's ſeeking revenge for the ſaid Bull. Of the depoſal of John the XIII. from the Papacy, and of his reſtauration to the See. Of Pope Benedict's baniſhment to Hambourg by the Emperour. Of Leo's reſtauration to the Papacy, after he had been deprived by the people. Of a Declaration of Leo's againſt the priviledges of Charles the Great. Of the hatred conceiv'd thereupon by the Romans againſt the Pope. Of the Popes being impriſon'd by the people, and of the revenge the Emperour took upon the Authors thereof. Of the Popes imbezzlement of the Treaſure of St. Peter. Of his flight to Conſtantinople. Of the Election of the Pope return'd into the hands of the people. Of the Emperours reſolution to have one of his kinſmen Pope. Of Pope Gregories being driven out of Rome by the fury of the people, and what follow'd thereupon. Of the Election of the Emperour transferr'd by Pope Gregory upon certain Princes of Germany, and upon what grounds. Of the excluſion of the people from the Pontifical Election. Of the Creation of three Popes at once. Of the Schiſm appeas'd by Pope Alexander. Of the Election of the Pope remaining only in the hands of the Cardinals. Of the Aſsumption ef Pope Alexander, and the Schiſms in his time. Of the ſervice the Venetian did to the Church against the Emperour. Of the obligation the Popes do profeſs to the Venetian. Of the abſoluteneſs of the Cardinals authority in the Pontifical Election. Of the place where they aſsembled to Elect. Of the manner of their proceeding in the Election, and the ill conſequences thereupon. Of a two years and nine months vacancy of the See. Of the Aſſumption of Pope Gregory the X. Of the Reconciliation of the Venetian and Genoeſe. Of the Conclave introduc'd by Gregory the X. Of certain tumults in Viterbo. Of the Apoſtolick See, being transferr'd into France by Clement the V. Of Saint Bridgets Letter to Gregory the XI. Of the return of the Apoſtolick See into Italy. Of the indignation of the Italians to ſee the Pontificate ſo long in the hands of the French. Of a Schiſm that lasted 15. years. Of certain accidents in the Papacy of Eugenius. Of Amadeo Duke of Savoy's Creation. [Page] Of his virtues, and renuntiation of the Papacy. Of what happen'd in the Conclave of Eugenius, and of the exaltation of Nicholas the V. Of the Aſſumption of Caliſto the III, and of his death. Of many politick diſcourſes at the Creation of Eneas Piccolomini, who was afterward Pius the II. And of ſome particulars in relation thereunto.

§

THE Church has been (and not improperly) reſembled in the firſt cryes of its Infancy, to a Ship tumbl'd by the Waves, and batter'd by the Winds, becauſe She was to be nouriſh'd and brought up in the midſt of the proud Billows of ſo many Eccleſiaſtical Diſputes, ſo many Theological Opinions, ſo many Diſſentions, and Politick Reaſons, and expos'd by the ambitions of their own Mariners, to thouſands of Dangers and Storms, which Schiſme and Hereſie have conſtantly produc'd with ſuch fury, as would have doubtleſs not only hindred her happy and victorious entrance into the Haven of Safety, but have hazarded to have ſunk and overwhelm'd her in thoſe very Waves, had not a favourable Gate of Protection been oppos'd by that Redeemer, who has not, nor will not endure to ſee that Veſſel periſh, which he built (at the expence of three and thirty years ſweat) with the Wood of his own Croſs; joyn'd together, and rivetted with the Nails of his Hands and Feet; cemented it with his Divine Blood; (which by the blows and ſtripes that they gave him, was become pitch in the hands of the Jews) ſetting up that Spear that pierc'd his ſide, for a Maſt; ſtretching out that Linnen in which his moſt Sacred body was involved, for its Sails; recommending it to the Vigilance and Government of the Apoſtles, and their Succeſſors; and finally for their greater incouragement to Lanch out into the Sea of this World, he not only offer'd himſelf to become a Lanthorn to their feet, but gave them a Motto worthy of ſuch a Builder; Et Portae inferi non praevalebunt adverſus eam.

But though the Gates of Hell have had no power to deſtroy her, they have been ſufficient notwithſtanding to give her great tryals, that by her agitations and tempeſts in this world, her victories and triumphs might be the more glorious in Heaven, and that by thoſe wrecks and perſecutions, the Church Militant and Triumphant might be diſtinguiſh'd. The greateſt Calamities this great Ship of Chriſtianity has ſuffer'd, have (by the judgement of the moſt pious and devout perſons) proceeded from the inveſtiture of the Supreme dignity in the perſons of the Eccleſiaſticks, who being ambitious of advancing themſelves one above another, and being ſenſible, upon the ſcore of their own merits, they cannot obtain the charges they pretend too, they have betaken themſelves to compaſs the end of their pretenſions, by imploring the recommendations of Secular Princes. Which tend to mix Heaven and Earth together.

Rome, which was built as it were to Lord it over all the Nations in the Univerſe, and give an ample teſtimony and relation of thouſands of wrecks the Church has ſuffer'd, by the recourſe the Eccleſiaſticks have almoſt alwayes had to the Seculars; and from hence it is, that in theſe times, there is a certain natural inſtinct and inclination in the minds of all Politicians, to inform themſelves diſtinctly of all particularities in the Court of Rome; as if a man could not any way render himſelf more acceptable in his converſation, than by his diſcourſes of that. And indeed, the Pontifical dignity, which is the moſt conſiderable, the Majeſty of ſo many Cardinals, who are the Senators of the Chriſtian Commonwealth; the ſplendour of ſo many Biſhops, who receive all their aliment from the Popes, do render it worthy to be numbred amongſt the moſt famous Cities of the world, and to be call'd the true Mother of Nations. By this means, the Popes being ingrandiz'd, and rais'd to ſo eminent a degree, as to be acknowledg'd above all other Monarchs whatſoever: every one endeavours to inform himſelf of the quality of the great juriſdiction the Popes do at preſent enjoy; in ſo much that the greateſt part of the Writers now adayes, do tire themſelves out with relations of the Pontifical State.

[Page]From the mutations and evil events which have follow'd the Election of Popes, I will not ſay in Rome, but in all Chriſtendome, it may be clearly argued of what moment the ſaid Election is, ſeeing that for ſo many ages, with her private intereſts, and her publick, ſhe has oblig'd the principal Monarchies of the Univerſe, to interpoſe with the whole power, both of their Pen and their Sword. In the Infancy of the Church, there was nothing deſir'd of Rome, but Prayers and Orations, and Preachings, and Adminiſtration of the Sacraments, becauſe Rome expected nothing from the faithfull, but the zeal of a good Conſcience, the ſafety of their Souls, and to be frequent in Holy Duties.

The firſt Paſtors of the Church rejoyc'd to keep themſelves at a diſtance from the Intereſts of Princes, as fearing to defile the Innocent Purity of the Flock of Chriſt, with the Diabolical pollutions of Secular policies. But their Succeſſors beginning to be curious, and to pry into the moſt occult and private policies of Princes, they would not ſuffer the Court of Rome to be medling there, but gave themſelves over to endeavour the introduction of their own Intereſts, into the Cabinet of the Intereſts of the Popes.

For certain ages, Rome was free from thoſe intricacies that are familiar in Temporal States, contenting it ſelf to conduct the Flock of Chriſt to the Fold, with her Paſtoral Sheephook only, I mean her Spiritual Arms; but no ſooner was ſhe become greedy of Principality and Dominion, but the Princes (obſerving her Croſier to be chang'd into a Sword, and the Book of the Goſpel, into an Epitomy of Politicks) began alſo to imitate Rome, ſeeing Rome following their Rules in Temporal Affairs.

For three hundred years and upwards, the Primitive Church continu'd in a moſt Holy decorum, without the leaſt obſtacle in the Election of her Popes, they being then contented with the bare Title of Biſhops of Rome. The Elections were not made by the Intereſt of Princes, or the Capriccio of Nephews, as they are now; but by a Holy Zeal in the Bowels of the Electors, who us'd to meet ſometimes in this place, ſometimes in that, and many times in the Woods, by reaſon of the cruelty of thoſe Tyrants, that envy'd the tranquility of the Chriſtians.

They had in thoſe dayes no ſecret nor private Votes, becauſe the inward deſigns of thoſe Primitive Chiſtians, were ſuitable and correſpondent to their outward zeal and profeſſion of good works. The Deacons (that is they who endued with greater Charity and Devotion, ſerv'd the Church, ſometimes in collecting of Alms for the common neceſſities, ſometimes in diſtributing Relief to the neceſſities of the poor) were admitted to the Election, together with ſuch Prieſts and Curats as were neareſt to the City of Rome. With what ſimplicity and integrity they proceeded to the Election of Popes, in the Primitive times of the Church, may be argued, from what happen'd in the Vacancy of Pope Anthero, who dyed according to Euſebius's calculation in the year 243.

The Holy Fathers were met according to their uſual cuſtom, to conſult about a Succeſſor, and whilſt they were diſcourſing of the virtues, of this man, and the abilities of another, it happen'd that Fabiano Romano paſs'd by near the place of their Aſſembly, in order to the looking to ſome grounds of his, which he did not diſdain to cultivate many times with his own hands. He was no ſooner come over againſt the place wherein the Electors were met, but a Pidgeon from a Neigbouring Dove-houſe alighting upon his Shoulder, gave occaſion to the Fathers to ariſe from their Seats, at the firſt notice of it, and eſteeming it a Prodigye, they proclaim'd him Pope unanimouſly, every one being confident, it was the intention of the Holy Ghoſt, who was repreſented in that Dove.

Fabianus, who thought of nothing leſs than to be choſen Pope, was aſtoniſh'd at the buſineſs, and not judging himſelf worthy of ſo great a Miniſtry, he begg▪d upon his knees to be excus'd; but his humility being overcome by the perſwaſion of the Electors, he at [...]aſt embrac'd the Paſtoral Cure of the Church, in which, after he had exercis'd it for the ſpace of ſeven years, with great advantage to the Chriſtians, he ended his dayes under the Tyranny of the barbarous Emperour Decius, who at that time us'd great cruelty to the Chriſtians, conſtraining them from the City into the Woods, which they were glad to make their houſes of God, ſeeing that the Emperour was pleas'd to make Cities, places for wild Beaſts, and for Devils.

[Page]The Popedome was not ambition'd, but avoided by the Eccleſiaſticks, becauſe it commonly loſt them their lives that exercis'd it. He that found himſelf too weak and timerous to ſuffer Martyrdome, renounc'd the Papacy, and confeſs'd the imbecility of his nature; and indeed, who would ever have receiv'd, much leſs, have ſought an office, which brought no other advantages along with it, than the perſecution of Tyrants. Now adayes, what broyls, what intrigues, what differences are there at the creation of Popes; where is he, who would deſire Votes to be made a Martyr? For my part I dare affirm, the Church would be as Holy in theſe times, and perhaps more, now we are as it were in the latter end of it, than it was then in its beginning; if the Popes were call'd to Poverty, and not Riches; to Martyrdom, not Magnificence; and to the care of the Church, and not of Governments.

But whether do my thoughts tranſport me? Let us return to our buſineſs, and aſſert, that the Church was Holy, without Diſcord, or Schiſm, or Hereſie, to the dayes of San Silveſter, which were about the year 325. till that time the Popes having been Elected with tranquility and peace, and no ſmall ſatisfaction both to the Electors and Elected.

The Holineſs of the Church, (I mean that Holineſs that reſpects the Election of Popes) began to ceaſe under the Emperour Constantine, becauſe the Perſecution of the Chriſtians ceas'd; Conſtantine ſuffer'd the Church to enjoy Peace, that is of the body poſſibly, but with greater torture to their minds; for with the eaſe and wealth which he beſtow'd upon the Eccleſiaſticks; with the conveniences of Houſes, and the Government of Cities, which he aſſign'd to the Popes, Charity began to grow cold, Zeal to be weaken'd, and Devotion to be loſt, and thoſe Eccleſiaſticks who formerly imploy'd their whole times in heaping up Penitencies and Faſtings, by thoſe good works to purchaſe the Glory of Heaven, began after that time to apply themſelves to the acquiſition of money, to the begging of Abbeys, and Biſhopricks, by thoſe means to procure the glory of the world.

As ſoon then as Riches were introduc'd into the Church, Schiſm and Hereſie were introduc'd amongſt the Clergy, and Pride which began then to ſpread, and worm it ſelf into the hearts of thoſe who were formerly meek and humble, and ſ [...]c [...] as ſhunn'd dignity, and hid themſelves from preferments; inſomuch as that Papacy which was avoided by every body, as a thing that brought nothing but perſecutions along with it, began to be aſpir'd too, as ſoon as they perceiv'd their fear turn'd into ſecurity, their flight into repoſe, and their torments into happineſs. For if formerly, by reaſon of the poverty of the Popedome, they were ſubject to Tyrants, they believ'd afterwards by virtue of their wealth, to make Martyrs even of the Tyrants themſelves.

No ſooner did the Popes appear with their Miters of Gold, and with their Scepters in their hands, commanding the people, but all of them deſign'd the deſtruction of the Secular Power, to ingrandize the Pontifical Majeſty, to make themſelves courted by the Vulgar, and honour'd by the Great ones: but the Emperours growing jealous of them, began to open their eyes, and watch over their actions, that they might not be taken at unawares; endeavouring to defend that Juriſdiction, which the Popes began by degrees to uſurp, with the Spiritual Arms of the Croſs: ſo that though they thought not before of the Intereſt of the Church, they found themſelves oblig'd afterwards, to have an eye upon thoſe of the Popes; yet not ſo much out of any inclination of their own, as becauſe the Popes had the ſame deſigns upon them.

Notwithſtanding all this, whether it was out of reſpect to the memory of San Silveſter, or Conſtantine, I know not; it is ſufficient that the Emperours ſuffer'd ſeveral years to paſs after the death of thoſe two perſons, without medling or concerning themſelves at all in the Election of the Popes, which was a great error in their Politicks. For the ſucceeding Popes had opportunity in that time to advance their own Intereſts, to the prejudice of the Empire, and Emperors, who taking no care to bridle and reſtrain the Intereſts of Rome, contented themſelves to live quietly at Constantinople, and to ſend out their Orders to their Vicars and Prefects in Rome, that they ſhould endeavour with all poſſible induſtry to hinder the proceedings of the Popes; but with expreſs caution, that they ſhould by no means interpoſe in the Election of the Popes, that being to be left to the Clergy and the people, who by unanimous conſent had had poſſeſſion of the ſaid Election for ſeveral years.

[Page]The introduction of the people into the Election of the Pope, may be ſaid to be caſual, there being no Pontifical Bull viſible that gave them admiſſion; but it is to be ſuppos'd, it fell out by reaſon of the Deacons, who were admitted from the very time of the Apoſtles, into the diſpoſition of Eccleſiaſtical Charges; and becauſe as the Churches encreas'd, and the number of the Faithfull was augmented, ſo alſo was the number of the Deacons in the Aſſemblies; in ſo much that by little and little they grew ſo numerous, (the ſaid Deacons being not of the Order of the Clergy, but of the Laity) that they brought in the people; and the Clergy having introduc'd the Deacons, thought it not meet to turn out the people, who poſſeſs'd the places of the Deacons.

At firſt the number of the Eccleſiaſtick Electors, was much greater than the Deacons; but the Deacons being become the people, there became a greater inequality in the Electors, and perhaps not without ſome diſpleaſure to the Clergy, who would willingly ſee the people excluded.

Whilſt the Clergy were holy, that is, addicted to the ſervice of God, to the edification of their Neighbours, to the augmentation of the Faithfull, and the propagation of the Faith; whilſt they were retir'd from the Corruptions of the age, and macerating their Fleſh with Sackcloth, and Faſting, the people willingly joyn'd with them in the Election of the Popes, becauſe it belonging to the Clergy to give the firſt votes, the people could not imagine thoſe perſons ſubject to Error, who had no other aim than the ſervice of God, and therefore they willingly concurr'd, delighting to confirm the opinion of the Clergy, becauſe they judg'd it holy and good.

But as ſoon as pride began to have place in the breaſts of the Eccleſiaſticks, and that they pleas'd themſelves with the enjoyments of Mundane advantages; as ſoon as they began to deviate from the wayes of Heaven, and the people obſerv'd their tendency to be too great towards the Earth, they began likewiſe to preſs and inſiſt upon their own opinion, not truſting to the opinion of the Clergy, becauſe they ſaw them ſo deplorably void of all holineſs. From hence there ſucceeded infinite diſputes, and innumerable diſſentions, in ſo much that that action which was formerly ſacred and ſolemn, became prophane and ſcandalous, by degrees; they contending not only with words, and invectives, but with blows many times, the people labouring to the utmoſt the diviſion of the Clergy, and the Clergy the diſ-union of the people; ſo that they form'd themſelves into flying Squadrons, both on the one ſide and the other.

Great was the ſcandal which happen'd in the year of our Lord 500. by reaſon of the differences in the Election of Simacus, betwixt the Clergy and People, each of them endeavouring to engage thoſe that were without, in ſo much that the Communalty of the City were forc'd to take Armes, and with threats to oblige the Electors to a concluſion.

The Prefect, or Imperial Vicar at Rome, ſignify'd in the behalf of the Emperor, that if they did not agree, his Maſter would be conſtrain'd to bring an Army to Rome, to the prejudice of the whole City; with which the Electors being affrightned, they agreed in the Election of Simacus.

For certain years after this, they choſe their Popes with little or no controverſie, till that in the year 531. they began to relapſe into their former diſputes, obliging the City to take Armes the ſecond time, whoſe threatnings prevail'd to put an end to that Election alſo, by their declaring Boniface the ſecond Pope; which ſaid Boniface, being an Aſſertor of the intereſt of the Clergy, as ſoon as he was aſſum'd to the Papacy, he endeavour'd to apply a remedy to thoſe ſcandals, and to give the greateſt ſhare to the Clergy. And Virgilius his ſucceſſor in the Papacy, obſerving things to run clearly with them, eſtabliſh'd a Decree, that the Election of the Popes ſhould remain abſolutely in the hands of the Clergy for the future, to the excluſion of the people; which Decree gave ſo great diſſatisfaction to the Romans, that they watch'd for an opportunity to revenge it.

About this time Attila, who was call'd Flagellum Dei, with great triumph to the Goths (whoſe King he was) over-run all Italy, and with great cruelty and ſlaughter threatned the total deſtruction of Rome: Pelagius the Pope, who ſucceeded Virgilius, not thinking it ſafe, in ſuch a conjuncture, to have a diſcontented people, and Tyrant [Page] upon his ſhoulders at one time, to gain the favour both of the one and the other, publiſh'd a Bull, forbidding the Clergies Election of the Pope, without the conſent both of the People and Emperor, and ſo it came to paſs that they introduc'd into the Elections, the Ambaſſadors of the Emperor, and the People, in the ſame numbers as before.

The Emperor and People were very well pleas'd with it, and took poſſeſſion of their Priviledges in the next vacancy of the Chair, all of them together electing John the 3d. But in the year 583. Rome being beſieg'd, the Clergy and the People choſe Pelagius the ſecond Pope, without giving any ſhare or participation to the Emperor, who vow'd revenge, as ſoon as he had the news: But the new Pope to pacifie his choller, diſpatch'd an Ambaſſador to make his excuſe, and to aſſure him for the future, there ſhould be no Election made without his conſent, to which end he confirm'd the Bull of Pelagius the firſt; which Bull and confirmation continued in force ſucceſſively till the year 607. in which time the Emperor Foca would needs create Boniface Pope, in ſpight both of the major part of the Clergy, and the People, who rejected him as a perſon unworthy of ſo eminent a Dignity.

However Boniface expreſs'd himſelf much more affectionate towards the Clergy, and the People that were his adverſaries, than to the Emperor who would have elected him; and the reaſon was, becauſe he ſaw what Authority the Emperors were uſurping in the Pontifical Elections, and therefore by new Orders and Decrees he confirm'd the Priviledges of the people, commanding expreſly that they ſhould not for the future make any Election, without the intervention of the People, and Clergy, to whom he gave Authority to do all.

The Emperors for all this did but laugh at their proceedings, and betaking themſelves again to the force of their comminations, they aſſerted the Priviledges granted them by the Pelagiuſſes, and would either by force, or fair words, make the Popes as they pleas'd: Hence it was that Severus the ſecond being choſen in the year 535. by the Clergy, and the People, and the conſent of the Emperor alſo, would not act any thing till he was confirm'd by Iſacius the Emperors Lieutenant in Italy; and all to publiſh how great the Authority of the Emperor was in the Election of the Popes.

And the pretenders to the Papacy, obſerving the greatneſs of the Emperors Authority in the Elections, almoſt all of them apply'd themſelves to him, for the obtaining of their deſigns: In ſo much that in the year 688. one Paſcal an Arch-prieſt, and Treaſurer to Conon who was then Pope, did earneſtly ſolicite John Platina at that time the Emperors Vicar in Italy, and with great ſums of money endeavour'd to oblige him, upon the death of the preſent Pope, to aſſiſt him in the ſucceſſion.

Platina took his money, and ſent him away well pleas'd with his promiſes; but the Pope being dead, inſtead of aſſiſting of Paſcal, he endeavour'd the promotion of another, which was Sergius the firſt: Yet it is certain, had he found the Electors diſpos'd, he would have choſen him; but the Clergy being wholly averſe, he would not undertake a thing, he could not compaſs without diſhonour, ſeeing it was very well known what way Paſcal had taken, and what money he had conſign'd to that purpoſe. But the good Paſcal no ſooner ſaw Sergius in the Chair, and himſelf without money, and deluded, but he did what he could to make the people riſe againſt Sergius, but without any effect.

This faculty of electing▪ of Popes, began to leſſen in the time of Gregory, who being Pope, and a zealous aſſertor of the Eccleſiaſtical Liberty, that he might render the Popedome more conſiderable, he endeavour'd by an inſurrection of all Italy, againſt the Emperor then reigning, to baniſh the Emperors of the Eaſt out of Italy; and to that end he declar'd all ſuch as yielded them obedience, Excommunicate for the future; and the people, partly for fear of Excommunication, and partly to ſet themſelves at liberty, declar'd themſelves free, and threatned with Armes in their hands to defend themſelves to the laſt drop of their blood, againſt whoever ſhould endeavour the contrary; and thus by the contrivance of Gregory, were the Emperors of the Eaſt excluded from their Dominion in Italy.

Zachary a Grecian was choſen Pope in the year 743. by the Clergy, and People only, without any participation with the Emperor, who was wholly excluded from the Election of the Pope.

[Page]And this excluſion continued till the year 760. in the time of Charles the Great, and Adrian the firſt, who entring into a League, for ſeveral reſpects, they granted many Priviledges one to the other, viz. Adrian granted to Charles the Great, the Title of MOST CHRISTIAN KING, and CITIZEN OF ROME, (which was but a ſmall buſineſs for an Emperor, and King of France) with power to call himſelf Roman Emperor, and laſt of all, Authority to interpoſe in the Election of Popes.

Charles the Great on the other ſide, declar'd Adrian true and lawfull Prince of the City of Rome, Patriarch of all Italy, eſtabliſhing the Empire of the Pope above all Empires, and declaring his own inferiour to it.

There was but one Pope choſen by the conſent of the Emperor, and that was Leo the third; after his death the Clergy and people (in deſpight of the Priviledges granted to the Empire, in regard of the Election of the Pope) aſſembled themſelves and created Stephen the fourth, without attending the vote or aſſent of Lewis the Good, who ſucceeded in the Empire after the death of Charles.

Lewis was diſguſted at the Election, and declar'd he would go in perſon to Rome, and by force of Armes pull Stephen out of the Vatican, and put another in his place, as he thought good himſelf. But Stephen having advertiſement thereof, prevented that miſchief, by going perſonally into France, and in the preſence of Lewis, pretending to depoſite all his Authority in the hands of the ſaid Emperor; which act of humility working upon the natural goodneſs of Lewis, he confirm'd the Priviledges granted by Charles the Great, and ſent him back again to Rome, with conſiderable Preſents.

After the death of Stephen, which was in the year 817. the people and the Clergy created Paſcal the firſt, without any notice given to the Emperor, who made his complaints, and threatned the Pope who was newly elected; but he was perſwaded to ſend two Legates in a ſolemn Embaſſie to make his excuſe, which they did ſo effectually, that Lewis was not only ſatisfy'd with the Election of Paſcal, but remitted and renounc'd all the pretenſions he had to the Election of the Popes.

It was not without difficulty that Lewis agreed to a thing of ſuch prejudice to the Empire, but at length his goodneſs prevail'd, and he granted it. In ſo much that as ſoon as Paſcal was dead, there aroſe great differences and diſturbances betwixt the people and the Clergy; but being grown more politick, that the Emperor might not have occaſion to put to his hand, they endeavour'd to accommodate all, by the choice of a third perſon, which was Eugenius the ſecond, excluding Zinzimus for that time.

In the interim Lewis repented that he had given away his right of Election, at the inſtance of Pope Paſcal; and therefore Pope Valentine the firſt being dead, in the year 828. he ſent to make his claim, and to declare, that if the next Pope was choſen without his conſent, he would not fail to bring his whole force into Italy, to the detriment of Rome, and the Electors eſpecially.

But the Clergy and the people oppos'd thoſe inſtances, by ſhewing his Writing of Conceſſion, and without more circumlocution, by common conſent they elected Gregory the fourth, who being fearfull of the Emperors indignation, diſpatch'd an Ambaſſador to him to deſire his Confirmation, but he could not obtain it, till by Bull he had reſtor'd the Emperors to their former Prerogatives in the Elections; which Gregory willingly conſented to, in compliance with the humour of the ſaid Lewis.

For a while, with difficulty ſometimes, and ſometimes without, the Emperors conſerv'd the faculty of Electing and Confirming the Pope, till that in the year 884. the Clergy and the people having created Adrian the third, a fierce and arrogant man, he not only refus'd to expect Confirmation from the Emperor, as ſome of his Predeceſſors had done, but as ſoon as he was Crown'd, by a particular Bull he decreed, that the Election of the Pope was not by any means to be participated with the Emperor, nor his Confirmation to be attended, declaring that the people and the Clergy, ought to Confirm thoſe Popes which they elected.

Adrian would not have undertaken ſuch an enterprize, and injury to the Emperor, had he not known him to be very low, by reaſon of ſeveral Wars in which he was engag'd, ſo that this news did but adde to the afflictions of the Emperor.

Otho being receiv'd to the Empire, diſdaining to endure the injuries which the Popes [Page] offer'd to the Emperours, he deliberated revenge, and contriv'd which way he ſhould reſtore his affairs to their former condition: and therefore in the year 957. with the conſent likewiſe of the Clergy, he depos'd and depriv'd John the 13. of the Papal dignity, he being accus'd of not reciting the Canonical hours, of ordaining Deacons in Stables, of Swearing and Blaſpheming at Dice, of Raviſhing of Virgins, and ſeveral other delinquencies; for which, he being driven out of the Vatican, there was ſubſtituted in his place by the ſole order and authority (as it were) of the Emperour Leo the eight, who was a Citizen of Rome, and principal Treaſurer of the Church of San Giovanni Laterano.

This Leo continued Pope, while the Emperour continued at Rome; but he departing the next year, the Adherents to John by a popular tumult, prevail'd to have John reſtor'd to the Papacy, and Leo diſcarded; but John lived but few months after his reſtoration. When he was dead, ſeveral inſtances were made in the behalf of the Emperour, that Leo might be choſen and reſtor'd, that thereby they might avert the dangers impending, from the indignation his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty had conceiv'd for the affront done to Leo; notwithſtanding all which, the People and the Clergy laid Leo aſide, and choſe Benedict the fifth.

How much the Emperours mind was diſturb'd with the news of theſe proceedings, may be collected from the violent reſolution he took; for reſenting the injury to Leo, as done to himſelf, he turn'd the whole power of his Arms againſt Rome, which City after two months Seige, was conſtrain'd to open her Gates at diſcretion, and to deliver Pope Benedict into his hands, who ſent him preſently in exile to Hambourg, where he ended his dayes in a thouſand ſorrows and afflictions.

The next day after the Emperours entrance into Rome, Leo was with the uſual Solemnity, reſtor'd to the Pontifical Chair, to the no ſmall diſſatisfaction of his Adverſaries. But Leo underſtanding his obligation for the Papacy was wholly to the Emperour, by whoſe affection and authority he was choſen in defiance both of Clergy and people, he ſought by all means, in ſpight of them both, to comply with the Emperour, and therefore took away the power of Electing the Pope from the Clergy and people, declaring the priviledges granted by Charles the Great, void; transferring the abſolute authority in Elections, upon the perſon of the Emperour; and all as he pretended, to prevent the tumults and ſcandals that happen'd dayly betwixt the People and the Clergy: by virtue of which Conceſſion, Leo being dead, the Emperour created John the 14. with the greateſt tranquility imaginable.

The rancour of the Romans, to ſee themſelves depriv'd of the faculty of Electing the Pope, (which they had for ſo many ages injoy'd) was ſo great, that from morning to night they had their publick and private meetings, to find out ſome way to recover the priviledges they had loſt. Peter who was Governour of the City of Rome, with two Conſuls, and twelve Senators, enter'd into a Conſpiracy againſt the perſon of the New Pope, as one that in favour to the Emperour, did much prejudice to the priviledges of the people, and being accompany'd with great number of the Nobility, they enter'd one day with Arms in their hands, into the Church of San Giovanni Laterano, took his Holineſs Priſoner, and carry'd him to the Caſtle of Saint Angelo.

By this it may gueſs'd, how great the inſolence of the people was, whilſt they were unbridled and free, and acting without either reaſon or judgement, or conſideration of the power of the Emperour, who being at that time without wars, was very potent and ſtrong: and indeed the Emperour no ſooner receiv'd the alarm, but he turn'd his Forces again the third time againſt Rome, with reſolution not to pardon any of the Principal in that Sedition; and indeed he was as good as his word, for having enter'd the City with more anger than difficulty, he commanded the greateſt part of the Criminals ſhould be hang'd, contenting himſelf with the Confiſcation of the reſt. But Peter who was the principal Author of the Conſpiracy, was deliver'd into the hands of the Pope (who was diſcharg'd of his Impriſonment, and reſtor'd to the Papacy) from whoſe hands he receiv'd incredible Cruelties, before he was ſuffer'd to dye.

This Slaughter and Vengeance of the Emperour upon the Romans, abated the pride of that people in ſome meaſure, leaving the Emperour in free liberty of Electing whom he [Page] Pleas'd Pope, which appear'd in the year 975. when he declar'd Boniface the ſeventh Pope, who was a perſon ſo odious to the people, they were almoſt ready to run mad at his creation, forbearing the very Churches out of hatred to Boniface, who underſtanding well enough the animoſity of the people, took a reſolution to run away to Constantinople, and that he might not be unprovided with moneys when he came there, he made bold with the whole Treaſure of Saint Peter, carrying every thing along with him, that was of any value or price.

The Romans were diſpleas'd both with his Robbery and Flight, but made their advantage of what was happen'd, making uſe of this as an occaſion of repoſſeſſing themſelves of what they deſir'd ſo earneſtly; and accordingly, without communicating any thing with the Emperour, they created John the 15. Pope, who dyed miſerably in Priſon, by order of Boniface; which ſaid Boniface having ſold his Jewels and Plate, came back again to Rome, and by virtue of the Sums he brought with him, reconcil'd himſelf to many, and repoſſeſs'd himſelf of the Papacy, chaſing away John from the Throne by force of Arms, and clapping him up in Priſon when he had done.

By this occaſion the People of Rome reaſſumed their power, and votes in the Election of the Pope, which the Emperour likewiſe conceeded to them, upon condition that his aſſent ſhould be expected; by which means, all parties being pleas'd, they created their Popes quietly for ſeveral years, till that in the 995. John the 17. being dead, and the Emperour in Italy with his whole Army; he let the Clergy and the People underſtand, he would have a Pope of his own chooſing, and accordingly he nam'd a certain German call'd Bruno who was his Kinſman.

The Clergy and the People excus'd themſelves at firſt, pretending that the Election was free, and that it was convenient that ſeveral perſons ſhould be introduc'd into the Scrutiny: but the Emperour inſiſting that he would have no other, to avoid the falling into his diſpleaſure, the Electors were conſtrain'd to create the ſaid Bruno under the name of Gregory the fifth. But as ſoon as the Emperour was return'd into Germany, the People took up Arms under the conduct of the Conſul Creſcentius, and drove the poor Pope Gregory, not only out of the Vatican, but our of Rome, who betook himſelf immediately to the Emperour to make his complaints of their inſolence towards his perſon; but whilſt he was upon his way, the People and the Clergy created the Biſhop of Placenza (a Grecian born) Pope, who took upon him the name of John the 13.

The Emperour receiv'd Gregory very kindly in his Court, treated him as Pope, and with his whole Army brought him back to Rome, which he took by force, and exercis'd the greateſt cruelty imaginable againſt the Romans; but the greateſt part of his indignation fell upon John and Creſcentius the firſt of which was kill'd in Priſon, ſtrangled as ſome report, poyſon'd as others; but be it which way it will, he dy'd there: and Creſcentius was hang'd without the walls of the City, in the ſight of all the people.

The Clergy endeavour'd what they could to exclude the people from the Election of the Pope, but they knew not which way to bring it to a reſolution, becauſe they underſtood very well they were naturally inclin'd to Novelties and Sedition.

In the year 1004. it happen'd that John the 19th. was created Pope, and had the Title of Secco added to his name; and becauſe the people at the beginning of his creation, were averſe, and with great difficulty conſented at laſt, when they ſaw the Clergy reſolv'd to have no body elſe. John (who was an Italian, as ſoon as he was created, retain'd it in his mind) apply'd himſelf to be reveng'd, and endeavour'd the total Excluſion of the people from the Election of the Pope, being provok'd by the conſtant ſolicitations of the Clergy. And that he might with the greater facility bring it about, he ingrandiz'd the Title of Cardinal, giving them great Priviledges, and amplifying their Authority and Juriſdiction to a great heighth; which deſign ſucceeding, and the Cardinals riſing to an eminent pitch, John publiſh'd a Bull, for the Excluſion of the people, pretending they were to be inſtructed, and not to inſtruct; and that they were to follow the Clergy, and not the Clergy them, which Bull was afterwards confirm'd, and much inlarged by Gregory the 7th. in the year 1075. and by Innocent the ſecond a Roman, in the year 1135.

This Bull of Pope John the 19th. was effectual for a while, according as they were able to deal with the Emperours Forces, and to their affection to the Apoſtolick See: [Page] yet the people did not forbear in the mean time, by their inſolence and power, to endeavour their re-eſtabliſhment, in ſo much that the Cardinals were oftentimes conſtrain'd to go out of Rome to elect their new Popes, upon the vacancy of the Chair.

The more the people ſtrove to work themſelves in again, into the Elections, the more the Cardinals ſought to exclude them, which occaſion'd great ſcandals and ſchiſms in the Church; and of this there happen'd ſo tragical an inſtance in Rome, in the year 1045. that the Chriſtians had reaſon to bewail it for ſeveral years.

And this happen'd, by reaſon that the Emperor pretended to a power of electing the Pope, by virtue of ſeveral Bulls which were extant to that purpoſe, and did clearly make out his claim; the people on the other ſide, preſs'd very hard to be reſtored to the poſture they were in, before they were interrupted by John the 19th. The Cardinals who for ſeveral years had had the ſole faculty of electing the Pope, reſolv'd to adhere to their Priviledges, and keep out both Emperor, and people; and all parties continuing firm to their pretenſions, each of them created his Pope, viz. Benedict the 9th. a Florentine, Silveſter the 3d. a Roman, and Gregory the 6th. all three of them reſiding in Rome, Gregory in the Palace of Santa Maria Maggiore, Silvester in the Palace of Saint Peter, and Benedict in the Palace of Saint John Lateran, which was one of the antienteſt in Rome.

Theſe diſſentions gave no ſmall impediment to the growth of Chriſtianity, nor no little diminution to the number of the Faithfull, but of great advantage to the enemies of the Faith. A thouſand cogitations and jealouſies boil'd in the hearts of the Chriſtians, in every City they diſcours'd of it, and the ſervice of God grew languid and cold.

Henry the third, who was at that time Emperor of Germany, fore-ſeeing the ill conſequences theſe Schiſms would bring upon the Church, and the quiet of the Empire in particular, without loſing one moment of time, he came with great diligence to Rome, where he was no ſooner arriv'd, but by his own abſolute Authority he call'd a Synod, in which the three good Popes were condemned, and Clement the ſecond choſen.

The Cardinals made many inſtances and ſupplications to the Emperor, that the Pope might be elected by the Eccleſiaſtical Synod alone, without the intervention of the people; but the Emperor thought it not ſeaſonable to diſguſt them, leaſt after he was departed, they ſhould fall again to their Schiſms; and by this means Clement was elected by the votes both of the Clergy, the people, and the Emperor. The firſt ſolemn Ceremony this Pope performed, was the Coronation of the Emperor, in which there was no conſideration of expence.

That Ceremony being paſt, the Emperor prepar'd for his Voyage, but Clement beſeech'd him, to give him his helping hand before his departure, in what he was reſolv'd to do, which was to renew the Bull of John the 18th. for excluſion of the people de novo from the election of the Pope; and becauſe Hiſtory did mention the Tragedies that ſucceeded by reaſon of ſuch excluſion, attempted ſo many times without effect, the Emperor and Pope, in ſpight of the people, conſulted together, and reſolv'd to make the people themſelves condeſcend to their own excluſion, by a ſolemn abjuration.

The people refus'd it with a thouſand proteſtations, but finding the Emperor reſolute, and threatning corporal puniſhments to ſuch as durſt oppoſe it, the Pope preparing to thunder out his Excommunications againſt all that refus'd it, and they being on the other ſide tyr'd out with Wars, Sackings of Towns, animoſities and calamities, ſuffer'd upon the ſcore of Elections, they condeſcended to their demands, and ſubmitted to ſwear upon the hands of the Pope, who held the Book of the Goſpel open, in the preſence of the Emperor; which Oath was taken not only by the Conſuls and Senators, but all the chief of the people, to the number of three thouſand, each of them engaging to transferr his right of Election to the Cardinals.

Yet for all this Oath, the people ceas'd not to trouble and moleſt the repoſe of the Electors, if not with intention to be included in the Election, at leaſt with deſign to have the Pope after their own way; renouncing many times the Pope which was recommended to them by the Colledge of Cardinals, or the Clergy, and demanding another; and theſe kind of violences were us'd in the Elections of Damaſus the 2d. of Leo the 9th. [Page] Stephen the 9th. and Nicholas the 2d. but theſe violences laſted not long, in regard of the Cardinalitial Majeſty, which grew greater and greater every day. However the Emperor look'd well enough to his own intereſts, preſerving his ſhare ſtill in the Elections; but he alſo was excluded in the year 1064. to the univerſal diſſatisfaction, and I ſhall in ſhort tell how it fell out

Nicholas the 2d. being dead in the year 1062. the Clergy aſſembled for the election of a new Pope, and reſolv'd to create one without the intervention of the Emperor, there being little danger of any obſtruction from him, by reaſon of the Wars in Germany wherewith he was infeſted; and that things might proceed with greater order and decorum, they reſolv'd to find out a Pope experienc'd in the affairs of the World, and couragious both in his Actions and Councels, and having weigh'd and conſider'd the lives of many, they at laſt concluded to chooſe Anſelme a Milaneſe, and Biſhop of Lucca, a man of great ſpirit and reſolution; for which reaſon the Cardinals willingly conſented to his Election, as judging him capable of defending their intereſts, and oppoſing the violence of the Emperor, if he ſhould attempt any thing againſt the Apoſtolick See.

The Emperor underſtanding the creation of Alexander, without his aſſent, was exceedingly enraged, and call'd immediately in his preſence an Imperial Diet of Lombards, and made them create one Cadolo Biſhop of Parma Pope; he was a perſon more addicted to the Wars, than to the Word, as he demonſtrated by his actions; for being follow'd by the Lombards themſelves, and other Souldiers given him by the Emperor, as ſoon as he was declar'd Pope in the aforeſaid Diet held at Baſil, he march'd with a powerfull Army towards Rome, with hopes to drive away Alexander, and place himſelf in the Vatican; but he was miſtaken in his accounts, for the Romans being beſieg'd, drew out to give him Battel, in which they had the Victory, put Cadolo and his Army to flight, and purſued them towards Lombardy.

The Emperor having the news of this defeat, and ſeeing all things favourable to the Romans, he reſolv'd to accommodate things fairly if it was poſſible, and to ſend Otho Archbiſhop of Colen to Rome, with full power to treat with the ſaid Alexander, and to find out ſome way of compoſing thoſe Schiſms.

Otho was receiv'd in Rome with great kindneſs, the Pope himſelf deſiring to enjoy his Dignity more peaceably: In the firſt Audience they diſcours'd of nothing but the Emperors intereſt in the Pontifical Elections, from which he could not in any wayes be excluded, having ſo many Bulls in Confirmation of his faculty, and therefore he complain'd greatly of Alexander, that he would be elected without the Emperors concurrence, and ſuffer himſelf to be Crown'd without his advice. Hildebrand a Seneſe, a Counſellor, and Conſident of the Popes, being preſent, would not permit the Archbiſhop to finiſh his diſcourſe, but interrupted him, and juſtify'd his Holineſſes cauſe, aſſerting, That his Election belong'd not to the Emperor, but the Cardinals, by whom he was legally choſen, and might be call'd Canonically Pope, and exerciſe the Papacy, as the true Vicar of Chriſt. Otho (who as he was an Archbiſhop, was more inclinable without doubt to the defence of the Popes intereſt, than the Emperors, at leaſt in his heart, if not in his tongue) ſuffer'd himſelf to be eaſily overcome by the perſwaſions of Hildebrand, deſiring only, for the honour of his Embaſſie, that he would condeſcend to the publication and convention of a Council, in the City of Milan, for the abolition of the Schiſm which was then on foot.

The Council being held, in which it was eſtabliſh'd, That the Election of the Pope ſhould belong to the Cardinals, and to no body elſe; Alexander remain'd as it were under the Dominion of Hildebrand, who tyranniz'd and govern'd him as he pleas'd.

But though the Election was plac'd in the hands of the Cardinals, the Schiſms were not appeas'd ever the more, but increas'd and grew numerous more and more, and alwayes with new ſcandal to the Church. But the greateſt Schiſm was in the year 1159. the Cardinals being aſſembled to chooſe a Succeſſor to Adrian the 4th. they could not agree, the Emperors party refuſing publickly to concurr with them, who pretended to exalt a very worthy perſon.

[Page]The greateſt part of the Cardinals therefore choſe Roland the Chancellor, born in Siena in Tuſcany, who would be call'd by the name of Alexander the third. The other Cardinals, who follow'd the intereſt of the Emperour, and were nine in number, withdrew themſelves from Rome, and choſe another Pope, which was Octavian a Citizen of Rome, and Cardinal Prieſt, with the Title of Saint Clement, as he would be call'd himſelf, or of Victor the fourth, as they call'd him: That Pope being dead, the ſaid Imperial Cardinals remaining firm to their opinions, they proceeded in their ſchiſm, choſe a new Pope, and would by no means acknowledge Alexander for the lawful ſucceſſor of Saint Peter; and the Pope which they choſe was Paſchal: But God Almighty not ſuffering this Anti-pope to live long neither, perhaps to make the ſchiſmatick Cardinals ſenſible of their Errors, (there having four of them dy'd ſince Alexander was created) the Emperour, to put an end to thoſe troubles, being excited by the compunction of his heart, rather than by his Cardinals, who advis'd him by all means to continue the ſchiſm, he call'd a Synod in the City of Pania, with deſign to accommodate the differences betwixt the Cardinals, ordaining that Pope Alexander ſhould be preſent, to whom he ſent a ſolemn Embaſſie to the ſame purpoſe.

But Alexander in great indignation reply'd to the Ambaſſador, that the Popes of Rome ought not to be judg'd by any body; that the Councel; and Synods were ſubject to him, not he to them: that the Emperour being but as the Son, was to pay obedience to him as the Father; and with this anſwer he ſent back the Ambaſſadors very ill ſatisfy'd with their entertainment; eſpecially he having thundred out his Excommunications the very ſame day, againſt the Emperor and his Anti-pope; with which the Emperor being provok't, he march'd forthwith towards Italy with his whole Army, to be reveng'd of the Inſolence (as he call'd it) of the Pope: and this was the occaſion of that memorable war which is ſo obvious in Hiſtory, and was ſtopt by the mediation of the Venetian, who taking up arms likewiſe, conſtrain'd the Emperour to acknowledge Pope Alexander the true Succeſſor of Saint Peter, and (after he had reſtor'd all thoſe Cities and Lands which he had illegally uſurp'd) with all humility to kiſs his Holineſſes foot.

To the Articles of agreement betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, there was one annext, in which the Emperour renounc'd all the right of Election, to which he pretended, in the vacancy of the Chair; obliging himſelf by Oath to leave the Election free to the Cardinals for the future.

For all this Alexander fail'd not to chaſtiſe ſome of thoſe who had been of that ſchiſm; ſo that ſome of thoſe nine Cardinals which follow'd the intereſt of the Emperour, dyed in deſpair, ſeeing themſelves bitterly perſecuted by the Pope, and thoſe who had ſtuck to his party, rewarded abundantly; But Alexander beſides that endeavoured what he could to ingrandize the Title of Cardinal, and that they might more ſtrongly preſerve their faculty of Election, he conſtituted a new form of Elections, contrary to what was formerly by the majority of voices; for till the time of this Pope, it was ſufficient to create one Pope, if he had the advantage but of one voice. But Alexander declar'd that no body ſhould be admitted for Pope, who had not two thirds of the votes of all the Cardinals then preſent at the Election, which cuſtome continues to this day.

After the death of Alexander, the Cardinals continued in the creation of Popes for above ſixty years (that is from the creation of Lucius the 3d. who was Alexanders Succeſſor, to the time of Gregory the ninth) in great quiet and tranquility, and without any obſtruction, either from Emperour, or people.

But the ſaid Gregory being at wars with the Emperour Frederick, about the year of our Lord 1239. the greateſt part of the Cardinals were taken priſoners by the Emperours Army; for which reaſon, after the death of Gregory, which happen'd in the year 1241. the Church was neceſſitated to remain without a Paſtor, the ſpace of twenty months, till that the Cardinals (being by the interceſſion of ſeveral Princes, diſcharg'd of their impriſonment) aſſembled themſelves as formerly, for the creation of a Succeſſor, which was Innocent the 4th. a Genoeſe call'd Simbaldo Fieſchi before: he was a perſon very well qualify'd, choſen by common conſent, without any diſcrepancy of voices at all.

[Page]This Innocent was no ſooner crown'd, but he began to think of revenging the injury the Emperour had done to the Cardinals, in keeping them priſoners ſo long. In order to this, he ordain'd a Councel ſhould meet at Lyons, and commanded that Frederick ſhould be there preſent, within ſo many days; and becauſe Fredericks Embaſſadors inſiſted upon longer time, making it appear by good reaſons, that it was not poſſible to perform ſuch a journey, in the time that was aſſign'd.

The Pope being inraged at their anſwer, declar'd the Emperour a contumacious and diſobedient ſon of the univerſal Father, and accordingly he Excommunicated him, depriv'd him of his Imperial dignity, declar'd him a Schiſmatick; and (having abſolv'd them from their Oaths of Fidelity which they had given to the Emperour) he excited all the Princes to depoſe him from his Empire, and choſe another in his place, as it follow'd in effect, Henry Landgrave of Turingia being elected preſently after.

Frederick prepar'd himſelf, both for defence, and revenge; but he dying the next year, made an end of that quarrel. In that Councel the Pope gave the Cardinal the Cap and red Mantle, in token of their readineſs to ſpend their blood in the ſervice of the Church; But to ſay the truth, before they received the Red Cap, there were ſeveral Cardinals that ſuffer'd Martyrdom. But ſince the time they received it, to this day, there has not been ſo much as one; ſo that we may believe, the Cap took away their deſire to be Martyrs.

The Lord Cardinals proceeded with great freedom, and liberty, in the Election of Popes, being become abſolutely ſoveraign in that affair: They created ſeveral Popes with great ſatisfaction to all Chriſtendom, becauſe they were choſen with great unanimity. But by the death of Clement the fourth, who dy'd at Viterbo, the face of things was alter'd, the Church (to the great ſcandal of all Chriſtians) remaining two years without a Paſtor, becauſe the Cardinals could not agree in the election of a Succeſſor.

The Cauſes of ſo long a diſſention, are variouſly repreſented, by ſeveral Hiſtoriografers; but the chief were as follow: The firſt and moſt forcible of all, was the contrariety in the Natures of the Cardinals which were preſent at the Election at Viterbo, who were 18 in number, all obſtinate and untractible, and had ſworn each of them, never to yeild to his Companion in the leaſt.

All of them believ'd themſelves worthy of the Papacy, and (which was of moſt importance, and gave the greateſt delay to the Election) every one negotiated for himſelf, without ſpeaking a word of other Pretenders; ſo that it was not poſſible amongſt eighteen ſeveral Competitors, that they ſhould come to any reſolution: But that impediment being remov'd, in which the Cardinals continued obſtinate for above ten months, there aroſe another, which laſted above a year, and was the ſecond occaſion of the tediouſneſs of the Election; and that is, the Cardinals were divided into two factions, one of them Italians, the other French, theſe would have a Pope of their own Nation, and the Italians would have him of theirs; neither of them complying with the other, and the number of the French being equal to the Italians, there being no way to be found of gaining the two thirds of their Votes, they remain'd whole weeks obſtinate, and doing nothing, unleſs it were heaping diſſention upon diſſention.

The other reaſon was, that this delay growing redious to the Princes, and in particular to Philip King of France, and Charles King of Sicily, theſe two Princes reſolv'd to come in perſon to Viterbo, and ſollicite the Cardinals to expedite the creation of the Pope; upon this occaſion the Cardinals which were adherents to theſe two Crowns, having notice of their reſolutions, would do nothing till they were arriv'd, who when they did come, ſerv'd for nothing but to protract the Election, though their deſire was to haſten it; each of them recommending different perſons; But the Cardinals being reſolute not to depend upon any body whatſoever, leſt they ſhould again reduce themſelves into ſubjection, the Princes finding all their interceſſions ineffectual return'd as they came, leaving the whole buſineſs to the Cardinals.

In the firſt Aſſembly after the Kings were departed, John Cardinal of Porto obſerving the pertinacity of the Cardinals, whilſt they were together inv [...] the Holy Ghoſt, cry'd out publiquely, and with a loud voice. Let us uncover (my Lords) the [...] Chamber, perhaps the holy ſpirit will not come where we are, thorow [...]o [...] it [Page] would be neceſſary to have a Holy Ghoſt for every one, ſeeing there is no two will agree. The Holy Ghoſt deſcended upon the Apoſtles, becauſe they were met together with one mind, but how can we expect him, who are ſo ſtrangely divided?

At length, all theſe diſputes being ended, and the Cardinals weary of going up and down to the places of their Aſſemblies, and doubting moreover, by their delay, to bring in ſome new ſchiſm into the Church, which ſeem'd already to be whiſpering in Germany; two thirds of the Cardinals agreed to the Election of Tibaldo Viſconte a Milaneſe, Archdeacon of Lodi, who was not as yet return'd from his Voyage into Aſia, whether he was ſent by the command of Innocent the 4th. : upon whoſe Election Cardinal G [...]ovanni del Porto made theſe Verſes in Latine.

Papatus munus tulit, Archidiaconus unus,

Quem patrem patrum fecit diſcordia fratrum.

The Cardinals themſelves being out of hope,

Archdeacon Tibald was created Pope.

Gregory as ſoon as he received the Keys of the Vatican, endeavour'd what he could to make peace betwixt the Venetian and the Genoeſe, who for ſeveral years together, had been at wars with one another, with great effuſion of Chriſtian blood, and no ſmall detriment to the Apoſtolick See. He Excommunicated the Florentines, for uſurping certain Cities belonging to the Eccleſiaſtical State.

Having perpetrated theſe things, and all things ſucceeding according as he deſign'd, he went into France in the year 1273. he gave beginning to the Councel of Lyons mention'd before. Philip King of France was preſent at that Councel, with an infinite number of noble and learned perſons, both French and Engliſh.

Michael Paleologus the Emperour of Constantinople, agreed the ſecond time to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome; though his Predeceſſors had done as much twelve times, and always revolted: upon that buſineſs, there were ſeveral Seſſions and diſputes, and all of them in the preſence of his Holineſs and the King of France.

The principal cauſe of this Aſſembly was, that Gregory might be enabled to remedy ſeveral abuſes in the Church, and more particularly by their advice to find out ſome way of preventing the tedious vacancies, after the deaths of the Popes.

And becauſe Gregory underſtood well enough the root from whence that evil did ſpring, and that it proceeded from a liberty the Cardinals took, of aſſembling where they pleaſed, of breaking up and meeting again as they thought good, delaying and protracting the Elections, by the Contentions and Correſpondencies they had abroad; Gregory ordain'd that the Cardinals for the future ſhould be oblig'd to ſhut themſelves up in ſome particular place, from whence they ſhould not ſtir, till the Election was finiſh't, but in caſe of ſickneſs, or other urgent neceſſity; nor ſhould any body be permitted to goe into them, beſides ſuch as were appointed for the ſervice of the Cardinals, none of them being allow'd, during the whole time of their ſecluſion, to have communication with any of the City. And this is the place call'd at preſent the Conclave, which indeed ſignifies no more then the place where the Cardinals are ſhut up for the Election of the Pope.

Before Gregories dayes, that is from the time of San Silveſter, to Gregory's Popedome, they were not us'd to be ſhut up in a Conclave; but if they were in Rome, the Electors met, either in the Church of St. John Lateran, or of Saint Peter, or in ſ [...]me other place, as occaſion offer'd; if they were out of Rome, they met in the Cathedral of the place where they were, or in ſome other Church, more convenient: But all this brought nothing but prejudice and inconvenience to the Church, becauſe the Electors did many times neglect to uſe that diligence which was due, not regarding expedition in their Elections of the Pope, whilſt they had liberty to command, to goe and come as they thought fit, and to live in their own houſes at their pleaſure: and therefore it may rationally be ſaid, that the invention of the Conclave by Gregory, was holy, and good, and worthy of a Pope of his piety and zeal. There were likewiſe eſtabliſh't by the ſaid [Page] Gregory ſeveral Laws and Orders for the Conclave, which were afterwards by ſeveral Popes put into better form, till that in Proceſs of time they were reduc't into that ſtate, which for greater convenience I ſhall inſert in this place.

The Principal Laws which are uſually obſerv'd in the creation of the Pope.

THe firſt Article is, That the Election be made in a proper and convenient place, and ordinarily there where the laſt Pope dy'd. If it ſhould happen the Pope ſhould die in any Town or Village, in which the Election cannot ſo commodiouſly be made, let it be made in that City to whoſe juriſdiction the ſaid Town or Village does belong, provided it be not under interdiction; for in that caſe, they are to chooſe another City in the ſame Dioceſe, or at leaſt not far off. But if the Reſidence was in another place, in the time of the preceeding Pope, then the Conclave is to meet, not in the place where the Pope ſhall die, but where he kept his Reſidence whilst he liv'd: and this is eſtabliſh'd in two Bulls, of Gregory the tenth, and Clement the fifth.

The ſecond is, That after the death of the Pope, there ſhall be no diſcourſe of the Election of a Succeſſor, till ten days be paſt, in which time the abſent Cardinals are to be expected, and the nine days obſequies for the deceas'd Pope be celebrated with due reſpect, by all the Cardinals that are preſent in the place.

The third, That it be not permitted to any Cardinal that is abſent to ſend his vote in any manner whatſoever, by which it is intended, that they are deprived of their Voice, as often as they are abſent from the Election, though for conſiderable reaſons.

The fourth, That the nine days Ceremony for the death of the Pope, being over, the Maſs dello Spirito Santo ſolemnly ſaid, and the Prayer de Eligendo Pontifice, recited, Let all the Cardinals that are preſent in the Palace, which ſhall be call'd the Conclave, (which is to be in a ſecure place, cloſe in all parts, and well guarded) be ſhut in, with two or three ſervants only, for their neceſſities. Let it not be lawfull for any to enter after the Conclave is ſhut up, nor for any to come forth, except in the caſe of infirmity: and if any body be oblig'd either to go in, or out, let it be by the conſent of the whole College; Nor is this Conclave to have any Wall or partition, to diſtinguiſh one Chamber from another; but let there be certain traverſes or Curtains of Linnen or cloth to divide their Lodgings: and be they given to the Cardinals by lott, to prevent all controverſies for place.

The fifth, That it be not only unlawful to elect thoſe that are abſent, but that it be not permitted to the Cardinals to chooſe any but one of their own Order, and of thoſe that are preſent in the Conclave. And this is decreed by Paul the ſecond.

The ſixth, That the place, and the gates and doors of the Conclave be well guarded; if the Election be made in Rome, the firſt Guards are to be kept by the Souldiers of the Popes ordinary Guards; after them by the Barons of Rome, and the Ambaſſadors of Princes, who are all to be ſworn in the Conclave it ſelf before it be ſhut up; that they will keep the ſaid Guards, with diligence and loyalty, as is convenient; and laſt of all in the neareſt places to the door of the Conclave, by the Biſhops, and Conſervators of the City. If the Election be made out of the City of Rome; the Guard of the Conclave is to be made by the Temporal Lords of that place, with the ſame formality, and oath, as in Rome. The duty of thoſe that are deputed for Guards is, to prevent any violence ſhall be offer'd to the freedom of the Cardinals votes, to obſerve well the proviſions that come in, that there be no Letters convey'd in them; and in caſe any ſuch be found, let them be conſign'd to the Marſhal, to be kept till the Conclave be finiſht: That they further take care the Cardinals be not incommoded, that they be all ready at their beck, and in caſe of delay, that they force them (first gently and with intreattes, but afterwards even with threats) to haſten the Election. The Souldiers of the Conclave (that is thoſe who are appointed to guard it) and the Barons of Rome, are to preſerve the Conclave from all diſturbance and violence.

The ſeventh, That the Cardinals may not go out of the Conclave, or adjourn their Aſſembly to an other place, for any perſon whatſoever, but upon any emergent neceſſity, let them put an end to the Election, and then they may go forth, if otherwiſe they ſhould go out, let them be forc'd back again by the Guards of the Conclave.

[Page]The eighth, That thoſe Cardinals who come after the Conclave it ſhut, and before the creation of the Pope, may enter and give their voices as the rest: and that no Cardinal can, upon any occaſion or pretence whatſoever, (although he be Excommunicated) avoid being preſent at the Election, and giving his Vote. But all this is to be done by the conſent of the whole Colledge, and not of the Governour of the Conclave only.

The ninth, That three dayes being paſt after their entrance into the Conclave, if in that time the Pope be not choſen, the Prelates and Barons of Rome, and ſuch others as are deputed Guards to the Conclave, may require an account of the Cardinals tranſactions within, and reſtrain them of their variety of diſhes, reducing and leſſening them by degrees, according as they find the Election delay'd.

The tenth, That in the time of the Election, no perſon whatſoever, whether Secular or Eccleſiaſtick is to give, or promiſe, or intreat, thereby to move or incline the hearts of the Cardinals to their private deſires, and this under pain of the Popes Excommunication. And that it be not permitted that the Cardinals diſcourſe of any other matter, than the Election of the Pope, to expedite the Election, and to prevent occaſion of exaſperating the minds of the Cardinals other wayes.

The eleventh, That no perſon whatſoever, may by reaſon of the Bull of Alexander the third, be declared or elected Pope, if he has not firſt two whole parts in three of the voices of the Cardinals which are preſent in the Conclave, which Votes are to be given in ſecret, and afterwards read publickly, that all perſons may take notice who is choſen.

The twelfth, That after the death of the Pope, all Magiſtrates and Eccleſiastical Offices are to ceaſe, except ſuch a [...] are in the perſons of the Cardinals, which are perpetual; which Offices are to remain unexecuted, all but the Office of the chief Penitentiary, and the Chamberlain.

The thirteenth, That there be a Governour of the Conclave, that he be a worthy perſon, and of good qualifications, that he be choſen by the Body of the Cardinals, before they enter into the Conclave; whoſe Office it ſhall be, to give ſeaſonable Orders, that things may go within as they ought to do, and that the Lord Cardinals may not want any thing convenient.

The last is, That an Oath be given to the Cardinals, to keep ſecret all the tranſactions and argumentations of the Conclave, relating to the Election; that it be not permitted to any body to bear armes in ſo ſacred a place, nor to revenge any injury whatever, either with words or with deeds, but that they bear all things patiently, and endeavour to avoid that miſchief.

§

And thus Gregory being exceedingly pleas'd with the introduction of this Form into the Conclave, he diſmiſs'd the Council of Lyons, (in which many things were decreed, as the Enterprize into the Holy Land, the Union of the Greek and Latine Church, and the Peace betwixt the Princes of Chriſtendom) and then he began his journey, in order to his return into Italy; and refuſing to paſs by Florence, (leaſt he ſhould be oblig'd to take off the Interdiction) he took his way towards Arezzo, in which place he arriv'd, fell ſick, and dyed in the year 1276. in the fifth year of his Popedom.

The Cardinals who follow'd his Holineſs, were the greateſt part of them at Arezzo, the reſt by another road were arrived at Rome, which occaſion'd ſome difficulties amongſt them, ſome pretending the Election was to be made in Rome, others inſiſting it was to be at Arezzo, where Gregory dyed.

But becauſe the greateſt number of thoſe who were at Arezzo prevail'd, thoſe Cardinals who were in Rome came thither, that they might not be excluded from their Votes, ſeeing thoſe at Arezzo had declar'd their number was ſufficient, and they would create a Pope without them: Beſides Gregory's decree, which ordain'd expreſly, That the Election ſhould be in the place where the preceding Pope dyed; to which thoſe in Rome reply'd, That that was intended, if the place was convenient, producing a thouſand pretences to prove the incommodities of Arezzo. It is enough, be it one way or the other, thoſe who were in Rome were made to know, that they were in the wrong, and therefore being arriv'd at Arezzo, they went into the Conclave with the reſt of the Cardinals the 21. of January; this Conclave was guarded with good Guards, by the Aretines, [Page] who were not a little elated to ſee the firſt Conclave celebrated in their City: But theſe Guards laſted but one night; for the ſame night the Cardinals entered, they agreed to chooſe Pietro Farantaſio, (a Burgundian and Dominican Fryer) Pope, who took upon him the name of Innocent the 5th. In this manner coming out of the Conclave, with the new Pope, on the 22 in the morning, all the Cardinals began their Congratulations; Innocent, though he was requeſted to paſs away the Winter where he was, yet being reſolved not to be Crowned at Arezzo, where he was Elected, but in Rome, the true Apoſtolical ſeat, and where he deſign'd to have his Reſidence, prepar'd immediately for his journey thither; as indeed it ſucceeded, making himſelf to be Crown'd as ſoon as he came to Rome, in the Church of Saint Peter with great ſolemnity, 40 days after his Election.

But here it is to be advertis'd, that the Conſtitution of the form of the Conclave eſtabliſh'd by Gregory in the Councel of Lyons, was annull'd, and reſtor'd, three or four times, ſome Popes being choſen without any Order of the Conclave: In the mean time, after the death of Innocent the 5th. which happen'd in the year 1276. ſix months exactly after his Election; Alexander the 5th. who ſucceeded him, being created in Rome, and with all the formalities of the Conclave, which was held in the Court of Lateran, as ſoon as he was receiv'd to the Popedom, revok'd the Order eſtabliſh'd by Pope Gregory, concerning the affairs of the Conclave, though in due form it had the approbation of a General Councel.

This revocation, or ſuſpenſion, as you pleaſe, was declar'd invallid after his death, as having been pronounc'd before his Coronation: But Pope John the 21 ſucceeding, both in his Papacy and humour, and having no kindneſs at all for the Name of the Conclave, he not only confirm'd Adrians Bull, but by another of his own, of greater force, he annulled the ſaid form of the Conclave in all reſpects whatſoever, and ſo the Popes which ſucceded him, which were Nicholas the 3d. Martin the 4th. Honorius the 4th. Nicholas the 4th. and Celestine the 5th. were all created according to the Order obſerv'd before the time of Gregory the 10th.

Celestine the 5th. being received to the Popedom in the year 1294. moved by the ſame conſiderations, wherewith Gregory was moved, he revok'd and annull'd Pope Johns Bull, and confirm'd the Law and Conſtitution of Pope Gregory, in relation to the Conclave. And Boniface the eight, who ſucceeded Celeſtine, was ſo well ſatisfy'd therewith, that he confirm'd it again, and order'd it to be Regiſter'd in the Book of the Decreetals; ſo that from Celeſtin's time, to this preſent time, the formalities of the Conclave have been punctually obſerv'd, and may they be ſo eternally; for, to ſpeak truth, the introduction of that form into the Conclave, has put an end (as one may ſay) to the Schiſms in the Church, and ſettled the true Catholick in tranquility and repoſe.

Indeed this Capriccio in Pope John, who annull'd the form of the Conclave, had no other effect, but the introduction of delay and animoſity among the Cardinals; by whom Innocent the 10th. was created Pope, according to the conſtitution of Gregory the 10th. after the ſaid Gregory was dead, with expedition, and quiet, and ſatisfaction to the People, in the year 1276.

After Innocents death, Adrian the 5th. was created in Rome, he was a Genoeſe of the Family of Fieſchi, call'd before, Ottobuono, without any diſcrepancy: accordingly after him, in the year 1276. John the 21 was elected at Viterbo, without any difference at all: Theſe three Popes liv'd all three but a little above a year.

Theſe three Popes being created according to the form of the Conclave, inſtituted by Gregory the 10th. things began to proceed in good order, and the Election; to be made with care, and quiet. But after it was annulled by Pope John, all things fell to diſ-order, in ſo much that the See was vacant after the death of the ſaid John (who dyed under the ruines of a Pallace) five months, and upwards, of which I ſhall give the reaſons in brief. John being dead in the City of Viterbo, the firſt ſcruple aroſe amongſt the Cardinals, was, whether they ought to follow the form of the Conclave, eſtabliſh'd by Pope Gregory, or the decree of annullation, publiſh'd by Pope John; the moſt voices prevail'd, and they were for Pope Johns decree; and accordingly, without ſhutting themſelves up in any place, they met for ſeveral days in the Church, early in the morning, and return'd to their own houſes at night, about their own affairs.

[Page]It is well known in the mean time, what delay there was by that means in the Election; and to remedy the matter, the Cardinals were ſupplicated, I had almoſt ſaid, conſtrain'd by the people of Viterbo, to re-aſſume the form of the Conclave, which was agreed to, and orders given immediately to have the Conclave accommodated, into which, according to the Conſtitution of Gregory, all the Cardinals then preſent at Viterbo, did enter.

But for all this the Cardinal Electors could not agree about a Succeſſor, becauſe there were ſo many French Cardinals, and Italians, all of them ſtanding firm to their reſolutions, of chooſing one of their own ſides to be Pope, and to remain ſhut up in the Conclave, till ſuch a number of the one, or the other, ſhould die, as ſhould be ſufficient to render the other party the ſtronger.

At this time the Guard of the Conclave was given to one Richard of the Anibals, one of the principal Families in Rome; which ſaid Richard having a while before taken the Government of Viterbo, from Orſo, a Nephew of Pope Nicholas, to whoſe family he was a ſevere and fierce Enemy. The two Cardinals Orſini, who manag'd the Italian faction, cry'd out that Orſo was to be reſtor'd to the Government he had loſt, before they came to the Election of a new Pope.

The people of Viterbo being backt by the ſaid Richard, and excited by the French, enter'd into the Conclave, took out the two Orſini, and clapt them in priſon; upon which the Italian party being render'd the weaker, the French taking hold of the occaſion, choſe a Pope as they pleas'd themſelves, and this was Martin the fourth, call'd Simon before; he was born in Tours in France, and was Cardinal di Santa Cecilia. And thus that Conclave was brought to a concluſion, after a tedious debate, to the great detriment of the moſt noble houſe of the Orſini, who were driven out of Rome by the Anabali, and oblig'd with all their followers, to retire to Preneſte.

Martin being dead in the firſt month of the fifth year of his Papacy, the Vacancy was but very few days; the Cardinals who had their Conclave then at Perugia, for the Election of a Succeſſor, agreeing very readily in the perſon of Honorius the 4th. of the Noble Family of the Savelli: But it was not ſo after the death of Honorius, the Church being vacant for ten months together, yet not ſo much from any diſſention amongſt the Cardinals, who were all moderate and quiet; as by an accidental ſickneſs, and Earthquake that happen'd; for whilſt the Conclave was held in Santa Sabina for the Creation of a new Pope, ſeveral Cardinals fell ſick on a ſudden, amongſt which five of the moſt conſiderable dy'd in a week, and they were Giordano Orſino, Il Conto a Milaneſe, Hugo an Engliſhman, Gervaſio Dean of Paris, and Anterio a perſon of great worth and renown.

And becauſe many of the reſt were forc'd to keep their beds, the Conclave was open'd, ond diſſolv'd, and that election reſerv'd to a better time, and the rather becauſe the Earthquakes continued ſo frequent, they were frighted into a reſolution of deferring it till another time, which happen'd afterwards, in the month of March, 1288. in which Nicholas the 4th. of the Order of the Minors of Saint Francis, was created Pope with general ſatisfaction.

The Cardinals after the death of Nicholas, that the Election of the next Pope might be with more freedom, and liberty, the whole City being in a Mutiny and Confuſion, remov'd to Perugia. But the miſery was, they carried ſuch animoſities along with them in their hearts, that they ſpun out the Election for above ſix and twenty months, with very great ſcandal.

In this long vacancy of the Chair (which was occaſion'd by not obſerving the form of ſhutting up the Conclave, for in that caſe they would have diſpatch'd, that they might not be ſhut up ſo long) the Emperour Paleologus dy'd, and the Grecian Prieſts would not that he ſhould be buried in any conſecrated place, becauſe he had conſented in the Councel of Lyons to an union of the Greek and Latine Churches. Andronicus the ſon of Michael Paleologus would willingly have joyn'd with the Latines, if ours would have aſſiſted him in the leaſt: but ſeeing himſelf deſperate of any aſſiſtance from the Romans, during the vacancy of the See, he reſolv'd to deſert the Catholicks, that he might not run the ſame fortune whilſt he was living, as his Father did when he was dead.

[Page] Charles the ſecond King of Naples, fore-ſeeing the inconveniences which were likely to follow, and which indeed the Church did already feel, by the long vacancy of the Chair, he came from Provence to Perugia, many times admoniſhing and exhorting the Cardinals to Concord, and a ſpeedy Election of the Pope. But he was reprehended by Benedetto Gaetano, who was Cardinal of Anagni, becauſe with his inſtances and importunity, he ſeem'd in ſome meaſure to obtrude upon the Colledge, which in the creation of the Pope ought alwayes to be free.

This ſame Cardinal, who was in great eſteem amongſt the whole Sacred Colledge, to ſhorten the Election of the new Pope, exhorted the Cardinals to re-eſtabliſh the Form of the Conclave, without which they would never have ended the Conteſt. They ſhut themſelves up therefore in the Church, with reſolution never to come out, nor negotiate with any one whatſoever, before they had choſen a Paſtor for the Church. Yet ſo great was the differences amongſt them, they could not agree to chooſe one of themſelves, but to put an end to the Election, they pitch'd upon Peter Morone a Hermit, who was abſent, and in his ſolitude, not far from Sulmona.

The greater part of them believ'd confidently, that he being far from the leaſt ambition, and of a long time accuſtom'd to his retirement, would not by any means have accepted of the Papacy; nor were they miſtaken, for upon the firſt notice he declin'd it abſolutely, and receiv'd it at laſt upon the importunity of Charles King of France, who ſent his Ambaſſadors to him, to perſwade him that he would not ſuffer the Church to continue any longer in her Widdowhood; upon which Exhortation he condeſcended, and accepted of the Popedom; and aſſuming the name of Celeſtine the 5th. he came immediately to the City of Aquila, whither he call'd all the Cardinals which were at Perugia, but they with reiterated Letters begg'd of his Holineſs, that he would vouchſafe to come to Perugia, as a place much more convenient for the Dignity of a Pope.

But King Charles ſuggeſting to the contrary, Celestine's opinion prevail'd, and the Cardinals came to Aquila, where they paid their Reverences to him as the true Pope, and Crown'd him afterwards with due ſolemnity: at which Coronation, as Ptolomeus writes, who was preſent, there were above two hundred thouſand people met together, but the moſt of them more out of curioſity, than devotion.

The Government of Celeſtine, by reaſon of his extravagant bounty, was a great diminution to the Pontifical dignity, for not having the power to deny any body, he gave the ſame thing to two or three ſeveral perſons, with which the Conſiſtory of Cardinals being diſguſted, they-began to think of a remedy, eſpecially becauſe the Clergy hated him, for a reſolution he had taken to reform them. The Cardinals had ſome thoughts of depoſing him, but they forbore that, for two reaſons; the firſt was, that they might not give occaſion to any new Schiſm, or at leaſt any great ſcandal to the Church; and the other, not to provoke the indignation of King Charles, who defended him with great ardour.

There never was ſeen certainly any Pope, ſo little practis'd in politick or Eccleſiaſtick affairs, as this, and all by reaſon of the Hermitical life which he had led in the Wilderneſs, far from ſuch adminiſtrations; Celestine therefore being conſcious of his own inſufficiency, left the Reines of the Government to Cardinal Latino, who was a perſon of tranſcendent wiſdom, but he being dead, Celeſtine by his inexperience, without any malice at all, fell into ſo many Errors, that the Cardinals made ſeveral inſtances to him, that he would be pleas'd ſpontaneouſly to renounce the Papacy, and not expoſe the Church to ſo many perils, by his incapacity.

The Cardinals would not have been inclin'd to ſuch a reſolution, but by the inſtigation of Benedetto Gaetano, (who was afterwards Boniface the eighth, as we ſhall ſhew in its proper place) he was a Cardinal of great learning and experience, but ſo extreamly ambitious of the Papacy, he left no ſtone unturn'd to compaſs his deſigns: And becauſe he ſaw by his great judgement, he might eaſily bring it about, if Celestine happen'd to renounce, he apply'd himſelf ſo hard to the buſineſs, that Celeſtine reſolv'd to reſign, at the great inſtance of Gaetano, who by reaſon of the great credit he had with him, ſpake to him freely, and which is worſe, laid it to him as a ſcruple of Conſcience, and to fright [Page] him, perſwaded him, that at the day of Judgement it would be imputed to him, if any ill did happen to the Church.

King Charles, who underſtood the ſubtility of Gaetano, and the ſuperſtitious lenity of the Pope, conducted him to Naples, forcing himſelf to turn him from ſo diſhonourable a thought. And becauſe the people cry'd out every where, they would have no other Pope but Celeſtine, he anſwer'd, he would make no other but him whom God ſhould inſpire for the good of the Chriſtians. But the Chriſtians diſcern'd very well, that he did nothing but what was inſpir'd to him by Cardinal Gaetano; who found out a moſt Diabolical invention, and it was this; he ſuborn'd ſome of his friends to make a hole correſponding with that part of the Chamber in which his Holineſſes Bed ſtood, from whence they cry'd all night long, with a moſt diſmal voice, as if it had been the Judgement of Heaven, Celeſtine, Celeſtine, lay down the Popedom, for it is a charge too great for your abilities.

The innocent and devout Pope being wrought upon by all theſe reaſons, and aſſiſted no longer by King Charles, whom Gaetan had gain'd to his ſide, he reſolv'd to condeſcend to the renunciation: But firſt that he might ſeem to do it upon good grounds, he would needs make a Law, that it ſhould be lawfull for any Pope to renounce the Papacy, and commanded it ſhould be eſtabliſh'd by the conſent of all the Cardinals, who willingly made him a Golden Bridge, to ſend him going. This Law and Conſtitution was afterwards confirm'd by Boniface the eighth, his Succeſſor, as is to be ſeen in the ſixth Book of the Decretals; but the Popes are not ſo ſimple to make uſe of it for all that. It was propos'd that this renunciation ſhould be made in ſome publick place in the Church, but that was not thought convenient, leaſt the people, who lov'd Celestine very much, ſhould commit ſome extravagance, and by violence hinder Celeſtine's reſolution; wherefore they thought it expedient to have it done in the Conſiſtory of Cardinals, as it follow'd in the ſixth month of his Papacy, after which Celeſtine return'd to his Cell from whence he came.

The ſame day in which Celeſtine did renounce, (things being well prepar'd before hand in Gaetan's favour, who was the forger and contriver of all this miſchief) the Cardinals without the form of the Conclave, choſe the ſaid Gaetan with open Votes, that they might not leave the Church without a Paſtor, much apprehending the popular fury, for as much as there was not any of them conſenting to the renunciation. Benedetto Gaetano being declar'd Pope, and the name of Boniface the eighth aſſum'd, he began his Reign with ſo much inſolence, arrogance, raſhneſs, and tyranny, that in a ſhort time he gain'd the Title of Nero the eighth. Sciarra Colonna took him Priſoner at Anagni, and carry'd him to Rome, where at the end of 35. dayes he dyed of anger, in the eighth year of his Pontificate: So that ſome took occaſion to ſay, that he was made Pope like a Woolf, he govern'd like a Lyon, and dy'd like a Dog; which character was ſo true, that Hiſtories have taken great delight to mention it, reporting it with great infamy to the Roman Church, and to thoſe who elected him.

Great was the joy all Chriſtendom receiv'd at the death of a Pope ſo unworthy of that dignity; the Princes and Cardinals celebrated the news with Bone-fires. The people hated this Pope, for ſeveral reaſons, but eſpecially for having order'd Celeſtine with ſo much ingratitude to be ſlain, and perſecuted the Gibellines in ſuch ſort, that the Nobleſt Families in Italy were glad, for fear, to hide themſelves like ſavage Beaſts, in the moſt profound Caverns of the Mountains. Some report he was poyſon'd with an Italian Fig, which is not much wide of the truth: But be it as it will, he dy'd in priſon the 11th. of October 1303. and the Cardinals went into the Conclave the 21. of the ſame month.

Many believ'd the Election would be tedious, by the great care the Princes ſeem'd to take, that they might not be ill ſatisfy'd, as they were with Boniface.

Amongſt the Cardinals ſome there were which adher'd to the Guelfs, and others to the Gibellines; theſe were very curious that the ſucceeding Pope ſhould not be of the humour of his Predeceſſor, the Guelfs deſir'd ſuch another, ſo that in appearance there was great likelihood of a long Conclave. But things fell out clear contrary, for the next morning after the Cardinals entred, they came to an agreement to elect the Cardinal [Page] d'Oſtia, call'd Fra Nicholas di Treviſo, of the Order of the Preachers, who took upon him the name of Benedict the 9th. or the 11th.

The Guelfs condeſcended readily to this Election, Benedict being a Creature of Boniface's, and by conſequence a Guelf. And the Gibellines did ſo too, as not knowing amongſt all the Cardinals, where to find one leſs their Enemy than he, and the rather, becauſe though Benedict had been ſecret Counſellor, and privy to the moſt occult deſigns of Boniface, he never ſeem'd by his Counſels to have done any thing contrary to the repoſe of the Gibellines, but endeavour'd to mollifie Boniface, and to remove the great prejudice he had to the poor Gibellines, who being ſatisfy'd with his proceedings, they concurr'd willingly to the Election of Benedict; who was not ingratefull, for he receiv'd into favour all the Cardinals who had been perſecuted, and (as Gibellines) depriv'd by his Predeceſſor.

Benedict dyed in Perugia, in the eighth month of his Pontificate, in which City the whole Court being at that time, it was reſolv'd a new Pope ſhould be choſen; but private intereſt, prevail'd againſt the publique good, for the Cardinals for above two months together, went up and down, trifling away their time in diſputes and clamours, ſcandalous to Chriſtendom, but pleaſant to the Infidels.

The reaſon was, the Cardinals were divided into three factions, one ſtuck cloſe to Charles King of Naples, who would have a Pope according to his way; another was for the principal Barons of Rome▪ who being back'd by ſeveral Princes of Chriſtendom, endeavour'd to ſpin out the Election as long as they could, expecting by ſuch delay, other Votes from abroad; and the third ſtood firm to the intereſt of Philip King of France, who with a very liberal hand, had ſent no ſmall ſums of money and other Preſents to Cardinal Pietro Colonna, to the end that with James his Unkle, a Cardinal of the ſame name, they might keep up the intereſt of France. On the other ſides, there were the Cardinals Ʋr [...] [...]o, Napoleone, and Mati [...]o, every one negotiating for himſelf, and with ſtedfaſt reſolution never to yield to one another. The Cardinals not being able to endure their reſtraint any longer in the Popes houſe, which was the place appointed for the Election, and obſerving things go on the pace of a Tortoiſe, that is, tediouſly ſlow, for as much as their animoſities continued, they left their apartment, went abroad into the City, ſome here, ſome there, into the moſt delectable places, following their pleaſures and recreations, and thinking of nothing leſs than the Election of his Holineſs.

The people of Perugia taking offence at all this, and having more affection for the publique good of the Church, than the Cardinals themſelves, who were Senators thereof, took up Armes immediately, and with threats obliged them to fir [...]t up themſelves in the Conclave, who were managers of the Ship of Saint Peter. The Cardinals fail'd not to be preſent at the place appointed, but perſiſting ſtill in their paſſion and pertinacity, the people not only put Guards upon them, to prevent all Communication without, but ſtreightned them in their diet, reducing their allowance to a ſmall volume, (as one may ſay) and threatning, that if within five dayes they did not finiſh the Election, they ſhould have nothing given them but Wine and Bread, which the people of Perugia did not ſpare to let them underſtand.

Cardinal Peter, mov'd by his hopes from the King of France, apply'd himſelf with the money he receiv'd from him, to corrupt the minds of ſuch as he knew were covetous of Gold, feeding them on with promiſes beſides; ſo that part of the Cardinals being faſt in thoſe Chains, and part of them intimidated by the threats of the Perugians, they agreed upon the Election of a Biſhop of Gaſcoign, and ſo Cardinal Colonna propoſing the Biſhop of Burdeaux, who was a great lover of the King of France, he was choſen by common conſent, and a Courier ſent poſt to him, (who was then at his Biſhoprick) to know what name he would carry; he reply'd, he would not change the name he was Baptiz'd with, which was Clement, and ſo he was accordingly publiſh'd to the people. After publication in the uſual place, the Cardinals diſpatch'd ſeveral Meſſengers to the New Pope, to intreat him to haſten his journey to Italy: But his Holineſs being inſtructed by the King of France, made anſwer, That the Flock was to follow the Shepherd, and not the Shepherd the Flock, commanding the Cardinals immediately to repair to him in France, and particularly in the City of Poictiers, as they did.

[Page]The transferring of the Apoſtolick See into France by Clement the 5th. diſpleas'd the Italians highly; ſo that Clement being dead, the Chair was vacant for two years and upwards, the Italian Cardinals not enduring a French Pope to be choſen, leaſt if the Italians ſhould fail, and the French increaſe, the reſidence ſhould be always in France. The Conclave was held in Lyons, but without the formality of being ſhut up, according to Gregories decree, for they went and came at their pleaſure.

The number of the Cardinals was 23, twelve French, and eleven Italian, the Italians would have the Pope purely Italian, or of any other Nation, but he ſhould promiſe to continue his reſidence in Italy. The French ſeeing themſelves more in number, and every day incouraged by their friends and allyes, ſtood firm to their principles, and would have none but a French Pope, which at length they obtain'd, by reaſon that the Conclave was held in France.

In this manner after ſo great a vacancy, Giacomo di Cahors Biſhop of Porto was created Pope by the name of John the 22. who as ſoon as he was created, departed from Lyons, and with his whole Court, took up his reſidence at Avignon, where he dy'd in the ninetieth year of his age, 1335. after he had reigned eighteen years.

The Cardinals loſt not ſo much time, to find a Succeſſor for John, as they did to make one for Clement; for the next week after they went into the Conclave at Avignon, they agreed to chooſe Fra. Giocomo Cardinal d [...]l Titolo di Santa Priſca, of the Family of du Four in France, he was a Ciſtercian Monk, though others believ'd him a Carmelite.

The cauſe why they came ſo ſoon to an accord, was no other, but becauſe the Italians underſtood very well the inability of their party, to contend with the French, who were reſolv'd to have the Pope of their Nation; beſides they growing by degrees to be acquainted, and pleas'd with the Country, and the humour and liberty of the French, they condeſcended with alacrity to what they muſt of force have conſented to (though for three year they had been of a contrary opinion) and the rather becauſe the ſaid Fra. Giacomo was worthily qualify'd for ſo honourable a dignity, which he receiv'd, if not with an univerſal, at leaſt with the applauſe of all France, and call'd himſelf Benedict the 12th. Clement the 6th. Innocent the 6th. and Ʋrban the 5th. were all French, and created at Avignon, and for the ſame reaſons almoſt their Conclaves were diſpatch'd, for which Benedicts was haſten'd.

In the year 1370. Peter Belforte of Lemouſin, who took the name of Gregory the Eleventh,, was created at Avignon likewiſe, who thought good to transfer the Apoſtolical Chair from Avignon back again to Rome, a thing almoſt incredible; for ſo many French Popes ſucceeding one another, they had ſo weakned and debilitated the Italian party, that there was no Italian Cardinals amongſt them all, and of the French there was more then twenty.

Several reaſons are alleag'd that mov'd Gregory to that reſolution, but particularly theſe following: The firſt was,, that he ſaw all Italy in arms, not only by the wars betwixt Venice and Genoa, but by a reſolution ſeveral Cities had then, to ſhake off the yoak of their ſervitude, and re-eſtabliſh themſelves in a ſtate of Liberty, which he believing to be occaſion'd by the abſence of the Pilot from the Veſſel of Rome, he began to think of re-ſetling his Pontifical reſidence in Italy. The ſecond was, reprehending one day a certain Biſhop (his familiar) that he left the Biſhoprick to follow the Court, the Biſhop confidently reply'd, And you who are Pope of Rome, why are you in France? Why do you give example to others to repair to their Churches.

Others will have it, that a Letter from Saint Bridget (upon whom his Holineſs look'd, as upon a true Saint) contributed much, in which ſhe advis'd him, as from God, to return to Rome. Be it which way it will, he gave order for twenty Gallies to be ready in the Rhone, pretending to go ſome whither elſe with them, becauſe he ſuſpected, that the French (who had ſo much advantage by the reſidence of his Court in France) would obſtruct it, if they had the leaſt notice of his removing the See to Rome. But indeed they took not the leaſt umbrage, or allarm at all the preparations which were made, as not imagining poſſible, a French Pope would put ſuch an affront upon his Nation. So as they had notice of it only when his Holineſs was at Sea, being paſt as far as Genoa, and from Genoa [Page] to Cornetto, where being weary of his Gallies, he made the reſt of his voyage by Land, and being arrived at Rome, he began to accommodate apt Medicines, and ſpecifical, to the Maladies of Italy.

But whilſt this good Pope was exerciſing his Paſtoral cure with extraordinary zeal; he dyed in the year 1280, of a great diſtemper in his Bladder, after he had reigned ſix years in France, and five in Italy.

After the death of this Pope, the Church began to be miſerably torn with new ſchiſms which began to ariſe betwixt the French and Italian Cardinals, each Nation chooſing its own Pope, in its own manner; the French not able to digeſt the affront they receiv'd from Gregory, in tranſporting the See from France into Italy, departing privately from Rome, they remov'd to Fondi, and being arriv'd there, they us'd many invectives and Satyrs againſt Ʋrban the ſixth, whom they had already, with the Italian Cardinals, Elected in Rome; they pretended they were forc'd to it by the people of Rome, otherwiſe it was was never their intention, to make an Italian Pope.

For theſe reaſons, the Chair (in their judgements) being vacant, by the favour of Joan Queen of Sicily, who was their friend, they choſe another Pope, which was Roberto a Cardinal, with the Title of the Holy Apostles, he was of Geneva, and particularly of the antient family of the Conti, in that City he took upon him the name of Clement the ſeventh. From Fondi, Clement remov'd with his Cardinals to Avignon, where he was adored by the French, and the Spaniard; theſe diſputes laſted a long while, the Legitimate Pope at Rome, and the Anti-Pope at Avignon, firing their Bulls upon one another, and ſending them forth into all parts of the world: the adherents of both ſides put forth ſeveral defamatory Libels, calling one another, Schiſmatick, Heretick, Tyrant, Thief, Traytor, wicked ſower of ſedition, Son of Belial, and ſuch ſtuff as that, of which there are two treatiſes extant at this day, one of them written by Doctor John de Ligni, in favour of Ʋrban, againſt Clement, and the other by the Abbot of San Vaſt, in favour of Clement againſt Ʋrban.

Whilſt Clement was contriving which way to remove the true Pope, who had his Reſidence in Rome, he dy'd in the year of our Lord 1392. and was buried in Avignon: he being dead, Boniface the 9th. who was Pope at that time in Rome, writ a fatherly Letter to the French Cardinals, exhorting them to deſiſt from their Schiſm, and return to their obedience to the Holy Mother the Church, of which he was the lawfull head: But the French laughing as it were at ſuch perſwaſions; choſe a Succeſſor to Clement, which was Pietro della Luna, who took the name of Benedict the 13th. who had argu'd very much in Clements juſtification, and that was the principal point upon which he was choſen by the Cardinals, who concluded, that he who defended anothers cauſe with ſuch ardour, would doubtleſs defend his own with more.

Whilſt this good Anti-Pope held his reſidence in Catalonia, particularly in the caſtle of Paniſcola, adminiſtring the Sacraments, and conferring of dignities, as if he had been the true Vicar of Chriſt, he was condemn'd (together with the Cardinals which Elected him) by the Authority of a General Councel.

Afterwards he aſſembled a Councel at Perpignan, where he created ſeveral Cardinals, and commanded them, after his death, to follow his Orders, which were to chooſe another Pope without looſing of time: and indeed they took his advice; for no ſooner was this Anti-Pope dead at Paniſcola, but the Cardinals choſe one Giles Mungos, a Canon of Barcellona in his place, calling him Clement the 9th. who at the inſtance of King Alfonſo, created Cardinals forthwith, and began to act in every thing, as the true Popes were wont to do.

But upon Pope Martin the 5th's accommodation with King Alfonſo, Giles (being commanded) renounc'd thoſe rights of the Papacy which were not his due, and was declar'd Biſhop of Majorca; and the Cardinals likewiſe which he had created, were forc'd to renounce the Cardinalitial dignity.

On the other ſide Ʋrban the 6th. being dead in Rome, after he had for eleven years manag'd the Popedom, with ſmall ſatisfaction (by reaſon of the Ruſticity and his ſeverity of his humour) either to the People or Clergy; the Cardinals obſerving the ſchiſm dayly to increaſe (that they might not leave the Church without a Shepherd any longer) [Page] they enter'd immediately into the Conclave, and created Boniface the 9th. in the three and thirtieth year of his age, who gave great demonſtration of his prudence, in the whole courſe of his Papacy.

He governed the Church 14. years and 9. months, in very troubleſome times, and dyed in the year 1405. The Cardinals fail'd not to ſupply him immediately with a Succeſſor, they call'd a Conclave out of hand, in which they remain'd not above four dayes, for after they had compos'd ſome ſmall differences there, they created Coſmo di Sulmona Pope, (who was Cardinal di Santa Croce) in a time when all Italy was in confuſion.

He would fain have been call'd Clement, but the Conſiſtory did not think it fit, the memory of the Anti-pope (who was call'd by that name) being ſo freſh, upon which ſcore he took the name of Innocent the 7th. but I know not whether properly, or not, he having amongſt variety of other vices, a very large ſtock of revenge: he was very eloquent notwithſtanding, and believ'd that by the ſuavity of his tongue, he could like another Mercury, bring the whole World over to his opinion. He liv'd but two years, and dy'd, leaving Italy in a very ill condition, for there being neither true Paſtor, nor Emperor in Chriſtendom, every Gentleman gave Laws as he pleaſed.

Whilſt Chriſtendom was lamenting the ruine which that Schiſm brought upon the Church, by having one Pope at Rome, and another at Avignon, both of them reverenc'd by ſeveral Nations, and both of them acknowledg'd true and lawfull Succeſſors of Saint Peter, though but one of them could be the Vicar of Chriſt: Three Princes in France, (who by reaſon of the Kings indiſpoſition did then govern that Kingdom) viz. the Dukes of Berry, of Burgundy, and Orleans, mov'd by their Chriſtian zeal, and a compaſſion they had for the ſufferings of the people, by reaſon of that inundation of Schiſm, they went all of them together to Pietro di Luna, (who was call'd Benedict the 13th.) to Avignon, beſeeching him that he would provide againſt this diſorder, by renouncing the Papacy; urging, that it was much better to have the publique intereſt take place, than the private, and the rather, becauſe he had promis'd at his Election, to lay down, whenſoever things ſhould be adjouſted with Rome.

To theſe Exhortations they added others, promiſing him, that that Pope which ſhould be made in Rome after Innocent, he ſhould do the like, becauſe thoſe who deſir'd the common benefit of Chriſtendom, or had the ſervice of God in their hearts, did believe, that if theſe two Favourites (one of France, and the other of Italy) were diſpoſſeſs'd of the power of the Keys, which they both exercis'd at the ſame time, as lawfull Succeſſors to Saint Peter, a third ought to be created, who ſhould be the certain and indubitate Pope.

To which Exhortations Benedict reply'd, that he did believe, he could not without offending of God Almighty, conſent to the Counſels propos'd, for his renouncing the Church, and abandoning the Flock of Chriſt, which by the common conſent of ſo many perſons, of ſo many good and worthy Electors, was committed to his cuſtody; being unwilling to bring a thing in queſtion, that he had ſo legally obtain'd: That for what reſpected the taking away of the Schiſm, and reſtoring concord to the Church, it pleas'd him very well, and he would condeſcend to it with all his heart, provided a ſecure place was choſen, in which every one might ſpeak his mind freely. For his own part he promis'd, (and affirm'd it with Oaths) that in caſe the Schiſm could not be taken away by any other means, than by renunciation of the Papacy, that he would renounce, upon condition the other at Rome would do the ſame, otherwiſe it was to no purpoſe to ſolicite it.

The Princes underſtood Benedicts mind, and how little he was diſpos'd to an accommodation; they began therefore as ſoon as they were departed out of his preſence, to deliberate among themſelves, of ſome way of bringing him over to their deſires. Benedict who was cunning in other things, apprehending ſome violence, fortify'd himſelf in his Palace, and was beſieg'd there the ſpace of five or ſix months: But being weary of being cloſe ſo long, he embarqu'd in the Rhone upon certain Gallies, (which he had caus'd to be put in order for ſuch an enterprize, whilſt he was beſieg'd in his Palace) and in them he eſcap'd into Catalonia, which was his own Country.

[Page]Some there are who will have it, that theſe Princes undertook to diſcourſe in this manner to Benedict, at the great inſtance and importunity of the French Cardinals, who hated the ſaid Benedict, becauſe he was a Catalonian, and not a Frenchman; beſides which there were other reaſons that render'd him odious, and particularly whilſt they were treating, after the death of Clement the Anti-pope, to chooſe a Cardinal of France, they could not agree among themſelves, ſo that to remedy that, they thought good to chooſe a third perſon, which was Benedict; as ſoon as he was created Anti-pope, to ſhew his zeal for the good of the Church, he began to make Laws for the reformation of abuſes, and many times he admoniſh'd the Cardinals to live with more Sanctity, and abſtain from Simony, otherwiſe he would have them puniſh'd ſeverely: In ſhort, he was outwardly as meek as a Lamb, but inwardly as rapacious as a Woolf: The Cardinals therefore not being able to endure his humour, they unanimouſly ſollicited theſe Princes, to put a remedy to the buſineſs, and prevail, that Benedict ſhould be depos'd, and another more worthy be elected Pope in his place.

The Italian Cardinals, and the Cardinals of other Nations which were preſent in Rome, after the death of Innocent, having obſerv'd the great negligence the three laſt Popes had uſed, and how little care they took to prevent the ruine which ſo long a Schiſm carry'd with it; beſides other evils they ſaw daily ſpringing in Chriſtendom. Being enter'd into the Conclave, in a place near Saint Peters, they ſwore all of them ſolemnly upon the Holy Evangeliſts, which their Dean held in his hand, that they would every one of them renounce the Papacy, if they were choſen, ſo that the French, or Catalonian Anti-pope, renounc'd his Anti-papacy firſt. The cauſe of this reſolution was to ſatisfie the French, who having introduc'd the cuſtome of creating of Popes according to their own mode, it ſeem'd impoſſible to turn them out of that way with reputation, unleſs the Italians reſolv'd to do the ſame; and the rather, becauſe Benedict declar'd, it would be in vain to think of a remedy for the ſcandal of the Church, without a renunciation of both the Popes; whereas if they renounc'd, another would be choſen out of the whole Colledge of Cardinals, that would be true and undoubted Pope, whom the Princes and the people would make no difficulty to obey.

In the year 1406. Angelo Corraro a Venetian, was created in Rome; he was Cardinal of Saint Mark, and took upon him the name of Gregory the 12th. before he came out of the Conclave, they made him promiſe in writing under the hand of the Notary, to obſerve what he had promis'd, and ſubſcrib'd with his own hand, and at laſt gave him an Oath; but the place where theſe two Popes were to meet (as we ſhall ſee by and by) being in diſpute, and they not like to come to an agreement, both Gregory and Benedict alleadging a thouſand difficulties, the French Cardinals reſolv'd to abandon Benedict, and the Italians Gregory, and to declare them breakers of their Faith. The Cardinals of Avignon, and of Rome both, being come to this reſolution, they met at Piſa, and by common conſent depriv'd Gregory, and Benedict too; all the reſt of the Nations concurring with them, but Catalonia and the hither part of Spain; (a ſtrange thing, the Spaniards who have been the greateſt Schiſmaticks in the World, are at preſent the zealouſeſt Catholicks in the Univerſe:) The King of Scots, and the Comte d'Armignac, were favourers of Benedict.

But in deſpight of their contradictions, the Cardinals reſolv'd by common conſent to create a Pope, who in ſuch calamitous times ſhould govern the Church of Chriſt with Holineſs and Piety; and accordingly they elected Pietro Filardo, a Minor Fryer, and Archbiſhop of Milan, who took upon him the name of Alexander the 5th. a name ſuitable with his actions, he being the moſt generous perſon, that perhaps ever was amongſt the Princes; for which reaſon it was pleaſantly ſaid by himſelf, that he was a rich Biſhop, a poor Cardinal, and a beggerly Pope. Gregory underſtanding the news of Alexanders creation, and the ſentence of the Cardinals againſt him and Benedict, fled towards Romagna, urging and inſiſting (where-ever he came) upon a General Council; he ſtay'd at Rimini for ſome time, where he was magnificently entertain'd by Carlo Malateſta.

Benedict after he had held a Council in the City of Perpignan, by the intervention of his own friends, he retir'd again for his greater ſecurity into his Caſtle of Paniſcola, [Page] where he had been a long time before. But though theſe two Anti-popes, had been depriv'd by the Council of Piſa, nevertheleſs they deſiſted not from their Eccleſiaſtical and Papal functions, creating of Cardinals, and particularly Gregory created Gabriel Condolmero Cardinal, who was afterwards Eugenius the 4th. as we ſhall ſhew in its proper place. He liv'd not above eight months Pope; after his death, the Cardinals aſſembled at Bologna, where Alexander dyed, and created Baltaſar Coſſa (a Neopolitan) Pope, who would be call'd John the 22. This Election, according to the opinion of ſeveral Writers, was violent and forc'd, becauſe the ſaid Baltaſar being Legate, not only of the Town, but the Province of Bologna, he had a certain number of Souldiers under his command, which as ſoon as Alexander was dead, he began to double and augment, from whence it was collected, that not being able to obtain it any other way, he did it in order to his Election to the Papacy: Be it as it will, he was created Pope, a Dignity he alwayes aſpir'd to, and that ſo ardently, that having ſtudied the Law for ſome time in his youth at Bologna, and having commenc'd Doctor, he departed for Rome; on the way he met with a Friend of his, who ask'd him whither he was going, he anſwer'd him immediately, I am going Brother to acquire the Papacy. Being come to Rome, he was made ſecret Chamberlain to Boniface the 9th. and a while after created Cardinal of Saint Euſtachius; he was ſent Legate to Bologna, which City, and the Country belonging to it, he reduc'd in a ſhort time to the obedience of the Church, and a great part of Romagna therewith, baniſhing and driving away ſome malefactors, and executing others. For the ſpace of nine years he gain'd great honour and authority in Toland, and a vaſt quantity of wealth. After Alexander was dead, he brib'd the Cardinals with his money, eſpecially thoſe poor ones which Gregory created, by which means he arriv'd at his ſo much deſir'd Papacy.

Chriſtendom being weary to ſee ſo many Schiſms on foot, was contriving which way to give eaſe to the Church, and therefore by the Orders of all Nations in Chriſtendom, John was cited to appear at a General Councel, to extinguiſh the ſaid Schiſms; he ſent two Cardinals immediately into Germany, to negotiate with the Princes of that Country, and of France, about election of a place proper for the celebration of ſo great a Councel. By the major part of the Nations Conſtance was pitch'd upon, as the moſt convenient city of all. At the time appointed they met, and John amongſt the reſt, though he had been diſſwaded by the ſobereſt of his friends, preſaging the danger he was in, of going a Pope, and returning a private perſon, as it happen'd.

For all this John would goe, and he carried along with him certain perſons excellent in all manner of learning, with whom he held the Germans for a long time in variety of diſputes, and a thouſand ambiguities and doubts to reſolve upon that which ought to be reſolved on. But Sigiſmund arriving at the ſame time, and free liberty being given of diſcovering other peoples defects; there were ſeveral great delinquencies objected againſt John, who being conſcious of their truth, and fearing corporal puniſhment, as well as to be depriv'd of the Papacy, he fled out of Conſtance in the diſguiſe of a footman, and retiring to Shaffuſen, a City belonging to Frederick Duke of Auſtria, whither ſeveral Cardinals of his creation fled alſo.

By the authority of the Councel, John being recited, he fled again from Shaffuſen to Fribourg, deſigning to throw himſelf under the protection of the Duke of Burgundy. But he was taken, and by Order of the Councel impriſon'd in the Iſle of St. Mark, near Conſtance, in the fifth year of his Pontificat. The Councel not ſuſpecting John's Eſcape, choſe certain grave and learned Judges, giving them authority to form diligent proceſs upon the actions and life of John: and to report his miſdemeanors to the whole body of the Councel: There were above forty Articles prov'd againſt him, ſome of them ſo ſmall, they might have been excus'd; but others there were would have beg [...]t great ſcandal to the church, if they ſhould have paſs'd unpuniſhed; and theſe were ſuch as declar'd him a Heretick, a Sodomite, a Murderer, a Simoniac, a Perjur'd perſon, a Blaſphemer, a Hypocrite, a Gameſter, an Adulterer, a Fornicater, a Poiſoner, an Uſurer, a Profaner, and ſo forth. Upon theſe conſiderations, all the Fathers concurring in the ſentence, John was legally depos'd, and the ſentence ſent to him to ſubſcribe, which, being in priſon, he willingly did.

[Page]That being done, he was deliver'd into the hands of Ludovico Bavaro (a great favourer of Gregory the 12th.) to be kept in ſafe cuſtody, till the Councel ſhould determine otherwiſe of him. Three years he continued a priſoner in the caſtle of Haldelberg, under no few afflictions; the greateſt of them all was, that he was not permitted to have any Italians to his ſervants, and the Souldiers that guarded him, being all Germans, they underſtood not one word that was ſpoken on either ſide, ſo as their diſcourſe was only by ſigns.

What manner of life this Pope had led, may be argued from his ſentence, which was given by thoſe only, who had been formerly of his parry, and had created him Pope; for thoſe who were of Gregory's and Benedicts faction, were not yet arriv'd at the Councel, and receiv'd the news of it upon the way. In this Councel a Decree was publiſh'd, by the Fathers which preſided, declaring that a General Councel lawfully aſſembled, was unqueſtionably above the Pope, and had its power immediately from Chriſts, and that therefore the authority of the Pope muſt needs be inferiour to theirs.

Gregory was reſolv'd not to be there himſelf, being ſo perſwaded by the Emperour Sigiſmond▪ and therefore he ſent Charles Malateſta, a very worthy perſon, in his name, who ſeeing all the Fathers of the Councel reſolv'd upon their ſentence, that Gregory ſhould renounce, got up publiquely upon the Seat, which was prepar'd for Gregory, and as if he had been preſent himſelf, having read the power he had from Gregory to renounce, he renounc'd the Papacy in his name, and declar'd him but a private perſon. For this prompt and liberal reſignation, Gregory was immediately declar'd Legat della Marca, and went to his charge; but he liv'd not long in his Office, dying at Ricanati, of pure diſcontent, becauſe Malateſta had made his renuntiation ſo ſoon, believing that if he had delay'd his renuntiation for a while, he might have found out ſome expedient, to have kept the ſacred Mantle upon his Shoulders. He dy'd therefore before the creation of Martin, and was buried in the church of Ricanati; and thus two Popes John and Gregory being taken out of the way, there remained a third ſtill, which was Pieter del Lnna, call'd by the name of Benedict the thirteenth, who made more difficulty of renouncing the Popedom than the other two; and becauſe he had declar'd that he would never conſent to the renuntiation, to make him do it by force; the Emperour Sigiſmond, with the Orators of the Councel, went in perſon to the Kings of France, and of England, perſwading them that they ought to be inſtrumental in the ſafety of Chriſtendom, and the eaſe and ſecurity of the church, which was to be done by forcing Benedict to renounce the Papacy, as the other two had done: Sigiſmond having received a ſatisfactory anſwer from theſe two Princes, he went to Narbon, diſcours'd perſonally with Ferdinand King of Arragon, whoſe Subjects, or at leaſt the greateſt part of them, paid obedience to Benedict. Amongſt the reſt, one of their reſolutions was, that Benedict ſhould be perſwaded with efficacious arguments, not to remain ſo untractable in reſolving to do that, which the other two had done: And if notwithſtanding, force of argument was not ſufficient to remove him from his pertinacity, that in ſuch caſe the King ſhould force his Subjects to deſert the ſaid Benedict, and follow whom the Council of Constance ſhould ordain; and accordingly he ſent a moſt eloquent Ambaſſador to him. But Benedict who found himſelf in a ſtrong place, and the people affectionate to him, ſuffer'd himſelf neither to be overcome, nor mov'd by their perſwaſions, alleaging ſtill for his anſwer, that he was the true Vicar of Chriſt, and that Constance was not a place convenient for the liberty of an Eccleſiaſtical Council, ſeeing that John had been condemn'd and depos'd from the Papacy, by thoſe very perſons who had been formerly his friends, and receiv'd him to the Pontifical Dignity.

The Princes of Spain obſerving the pertinacity of Benedict, concurr'd with the opinion of the Council, which was manag'd by five ſeveral Nations, viz. Italy, Germany, France, Spain, and England; all that theſe Nations had then done, was approv'd, and was publiſh'd by a Trumpet, or a publick Notary: As ſoon as by a general conſent all was confirm'd, and Benedicts cauſe had been diſcuſs'd, in this order and method, for ſeveral dayes; At laſt he was depos'd, and declar'd void of the Papacy; no reckoning being made of thoſe Nations which were abſent, and continued their obedience to him, as the Scots, and the Comte d'Armignac did. About this time John Hus, and Jerome of [Page] Pragne his Diſciple, were burnt and declar'd Hereticks, becauſe they aſſerted, that the Clergy ought in imitation of Chriſt, to be poor as he was, ſeeing that from affluence and ſuperfluity of riches, ſprung nothing but ſcandal to the people. If this opinion be Hereſie, I would be a Heretick, and dye a Martyr with all my heart, for I have alwayes believ'd, and alwayes ſhall, that the opulence of the Clergy, is the cauſe of their damnation.

All theſe things being ratifyed in the Council, the Fathers began to conſider of the Corruptions in the manners of the Clergy, and many there were of opinion, that certain Laws and Ordinances were to be eſtabliſh'd, for their reformation. But the greateſt part held it not fit, to meddle with that, in the vacancy of the See. Whereupon they fell upon the principal point, which was the Election of the Pope, and that, to give the Decrees of the Council the greater Authority. And to the end the Election ſhould be without the leaſt ſcruple or jealouſie, they concluded to chooſe ſix perſons of each Nation, to go into the Conclave, and give their Votes with the Cardinals. On the 8th. of November 1417. thirty two Cardinals enter'd the Conclave, with thirty others for the ſeveral Nations, which is ſix apiece; and the Church having been four years with ſo many Popes, and never a true one, contrary to the judgement and deſires of all people; on the 11th. of the ſame month, which was the Feaſt of Saint Martin, about three in the morning, Cardinal di San Gregorio (call'd Oddo Colonna before) was created Pope, with great joy and ſatisfaction to every body. The Emperor Sigiſmond, tranſported [...]e tydings, without conſideration of his Dignity, went immediately into the Con [...]d having given thanks to the Electors, who in the great neceſſity of the Church [...] [...] made ſo good an Election, he threw himſelf at his Holineſs's feet, and kiſs'd them. The Pope embrac'd him, and ſeem'd to treat him as his Brother; he gave him thanks [...]ile, that he by his induſtry had been the occaſion that the Church, after ſo many t [...]peſts and wrecks, was brought ſafe home into her harbour of repoſe. Martin would [...]ds be [...] by that name, becauſe his Election happen'd upon that Saints day; and [...] expreſs'd himſelf another Martin, in his zeal for the Government of the Flock of Chriſt, giving place neither to reſt, nor to ſleep, but devoted to his buſineſs wholly; [...]e heard, he approv'd, he perſwaded, he diſſwaded, he encourag'd, and deterr'd, ſuch as had buſineſs with the Apoſtolical See, according as he was convinc'd the deſires of the Agents were honeſt or diſhoneſt; many times turning himſelf to ſuch as had Governments in their hands, he cry'd, Diligite juſtitiam, qui judicatis terram. And certainly the Church of God at that time had great need of ſo skilfull a Pilot, who with the Rudder in his hand, ſhould conduct the Ship of Saint Peter, toſs'd and tumultuating in ſo many Seas of Schiſm and Sedition; and he did it with that zeal and affection, which ſo eminent a dignity requires.

That which was the greateſt affliction to the new Pope was, to ſee that there was yet one head of the Schiſmatical Hydra remaining, which was Benedict di Luna, who with certain Cardinals and Prelates, had ſhut up himſelf in Paniſcola, as in a Rock of Schiſm, and ſo much the more, becauſe there were ſeveral of the people of Aragon, who continued doubtfull whether they ſhould incline to the Orders of the Council, and acknowledge Martin to be Head of the Church, or purſue their opinion of Benedict. By the judgement of the Council therefore, the new Pope ſent a Legate to Aragon, which was the Cardinal di Fiorenza, a German, and a learned man, to the end that under pain of Eccleſiaſtical Cenſures, he ſhould in due form admoniſh Pietro di Luna, that he ſhould lay down the Papacy, and not run himſelf into the diſpleaſure of the Council, and of ſo many Chriſtian Princes. The Cardinals which were with Peter, underſtanding the ultimate reſolution of the Pope, and the Council, and ſeeing their deſtruction at hand if they perſiſted in their pertinacity, they went all together to ſupplicate Peter, that he would put an end to the Schiſms in the Church, ſeeing that for the benefit of Chriſtendom, Gregory and John were already contented to lay down their pretenſions. Peter reply'd with his uſual cunning, with which he was abundantly provided, that it was not a time to do it then; but that he would come to an agreement with Martin, if that which was reported of the goodneſs and integrity of his manners, ſhould be true; and of that, they ſhould leave the thoughts to him, and not trouble themſelves at all. Theſe Cardinals that were ſpeaking with Luna were four, two of which, obſerving his reſolution [Page] to continue the Schiſm ſtill longer, left him, and came in to Martin. The other two followed the perverſneſs of Peter. But in ſhort all Spain ſubmitted to the authority of Martin, by whoſe example the Scots and Armignacks were induc't to do the ſame, and with them, the whole Chriſtian Commonwealth, except only Paniſcola, which remain'd divided.

The affairs of the Church being thus made quiet, and ſerene, by the diligence of all the Chriſtian Princes, as well ſecular as Eccleſiaſtick, and particularly by the Emperor Sigiſmond, who took no ſmall pains in the buſineſs, They began to canvas, and conſider of the licentious manners of the Clergy, and ſeculars both, and to propoſe certain ways of Reforming them. But becauſe the Councel had been already of above four years duration; Martin obſerving them all to be tyred, and the Prelates to have ſuffered a thouſand inconveniences, he was contented by the unanimous conſent of the Fathers to put it off, till a more convenient time, in which they might diſcourſe of the ſaid reformation more fully: It being true (as Jerome ſaid) that every Province having a peculiar inclination, it was impoſſible eaſily to reconcile them. Beſides Martin knowing very well that that Schiſm proceeded from a ſmall inconſiderable occaſion, and laſted with ſo much miſery to Chriſtendom ſo long, and underſtanding moreover the news of the flight of John the 23. he was jealous leaſt it ſhould give a foundation to another Councel, and therefore publiſh'd this Decree upon the calling of Councels, viz. that the Councel of Conſtance being determin'd, they ſhould not hold another till the ſpace of five years were run out, upon any account whatſoever, and that after that, they ſhould ſtay ſeven years more, and after that ten more, and ſo after every ten years, they might be aſſembled in ſome convenient place, to conſider of things appertaining to faith, and the Chriſtian Commonwealth; and to the end that this Decree might be invigorated, and in force, Martin would have it confirm'd by a Bull, and authenticated in the uſual form: and beſides, that every one might know how well he was inclin'd to the meeting of Councels, and to take away thoſe ſuſpicions, which ſome people would have conceiv'd, of the rectitude of his mind, he declar'd, by the conſent of the whole Councel of Conſtance, Pavia to be a proper place, and accordingly he ſent out his Briefs every way, and it follow'd in the month of April the next year. At length being deſirous to put an end to the Councel, in the year 1418. he made a publique Aſſembly, after which by common conſent, but eſpecially of Sigiſmond, Ibaldo Cardinal of San Vito, by Order from his Holineſs pronounc'd theſe words of diſmiſſion, Domini ite in pace, and therewithall, all of them had liberty to depart to their houſes. In the mean time the Pope was intreated by the Emperour firſt of all, to remain in Germany for a while, and afterwards he was invited by the Princes of France to retire into thoſe parts; But Martin excus'd himſelf to them all, demonſtrating that he could not do it, by reaſon that the Patrimony of Saint Peter, which was in Italy, did ſuffer much by the abſence of the Pope, and Rome, the head of the Chriſtian Religion, was (as being without a Paſtor) involv'd in ſuch civil ſeditions, as caus'd the Churches of the Saints to go utterly to ruine, for which reaſon it was neceſſary for him to haſten his journey to Rome, as indeed he did, travelling by Milan as the neareſt way.

He was Pope 14 years, and died of an Apoplexy the 20. of Febr. 1421. The firſt of March the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave, with a general agreement to chooſe Gabriel Condulmera, a Venetian, Pope, who in his Legation della Marca, given him by Pope Martin, gave great eſſays of his prudence, in the correction of thoſe, who under pretence of ill Miniſters, had rebell'd againſt the Church. Before their entrance into the Conclave, things ſeem'd not a little imbroil'd, one part of the Cardinals pretending to Elect Cardinal Ceſarino, another propos'd Anthonio Caſſino, both of them perſons of greater parties than parts. But thoſe kind of projects remain'd without; for as ſoon as they were enter'd the Conclave, in the firſt ſcrutiny, which follow'd the very next day after their entrance, Condulmera was choſen Pope, by the conſent of all but 3 in 40. which was the number in the Conclave: This was the moſt expeditious and peaceable Election that had ever happen'd before; for it is certain, there was never any Pope choſen in the firſt ſcrutiny but he. Being demanded what name he would be call'd by, he took a little time to reſolve them, and deſiring to retire into a private place, he ſtaid [Page] there a conſidering above half an hour, from whence ſome of the Cardinals took occaſion to ſay, That it was eaſier for them to chooſe a Pope, than for him to chooſe a Name. Some there were that believ'd, that he would draw lots for his Name, as if the goodneſs of the perſon conſiſted in his Name; it is ſufficient that about half an hour after, he came forth, and declar'd he would be call'd Eugenius the 4th. The People receiv'd the Election with great applauſe, but a while after, taking diſguſt, they took up Armes againſt him, and he was forc'd out of Rome, in the habit of a Monk, to eſcape the fury of the people.

There were many accidents which happen'd in the Papacy of Eugenius, in which he commonly remain'd Victor; He chaſtis'd thoſe Cardinals who under the name of the Council, endeavour'd to depoſe him. In the Wars he was alwayes neutral, and unconcern'd, and it was he who drew over the Jacobites to the Chriſtian Faith: But that which afflicted him moſt, was to ſee that he had loſt the obedience of the Germans, which happen'd in this manner. Philip de Florentini had taken a prejudice againſt Eugenius, becauſe it was he, that had caus'd Sforza to be ſent into the ſervice of the Venetian; to be reveng'd, he fell in treaty with thoſe who were aſſembled in the Council of Baſi, to cite Eugenius, which they did three ſeveral times; and becauſe Eugenius refus'd to appear, and his deſign did not take, he made him be declar'd diveſted of the Papacy, and got Amadeo Duke of Savoy, his Father-in-Law, to be created in his place, who liv'd then in the company of ſome Gentlemen in Ripalta, like a Hermit.

Amadeo having receiv'd the news of this new Election, which was made by 26 Cardinals, after he had caus'd himſelf to be ſhav'd, ſtript of his Hermitical habit, and taken upon him the name of Felix, he went immediately for Baſil, accompanied with a multitude of the Gentry of his own Country: where being arriv'd and conſecrated, he began to exerciſe the functions of a Pope, ordaining, confirming, conſecrating adminiſtring the Sacraments, excommunicating, creating Cardinals and Biſhops, granting pardons and indulgences, and in ſhort deporting himſelf as he had been Pope indeed.

By reaſon of this Schiſm, great ſeditions were hatch'd in the Church, the Chriſtians dividing themſelves into three factions, one was for Felix, another for Eugenius, and a third being neuter, was for neither of the two; one ſide maintain'd, that the Pope was to be inferiour to a Council, another aſſerted the contrary; and there wanted not others who deny'd the greateſt part of the Popes Authority, making a diſpute, whether he ſhould be call'd the Head of the Church, or not.

About this time Eugenius dyed, on the 23. of February 1496. after whoſe death the King of Aragon diſpatch'd Ambaſſadors to the Sacred Colledge, to aſſure them, that they need not have any apprehenſion of him, he being reſolv'd to give them aſſiſtance upon occaſion, in the Election of a Pope, to which he did exhort the Cardinals. At the ſame time Cardinal Capuano arriv'd at Rome, a perſon of great worth, and whom the people cry'd up, as a fit perſon to be choſen Pope: But the opinion of the people, and of the Colledge, did not agree, in which there were very few for Capuano's Election. It was order'd that the Conclave ſhould be kept in the Church della Minerva, though the Canons oppos'd it, ſo that the obſequies of Eugenius being over, the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave; the command of their Guards was given to the Ambaſſador of the Order of Saint John, which is as much as to ſay, of the Knights of Malta, then of Rhodes; but the Keys were kept by the three Archbiſhops, of Ravenna, Aquileia, and Sermoneta beſides the Biſhop of Ancona. When the Cardinals were entring into the Conclave, many of the Roman Barons came to them, and Gio. Battista Savelli amongſt the reſt, pretending a right they had to be preſent at the Election: But they were refus'd, and made ſenſible, that they had not now the ſame reaſon for that, as in former times they had had.

There were but 18. Cardinals in the Conclave, though there were 23. living, ſo that the two thirds came to be 12. thoſe of the firſt Scrutiny which was made, divided their Votes in 10. Cardinals, and therefore that Scrutiny being void, another was made the next day, in which Cardinal Proſper Colonna had 10. voices, and Cardinal Firmano 8. This gave ſome ſmall addition to the opinion people had of Colonna, many believing him certainly to be Pope, eſpecially when they ſaw he wanted but two voices. The next day [Page] they came to a third Scrutiny, and the 8. voices were divided, they having propos'd ſome perſons without the Conclave, yet the 10. voices for Colonna were entire. From whence Cardinal Firmano (who defended Colonna's party) taking courage, he began to cry out: Let us loſe no more time in vain, in theſe conteſts, ſeeing the Church is ſo great a ſufferer by them; let us open our eyes (I beſeech you) which are ſeal'd up as it were by particular paſſion, and look upon the evils impending: Behold Rome is divided into two factions; the French County declar'd our Enemy; the Schiſm of Amadeo Duke of Savoy, is grown ſtronger by our differences; the King of Aragon threatens us with his Armies: and why then do we loſe time? why do we not reſiſt theſe evils, by giving a Paſtor to the Spouſe of Chriſt? why do we not e [...]ct Cardinal Proſper Colonna, who wants but two voices, and is a perſon qualify'd with virtue for ſo honourable a charge?

The Cardinal Bologneſe, being moved by theſe perſwaſions, roſe up to go to Colonna, and give him his voice; which Cardinal Tarentino obſerving, pluck'd him by the ſl [...]eve, and ſaid, Stay a while, not in ſuch haſt; a buſineſs of this importance requires time, and maturity of counſel; we are now deliberating about the Election of Gods Vice-gerent upon Earth, a Shepherd for the whole Flock of Chriſt, and a Governour of the Univerſe, and ſhall we precipitate in this manner? Cardinal Aquilegienſe reply'd, Your words, Cardinal Tarentino, do import as if you would make a Pope o [...] your own, and wreſt the Papacy out of the hands of Colonna: Explain your ſelf then, who is it you would have Pope? Bologneſe, reply'd Tarentino; and I the ſame, ſaid Aquiligienſe. Cardinal San Six [...]o went towards the Cardinal Bologneſe, and ſaid, Thomas I make you Pope, it is appointed this day that we celebrate the Vigils of Saint Thomas; upon which words there was a common cry of all the Cardinals, We will have no other Pope, but Thomas Sarzana da Luna Biſhop of Bologna, who was nam'd by San Sixtus, and ſo with a general acclamation he was made Pope.

This Cardinal was ſo modeſt, that in the preſence of them all, he declar'd himſelf unworthy of ſo great a charge, beſeeching the Cardinals that they would fix their eyes upon ſome body, that might be more able to do the Church ſervice than he; to which Cardinal Tarentino reply'd, that he ought not to withſtand the pleaſure of the Holy Ghoſt, who had directed his Election; he ſubmitted thereupon to the will of the Lord, and took upon him the name of Nicholas; every one admiring to ſee him Pope, who never aim'd at it at all, and thoſe remain Cardinals, who fancy'd they were already created.

It is ſcarce credible with how much zeal this Pope began his Paſtoral Cure, he ſpent the greateſt part of the night, in ruminating and conſidering of a way, to extinguiſh the Schiſm of the Anti-pope, to which he by ſeveral reiterated inſtances preſs'd the Emperor Frederick; who (being willing likewiſe to do any thing for the ſatisfaction of his Holineſs) forc'd Felix to renounce the Papacy, which he did in the year of our Lord 1449. about two years after Nicholas was created: however Nicholas us'd Amadeo with this courteſie, that he made him Cardinal, and Legate of Germany, that he might not be deſtitute of Dignity, in regard of the Nobility of his Family, which was reckon'd amongſt the principal of Europe, as it is eſteem'd at this preſent. For the aboliſhment of this Schiſm, and of ſo pleaſing an agreement, the people and Clergy all Italy through made no ſmall expreſſion of their joy, ſhewing their thankfulneſs with Bone fires, and Proceſſions, eſpecially in Rome.

This depoſal of Felix was very diſpleaſing to the poor of Germany, for he was certainly one of the moſt charitable perſons living: Being one day deſir'd by certain Ambaſſadors, to ſhew them his Hounds, he reply'd, that they ſhould not fail to ſee them the next day; the time, and the Ambaſſadors being come, the good Felix (who was then Don Amadeo) ſhew'd them a multitude of poor Beggars, all of them ſet down at his Table, telling them, Behold theſe are my Hounds, which I daily feed, and do hope by following them, to be carry'd to glory everlaſting; (many Princes of theſe dayes would have need of ſuch an example.) He liv'd Anti-pope nine years, although he was very old, having ſeen his Grand-ſons marry with the Daughters of Kings. After his renuntiation, he liv'd but a few months, and dyed in Ripalta, though others ſuppoſe in Luſana, [Page] where it is believed he was buried, becauſe he has a fine Tomb of excellent Marble there, at this day.

Felix his Schiſm being compos'd in this manner, and the Cardinals elected by him, confirm'd by Nicholas, they all embrac'd one another, obliging themſelves, both the Cardinals created by Nicholas, and they who were created by Felix, for the future to a Religious concord, and to look nearer into the duties of their Dignity, and the inconvenience the Church had receiv'd, by their differences and diſputes, ſwearing to one another, after a true reſentment of what was paſt, a firm reſolution of moderating their private paſſions in the Conclaves, and not to expoſe the honour and quiet of the Church any more. They promis'd moreover, that they would not only endeavour to put the Popedom, in the time of the vacancy of the See, into the hands of a deſerving perſon, and one capable of exerciſing an Office of that Grandeur, but that they would haſten the finiſhing of the Conclave, to the utmoſt of their power, that the people might not have time to embarque themſelves in any miſchievous deſign, and that the Princes might not be oblig'd to put their hands to the Work, becauſe they, being troubled to ſee the diſ-union amongſt the Eccleſiaſticks encreaſe, were uniting themſelves to give a remedy to the Schiſm.

After the death of Nicholas the 5th. which happen'd in the year 1455. (as it were with extreme grief which he conceived to ſee the City of Constantinople fall into the hands of the Enemies of the Goſpel) it was apparent that all which the Cardinals had promis'd, was with their mouths only, and not with their hearts; for the Cardinals being enter'd in the uſual form (though with a ſmall number but of 28.) into the Conclave, they began immediately to divide, not as Brothers, but Enemies, making four factions, that the election of the Pope might be ſure to be difficult, eleven of them pretending to the Papacy themſelves, and yet there were but 15 for any one; ſo that by this means there were two ſcrutinies ineffectual; after this there began ſtrong practices in the behalf of Cardinal Beſſarione, of Conſtantinople, a Grecian, who was one of the chief, which had oppos'd themſelves againſt the Latine Church, he had diſputed much againſt Purgatory, unleaven'd bread, and againſt the very perſon of the Holy Ghoſt, who he maintain'd, proceeded from the Father alone, and not from the Father and Son.

Cardinal Bettone, Archbiſhop of Avignon, being advic'd of this, and diſcovering the two thirds of the Cardinals declar'd in the deſign, he fail'd not to uſe his utmoſt endeavour to fruſtrate that Enterpriſe, and with great zeal he expreſt himſelf in words like theſe. Most illuſtrious Lords, what? ſhall we make a Pope upon a preſent appearance only, without reflection on what is paſt, or whats to come? ſhall we prefer a Grecian to the Latine Church, and establiſh a Neophite in the higheſt place of the Vatican? who is it that can aſſure us his converſion is true? heterodox opinions in matters of Religion, though renounc'd and alter'd with the tongue, do yet leave a muddineſs and diſturbance upon the heart? ſhall we give the Keys of Heaven to him, who for ſo many years; and with ſo many arguments, deny'd there was a Purgatory? ſhall we make him head of the Catholick Church, who oppos'd it with ſo much audacity? Is it poſſible our Church of Rome ſhould be ſo poor, and indigent, that there cannot be one perſon found out, who was born in her boſom, and is worthy of the Government of the Flock of Chriſt? what will the reſt of the Nations ſay, to ſee us goe up and down, begging our Popes of this Country and of that? Rouze up your zeal moſt noble Companions, and permit not a thing ſo ſcandalous in the Church of Christ? this I am ſure of, he which is a friend to Chriſtianity, will not give his voice for ſuch a Pope.

Theſe words being ſpoken with great energy, had ſuch an effect upon the hearts of the Cardinals, that they began to change their deſigns, and place them upon Cardinal Alphonſo Borgia of the City of Valenza in Spain, a perſon of great experience in Politick affairs, and of maturity in reſpect of his age. The uſual ſcrutiny being made, the ſaid Cardinal was choſen Pope, and took the name of Caliſto the 3d. verifying the Prediction of Beato Vincenzo, who upon his death-bed prognoſticated, that not long after his death, a Countryman of his of Valenza ſhould ſucceed in the Papacy.

Caliſto lived three years, and died the ſixth of Auguſt 1458. and on the 20th. of the ſame month, Cardinal Aeneas Piccolomini of Siena was created Pope, by 18 Cardinals [Page] which were preſent in that Conclave, in which there were but two Competitors for the Papacy viz. Cardinal Rotomagenſis, and Aeneas aforeſaid: ſo that for the four dayes time in which it was debated in the Conclave, they had no other difficulty but to make choice either of the one, or the other of theſe two; becauſe Pietro Barbo, and the Cardinal of Pavia, who likewiſe made ſome pretenſions, were excluded at the firſt. But that which was moſt curious, and worthy to be remembred, was to ſee each of theſe two perſons, driving on his own promotion, magnifying his own virtues, and debaſing the qualifications of his adverſary. Rotomagenſis in this manner went from one Cardinal to another, and ſaid, What have you to doe with Aeneas? what reaſon is it that moves you to think him worthy of the Papacy? what paſſion is it that blinds you, ſo as to confer an Office of that Majeſty and importance, upon a Gou [...]y Beggar▪ how can he that is poor and infirm himſelf, relieve, or ſupport the Church, which is as weak, as infirm, and as poor as he? Where is his learning? where is his knowledge? will you make him a Pope, becauſe he is a Poet? It is not long ſince he came out of Germany, and who can aſſure you but he may have thoughts of transferring the See into Germany? for my part I ſhould not have ambition'd it, if I had not ſeen a perſon ſtand for it, of much weaker parts than I am? I am the antienter Cardinal of the two, for it is ſcarce two years ſince he was made a Cardinal, and in my Conſcience there is none of you but knows, I have Learning and Parts enough to govern the Church of Chriſt very well, to the Government of which, learning and parts are abſolutely neceſſary? Beſides all this, I am of Royal Extraction, and have friends, faculties, and wealth, wherewithall to accommodate, and alleviate the neceſſities of the Church: and laſt of all, you your ſelves will have advantage by my Election, by reaſon of the many Benefices I hold, which upon my renuntiation will be divided amongst you.

Thr Cardinal of Avignon, an audacious, raſh, and avaricious perſon was there, in favour of Cardinal William Rotomagenſis, whoſe intereſt he purſu'd with all imaginable zeal, not ſo much as he was a Frenchman, as becauſe upon his promotion, he pretended the Church of the ſaid William, his Pallace, and Chancery: He aſſembled therefore ſeveral Cardinals in a Houſe of Office, as in a private and ſecret place, and began with many fair promiſes to inveigle them into the Net, and taking an Oath of each of them, he agreed with them about the way Rotomagenſis was to be choſen. The buſineſs was held as good as done; nor was there any thing expected but day, to meet in the chapel about the Scrutiny. Cardinal of Bologna ſeeing things at this paſs, went to Cardinal Aeneas after midnight, and ſpake thus to him: I am come to bring you news, that the Pope is made; that ſeveral Cardinals having met privately in the neceſſary houſe, they have determin'd among themſelves to make Rotomagenſis Pope, as will follow as ſoon as a is day. For my part I am reſolved to have a care of coming again into the nooſe, having experimented already, how inconvenient it is to have a Pope to ones Enemy; and this I can ſay from Caliſto the 3ds. kindneſs, who never look't upon me with a good eye, for having spoke againſt his Election. My advice is therefore, that you put your own things in order, that you get up immediately out of your bed, and tender your ſervice to Rotomagenſis, as you deſire not to have him your Enemy. Aeneas loſt not his courage at the tydings, but animating himſelf rathe [...] the more, he reply'd, Avoid Satan! ſeeing you come hither [...]ut to give that deviliſh counſel to me, which you have taken your ſelf: Keep therefore ſuch Councels to your ſelf, my conſcience does not ſerve me to chooſe a perſon, who to my knowledge is not only not [...], but the moſt unworthy of all. God keep me from falling into ſo great a crime; and if [...]thers ſhall chooſe him, let it lye upon them to give an accompt of it at the latter day. I know well enough how inconvenient it is, not to have the Pope to be ones friend, but yet [...]i [...] much better to have the Pope than God Almighty to ones enemy. He will not take away my life ſure, becauſe I gave him not my Vote; I believe he will leſſen my diet, de [...]y me my Penſions, baniſh me his preſence, and never conſider me in my diſtreſſes. Why? in Poverty I have been hardned, I have liv'd in poverty till now, and in poverty I will die. He will not take away my Muſes, who are my greateſt refreſhment; In ſhort, I trust in God for the reſt, who will never ſuffer the Church, his Spouſe, to fall into the hands of ſo impure and laſcivious a perſon. The goodneſs of God will not endure that Vatican to be turn'd into a Den of Thieves, and an infamous receptacle of Harlots, which has hitherto been the habitation of ſo many holy and religious Popes. If the Holy Ghoſt makes the Pope, he will not be the man; [Page] if the Devil makes him, let him give his conſent that has a mind to▪t. The power of the Conſpirators will vaniſh, the deſign being laid in ſo ſordid a place. In the morning, by the Grace of God, it will be ſeen, whether the Pope be made by the combination of men, or the inſpiration of Heaven; and if you be a good Chriſtian, as well as a zealous Cardinal, you will not give your vote for one, who is a perfect member [...]f the Devil.

In the morning early Aeneas went to Cardinal Roderigo a Spaniard, and one of the Conſpirators for Rotomagenſis, who had receiv'd a promiſe in writing from the ſaid Rotomagenſis, and the Cardinal Avignon, that the Chancellorſhip ſhould not be taken from him. He excus'd himſelf to Aeneas that he had concurr'd, becauſe he did certainly believe he would be choſen, and he was unwilling to hang off and loſe his Chancellorſhip. But Aeneas return'd him this anſwer. And will you then ſell your Vote? and by the ſin of Simony, run your ſelf into the diſpleaſure of God? do you take ſo little care then, to obtrude a youth upon the Vatican, and one that is an Enemy to your Nation? Oh blindneſs! Oh folly! will you give credit to the words of a perſon of no credit? know that the Chancellorſhip, which is promis'd ſo faithfully to you, is promis'd likewiſe and confirm'd to the Cardinal of Avignon; ſo that for you, there will be nothing left but the bare policy; for, it can never be, that a French Pope will do more for a Spaniard, than for one of his own Nation. But if he ſhould give you the Chancellorſhip, which never will be, the worm of Conſcience will be ſtill gnawing at your heart, as oft as you remember, that you concurr'd to the giving ſuch a Vicar to the Church of Chriſt. In ſhort, if you will not have an eye to the Chriſtian Religion, to the intereſts of the Church▪ nor to the honour of Chriſt, have at leaſt ſome care and compaſſion for your own reputation.

Such was the contumacy and indignation of Roderigo Borgia, that he gave him not a word; ſo Aeneas departed to find out the Cardinal of Pavia, who was one of the Conſpirators likewiſe, and having found him, he accoſted him in this manner. I am inform'd of your reſolution to chooſe Rotomagenſis Pope, which I could never have believ'd▪ as eſteeming you another perſon, than it ſeems you are: You ought to be aſham'd, to degenerate ſo much from Cardinal Brando, your Ʋnkle, who with ſo much labour and ſweat, tyr'd himſelf out to transfer the Pontifical Court from Germany to Rome; and you that are his Nephew, would tranſport it from Italy into France; it must neceſſarily be believ'd, that Rotomagenſis will never give the Italians the precedence before the French, and you that are an Italian, will confederate ſooner with France, than your own Country; what a ſad thing Italy will be without a Pope? what light can we ſee, without that light? and have you the heart to be inſtrumental, with your authority and counſel, to deprive us of the greatneſs and ſplendor of ſuch a Guide? if he ſhould ſtay ſtill in Italy, what a ſhame would it be to ſee her enſlaved to a Foreign Lord? must Italy therefore, who is the Queen of all other Nations, beg her Monarchs from amongſt them? can you have the heart to ſee your ſelf a ſlave to the French, when it is in your power to make the French obedient to our Nation? is it not enough that you have had experience of the Catalonians, but that you must try the French too? who perhaps when you think least of it, will make himſelf Maſter both of Sicily, and all the Cities and Fortreſſes belonging to the Church; and the rather, the example of Caliſto being ſo freſh, who gave his Countrymen the Catalonians, his utmoſt aſſiſtance to get poſſeſſion of all.

Cardinal Pavia reply'd, (but with a very low voice) that he did not believe the French had any thoughts againſt the profit and advantage of the Church, they having given with ſo much generoſity, the greateſt part of the Provinces it poſſeſs'd, and they would not probably take that away, which they had given ſo lately; to which Aeneas reply'd thus: But ſuppoſe that ſhould be, ought it not to ſtir up your heart against Rotomagenſis, to conſider the infamy of his manners? are you not aſham'd to chooſe a man Pope, given to laſciviouſneſs, and of ſo unconſtant a mind? do you not abhor to prepare ſuch a Bridegroom for the Spouſe of Chriſt? and to recommend the innocent Flock of Chriſt, to the tuition of a ravenous Woolf? where is your juſtice? where is your conſcience? where is your zeal to God? where is your prudence? how are you ſo much alter'd from your ſelf? you have told me many times, you would ſooner dye, and endure Martyrdom, than give your Voice for Rotomagenſis, knowing the wickedneſs of his nature; and yet now you make him Pope in deſpight of your knowledge? what is the reaſon of ſo great a chang [...]? is he in the [Page] twinkling of an eye become an Angel of a Devil? or are you become a Devil of an Angel? Pavia was aſtoniſh'd at theſe words, and wept (I know not whether for ſorrow or diſdain) but fetching a deep ſigh he reply'd, 'Tis true indeed Aeneas all that you ſay, but I have past my word to make Rotomagenſis Pope, and if I do it not, I ſhall be held infamous, and a Traitor. To which Aeneas anſwered: As far as I ſee, things are reduc'd into ſuch a ſtate, that which way ſoever you turn you, you cannot ſcape the blemiſh of a Traitor, it is in your power yet to chooſe whether you will betray Italy and your Country, and be true to Rotomagenſis, or betray him, and be faithful to your Country and Italy.

Cardinal Pavia was overcome by theſe words, and took a reſolution to betray Rotomagenſis, as the leſſer evil of the two; and therefore meeting with Cardinal Pietro di Santa Maria Nova, and other Italian Cardinals in the Cardinal of Genoa's Chamber, they altogether began to contrive the deſtruction of Rotomagenſis pretenſions, reſolving to prefer Aeneas Piccolomini before any body elſe.

Seven Cardinals there were of this opinion▪ who paſt their words to one another, and ingaged before his Divine Majeſty, to do nothing to the contrary: Cardinal Aeneas was againſt his own Election, as thinking himſelf unworthy, and declaring that he believ'd all the other Italian Cardinals very fit, except Cardinal Rotomagenſis a Frenchman whom he excluded.

How great the ambition of Rotomagenſis was, was viſible even in the Scrutiny, for being timerous and fearful things would not happen as he expected, ſeeing Cardinal Aeneas going towards the Schedule, he ſaid to him with an humble and ſubmiſſive voice, Aeneas I recommend my ſelf to thee, remember me I beſeech thee, and have compaſſion on me. Aeneas anſwer'd him only thus, Poor worm, thou miſtak'ſt in recommending thy ſelf to me. His ambition was moreover conſpicuous in the prayers he went mumbling about, yet ſo, as his neighbours might underſtand them, lifting up his eyes, and his voice to heaven, and joyning his hands he cry'd out, Deus propitius eſto mihi peccatori. The Scrutiny being publiſh'd, it appear'd that Aeneas had three voices more than Rotomagenſis, but they could not obtain their two thirds: however what was done, aſtoniſh'd the French Cardinals, and gave great incouragement to the Italian.

Cardinal Bertone and San Siſto to hinder the acceſſion, roſe up, and pretended to go to the Houſe of Office, in hopes that others would have follow'd, but ſeeing no body come after them they return'd to their places. The Cardinals Roderigo, and Santa Anaſtaſia in the mean time declar'd Aeneas with a loud voice, which Cardinal Proſper Colonna obſerving, being ambitious to have the honour of making the Pope, for as much as there wanted but one voice, he aroſe, took his way towards Aeneas, and though he was hinder'd and reſtrain'd by Cardinal Niceno, and Rotamagenſis nevertheleſs without regarding their violence, or that he had given his vote for Rotomagenſis, he cry'd aloud, I joyn my ſelf to Cardinal Aeneas, and do make him Pope: which being heard by the reſt of the Cardinals, without more adoe, they threw themſelves down at Aeneas his feet, ſaluted him Pope, and confirm'd the Election afterwards, with the uſual ſuffrages. This being paſt, Cardinal Beſſartone ſpake to the new Pope, in the name of all thoſe who had favour'd Rotomagenſis, and his words were as follow.

We rejoyce moſt ſacred Father at your aſſumption, although we have not conſented to your Election from the beginning, which proceeded not nevertheleſs from any malevolence in us, but from an infirmity and indiſpoſition in you; as judging you by reaſon of your Gout, in more need of reſt, then of buſineſs, We do now acknowledge you moſt worthy of the charge, and do confeſs your Election to come from God himſelf; and we do hope therefore that the ſame God which Elected you, will pardon our ignorance, and ſupply the weakneſs of your feet.

According to his natural benignity, Aeneas return'd him this anſwer.

Certainly according to my opinion, you have made a better judgement of things, then I my ſelf; having imputed no defects to me, but thoſe in my feet; and yet I am ſenſible how little I am worthy of ſo holy a Chair, and ſo ſoveraign a command. I know very well it was not any deſerts of mine which advanc'd me: I acknowledge my ſelf unworthy before his Divine Majeſty: and I ſpeak it from the bottom of my heart, I would not imbrace that honour, nor charge my ſelf with a weight ſo much above my power to bear, did I not ſear the judgement [Page] of him, who call'd me to it, which call may be argu'd from what happen'd in my election: for that which two parts of the Colledge do decree, muſt be believ'd to proceed from the Holy Ghost, whoſe inſpirations we cannot, we ought not to reſiſt. Let us give obedience then to the Divine call, let us give thanks to that God who has order'd things ſo: and to you likewiſe O Niceno, together with the rest, with whom if you continue in unity, we do praiſe you: if according to the judgement of your Conſcience, you thought me unfit to be choſen by reaſon of my inſufficiency, you did well, and I aſſure you, you ſhall be all equally dear to me, for I acknowledge my Election, not from this perſon, or from that, but from God, and the whole body of the College, inſpir'd by the Holy Ghoſt, from whence all perfection comes.

This ſaid, the Maſters of the Ceremonies ſtript him of his Cardinalitial habits, and put on him the white garment of Chriſt: after which he ſwore to the obſervation of certain Articles, which were agreed on by the Colledge three days before the Election. which being paſt, he plac'd himſelf upon the footſtep of the Altar, where according to cuſtom, the Cardinals, and other perſons of the Conclave kiſt his foot: The Adoration being over, he was ſhewn to the people, with the name of Pius the 2d. which he choſe as ſoon as the ſcrutiny was ended.

You muſt underſtand there was a certain cuſtom introduc't, I know not how, into the Conclave, of plundring and rifling (as it were) that Cardinals Chamber which was created Pope; no ſooner therefore was the ſcrutiny publiſh'd, and the number of Votes in favour of Piccolomini, but the Officers of the Cardinals which were then in the Conclave, ran with all ſpeed to his new Holineſſes Cell, and (in a manner very indecorous, and unſuitable to the ſanctity of the place) rob'd him of every thing, taking away all that little plate he had there, and plundering not only his Cloaths and his Books, but his very writings of importance which he had lock'd up in his Cabinet.

In the like manner the people of Rome not only only ſack't, but demoliſh'd his Pallace, carrying away the Windows, the Gates, the Floors, the Beams, even the Marbles themſelves. However the loſs the new Pope ſuſtain'd in his old Pallace, could not give him much trouble, for at laſt he found another, incomparably more noble, and more rich, and a revenue of ſo many millions to make him amends. But the prejudice the other Cardinals receiv'd was more to be lamented, for the Populary being in ſuſpence, by reaſon of the variety of reports, which ſaid ſometimes this Cardinal was choſen, and ſometimes that; the moſt inſolent, and audacious ſort of the people, ran to them all, ſometime to this houſe, and ſometime to that, plundering and robbing even the Images of the Saints. And it being talkt I know not how, that a Genoeſe was created Pope, (perhaps by a miſtake in the pronuntiation, calling him a Genoeſe for a Sieneſe) many of them ran immediately to the Pallace of the Cardinal of Genoa, and plunder'd it ſo, he had much adoe to find a bed to ſleep in, when he came out of the Conclave. When the uſual Balcony was open'd, for the publication of the creation of the new Pope, the People not having patience to attend the publication from the mouth of a Cardinal, cry'd out as loud as they could, ſome of them, long may Rotomagenſis live, others, long may the Genoeſe, and others the Medaneſe: So that it was not known which of them was Pope, a thing very diſpleaſing to the ſaid Cardinals, who began to curſe thoſe who were the occaſion of their excluſion, as receiving no ordinary diſturbance, from ſo unuſual an affront.

The people were obſtreperous, and in a tumult, but when they were aſſured Cardinal Aeneas Piccolomini was the perſon which was plac'd in the Chair of Saint Peter, as univerſal Father and Governour of the Church, they immediately laid down the arms they had taken up to ſatisfie their vehemence and paſſion, having no confidence but in their ſword, and the face of the City was alter'd in a moment, ſo that that City which a little before ſeem'd dedicated to Mars, in the twinkling of an eye became, (I will not ſay the City of Venus the Mother of the Trojan Aeneas) but a Paradice of Peace, and an Epitomy of tranquility, which every one expected from the Exaltation of ſuch a Pope.

This Election was generally to the ſatisfaction of all the Princes of Chriſtendom, particularly, Ferdinand King of Sicily was very well pleas'd, to ſee ſo good a friend of his Fathers, admitted to the Government of the Church. Borſo Duke of Modena was ſo [Page] much over-joyed at this Election of Pius, (as one with whom he had a mutual correſpondence and friendſhip, from the time he obtain'd that Dukedom from Frederick the Emperour, in which conceſſion alſo Aeneas had been inſtrumental) that in teſtimony of his congratulation, he made Tournements or Tiltings, hoping under his Pontificate to meliorate his fortune, and augment his Eſtate: To that end in Ferrara, and in all other places of his Dominion, he commanded ſolemn Feſtivals to be kept for the Election of that Pope, which the people fail'd not to obſerve.

Francis Sforza Duke of Milan, though perhaps his wiſhes were to have ſeen another Pope, nevertheleſs underſtanding Aeneas was Elected, he made his expreſſions of joy: having receiv'd him honourably in his own lodgings in Milan, and treated him with great generoſity, a little before his Election. The Marqueſſes of Mantoa, Mon [...]rrat, and Saluſſi, who were all Aeneas his great friends, were very much pleas'd, and order'd their Subjects to make demonſtration of their joy. The Venetians, and the Florentines, were the only people diſſatisfied with this Election; the Florentine (from a natural fear and animoſity they had to the Sieneſes their Neighbours, with whom they had frequent diſputes about their Confines) took ſo great a diſguſt at the aſſumption of Aeneas, that as he was walking in the Street, and ſaluted by thoſe which met him, with a Dio vi ſalvi, they reply'd with great contumacy, ci ſalvera perche no: the Venetian likewiſe had no great correſpondence with him: yet for all that, both the one and other diſpatch'd moſt ſumptuous Embaſſies to him, to congratulate, and pay him the uſual obedience.

The Nobility of Siena, being jealous of the houſe of Piccolomini, as well for other conſiderable reſpects, as for fear the Pope ſhould uſurp upon the liberty of the City, and make it a Principality hereditary to his own Family, receiv'd but little delight at the news of Aeneas his Election: However the generallity of the people, ſeeing a fellow Citizen of theirs, exalted above the Cardinals of all other Cities, celebrated his E [...]ection for ſeveral days, with bone-fires, and ſuch other tranſcendant Expreſſions of their joy, as ſeem'd madneſs and extravagance, as commonly moſt of your popular ſolemnities are.

But that which was moſt remarkable, and moſt for the glory and reputation of the Pope, was, that almoſt all the Barons of Rome aſſembled themſelves on horſeback, to Congratulate, and on the 28 of Auguſt about ſhutting in of the Evening, they made a ſolemn Cavalcade, every one with his lighted Torch in his hand, attended with a great number of Lacqueys and Grooms, with Torches likewiſe; which train being diſpoſed into order, extended all along, from the Caſtle of Saint Angelo, to the Church of Saint Peter. The Ceremony was ſo Pompous, his Holineſs ſtood at the Window all the while, to behold ſo illuſtrious a ſpectacle, deſign'd and dedicated to the honour of his Exaltation.

But above all the Princes of Chriſtendom, Frederick the Emperour was the moſt ſatisfied: and not without reaſon, becauſe it was by his inſtance, and mediation, Aeneas was made a Cardinal; and therefore tranſported with joy, he not only diſpatch'd Ambaſſadors to congratulate his Creation, but he commanded Juſts and Tiltings to be celebrated for ſeveral days: The King of Spain did the ſame, and indeed all the Princes of Chriſtendom, except the Kings of France, of Scotland, of Denmark, of Poland, Hungary and Cyprus, who for ſeveral reaſons had no great opinion of that Election: But all the reſt of the world (I mean of Chriſtendome) were glad.

I will not omit (though I ſhall mention it but by the way) to remember the great zeal this Pope expreſt towards the recovery of the Holy Land, eſpecially when he ſaw the Turk had got poſſeſſion of Greece and Sclavonia: it brought tears of compaſſion from his Eyes, as oft as he heard of the miſeries which the poor Chriſtians ſuffered who were under the Dominion, I may ſay Bondage, of the Barbarians: This zeal carry'd him in perſon to the Councel of Mantua, in which he negotiated the cauſe of Chriſt ſo well, with his moſt excellent eloquence, that all the Cardinals and Fathers concluded that enterpriſe into the Eaſt was neceſſary; in which he confaederated with the King of Hungary, the Venetian, and the Duke of Burgundie; as knowing thoſe Princes moſt diſpos'd to ſo ſacred a work, againſt which all good Popes ought principally to bend their whole [Page] power, and deſigns, and lay aſide, deprive, themſelves of their paſſion to their Nephews, rather than ſee the Church ruin'd by its barbarous Enemies. Pius ſent his Legates about through all Chriſtendome, injoyning the Biſhops, to excite, and inanimate their Subjects to an expedition of that advantage and importance to the Church.

In the City of Siena, as he was making his journey to Ancona; he underſtood that Philip Duke of Burgundy (who had promis'd to go himſelf with an numerous Army) had chang'd his reſolution, and united with ſeveral other Princes, and People, as well Italians, as ſtrangers, and out of envious and ambitious ends, were uſing all poſſible means to divert others from ſo holy a deſign; pretending and declaring that the conſequence of that expedition could be nothing but certain danger, and uncertain reward.

This news troubled his Holineſs to the very ſoul: ſo that he ſent away Legates immediately to try if he could reduce them to more rational reſolutions, at leaſt to ſit ſtill, and not diſcourage others, if they would do no good themſelves: From Siena he return'd to Rome upon ſome new occaſion, and afterwards departed again for Ancona, in which Port the whole Chriſtian Army was to Rendezvouz▪ at leaſt that of Italy. By the way he met great numbers of Soldiers, deſign'd for Aſia, but more for their pay and profit, than to gain glory by the deſign. Theſe kind of people were not at all welcome to his Holineſs: he caus'd a Muſter to be made, and ſelecting thoſe he lik'd beſt, he ſent the reſt back again, loaden with indulgences and Pardons, as judging them fitter to pray to God in a Cell, than to draw a ſword againſt the Turk.

This Holy and Zealous Pope being arrived at A [...]cona, but tyr'd with the length of his journey, was receiv'd with great demonſtrations of affection, whilſt he lay in expectation of his forces, which was diſpatch'd from ſeveral Ports of Italy; being worn out with a tedious feaver, he ſaw his end approaching, and calling therefore all the Cardinals together, who were then preſent in his Court, he exhorted them, not only to the haſtning of a Succeſſor, but that they ſhould give the Keys to ſuch a one as would zealouſly purſue the deſign againſt the Turk: In ſhort he departed this life, earneſtly recommending this honourable enterprize, in which he did reſolve, to have imploy'd his whole force, and to have ſpent the whole Treaſure of the Church.

And here would I have thoſe Popes to reflect upon themſelves, whoſe thoughts reach no further, than their recreations at the Caſtle of Gondolfo, and the Promenades of Monte Cavallo: But what do I ſay? I would have this Pope be an example to all thoſe, who contrive more to deſtroy the Treaſure of the Church, for the accommodation of their Nephews, than to ruine the Turk by incommoding their Nephews, or themſelves. Aſia laughs, Europe mourns, and both the tears of the one, and the exſultation of the other, will be judg'd and rewarded in Heaven, becauſe they are regarded ſo little by the Popes, and the Cardinals on Earth.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

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PART III.

BOOK II.

The Contents.

Wherein is diſcours'd of a Decree of Paul the 2d. which forbids the Creation of the Pope, without the whole body of the Cardinals. Of the death of Pius the ſecond, and Cardinal Barbi his aſsumption to the Papacy. Of the name of Formoſo refus'd by the Cardinals to the ſaid Barbi, and why. Of the reaſons why he would be call'd Paulus the ſecond. Of the time he was Pope, and the number of Cardinals which were preſent in the Conclave. Of the creation of Sixtus 4th. and of his death. Of the aſſumption of Cardinal Cibo, call'd Innocent the eight, of his death, and of the time of his Papacy. Of the detestable courſes us'd by Cardinal Roderigo Borgia to obtain the Pontificate. Of the Cardinals ſuborn'd, and of his ingratitude to thoſe who Elected him Pope. Of the violent death of Alexander the 6th. and the diſturbances his Son Duke Valentino gave to the Church. Of the Election of the Cardinal of Siena, call'd Pius the third, of his death, and the time he was Pope. Of the aſſumption of Julius the ſecond, and of what he did for Duke Valentine, who was againſt [Page] him, of the time he was Pope, and of the Vacancy of the Chair, after his death. Of the number of the Cardinals in the Conclave of Julius the ſecond, in which Pope Leo the tenth, of the houſe of Medici was Elected. Of the creation of Adrian the ſixth, and of the differences amongſt the Cardinals, about the names of other pretenders, of his life, and of his death. Of the factions of the Cardinals of the houſe of Medici, and Colonna, and of the diſputes which hapned in the Conclave, before the Election of Clement the ſeventh. Of the ſacking of Rome in the days of this Pope. Of the aſſumption of Paul the third, of the houſe of Farneſe. Of the introduction of the factions of the Nephews, and the Crowns into the Conclave. How the intereſts of Princes were brought into the Conclave. How the liberty of the Cardinals was reduc'd to a ſlavery, and ſervitude to the Nephews of the Popes. Of the Cardinals which do adhere to the faction of the Nipotiſmo, and of the reaſons which mov'd them to it. Of the opinion of a certain Roman Abbot concerning the Debates of the Conclave. Of certain reaſons which make the Popedom appear, not Elective, but hereditary to the Nephews. Of the death of Paul the third, and the controverſies which follow'd in his Conclave. Of the French excluſion of Cardinal Polo, and of the endeavours of the Imperials for his creation. Of the creation of Cardinal di Monte by the name of Julius the third, of his death, and the time he lived. Of the great, but ſhort differences which aroſe at the creation of Cardinal Caraffa, who took upon him the name of Paul the fourth, of his death, and the barbarity the people us'd to his Statue. Of the Exaltation of the Cardinal di Medici, who was call'd Pius the fourth. Of the number of Cardinals, and of the factions in the Conclave wherein Pius the fifth was created. Of the time he was Pope, and of the Cardinals which entred into the Conclave after his death. Of the creation of Cardinal Boncompagno, call'd Gregory the thirteenth, of his life, death, and the ingreſs of the Cardinals into the Conclave. Of the courſe Sixtus the fifth us'd to compaſs the Papacy, ſome particulors about his Government, and the time he was Pope. Of the creation of Cardinal Caſtagna with the name of Urban the ſeventh. Of the good will Sixtus the fifth had always, that Caſtagna ſhould ſucceed him in the Papacy. Of the promotion of the Cardinal of Cremona under the name of Gregory the thirteenth. Of the peaceable Conclave in which Cardinal Facchinetto was created, with the name of Innocent the ninth, and of the ſhortneſs of his life. Of the creation of Cardinal Aldobrandino, and the differences which hapned in his Conclave, by the incluſion, and excluſion of other perſons. Of the name of Clement the eight which he aſſum'd, and of the time he was Pope. Of a Report in Rome, that the Cardinals were fighting in the Conclave of Leo, and of the reſolution taken to chooſe the Cardinal Borgheſe, who would be call'd Paulus the fifth. Of the life and death of Paul, and of the creation of Cardinal Ludoviſio, with the name of Gregory the fifteenth. Of the number of Cardinals preſent in the Conclave of Gregory, where Urban the eighth was created. Of many particulars hapning at the creation of Innocent the tenth. Of his death, and the exaltation of Alexander the ſeventh. Of the form of the Scrutiny uſed in the Conclave, and the difference between Adoration, and Acceſſion. Of the manner of the Engagement wherewith the Pope was ſometime Elected, and of ſeveral other particulars of all Conclaves in general.

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THUS far we have ſpoken of the Election of the Popes in a general way, for till the Pontificate of Paul the 2d. who ſucceeded Pius the 2d. the Cardinals had liberty to chooſe perſons out of the Conclave; which being look'd upon by Paul as an occaſion of delay, in reſpect of the time which was loſt in inquiring after the qualities of the perſons recommended: he commanded they ſhould chooſe none for the future, but out of the body of the Cardinals; by which means, the Cardinals became of extraordinary reputation, the Princes being oblig'd to give them no little honour, as ſeeing the Papacy like to be alwayes in their hands.

Theſe remedies notwithſtanding which Paul thought rational, and good, have prov'd vain, and ineffectual, having produc'd no other fruit, but the increaſing of the Cardinalitial Grandeur: ſeeing there were the ſame paſſions in the Conclaves as formerly, and perhaps greater, for the Cardinals being jealous of one another, protracted the Elections out of envy, none of them yeilding to his Companion, but multiplying their quarrels, they appear'd rather Enemies, than Brothers, making more difficulty to give place to a Cardinal Competitor in the Conclave, than to any other unintereſted pretender. For the better ſatisfaction of the Reader in this Cardinaliſmo, I ſhall give a ſhort deſcription of the cauſes from whence theſe diſcords have ſprung.

After Pius the 2d. was dead in the year 1464. who had Govern'd in his Pontificate ſix years, and his body remov'd from Ancona, where he dy'd, to Rome: the Lords Cardinals aſſembling together as ſoon as they could, they enter'd the Conclave to the number of 20. the ſix others (for the whole number of Cardinals was at that time 26.) remaining without, in reſpect of the greatneſs of their diſtance from Rome. The 28th. of Auguſt they made their entrance into the Conclave, with full reſolution to create Cardinal Petero Barbi (a Venetian) Pope, in whoſe favour, 15. of the Cardinals had declar'd, and there were but 14. neceſſary for his creation.

Being come to the Scrutiny the third day after the ſhutting up of the Conclave, there were but twelve voices among the names for Barbi, the reſt being divided, this way, and the other; ſo that two voices only being wanting, they came to Acceſſion; and the Cardinal Deacon having ask'd them all, if they did approve the Election, and finding them firm to their opinions, he embrac'd him on a ſudden with theſe words, I make you Pope, and immediately the Adoration followed.

There were ſome controverſie happen'd about his name, he deſiring to be call'd Formoſo; which the Cardinals would not concede, leſt it ſhould be look'd upon as a piece of vanity, becauſe his Holineſs was naturally beautifull and handſome: upon the refuſal of that name, he took the name of Mark upon him, with which the Cardinals were as little ſatisfy'd as before; upon which, he ſmiling ſaid, Well then I will be call'd Paul, and by this name he was publiſh'd to the people. But the Cardinals did not think it fit again, he ſhould bear the name of Paul the firſt, ſeeing there was never another Paul in the Vatican, ſo they aſſign'd him the name of Paul the 2d. which he receiv'd willingly enough, affirming that he vallu'd not to be the ſecond in name, ſo long as indeed he was the firſt.

Cardinal Giovanni di Mela a Spaniard, was a great adverſary to this Election, he carry'd the Title of SS. Aquila, and Priſcilla; he diſcover'd great indiſcretion and malice, becauſe he would never recede from his obſtinacy, though he ſaw the Pope was made, he went not to kiſs his feet, according to the order of his preceedence, but pretended to go forth, that he might ſeem to be the laſt.

This Pope lived ſix years and 10 months, and dy'd the 28 of July 1471. 27 Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave, 4 only being abſent, two of which ſet out as ſoon as they receiv'd the news of his Holineſs his death, to come to Rome, but they could not get thither before the Conclave was ended.

From the very firſt day they began to talk of creating Franciſco d'Alberola of Rovere, Pope, who was of the Order of Saint Francis, and was made a Cardinal by Paul the 2d. in the year 1467. But thoſe Cardinals which were created by Pius, and ſome few [Page] of Caliſto's Creatures, did what they could poſſibly to diſturbe the good deſigns the reſt of the Cardinals had in favour of Rovere; not that they had any thing to object againſt him, but that they could not endure to ſee themſelves out-ſtript by a Cardinal of fewer years, and the laſt which was dignify'd with the Purple. There were preſent in the Conclave amongſt the reſt of the Cardinals, Latino Orſino, a Creature of Nicholas the 5th. Roderigo Borgia, a Creature of Caliſto the 3d. and Cardinal Gonzaga d [...] Mantoa, created by Pius the 2d. who being all perſons of great authority in the Colledge, endeavour'd to draw over the reſt of the Cardinals to Rovere's ſide, which they defended, with a firm reſolution to dye, rather than to elect any other Pope than Rovere: which diſcover'd by the other ambitious pretenders, they deſiſted, and promis'd the Cardinals Orſino, Borgia, and Gonzague, that they would go along with them: In ſo much that in the ſecond Scrutiny (though they could do nothing in the firſt) of the 27. Votes, there were 18. for Rovere, a thing not heard of before, to have ſo many voices for one man, in one Scrutiny.

They came afterwards to the Adoration, and his name being deſir'd, he ſaid he would be call'd Sixtus, and accordingly he was proclaimed to the people by the name Sixtus the 4th. they having not continued in the Conclave three full dayes.

This new Pope (either in deſpight to ſuch as had oppos'd him, or to ſhew himſelf a generous rewarder of good Offices) gave the Office of Chamberlain to Cardinal Orſino, the Abbey of Sbiaco to Cardinal Borgia, and the Monaſtery of Saint Gregory to Gonzague: Yet there were ſome believ'd, he had purchas'd his Papacy with the [...]e promiſes before hand, but it could not be ſo, for he was too zealous in his Religion, to be tainted with Simony.

This Pope reigned 13. years, and dyed the 13th. of August 1484. on the 23. of the ſame month, after the uſual ſolemnities at his Funeral, 28. Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave, ſo divided in their judgements, that many believ'd the Election would be very tedious. There were three Scrutinies ineffectual, there being none but Cardinal Barbo only, who was Nephew to Paul the 2d. and was call'd Cardinal of San Marco, which could reach to the number of eleven; the reſt of the Competitors arriving a [...] not above two or three.

Some of the Cardinals oppos'd themſelves againſt this Saint Mark, out of envy which they bore to the Republick of Venice, not enduring to ſee two Popes ſucceeding one another ſo nearly, out of the ſame City.

Giuliano della Rovere, Nephew to the late Sixtus, otherwiſe call'd Cardinal of Saint Peter in Vinculis, went one night to the Cardinal of Saint Mark, and told him, that if he would give his Palace to the Cardinal of Arragon, King Ferdinando's Son, he would oblige himſelf to make him three voices more in the next Scrutiny, which amounted in all to 14. ſo that in the acceſſion after he would be ſure to be Pope. But the Cardinal San Marco reply'd, that he would not come into the Vatican by Simony, nor make a bargain for the liberty of the Church; it being eaſie for King Ferdinand, by putting himſelf in that Houſe, and fortifying it, to make himſelf Maſter of the whole City.

Cardinal Juliano being very much diſguſted at this repulſe, went to Cardinal Borgia, a great Enemy of San Marks, treating earneſtly with him for the exaltation of Cardinal Cibo, a Genoeſe, who though in other things he was deſerving enough, yet in this caſe he ſuffer'd himſelf to be carry'd away with ambition, ſo that he gave licenſe to the two Cardinals aforeſaid, to negotiate as they thought fit, and to promiſe Offices and Dignities at their pleaſure, obliging himſelf by an Oath to confirm them; and thus by means of thoſe liberal promiſes, they got 18. or 19. voices, who being got together, went up and down the Dormitory publiſhing the creation of the Pope, and indeed they choſe him in the night.

In the mean time ſix of the antienteſt Cardinals were aſleep, and little dreamt of a Cibo to be Pope; and when they came to tell them, they muſt come away, the Pope was created, they were aſtoniſh'd at the news; being got up, and come to the Chappel, they found things beyond all remedy, there being more than two thirds of the Cardinals of his party, ſo as they judg'd it beſt for themſelves alſo to condeſcend, and in this manner [Page] Cibo was made Pope, with the name of Innocent the 8th. afterwards he rewarded them very well who had given him their Votes, ſome with money, ſome with Benefices, and ſome with Honours. His Election was on the 5th. day after the Cardinals entrance into the Conclave, and the 16th. after the vacancy of the See.

He govern'd the Church about eight years, and dy'd the 25. of July 1492. after whoſe death, there was a tumult of the people, whole Troops of Banditi and Thieves running up and down the Streets, committing inſolencies and murders, with ſuch noiſe, that the very Cloyſters were not thought to be ſafe.

Roderigo Borgia ceas'd not all this while to negotiate the Papacy for himſelf, in the moſt [...]a [...] [...] and deteſtable manner has been formerly heard of: The Cardinals, the greater part of them, were brib'd by Cardinal Aſcanio Sforza, (one of the greateſt promoters of that barbarous Pope) to that paſs, that 22. Cardinals entring the Conclave on the 8th. of Auguſt late in the night, on the 11th. which was the firſt Scrutiny, by common conſent Borgia was choſen.

An accident ſufficient to convince us, of the effects of the natural perverſeneſs of Man; for it has not been known that ever a holy and pious Pope was choſen with ſo much applauſe, a [...] this Jugler was, even honeſt men giving him their Votes, perhaps by Divine ordination, to mortifie their pride: There was preſent then in the Conclave Cardinal Girardo Patriarch of Venice, from whence he was come Poſt thither, having underſtood the incurable infirmity of the Pope; though indeed he pretended to go to Rome, to receive the Cap from the hands of the ſame Pope, who had given him the Purple.

This Cardinal therefore, who could not ſtand upon his leggs, being ſo decrepid, and in an age of 92. years, foretold all the calamities in which the Church was afterwards involv'd, and with ſtrong reaſon oppos'd the Election of that perſon; but ſeeing the ineffectuality of his words, and the preſs of Cardinals, he held his peace, and proceeded to the Adoration with the reſt, which was perform'd the 11th. of Auguſt before day, and at the ſame hour he was publiſh'd t [...] the people by the name of Alexander the 6th.

The greateſt part of thoſe Cardinals who were brib'd, out of a principle of ambition and covetouſneſs, receiv'd the reward of their wickedneſs and corruption, in giving the Papacy to ſo unworthy a perſon; ſome of them being put to death by Alexanders order, others baniſh'd from Rome, and others confin'd to perpetual impriſonment; Aſcanius Sforza himſelf, who had been his principal promoter, though in the Conclave he obtain'd the Vice-Chancellorſhip from the hands of his Holineſs, in recompence of his pains, yet he had afterwards his ſhare of chaſtiſement, God Almighty not exempting him from his juſt puniſhment, to the end that by his example, the reſt might be taught to baniſh Simony from the Conclave.

Alexander dyed of a violent death the 12th. of Auguſt 1502. after he had reign'd in a moſt barbarous manner 11. years: The Duke Valentino, his Son, gave many troubles to the Church, and no ſmall moleſtation to the Cardinals, who thinking not convenient to enter into the Conclave, after the 9. dayes uſual obſequies, kept out 16. dayes longer, in expectation of the march of the French Army out of Rome, which was going againſt the Spaniard, the Cardinals apprehending leaſt any tumult ſhould happen in the City, whil [...] they were in the Conclave, into which they enter'd at length on the 9th. of September, to the number of 37. divided into five parties, and ſo diſ-united in their thoughts, that it was believ'd impoſſible to unite them, without ſome great tumult.

Thoſe who were of the Duke Valentino's faction, negotiated for a Creature of the ſaid Dukes, with the moſt infamous and deteſtable Simony in the world; yet in the Scrutinies there was not any had above 9. voices, for which reaſon they came not to the acceſs. The Spaniſh and French Cardinals, each of them purſued the advantages of their own Nations, and the neareſt Competitors, kept firm to their reſolutions, of not yielding to one another.

At length the Cardinal of Siena, whoſe teeth water'd at the Papacy as well as the reſt, ſeeing all the Pretenders drive on their intereſts with promiſes, he alſo would follow their example, and accordingly taking the ſame meaſures, he went one night to the Cardinals Rotomagenſis, Sforza, and Valleteravo, as perſons which had the greateſt party [Page] of followers of them all, promiſing them many things, if they would be pleas'd to aſſiſt his Election.

Theſe Cardinals ſaw it would be hard for them to happen upon the perſon they deſir'd, and to faſten it upon the Cardinal of Siena, would be eaſie, and being ſatisfy'd with his prayer's and his promiſes, they conſulted among themſelves to make him Pope, and to that purpoſe they met in Rotomagenſi's Chamber, after which, as a thing done and concluded, they went to be merry, and congratulate in his own Chamber, where it being his Ague day, beſides his Gout, they found him in bed. It was ſaid (whilſt the Cardinals were upon agreement for the Election of the Sieneſe) that it would be beſt to chooſe him by the way of the Holy Ghoſt, to which Rotomagenſis reply'd, that the Election by the way of the Holy Ghoſt was dangerous, in reſpect one ſingle contradiction ſufficed to render it null.

In the mean time the Scrutiny was made, and the Cardinal of Siena had two thirds of the voices; which the Cardinal of Naples obſerving, though he was very averſe to that Election, yet he went to the Adoration with the reſt; and afterwards the uſual Balcony being open'd, the ſaid Cardinal of Siena, was pronounc'd to the people by the name of Pius the 3d. a name he had choſen for himſelf, and leaving his proper name of Franciſco, which indeed he ought not to have done, he being choſen Pope on the day of the Stigmata of Saint Francis, which was upon the 17th. of September, eight dayes after their entrance into the Conclave, and 34. after the vacancy of the See.

Pope Pius the 3d. lived but 27 dayes after his Election, dying on the 13th. of October, not without ſuſpition of poyſon, many believing it was convey'd into the ſore of his Legg, by the appointment of Pandolfo Petruccio Tyrant of Siena, out of an apprehenſion leſt his Holineſs by force of arms ſhould drive him out of his Country.

On the 29. the Duke Valentino, call'd all the Spaniſh Cardinals together into his preſence, obliging them by Oath to give their voices for nobody, but for Cardinal Georgio Ambroſio of Roano, who had promis'd the ſaid Duke to make him Gonfaloniere, and General of the Church, if by his means he ſhould be choſen Pope.

The laſt day of the month, the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave, to the number of 32. the two thirds were already agreed upon the Election of Cardinal Julian della Rovere, Nephew to Sextus the 4th. but that which is moſt wonderfull is, that all this was tranſacted during the time of the vacancy of the Chair, with great ſecreſie, leſt the Duke ſhould have given any obſtruction, who inſiſted much upon having one of his own Party. Six hours, and no more, they continued ſhut up in the Conclave, in which time they diſpatch'd all things in favour to Julian, who was proclaim'd Pope, with the conſent of almoſt all the Cardinals, but with great diſſatisfaction to the Duke, who would ſooner have condeſcended to any ones Election, than to his, and that becauſe he had treated him very ill in the time of Alexander.

Cardinal Aleſſandrino, who was of the Dukes party, would not go into the Cardinal Julian's Chamber to congratulate, though he ſaw all the Spaniſh Cardinals go: a piece of obſtinacy that Julian did not like at all, though he diſſembled it for the preſent. The Scrutiny being made, there were above 24 voices which nominated Saint Peter in Vinculis, which was Julian himſelf, but all of them concurr'd at the Adoration, and being ask'd about his name, he ſaid he would be call'd Julius the 2d. and by that name he was publiſh'd to the people upon all Saints day, which was the firſt of November; and the ſame day, in the ſight of all the people, they came forth of the Conclave.

Many people believ'd this Pope would be the deſtruction of the Duke Valentino; but he thought it beſt to make his Enemy a Bridge of Gold, and ſuffer him to eſcape, according to his deſire.

After Julius had Raign'd ni [...] years, and ſome months, with great reputation, though almoſt alwayes in Wars, he dy'd the 21. of Febr. 1513. On the 4th. of March, 25 of the Cardinals entered into the Conclave (7 being abſent, the whole number then living being 32) it could not be diſcern'd that there was any deſign amongſt them then, though they had all their ſuſpitions.

In the firſt Scrutiny, there were not votes enough for any body, all the Cardinals being honour'd, ſome more, ſome leſs, only the Cardinal Alborenze, who out-number'd [Page] them all, having receiv'd 13. which was no ſmall terrour to his Competitors, gave them occaſions to make ſad reflections thereupon. After dinner they went briskly about their affairs, but they could not diſcover in whoſe favour it was like to be carryed, all the old Cardinals, and moſt capable of being Popes, remaining in no ſmall jealouſie and fear.

Late in the night, in the great Hall, the two Cardinals, Medici, and San Georgio, diſcours'd together above an hour in that publique place, without any bodies perceiving upon what ſubject they diſcours'd, yet every one ſuſpected they were negotiating the Papacy for one of them; and therefore the reſt of the Competitors went up and down, endeavouring what they could to interrupt their deſigns.

In the interim the younger Cardinals, viz. the Cardinal of Arragon, Gonzague, Cornaro, Petrucci, Sauli, and Sedunenſis, reſolv'd amongſt themſelves to make Medici Pope; which buſineſs was ſo well manag'd, and prepar'd, that it was publickly diſcours'd every where, that Medici was Pope. The other Cardinals ſeeing things ſo well diſpos'd in favour of Medici, and all wayes of excluding him ſtopp'd, they went into the Hall where Medici was, kiſſing his hand, and congratulating his happy Election. On Friday morning, on the eleventh of March, all the Cardinals went into Medici's Chamber, conducting him to the Chapel of Saint Nicholas with great applauſe, where the Scrutiny was made, and all the votes, but two, were for him, and one of them, as is ſuppos'd, was his own.

He was afterwards ſaluted Pope with the uſual formalities, and then publiſh'd to the people with the name of Leo the 10th. In the time of his being Pope, Martin Luther began his Schiſm in Germany, with ſo much prejudice to the Church of Rome, that it may be ſaid, that little Fryer, debauch'd more Provinces and Kingdoms from the Catholick Church, than all the Popes put together could ever acquire.

He dy'd the 9th. year of his Popedome on the 1ſt. of Decemb. 1521. of a violent death; for being at Supper, and having the news brought him that the French were beaten out of Italy, in great joy he cry'd out, God has been ſo mercifull to me as to let me ſee three things, which I deſir'd from the bottom of my heart.

The firſt, was to return with honour into Florence, from whence I was baniſh'd with ſhame; the ſecond, to have merit enough to advance me to the Papacy; and the third, to ſee the French beaten o [...]t of Italy; in pronouncing of which laſt words, he fell down dead with the glaſs in his hand.

All convenient Orders being given for the good Government of Rome, and the Obſequies celebrated, the Cardinals 39 in number, enter'd the Conclave the 17th. of December, on which day it was diſcours'd the Ambaſſadors of the Princes were to have Audience.

The diſcords amongſt the Cardinals was the cauſe that they procraſtinated the Scrutiny from day to day, and ſpent their whole time in plottings and diſputes, not being able to come to the firſt Scrutiny till the 30th. of that month, and 14 dayes after their entrance into the Conclave; but that Scrutiny came to nothing, the votes being divided, 10 for Grimano, 9 for Cardinal d'Oſtia, ſeven for Farneſe, and ſome others here and there. The firſt of January they had a ſecond Scrutiny, in which there was a Schedule put in, which nam'd 13 Cardinals; which gave all of them ſo great a diſguſt, that ſome of them cry'd out it ſhould be open'd, to diſcover the hand; but having conſider'd of that better, they let it alone

On the ſecond, they had their third Scrutiny, in which Santi quattro advanc'd his votes to 14. which made the reſt of the Pretenders look about them, and endeavour to countermine him with contrary deſigns, and indeed they did it ſo effectually, that in the 4th. Scrutiny he was brought down again to four, Orſino [...]ad five, Fieſco nine, and Campeggio, and Medici, ſome others. On the 5th. the fi [...] [...] Scrutiny was made, and Fieſco had his nine votes ſtill, d'Ostia ſeven, Santi quattro four, and Valenza, and Bologna, ſome few.

All this while Cardinal Medici, Couſin to Leo, was labouring very hard for to get himſelf exalted, or at leaſt ſome perſon that depended on him; and he did not labour in vain, for he got the promiſe of 17 of the younger of the Cardinals created a little before by Leo, that they ſhould not any of them give their votes but for him alone, or ſuch as [Page] he ſhould recommend. And being fortify'd in this manner, he did what he was able to make himſelf Pope; but underſtanding the antienter Cardinals his Competitors, were labouring as much to the contrary, leſt any of them ſhould be too hard for him, he ſuggeſted to his Cardinals, that they ſhould give their votes for Cardinal Adriano, call'd Dertuſenſis, a creature of Leo's, who was then chief Miniſter in Spain, as having been Tutor to Charles the 5th. The 9th. Scrutiny being come, and the old Cardinals having notice of the young Cardinals reſolutions, to prevent their deſigns, they alſo gave their words to one another, to give the Cardinal d'Ostia their votes. Inſomuch that at the opening of the Scrutiny, there were 15 votes in favour of Adrian, and 14 for Oſtia, all of them ſticking very cloſe to their parties.

Then Cardinal Medici began to propoſe an Acceſs, and Cardinal San Siſto riſing up, ſaid, he could not but ſide with Adrian in the Acceſs, becauſe he knew him to be a perſon of virtue, and worth.

The Cardinals, Colonna, Monti, Anconitanus, Piccolomini, Jaconacci, Como, Frani, Armellino, and others, follow'd his example; only Cardinal Farneſe continued refractory with five or ſix of his party. Cardinal Santa Croce interpos'd, and exhorted him to maſter his paſſions, and ſubmit in a buſineſs already determin'd, to which Farneſe reply'd, he would not do it, becauſe he knew not the perſon, he having never been at Rome. Medici told Santa Croce, that there was no need of deſiring an Acceſs, ſeeing the greateſt part were already agreed. And thus Adrian was Elected, and being abſent, publiſh'd to the people by his own proper name, which he would not change, after he had notice of what was done; but made himſelf be call'd Adrian the 6th.

After this, Embaſſadors were diſpatch'd to him, to give him advice of his creation, and to exhort him to haſten his return. In the mean time, it was decreed, that three Cardinals, exchanging from month to month, according to the Order of Preceedence, ſhould take the Government upon them, and reſide in the Vatican. And thus the Election of Adrian was concluded, after a ſuſpence of two months and certain dayes from the vacancy of the See, by the great differences amongſt the Cardinals.

The Life of this Pope was but ſhort, having injoy'd the Papacy but a year and a half, he dying in the Vatican the 14th. of September 1523. with little diſquiet to the people, or the old Courtiers, who hated him exceedingly for the ſowerneſs of his humour, and to ſpeak truth, there fell out ſeveral things in his Papacy, ſo much againſt the benefit of the Publique, that they went about the Streets crying out as loud as they could Semper de Sextis Roma diruta fuit: for all that they gave him a moſt noble Funeral, after which the Cardinals enter'd the Conclave the 26 of September, to the number of 30.

There were two which aſpir'd principally at the Popedome Julius di Medici, and Pompeius Colonna, who had almoſt all the votes ſhared betwixt them. The other pretenders, were Alexander Farneſe, Franciſco Orſino, Oſtia, Paceto, and ſome others, but their hopes was only in caſe, that if they could not agree (without which it was impoſſible to create a Pope) they would be conſtrain'd to make choice of a third, and then each of them hop'd to be the man. Theſe two Cardinals Medici, and Colonna, were the moſt potent pretenders, and perhaps made the ſtrongeſt Competition for the Papacy, that was ever made in the Conclave.

Medici, in reſpect of the great number of Cardinals, his Clyents, and partakers, and in regard of the freſhneſs of the memory of Pope Leo his Couſin, was thought to be ſomething the more potent of the two; however Colonna ballanc'd him by the intereſt he had in Charles the 5th. But in their nobility, faculties, dignities, and reputations, there was no great difference. By reaſon of theſe differences therefore betwixt theſe two, the creation was prolong'd two months, and four days to the great prejudice of the Publique.

All the old Cardinals were favourers of Colonna, and all the young, of Medici: it was certainly believ'd, that Colonna would have been firſt forc'd to lay down his pretenſions, by reaſon that Medici was look'd upon as the ſtronger, had not the old pretenders, ſtuck cloſe to the excluſion of Medici, and all, that the Papacy might fall into the hands of a third perſon, and they have their ſhare; very good charity indeed.

There were in this time above 25 Scrutinies to no purpoſe, their Votes being divided, ſometimes three, ſometimes four, and many times thoſe Cardinals who thought of it the [Page] leaſt, had ten, however they went on ſtill, multiplying their Scrutinies, ſo that Cardinal Orſino being call'd one day to a Scrutiny, To what purpoſe (ſaid he) do we continue our Scrutinies? we are the ſame yeſterday and to day; there is no new thing ſet on foot; Colonna is firm in his reſolutions, not to give place to Medici; Medici is as obſtinate, not to give that cordial to Colonna, and we do but loſe time to go up and down making of Scrutinies.

During theſe controverſies, there were many little practiſes contriv'd by the Cardinal Farneſe, and as many by Cardinal Santi quattro, but in point of the Keyes, all were fruſtrated; for no ſooner was any perſon propounded by Medici, but Colonna was ready to excuſe him; and on the contrary, no ſooner did Colonna recommend, but they were as well prepar'd to obſtruct it.

The people ſuffering many inconveniences in the mean time, cry'd out from without, that they ſhould make an end of the Election; and the more zealous of the Cardinals declar'd in a full Congregation, that it was high time to get out of that priſon; to which Medici reply'd, he was ready, and Colonna ſaid the ſame; after which there was no body reply'd: At length Cardinal Medici ſeeing himſelf oppos'd by Colonna with all his power, and to be out of all hope almoſt of gaining his deſign, he thought to do ſomething that might puſh for it, and indeed it was his Maſter-piece.

He propos'd Cardinal Orſino, a capital Enemy of Colonna's, and who had alſo ſome friends amongſt the Creatures of Colonna; however Medici's deſign was not to make Orſino Pope, but to fright Colonna into an agreement with himſelf.

To this end he caus'd it to be ſpread abroad, that Orſino had ſeveral practiſes on foot, and accordingly all the Cardinals of his party being together one morning, he pretended to go along with them towards the great Hall; and being ask'd by the way by Cardinal Monti, in theſe words, Whither are we going? he reply'd, To make Urſin Pope: This being reported to Colonna, and he fearing ſuch a deſign, believing certainly they would make Ʋrſin (his profeſs'd Enemy) Pope, he call'd all the Cardinals his friends together, and deſired them to give their Votes for Medici; and having done that, he went out immediately to find him, who was paſſing away the time in the Gallery, in expectation perhaps of what happen'd; as ſoon as he ſaw him, he ſaid, Your most illuſtrious Lordſhip is making Urſin Pope, and I am come to make you Pope; and embracing him he cry'd out with a loud voice, Long live Cardinal Medici the New Pope, which was follow'd by the common acclamation [...]f he reſt of the Cardinals: and from thence paſſing into the Chappel, they made their Election immediately; after the Ceremony of Adoration, he declar'd he would be call'd Clement the 7th. and accordingly with that name he was publiſh'd to the people, the 19th. of November 1523.

In the time of this Pope, Rome was ſack'd by the Army of the Duke of Borbon, in the year 1527. the 14th. of May, and he made a Priſoner for ſeveral months in the Colledge of the Spaniards, although ſome will have it, that he was beſieg'd only, and not impriſon'd. His Pontificate was ſometimes with good fortune, and ſometimes with bad; he govern'd ten years, and dy'd in the year 1534. the 25th. of September.

Some few dayes before his death, finding his end approach, he call'd all the Cardinals then in Rome together, and with a Paternal affection, recommended to them the brevity of the Conclave, proteſting that if the Papacy had been hereditary, he would not have left it to any body but Alexander Farneſe, becauſe he did not ſee a Cardinal more fit than he, to govern the Chriſtian Commonwealth, or to defend and conſerve the Pontifical dignity, and therefore he intreated Cardinal Medici particularly, to imploy all his intereſt in his behalf.

Clement being dead, and the Cardinals excited, partly by the perſwaſions of the dying Pope, and partly inform'd of the excellent qualities, experience, prudence, and learning of the ſaid Alexander, they reſolv'd to chooſe him Pope after a new way, before they began the o [...] ſequies of Clement, and without entring into the Conclave at all; but this reſolution was conſtantly impugned by Alexander, he begging of the Cardinals, that they would not tranſgreſs and invert the Orders obſerv'd in the Elections of the former Popes.

[Page]By this means it was concluded, the Exequies ſhould be celebrated firſt, for the ſpace of the uſual dayes; Farneſe in the interim keeping cloſe in his houſe, to avoid the applauſe of the people as he went up and down the City, every body looking on him as already created. The 11th. of October the Exequies being over, 35. Cardinals went into the Conclave, being come from ſeveral Neighbouring Provinces, to be preſent at the Election of the New Pope: There was not much time loſt in the Viſits of the Ambaſſadors, every one knowing already who was deſign'd to be Pope.

The ſame night Cardinal Medici remembring the inſtructions of Clement, [...]ell into diſcourſe (but more for form, than any thing elſe) with the Cardinal of Lorrain, who was in great eſteem in the Sacred Colledge, and with the Cardinal Triv [...]l [...], who had then [...]he Government of the French faction: In this manner theſe three, follow'd by all the Cardinals their friends, went about two a clock in the night to the Chamber of Farneſe, who was then at reſt▪ and putting themſelves upon their knees, they ſaluted him Pope, and adored him, before his Election; which likewiſe was perform'd the next morning betimes, by a general concurrence of Votes, and being ask'd his name, he deſir'd to be call'd Paul, and accordingly he was proclaim'd to the people by the name of Paul the 3d.

In ſhort, there has not been any Pope created, either before or after him, with a more ſincere, frank, unanimous Election than this, not protracted by envy, not corrupted by ambition, not precipitated by fear; and that which is more conſiderable, in this Scrutiny, all the Cardinal; put in their Polizys open, ſo as every one might eaſily read what his Companion did write. There was one Cardinal only, and he of no mean authority, who being envious of Farneſe, [...]aid ſome petty deſigns againſt him, but they were all to no purpoſe; Farneſe having notice of it, went to him, not to deſire his Vote, but ſharply to reprehend him, for ſpeaking ſo bitterly againſt him; the Cardinal being affrighted, humbled himſelf to Farneſe, and with much ado reconcil'd himſelf, that he might not remain his Enemy perpetually.

But all that I have ſaid yet of the of the Election of the Pope, has been nothing but a meer ſuperficies of the policies of the Court: the greateſt differences among the Cardinals being introduc'd into the Conclave, after the death of Paul the third, by reaſon of the introduction of the factions of the Crowns, and the Nephews. The Princes would not have been ſo buſie with the intereſt of the Conclaves, if the Popes had been contented to have been Chriſts Vicar, in the Government of Souls only; but ſeeing they thought good to joyn the Sword to the Croſs, the Princes moved by the intereſt of the Sword, have intereſted themſelves in the intereſt of the Croſs; ſo that as the Popes have render'd themſelves conſiderable, and great in Temporals, and the command of the people; ſo the Kings, to whom God has given the Government of the Earth, have been oblig'd to have an eye over that Temporal State which is taken from them by the Spirituals. In the time when the Popes were poor, and had nothing in their hands but the Keys of Saint Peter, which I call the Spirituals; the Princes medled in the affairs of the Papacy, either as Friends who were zealous of the Service of God, or as perverſe Adverſaries to the Divine Worſhip. But ſince the Popes became rich, and ina [...]ch'd up the Sword of Saint Paul into their hands, the Princes are concern'd to ſee that this Sword be not unſheath'd to the prejudice of their States, not to ſay of their perſons, though the Popes do too often offend againſt them.

In ſhort, the love of God, and the intereſt of his Holy Church, for a long time elected the Popes, by the Votes of the Cardinals; now adayes, the intereſt of Crowns, and Princes, the policies of the World, and the reaſons of State, if they do not chooſe them abſolutely, at leaſt they precede the intereſts of God, and his Church; and this I am ſure, but few Cardinals with a good Conſcience can deny. This way of proceeding ſo blindly in the Elections of the Pope, has prevail'd for above three hundred years; but for an Age paſt, it is ſo uſual and rooted, that it ſeems a neceſſary virtue. Now the Cardinals who are ingag'd both to the Princes and the Church, do in the Elections of the Popes, ſtand as it were in a Precipice, and are in danger of running themſelves upon Scylla, to avoid Charibdis, or upon Charibdis, to avoid Scylla, and this is it that obliges the Cardinals many times to endure impriſonment in the Conclave ſeveral dayes together.

[Page]And to render the Election of the Pope more tedious, and pernicious, that is, more adhaeſive to the world, there is another thing introduc'd likewiſe into the Conclave, within this laſt Age, and that is the faction of the Nephews, which prevails dayly, and overgrows both the factions of Spain, of France, and all the Princes in Chriſtendome.

The faction of the Nephews was the cauſe (as we ſhall ſhow in its proper place) that after the death of Ʋrban, and Innocent, the Cardinals remain'd ſeveral weeks and months ſhut up in the Conclave, without being able to agree, the intereſt of the Nephews overpowring the intreeſt of the Crowns, which ought to have been the greater of the two.

And now behold the liberty of the Cardinals inſlav'd to the Tyranny of the Nephews; the Ambition of the Nephews, Lording it over the Priviledges of the Church. Is it neceſſary then that young men be preferr'd before old? that Ganimed be ador'd before Jupiter? Is it reaſonable to exclude thoſe who can ſay, and ſpeak truth, Quadraginta annis proximus fui generationi huic, and to admit them who but begin to ſay the Introibo in domum tuum Domine? Muſt it be then, that if in the Sacred Colledge there be found one Cardinal worthy of the Papacy, muſt it be (I ſay) that he muſt ſtand depriv'd, and uncapable, becauſe he was not created by the laſt Pope? In this manner things are now carry'd, becauſe they will have it ſo; but doubtleſs it ought to be otherwiſe.

At preſent (and for a hundred years paſt) the vote of the Cardinals is not free; the laſt takes place of the firſt, and the firſt are forc'd to give place to the laſt. The Hereticks laugh, and the Catholicks laugh, and ſome of thoſe Romans who are neither Catholicks nor Hereticks, make Paſquins upon the ſubject; a ſubject indeed too ſcandalous and reproachfull to the whole Colledge, but eſpecially to thoſe Cardinals, who laying aſide their own liberties, and the liberty of the Church, adhere ſo cloſe to the intereſt of the Nephews: manifeſting thereby, that it was not their merit advanc'd them to the Cardinalitial Dignity, but their Devotion to the Nephews, and pronouncing themſelves Cardinals of the Nipotiſme, rather than of the Holy Church, ſeeing they do not ſerve the Church, but the Nipotiſme.

Some few dayes paſt, I had an accidental occaſion of diſcourſing with a certain Prelate, or Abbot of Rome, who amongſt variety of other things, relating to the intereſts of the Court of Rome, happen'd in the proceſs of his diſcourſe to declare, that he had been Conclaviſt to a Cardinal in the laſt Conclave of Chigi. I, out of my natural curioſity, and in order to my Hiſtory, which I was then a compiling, giving thanks to Heaven for ſo propitious an opportunity, beſeech'd the Abbot very earneſtly, that he would inform me of ſome particulars touching the intereſts of the Princes in the Election of the Popes. The Abbot fetch'd a ſigh at my requeſt, and gave me this anſwer.

Sir, in the Election of the Pope, the leaſt thing that prevails, is the intereſt of the Princes, and eſpecially of the Crowns; if you knew at what rate things are carry'd in the Conclave, you'd bleſs your ſelf. There is not a word of any thing but the Nephews; and the intereſts of the Crowns, are us'd but as a meer ſhadow, to the intereſt of the Nipotiſme; for my part I believe the Princes, weary to ſee the intereſts of the Nephews preferr'd to theirs, in a matter of that conſequence, will leave Rome to the Cardinals; and the Cardinals in Rome; who finding themſelves depriv'd of the riches the Princes give them to defend their intereſt, will every one cry out without doubt, Quid faciam miſer, quia Dominus meus aufert a me villicationem? And this I am ſure of, that if ever the Princes ſhall reſolve to take that courſe, their intereſts in the Conclave will be greater than they are now, which (if not nothing at all) are at leaſt ſo little, they know not where to find them themſelves.

Certainly if things be conſider'd impartially, it will be found that the Papacy is not Elective, as it ſeems in appearance, but Hereditary to the Nephews, for as much as the Nephews of the deceas'd Pope, are they which govern all in the Conclave, and will have it, one way or other, in ſpight of all thoſe who endeavour to oppoſe them. But becauſe a buſineſs of ſuch importance deſires better proofs, I ſhall proceed according to the order of Elections, and by experience of the ſucceſſes of the Conclaves ſince Paul the third, [Page] render the Reader ſo well ſatisfy'd and inform'd, that he may himſelf confeſs, the Papacy is now become Hereditary to the Nipotiſm of Rome.

Paul the third paſs'd from this, to a better life, on the 10th. of November 1549. and his ob [...]equies being perform'd, the Lord Cardinals to the number of 47. enter'd into the Conclave; they were divided into three factions, the firſt for France▪ govern'd by the Cardinal Guiſe; the ſecond for the Emperor, manag'd by the Cardinal of Trent; and the third of the Creatures of Paul, conducted by Cardinal Farneſe, a young man, but as well vers'd and experienc'd in Politick affairs, as was to be expected from his age, and ſomething better.

Amongſt the Cardinals of the faction of Farneſe, there were certain others, promoted in the time of Paul, and which is more conſiderable, they were able men, and mature both in judgement and age; by which means this faction being the greateſt of the three, was courted and careſs'd by both the other.

At the beginning of the Conclave, the reputation of the Cardinal Farneſe, began to be very great, all people acknowledging it impoſſible to put an end to the Conclave, without his concurrence; ſo that each of the two factions took what pains they could to draw him to their ſide; but becauſe (to oblige his Creatures the more to him) he had declar'd to do nothing but by the deliberation and conſent of all his aforeſaid Creatures together, Farneſe, being weary of the importunities of the Imperialists, and the French, re [...]olv'd before he engag'd himſelf, to conſuit certain of his Creatures, more judicious than the reſt, who fail'd not to adviſe him, with great reaſon and ſolidity.

Some of them declar'd, that in caſe he would joyn with either of the factions, it ought not to be with the Emperors, for his reputation ſake, becauſe every body knew that Caeſar was conſenting to the death of Lewis Farneſe, and for that reaſon he ought to incline to the French; but privately, and handſomly, leſt the Emperor being provok'd, ſhould attempt ſomething in his paſſion, to the prejudice of him and his Family.

Others advis'd him to declare openly for the French faction, and that to frighten the Emperor, who would not probably be provok'd to any violence, ſeeing him protected by the King of France, who would not fail to recover the States of Parma, and Placenza, for Octavio Farneſe, which were in the poſſeſſion of the Emperor, and by him illegally uſurp'd from the ſaid Octavio, who was the true Proprietor.

To this others reply'd, that the Emperor was by no means to be abandon'd, for the French; that the Emperor, who was at that time very ſucceſsful, would be able to ruine the whole Family of the Farneſe, before any remedy could be brought, yea though the Pope himſelf was of his ſide; that the nature of the Emperor was ſuch, that the more oppoſition he ſaw, and the ſtronger the Princes were confederate, the more was his indignation and magnanimity excited; it having been found by experience, that neither [...] Pope, nor the King of France, have been ever able to give him the leaſt apprehenſion. Th [...]y added, that no notice was to be taken of the death of Duke Lewis, for the Emperor ha [...] [...]ſ [...]iciently expiated that, by giving Margaret his natural Daughter, to Octavio Farn [...] [...] in Marriage.

But the greateſt part were of opinion, that ſeeing their faction was potent of it ſelf, and ſtronger than both the other, there was no reaſon to joyn with either of them, but that they ſhould proceed to the Election of their Pope out of their own number, for the glory of Paul, his Unkle, and the encreaſe of his own reputation; whereby he would [...] a point, the Nephews of other Popes have not been able, or have not known how to obtain.

Farneſe hearing all theſe arguments, and many more like them, reſolv'd to ſtand neuter, and to make a Pope in ſpight of all oppoſition, after his own mind, that is, out of his own Creatures.

The Imperialiſts, who did not willingly conſent to make any of the Cardinals Pope, who were created by Paul, being deſperate of ſucceſs by the old men, began to promote the intereſt of Cardinal Poole, a Creature of Pauls 'tis true, but very well affected to the Emperor, and becauſe the ſaid Poole had many friends in the faction of Farneſe, they look'd upon the buſineſs as done. The Cardinals Sforza, and Maffei, great friends to Poole both of them, but one an Imperialiſt, and the other a Farneſian, were of opinion, [Page] that they ought not put in their deſigns ſo ſuddenly for Poole; but that it was better to let the fury French ſpend it ſelf in the Conclave, to the end that his enemies might tyre themſelves out in the Excluſion of other perſons. This way would have doubtleſs been the beſt, and the Imperialiſts confeſs'd it, when it was too late, for they making no account of the Frenches excluding of Poole, would needs have it brought to a Scrutiny: and to make the buſineſs yet worſe, the ſame day they enter'd into the Conclave, there arriv'd two French Cardinals more, who were not there when the reſt enter'd. In ſhort, the French oppos'd him might and main, charging him with Hereſie, and ſo uncapable of the Popedome. But Pooles friends knew well enough how to clear him of that, ſo they came to a Scrutiny, in which (with the Acceſs) there were found 26 votes in favour of Poole, who ought to have had 33 of the 49 Cardinals: and thus all Poole's hopes vaniſh'd though the Emperours Faction attempted it again.

The Excluſion of this perſon proceeded not ſo much from the oppoſition of the French, as from the envy of the antienter Cardinals, who could not endure to ſee themſelves excluded from a concurrence in that dignity; eſteeming it a great injury to give their conſents to Poole, and be themſelves paſt by, and rejected: they oppoſed him therefore very vigorouſly, making great practices againſt him, drawing away from their ſide certain of the younger, moſt furious Cardinals, and moſt deſirous of Novelties, which were they that made the greateſt noiſe.

In this manner they went up and down, contriving new deſigns, now for this Cardinal, anon for another, every one endeavouring to try his fortune under the protection of his friends; amongſt the reſt, Cardinal Salviati, upon the excluſion of Poole, conceiv'd ſome hopes, but it was not long before he met oppoſition, Cardinal Farneſe not enduring him, as he was an enemy to the Emperour; the ſaid Salviati having amongſt all the Imperialiſts, only Sforza of his ſide. The Cardinals Sfondrato, of Lorrain, of Ferrara, San Macello, Ridolfi, and even the young Fry, put themſelves forward one after another, but they were all excluded, ſome for one reaſon, ſome for another.

The Election being ſo tedious, the chief of the three Factions met to conſider of ſome way of finiſhing the Conclave, and the rather, becauſe the people ſuffer'd much by ſo long a Vacancy of the See. They made an agreement therefore amongſt themſelves, that nine Cardinals ſhould be named, of each Faction three, but that the nomination ſhould be made by two only of the Faction of France, and that afterwards it ſhould be lawfull for the Imperialiſts to take one of the ſaid nine at their pleaſure, and that the reſt ſhould be oblig'd to concur.

Of the French Faction accordingly were named, the Cardinals of Lorrain, Tornone, and Bellai. Of the Imperial Faction, Theatino, Monti, and San Marcello, and three others of the other Faction, Salviati, Ridolfi, and Trani; and ſo the ſaid nomination was publiſh'd to the Imperialiſts by Cardinal Sforza; who would not only not except of any of the nine, but finding they could not ſucceed in the perſon of Cardinal Poole, they began to have new deſigns in the behalf of Cardinal Sfondrato, but they were as ineffectual as Pooles, or the French deſigns for the Cardinal of Lorrain.

The Imperialiſts refuſal of the nine perſons which were named, gave great offence to the two other Factions, inſomuch that it was propos'd by the French to the Farneſians, to unite amongſt themſelves, and to chooſe a Pope in ſpight of the Imperialiſts; but they could not agree in the choiſe of their perſons, becauſe there were ſeveral Cardinals amongſt the Farneſians who were oblig'd to the Emperour, and much afraid of his diſpleaſure.

In the mean while, ſeveral Cardinals joyn'd with Cardinal Sforza, and endeavour'd what they could poſſibly in favour of Salviati, a creature of Leo the tenths; and after many turnings and windings, to affright Cardinal Farneſe, who was reſolute in his adhaerance to his own creatures, they ſpread abroad a report one night in the Conclave, that Salviati the next morning ſhould be made Pope, on whoſe ſide they had voices enough. Farneſe took the alarm, and was really affraid it was true, inſomuch that he went away immediately, half undreſs'd, to the Chambers of his Confidents, imparting his apprehenſion, but was advis'd by them all to ſtand firm; and not to fear thoſe rumours at all, becauſe they were nothing but juglings and artifices to diſcover the intrigue; [Page] and amongſt the reſt, Cardinal Maffei, and Cornelio, aſſur'd him there ſhould no Pope be choſen in that Colledge without his approbation; and that therefore he ſhould forbear ſpeaking in that manner with every body, and declare to all people, that he would not condeſcend to any, who was not one of his own well-deſerving creatures.

Foraſmuch as the deſigns on all hands were grown deſperate, every one having try'd his fortune in vain, Cardinal Sforza went to Farneſe, and told him, that ſeveral Cardinals, weary of the tediouſneſs of the Conclave, were reſolv'd to create a Pope againſt the conſent of the Cardinals of the Factions, if within two dayes time the ſaid Cardinal Farneſe was not reſolved to conclude upon ſome body; and propos'd Cardinal San Marcello, a man of an exemplary life, no ſmall wiſdome, and one who had many friends in all the Factions.

At length Farneſe being reſolv'd to finiſh the Conclave, he bent his whole mind upon Cardinal Di Monti of the County of Arezzo, and the rather, becauſe the Imperialiſts diſpairing to obtain their deſigns for a perſon more affectionate to them, were reſolv'd to joyn in the perſon of Monti; and the Cardinal Ferrara, not only gave his own vote for Monti, but promis'd to procure him ſeveral more.

At this time, the minds of the greateſt part of the Cardinals, appear'd to be inclin'd to the promotion of Monti, and he ſhould have been ſaluted Pope in his Chamber one night, if the Cardinal Guiſe had not withdrawn ſeveral of the Cardinals, who being an enemy to Monti, made ſeveral bold attempts againſt him, and amongſt the reſt, he went to Cardinal Sforza, and oblig'd himſelf to bring ſeveral of his friends and adherents to Cardinal Salviati (his Kinſmans) ſide, if he would be content but to own the deſign; but Sforza told him, it was not time now (he having ingag'd himſelf to Farneſe) to give his vote for Monti, which was almoſt concluded, and he could not fail to be Pope, by any means whatſoever.

Cardinal Guiſe being aſtoniſh'd at his anſwer, entreated Cardinal Sforza, that he would be a means to reconcile him to Monti; Sforza conducted him to Farneſes Chamber, and went along with them both to find out the Cardinal Monti, reconciling them ſo effectually, that of an enemy, Guiſe became of his party, and brought all the voices he could get to it. And thus, after a tedious diſcuſſion of the Cardinals, i [...] the ſpace of three months, during the vacency of the See, Gio Maria del Monti was created Pope, the 13th. of Frebruary 1550. about three a clock in the night, by the name of Julius the 3d. And in this mauner, the Faction of the Nipotiſme was introduc'd into the Conclave, having overpower'd the Factions of the Emperour, and King of France, with no ſmall reputation and glory.

On the 23 of March 1555. Julius the 3d. dyed, after he had Reigned five years, and ſome dayes; after which, the Cardinals to the number of 37. enter'd into the Conclave the 4th. of April, divided into two Factions; one of them Imperialiſts, ſupported by Cardinal Santo Fiore, Mantua, and Trento; the other French, and manag'd for the greateſt part by Cardinal Ferrara; but there were ſeveral Cardinals likewiſe, which ſtood neuters, and comply'd ſome time with one, and ſometimes with another. Julius his Faction was not conſiderable at all, there being but few Cardinals created by him, and which is worſe, they were divided here and there, and not actuated by any one, ſo that there was no mention of that Faction.

The Cardinal Ferrara, endeavour'd the excluſion of every body, in hopes to obtain it for himſelf; and Cardinal Mantua, and Trento, follow'd the ſame ſteps, thinking of nothing but their particular intereſts, having paſt their words one to the other, to give one another their utmoſt aſſiſtance, and the rather, becauſe the Emperour had recommended them both, with equal affection; if they fail'd, he propos'd Cardinal Santo Fiore, who was principal of the Imperial Faction, but thought little of being Pope, ſeeing things were ſo ill diſpos'd for his intereſt.

On the ſeventh they had the firſt Scrutiny, not that their minds were bent upon any body, but in purſuance of the Pontifical decrees, which required frequent Scrutinies, as likewiſe in honour to the pretending Cardinals, as indeed it happen'd, ſome of them having more votes, ſome fewer, Ferrara amongſt the reſt, having ten.

Cardinal Farneſe (who had the Title of Saint Angelo) conſidering in the mean time, [Page] and obſerving the many apparent difficulties, and obſtructions by the creatures of Julius, and that by conſequence the Popedome muſt needs fall among ſome of his creatures; he thought it but fit for him alſo to do his part, that ſome of his Confidents might gain it; and accordingly fixing his eye upon Cardinal Marcello Cervino de Montepulciano: who carryed the Title of Santa Croce, and was advanc'd by Paul his Unckle, he imparted his deſign to his friends, and they contriv'd the way to exalt him. Cardinal Sforza had already ſet his brains a working for Santa Croce; but when he underſtood that Saint Angelo agreed with him in his deſire to make him Pope, he rejoyc'd very much, and was incourag'd the more becauſe he knew Farneſes authority in the Conclave was not ſmall. In this manner therefore, Farneſe on the one ſide, and Sforza▪ on the other, began to mannage their contrivances more ſtrictly, and that with ſo much order and ſecreſie, that they were agreed before the Adverſary knew any thing of it; and the way was thus.

They underſtood very well the prejudice the Emperour had to Santa Croce, and they had diſcover'd the Imperialiſts a verſion to a perſon ſo odious to the Emperour. Beſides, Cardinal Ferrara being requeſted by them, as chief of the French Faction, that he would joyn in the creation o [...] Santa Croce, he gave them this anſwer, That he had many things to think of before he would give his conſent for Santa Croce. They ſeeing themſelves refus'd by the heads of both the Factions, and knowing that in this laſt, Cardinal Cervino had many ſecret friends, they contriv'd to hit the mark, without communicating with the ſaid heads, who fail'd not in the mean time to do what they could to prevent their deſign.

They ſent therefore Cardinal Lottino to Santa Croce, to underſtand which Cardinals he had moſt confidence would aſſiſt him; Santa Croce reply'd, it was a hard matter to make a judgement of that in a Conclave, where oftentimes friends pretended to be enemies, and enemies friends; nevertheleſs conſidering the offers many had ſpontaniouſly made him, and the courſe he had taken to gain the favour of others, he did believe he had twice as many Cardinals as would ſerve to make him Pope; and to that purpoſe he writ down with his own hand the names of the Cardinals, in which the thought he might confide; but he had not time to finiſh it, Cardinal Ceſenna a great friend of Ferrara's, coming in▪ and he being cautious of giving him any cau [...]e of ſufpition, he took the note, and gave it to Lottino, with theſe words, Take it, take it, theſe are ſufficient.

The note being receiv'd, the Cardinal Saint Angelo, and the Cardinal Chamberlaine, began to conſider, of ſo great a number, what was ſufficient to make him Pope; and having found it with eaſe, they ſelected eight of the greateſt authority, moſt powerfull to perſwade, and moſt aff [...]ctionate to Santa Croce: the reſt of thoſe who were written in the Note, they diſtributed to the ſaid eight, to this two, to that three, to another four, as they knew they were friends, either to the one, or the other (a moſt remarkable policy) with expreſs charge, never to forſake them, but to conduct them fairly into the Chapel, where the ſcrutiny was to be made, and then to ſpeak to their heads, and letting them know their deſign, to intreat them that they would comport themſelves with prudence and peace: and indeed every one of ehe eight executed their charges with that order and decorum, there was not one of the contrary party underſtood it, but the Cardinal of Ceſena, who meeting Lottino in the Gallery, whiſper'd him in the Ear, and told him, I know your deſign, and am pleas'd with it, tell the Cardinal Chamberlaine from me, if you pleaſe, that I alſo will be for Santa Croce.

They ſent Lottino to confer with Cardinal Trento likewiſe, who had many times declar'd, that he would ſooner give his vote to Ferrara, the head of the French Faction, than to Santa Croce, who was a Creature of Paul's: nevertheleſs Lottino perſwaded ſo with him, that he conſented at laſt, abandoning all his private reſentments. Trento conſulted with certain Imperialiſts, who were all of opinion, that though they did condeſcend to the Election of Santa Croce, the Emperour could have no cauſe of apprehenſion, ſeeing he was a perſon of inferiour condition, and by conſequence without hope of aſſiſtance, but from the State Eccleſiaſtick, which was weak and unable, by reaſon of the impoſitions of the laſt Popes. Trento being ſatisfy'd with this anſwer, return'd this anſwer to Lottino, that he alſo did concur with the Cardinal Chamberlain, to make Santa Croce Pope.

[Page]All theſe things being related to Ferrara, who endeavoured his excluſion as much as poſſible, being to that purpoſe retir'd into the Chappel of San S [...]xtus, full of fear and anxiety to ſee a Pope created in his preſence, in deſpight of him. He went with Lottino, who was come to ſpeak with him, into the Chappel of Paulina, where the others were, and declar'd himſelf willing to concur with Santa Croce, to the great ſatisfaction of them all.

The concluſion being aſcertain'd in this manner, the Cardinals Farneſe, and Sforza, would needs have Cardinal Santa Croce, taken from his Chamber, and conducted to the Chappel by the Cardinals of Trent, and of Mantua; which gave ſome little jealouſie to Ferrara, which he was forc'd to ſwallow, as time requir'd. In the Scrutiny there were but three contrary votes, which were not ſo refractory, but they came with great cheerfulneſs to the Adoration.

And in this manner it was Marcellus Cervinus was created Pope after the See had been vacant 17 dayes, which Election fell out the 9th of April, he being unwilling to alter his name, was publiſh'd by the name of Marcellus the ſecond. And thus you have the Papacy hereditary to the Faction of Paul, the ſecond time; behold now the Farneſian Nipotiſme making a Pope again, at their own pleaſures.

The dayes of Marcellus were very ſhort, for he dy'd the firſt of May, which was 21 dayes after his creation. The ſhortneſs of his life was the occaſion that the ſame Cardinals were preſent, who had been in Julius his Conclave, and with the ſame conduct of Factions; unleſs in what I am about to ſay.

There enter'd 45 Cardinals into the Conclave; a greater number than was in Julius his, becauſe many were come a far off to be preſent at Marcellus his Election, and thought good to continue where they were till the creation of a new Pope. The 15th. of May at night they enter'd into the Conclave, in which day, they did nothing but give Audience to the Princes Ambaſſadors, and diſtribute ſuch Orders as were neceſſary.

The Cardinal Julius della Corgna, Biſhop of Perugia, and Nephew to Julius the 3d. who had not regarded the forming of Factions in the preceeding Conclave, being advis'd by ſome of his friends, he reſolved to make himſelf head of thoſe Cardinals which were created by his Unckle, and he found ſo many of them as were ſufficient for an excluſion, who were call'd by the reſt Julianiſts.

Farneſe on the other ſide, being deſirous to conſerve the reputation he had had in two Conclaves before, intreated the Cardinals which were the creatures of Paul his Grandfather, not to deſert him, but to follow him unanimouſly in fixing the Election upon one of his creatures, his eyes being ſtill upon Cardinal P [...]ole, for whom he had alwayes an affection, and taken much pains in his behalf in the Conclave of Paul. And foraſmuch as the Cardinal of Corgna, to make himſelf more ſtrong, had joyn'd with the chief of the Imperialiſts, promiſing to concur with them in what ever ſhould be for their ſatisfaction, if they would oblige him by chooſing one of the creatures of his Unckle Julius; Farneſe combin'd on the other hand, with the chief of the French, to fortifie his own Faction thereby, and make the Julianiſts the weaker.

The firſt point Farneſe endeavour'd to weather, was to make Cardinal Poole Pope, but he found two great oppoſitions; the firſt was, that amongſt the French Cardinals, there were ſome of them ſo averſe to Poole, that they openly declar'd they would ſooner lay down their Caps, than give their voices for him; the ſecond was, that even thoſe Cardinals who were friends to Poole, were ſcrupulous of conſenting, becauſe he was then in England, whence he could neither come, nor go, without prejudice to the Church, and infinite inconvenience to ſuch as ſhould be deputed to conduct him to Rome; to which [...]ſons he was forc'd to ſubmit.

The Cardinal of Perugia in the mean time manag'd his deſigns with the ſame vigour▪ to make one of the Julianiſts Pope, and that out of an animoſity he had againſt Cardinal Farneſe, who being us'd to give Laws to the Conclave, diſdain'd any others creature but his own. He propos'd therefore to the Imperialiſts, Cardinal Giacomo Pir [...] d [...] Nizza, a perſon deſerving in ſome meaſure from the Emperour, and a great friend to all the chief of the French, and the buſineſs went ſo far, that many went towards the Chappel to make a Scrutiny, there being votes enough.

[Page] Farneſe could not eaſily brook to ſee a Pope made by any hands but his own, and therefore though it was told him that Nizza was created already, he reſolv'd immediately without the leaſt diminution in his courage, to hinder the Election, by diverting it upon ſome perſon amongſt the Imperialiſts themſelves, and he propos'd Fano at firſt; but he refus'd to ſerve for a tryal in that Conjuncture, not being willing to ingage himſelf, when he was ſure to meet with infinite obſtructions.

The envy of Farneſe increaſing hourly, he thought he might overcome that difficulty, by propoſing of Caraffa, by an exceſs of malice, doing violence to himſelf, for he was alwayes averſe to Caraffa's exaltation; and it is moſt certain, that his friendſhip and correſpondence was greater with Nizza, than with Caraffa: yet to ſhew himſelf a man of authority, and not ſeem to be over-power'd by Julius della Corgna, he was contented to take the Papacy out of the hands of his friend, and to beſtow it upon his enemy; but in this the myſteries of the Conclave were known.

Caraffa being a Neapolitan, was ſubject to the Emperour, however, he held great correſpondence with the French Faction, who no ſooner underſtood the propoſition of Farneſe; but ſuſpending the Election of Nizza, which was already preparing in the Chappel, without diving into the bottome of the buſineſs, 25 Cardinals ran preſently to Caraffa's Chamber, by whom he ſuffer'd himſelf to be brought immediately to the Chappel, without any ſecurity of his Election. But God, who had ordain'd an end different from that, which even they that conducted him had imagin'd, in this ſudden and extempore Election, caus'd all thoſe propitious accidents to fall out, which contributed to the good fortune of Caraffa.

Many of the Cardinals were aſtoniſh'd at the ſuddenneſs of the rumour, and went towards the Chappel, imagining Poole had been choſen; but finding the face of things clear otherwiſe, there wonder was increas'd: amongſt the reſt, Cardinal Morone perceiving the buſineſs, cry'd out with a loud voice, What extravagance is this? Farneſe will have one of his enemies to be made Pope, the Imperialiſts, one excluded by the Emperour, as being too much a friend to the French, and the French, a Subject of the Emperours, who may upon conſideration of his family, deſert the intereſt of the French: if it be ſo, it is Gods pleaſure Caraffa be Pope, and therefore I'le not be against it.

The Imperial Cardinals who joyn'd with Farneſe, deſerted their heads, who refus'd to concur, and us'd their utmoſt power to impede the Election; but God Almighty who had decreed in the ſecrets of his Providence, that the Papacy ſhould fall upon Caraffa, took away all means to prevent it. But thoſe poor Cardinals who were the firſt that put it forwards, had no reaſon to triumph, for the Emperour being incens'd, he puniſh'd their Purſes, took away ſeveral of their Abbeys, and Benefices, and ſome of them eſcap'd not without Perſonal affronts; but be that as it will, the good Caraffa obtain'd the Popedome, when he did not expect it, calling himſelf Paul the fourth, as the firſt fruits of his gratitude to Farneſe, who went up and down the Conclave triumphing, that the Pontifical dignity was the third time hereditary to the Farneſian Nipotiſmne, inſpight of all the politick reaſons of the Cardinals.

The Exaltation of this Pope happen'd upon Aſcenſion day, the 23 of May, after ſeven dayes Conclave, and 22 dayes vacancy of the See, and after fierce, though no long diſputes; for Farneſes reſolution was taken, the whole contrivance laid, and executed, and the Scrutiny perform'd, in ſeven hours time at the moſt.

Paul lived four years and three months, his Papacy unhappy for the Church, and unfortunate for the people; he dyed the 18th. of Auguſt 1559. his houſe having receiv'd no ſmall injury by the fury of the people, who cut off the head of the Statue of the ſaid Paul, and drew the body about the Streets of Rome, with great ſhame to the Pontifical Majeſty.

About the beginning of September, 42 Cardinals enter'd the Conclave, no other perſon being before them, but only the Cardinal Queva a Spaniard, who being aſſured of the Imperialiſts, ſent (by means of his Conclaviſt) to intreat ſeveral other Cardinals to give him their votes, and indeed he found enough of them willing to have made him Pope; whilſt others, looking upon him as ſecure, went and offer'd it themſelves, ſo that the next day after their entrance, they came to a Scrutiny, with confidence he was to be created Pope.

[Page]Whilſt the Cardinals were writing their Schedules, the Cardinal Capo di ferro an Imperialiſt, turning to thoſe who were next him, (who were Frenchmen) demanded, for whom they gave their Votes; and being anſwer'd, for the Cardinal della Queva, he began to apprehend whether it was in earneſt or not, believing in truth, that all was but words, and that their promiſes made to Queva, were only to cajole him, and not to make him Pope; whereupon ſtanding up, he demanded the ſame of the reſt of the Cardinals, who all gave him the ſame anſwer, that they were for Quiva.

Being fortify'd therefore in his former perſwaſion, he admoniſh'd them one by one of the Error they were falling into, by reaſon of their inadvertency, declaring to them the incapacity of the perſon. Whereupon moſt of them tore the Schedules in pieces, which they had writ in favour of Queva, and writ others, every one according to his inclinations, ſeveral Cardinals being honour'd, ſome with more, ſome with fewer Votes; but Queva who had been concluded Pope by them all, had but nine, he attributing the memory of ſo great an affront, to Cardinal Capo di ferro, who was without doubt the only inſtrument that prevented his being Pope.

Queva being thus defeated in his hopes, Cardinal Cornaro began to ſet up for himſelf; he had the Cardinal Piſani in the French faction for his Unkle, and he was himſelf one of the Imperial, imagining by that means to gain both parties, and indeed there was great probability, many of the Imperialiſts having paſs'd their paroles to Cornaro, and almoſt all the French to Piſani; but when it came to the point, all their deſigns came to nothing, for the Imperialiſts would not truſt Cornaro, ſeeing the concurrence of the French procur'd by his Unkle, nor were the French ſatisfy'd to ſee him an Imperialiſt.

After this the French thought to pitch upon the perſon of Cardinal Turnone, a man certainly the moſt worthy of the whole Conclave, and being ſo, the French imagin'd that in the Scrutiny, even Conſcience would prevail with many of the Cardinals, and they would give him their Vote, as the moſt meritorious; and ſo having joyn'd 24. certain Votes, they went one day towards the Chappel, ſecure, as they thought, he would be choſen Pope; and the rather, becauſe many of the Imperialiſts knowing his deſerts, durſt not commence any practiſes againſt him: But the Italian Cardinals retaining their old fear, of having the Court again transferr'd to Avignon, oppos'd themſelves againſt it: ſo that in two Scrutinies he had not above half the Votes which were neceſſary, and to the acceſſion there was not one Italian would go, though the French with their wonted fury obtain'd one; and ſo Turnone was excluded with the reſt.

But all theſe projects and practiſes, though they were kept on foot for ſeveral dayes, were not ſo conſiderable, or troubleſome to the Conclave, as the deſigns of Cardinal Carpi, who having only the favour of Paul the third, had ſuch opportunity of making many of the Cardinals his friends, by procuring graces ſometimes for this, and ſometimes for that, that it came into his head, that he alſo might run for the prize, with ſome aſſurance of ſucceſs.

The firſt thing he endeavour'd, or at leaſt his friends for him, was to gain the faction of King Philip, which was manag'd by Cardinal Sforza the Chamberlain, and that he obtain'd without much difficulty, as well becauſe he knew how little he was inclin'd to the Crown of France, as in reſpect of a Marriage which was in Treaty, and promis'd faithfully to be concluded, betwixt a Siſter of the ſaid Carpi, and il Signor Paolo Brother to Sforza, which was that which gave the greateſt encouragement to Sforza, to procure his creation▪

Two things there were which promoted the Excluſion of this perſon; the firſt was, that Farneſe, and Trent, Cardinals of the greateſt authority, and Principals in the Colledge, being diſguſted that Sforza ſhould have the honour to make a Pope, with the faction of King Philip, they began to think it not convenient to conſent to ſuch an Election, and therefore they conſpir'd againſt it; which when Sforza had notice of, he declar'd that he did it not with the concurrence of any of the Imperialiſts; confronting one another in this manner with their particular intereſts, to the great prejudice of the Publique.

The other oppoſition proceeded from the enmity Cardinal Ferrara profeſs'd, who [Page] being out of favour with Paul, kept himſelf out of Rome all the time of his Pontificate, out of an opinion, that Carpi contributed thereto; and from hence being jealous of the greatneſs of the ſaid Carpi, and adding thereto a ſuſpicion he had, that Carpi had but ſmall affection for the King of France, whoſe faction he manag'd with principal authority, he ſet himſelf againſt his creation from the very firſt: But being preſs'd by the inſtances of the Grand Duke, who order'd Lottino to negotiate the exaltation of Carpi, in his behalf; he excus'd himſelf, by ſaying, that he would not oblige himſelf by any promiſe, in a matter of ſuch importance to the moſt Chriſtian King, without communicating with the Cardinal of Turnone, who was not far off of Rome, and expected from day to day: Turnone being arriv'd, and Ferrara importun'd by Lottino to go over to Carpi, he reply'd, that the Cardinal Turnone thought [...]it he ſhould attend the coming of Cardinal Guiſe, who came with particular inſtructions from his Majeſty.

At length, after a months expectation, Guiſe being arrived, and preſt for a reſolution, things not being able to ſtand any longer without a Pope; and underſtanding there were gre [...]t clamours and exclamations without, Cardinal Ferrara, oblig'd as it were by the faith of a promiſe, declar'd that he would not concur with Carpi, but with the Cardinal of Mantua; a thing which ſucceeded beyond the expectation and opinion of Sforza, who had attended ſo long in expectation of Turnone and Guiſe, and fill'd the Conclave with confuſion and controverſie, Ferrara receiving no ſmall curſes from Carpi's friends.

At laſt Farneſe reſolv'd couragiouſly to put an end to the Conclave, and without giving time to Mantua's friends to corroborate themſelves in this noiſe, and diſtraction, he gave himſelf over, with the help of his confidents, to ſet up the Cardinal Medici, who immediately upon his aſſiſtance was created Pope, after 4 months and ſome days vacancy of the See, with the votes of 44 Cardinals, at 7 a clock at night, on the 24 of December; and having made choice of the name of Pius the 4th. he was the next morning betimes publiſh'd, with great joy to the people; But above all to Cardinal Farneſe, who triumph'd to ſee the Papacy the fourth time at his beck, and the Farneſian Nipotiſme, Conquerours in four ſeveral Conclaves.

Pope Pius the 4th: Govern'd ſix years, and dy'd the 10th. of December 1565. and on the 2d. of January the Cardinals entred into the Conclave, to the number of 49. a number greater than had been formerly ſeen, which gave many occaſion to believe, that amongſt ſuch a multitude, there muſt needs be great difference of opinions, the Election by conſequence long, and the diſturbances in the Conclave infinite.

But experience prov'd, they were all miſtaken, and becauſe they did not conſide [...], that 'tis the heads of the factions which make the Pope, and not the number of Cardinals, who follow the heads commonly, and (with reſpect be it ſpoken) 'tis upon their reſolutions the tediouſneſs or expedition of the Conclave depends.

And truly they who underſtood the myſteries and affairs of the Conclave, concluded this would be ſhort, and without much contect, by reaſon of the fewneſs of the factions therein, for neither the Emperour nor the King of France, had any at all there. The Emperour had none, becauſe he was immediately upon his aſſumption to the Empire, environ'd with ſo many difficulties, he had no time to think of the intereſts of Rome, the King of France had none, becauſe he was very young, his Kingdom harraſſed with civil and inteſtine Wars, and his Mother a Stranger; King Philip, though free and at leiſure, and the example of Charles the 5th. freſh in his memory, who took more care to watch over the proceedings at Rome, then of all the reſt, car'd not to give himſelf any trouble, but left that whole buſineſs to the Cardinals.

In this manner the Conclave was divided into two Factions of the Nephews only, the one of the Creatures, and other friends of Paul the 3d. which was guided by the Cardinal Alexander Farneſe; the other of the Creatures of Pius the 5th. managed by Cardinal Charl [...] Borromeo, Nephew to the ſaid Pope, each of them reſolved not to let the Papacy ſlip out of the hands of their own Creatures: The Cardinal Ferrara, by reaſon of his infirmities, which confin'd him to his Bed, was not able to manage, or form, any faction, though Cardinal d'Eſte his Nephew attempted to have done it.

Of theſe two Cardinals the heads of factions, Borrom [...] had the greater number, and [Page] it is certain, never any Popes Nephew entred the Conclave with a greater party than Borromeo, nor did the Cardinals ever ſhew themſelves more affectionate, than they did in this.

Cardinal Farneſe, though he came ſhort in the number of his Cardinals, yet he was before Borromeo in the Excellence of his judgement, and in the conduct of his deſigns; as being by a long experience become a perfect Maſter of the Conclave, whereas Borromeo was beginning only to be a diſciple.

The firſt attempts in this Conclave, were made by the Cardinals M [...]rone, Amulio, Buoncompagno, which being excluded for ſundry reaſons, Piſa, Montepulciano, and Ara-Celi were propos'd; but they met with as many difficulties as the other, and ſuch indeed as were ſufficient to put them out of all hopes.

Borromeo who pretended to nothing more than to expedite the Conclave, pitch'd his eye upon Cardinal Alexandrino, of whom he had not thought in the beginning, concluding he might make him Pope, becauſe the whole Colledge loved him, for his goodneſs and worth, and by conſequence knew him fit for ſo high a degree; having imparted his mind to Cardinal Altemps, who was a great friend of Alexandrino's, he demonſtrated to him, that he could not imploy his intereſt better, than in the behalf of a perſon of his bounty and merit, and of great affection to Borromeo: and in this manner the judgements of Borromeo and Altemps, being diſcover'd to Cardinal Farneſe, he concurr'd without much difficulty, as well becauſe, he found it impoſſible to make any of his own Creatures, as for the love he profeſs'd to the ſaid Alexandrino, with whom he had had ſome diſcourſe, about his Election, adviſing to put himſelf into the number of Competitors, offering him his ſervice, which was not penetrated by Borromeo.

Things being in this poſture, there was nothing wanting, but the publication of the ſtate of affairs, in which Borromeo proceeded but ſlowly, out of a reverence he bore to Cardinal Morone, whom he durſt not exclude openly from the Papacy, having promis'd to ſtand firm alwayes for him: but at length by the mediation of Cardinal Altemps, he let him underſtand it; wherefore Morone who was going on warily in his deſigns, ſeeing things impoſſible to be alter'd, commended the Election of Alexandrino, perhaps ſtimulated by his Conſcience, for he could not deny but it paſs'd to a perſon who was repleat with all neceſſary virtues.

The concluſion therefore being diſcover'd, with no ſmall admiration, to ſuch as had not yet penetrated into any thing of the tranſaction, every body ran with emulation, to the adoration of Alexandrino, though many wondering much at the ſuddenneſs of the affair, could ſcarce believe it was true which they ſaw: and thus Michael Ghiſilieri of the City of Boſco, ſix miles from the City of Alexandria della Paglia, was created Pope, and call'd from thence Alexandrino: which Election, and adoration follow'd the 7th. of January 1566. with the Votes of 52. Cardinals, three being arriv'd after the reſt were enter'd the Conclave.

He would be call'd Pius the 5th. as a token of his gratitude to Borromeo, by renewing the memory of his Unkle, beſides the eſteem he had really for him; nor was he leſs unthankfull to Farneſe. In this Conclave, the authority of the Nephews of Paul the 3d. and of Pius the 4th. was ſo abſolute, it may be ſaid they were but one intereſt, ſeeing two ſuch potent factions agreed in ſo ſhort a time, for the vacancy of the See was but 26. dayes.

Seven years Pius the 5th. lived, and then paſs'd into a better life, the firſt of May 1572. and on the 10th. after the uſual celebration of his Funeral, 52. Cardinals enter'd the Conclave, and began their practiſes in manner following.

The friends of Morone having tryed the firſt day of their ingreſs, to make him Pope, and finding all their labour in vain, they betook themſelves to other deſigns. The Cardinal Granvela at that time joyn'd himſelf to Farneſe, who had the moſt followers of them all; they had long diſcourſe together about the Election of a new Pope, and at laſt came to an agreement, that Fa [...]neſe ſhould name three perſons at his pleaſure, and Granvela oblig'd himſelf to chooſe one of the three.

Farneſe was contented, and named Cardinal Montepulciano, Buon compagno, and [...]rreggio: The nomination being accepted by Granvela, he went immediately to find [Page] out Cardinal Alexandrino, the Nephew of Pius the 5th. who ſeeing the Cardinals reſolv'd not to chooſe any one Pope, who had receiv'd his Purple but lately, as all the Cardinals created by his Unkle had done; having conſulted with his faction likewiſe, and receiv'd this anſwer, that he ſhould take what reſolution he thought beſt; he told Granvela, that of the three nam'd by Farneſe, he was for Buon compagno; and ſo this was communicated to Borromeo, and Altemps, who paſſionately deſir'd that Election; and moreover it being known that Ferdinando di Medici his Kinſman, was well affected to i [...] too, the buſineſs was concluded, and publiſh'd through the Conclave, the Cardinals meeting in the Gallery, to go together and adore him in his Chamber.

There were eight Cardinals only who knew nothing of this buſineſs, to whom a Conclaviſt was ſent to give them advertiſement; the Cardinal Vercelli ran firſt into the Chamber of Buon compagno, and taking him by the hand ſaid, Will your illustrious Lordſhip come to receive the Pontificate: To which he anſwer'd, My Lords, have you Votes enough? and Vercelli replying Yes, he riſe up, and took certain Writings along with him, that they might not fall into the hands of others, who are wont to plunder that Cardinals Chamber who is made Pope, of whatſoever is found in the Conclave.

In the mean time there arriv'd above 40. Cardinals, all of them conducting him in great triumph to the Chappel, where they held the Scrutiny, and he had every Vote that was there; being deſir'd his name, he choſe to be call'd Gregory the 13th. as well for the devotion he profeſs'd to that Saint, as becauſe he was created Cardinal by Pius the 4th. upon Saint Gregory's day, the 12th. of March 1565. and in this manner Gregory the 13th. was made Pope, after the See had been vacant 13. dayes, and the Conclave 3. and no more; he was publiſh'd to the people the 13th. of May; a ſtrange thing to ſee the three factions, of three Popes, agreed with ſo good order.

Gregory dyed the 10th. of April 1585. after he had held the Papacy 13. years; he dyed a while after the arrival of the Japan Ambaſſadors, who were receiv'd with great magnificence in Rome. The 21. after, the Cardinals enter'd the Conclave, to the number of 39. there being no more at that time preſent at Court, and it was Easter-day in the Evening when they enter'd; a while after, there arrived three more, viz. Madrucci, Auſtria, and Vercelli; before Auſtria could be admitted to come in, there were many difficulties raiſed, but they being appeas'd, he was receiv'd, with the general ſatisfaction of the whole Conclave.

The Cardinals were divided into ſix factions, Farneſe was chief of one, d'Eſte of another, Alexandrino of a third, Medici of the fourth, Altemps of the fifth, and Cardinal San Sextus, Nephew to Gregory, of the ſixth, which was the greateſt of all.

Thoſe who were judg'd moſt worthy, and moſt likely to be Popes, were 14. Farneſe and Savello, created by Paul the 3d. Sirletto, San Gregorio, Paleotto, Santa Croce, and Como, created by Pius the 4th. Mo [...]alto, Ceſis, Albano, and Santa Severina, created by Pius the 5th. Torres, Mondovi, Santi Quattro, and Caſtagna, created by Gregory the 13th.

The ſame day the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave, they ſwore to the obſervation of certain decrees, reſolv'd by them in the Congregation; and a while after, the friends of Cardinal Ceſis began their practiſes, with more fury than fruit, Cardinal San Siſto oppoſing them publickly. After that there were ſome endeavours for Sirletto, Cardinal Medici and Altemps uſing all their art in his behalf, but 'twas impoſſible; he was preſently excluded, Farneſe, Eſte, and Sforza declaring againſt him.

Sirletto being excluded as a perſon improper for the management of affairs, though otherwiſe of great learning; San Siſto attempted for Cardinal Caſtagna, his Creature, and a perſon certainly of very great worth; but all the antient Cardinals were againſt him, as being one of the laſt Cardinals that were created: Farneſe alſo, and Savelli were mention'd, but in vain, they finding great obſtacles too, but eſpecially Savelli, who was reputed a perſon of too Majeſtick a nature, and rigid to exceſs.

[Page]In the mean time Cardinal Eſte, Medici, and Alexandrino, being agreed privately, concluded to make Montalto Pope, who being look'd upon by all people, as a perſon affectionate, bountiful, learned, quiet, and one zealous in the ſervice of God, they thought he would meet with little oppoſition, eſpecially there being none that gave the Cardinals ſo much honour as he, reputing himſelf inferiour to them all, and that ſo much, that he oftentimes ſuffered himſelf to be call'd Aſino della Marca, by pretending either not to underſtand, or not to regard; and this happen'd in the Congregations, by reaſon he never contended with any one, to eſtabliſh his own opinion, but alwayes commended the opinions of other people.

Eſte, Medici, and Alexandrino went one night to Montalto's Chamber, where they found him a bed, pretending himſelf as careleſs and indifferent, as if there were not another perſon with him in the Conclave: being enter'd, they told him they came to give him notice of their reſolution to make him Pope the next morning betimes. Montalto reply'd, Me Pope, a poor old man, full of infirmities, how can I think of the Papacy, who have ſcarce time to conſider of my death; ſo ſhort do I look upon my days, and ſo grievons my distempers.

The three Cardinals, as it were by conſent, told him, that God would give him life and ſtrength for the well Government of the Church. To which Montalto reply'd, with a ſickly and weak voice, That he would never have accepted ſo great a charge as the Papacy was, if their moſt illuſtrious Lordſhips did not firſt promiſe to aſſist him, with their vertue and experience, confeſſing his own faculties very unable for the government of the Church, without their help and aſſiſtance.

Theſe words inflam'd the deſires of theſe Cardinals, to haſten the exa [...]tation of Montalto, concluding they ſhould at their pleaſure command both Church and Court 100, as ſoon as he was received to the Papacy; and they were the more confident, becauſe they knew he had but two Nephews, ſons to a Siſter of his call'd Camilla, w [...]o were young, and inexperient in all kind of Politicks, and learning.

San Siſto underſtanding the practice of Montalto, and knowing the animoſ [...]ty he had born towards Gregory his Unkle, he had thoughts of oppoſing him, but he was overcome by the perſwaſions of the three Cardinals aforeſaid, and concur'd with them: So that on Wedneſday the 24th. of April, after thirteen days vacancy of the See, by common conſent they choſe him Pope, who call'd himſelf Siſto, in complacency to Cardinal San Siſto, as ſome ſuppoſe; but the truth is, it was to renew the memory of Siſta the 4th. who was a Fryer of the ſame Conventual Order of Franciſc [...]ns, which he was of. The Cardinals Eſte, Medici, and Alexandrino were ready to bi [...]e their thumbs, repenting very much that they had made a Pope, who declar'd as ſoon as he was aſ [...]m'd, that he had no need of Companions in the Government, and drove them all three out of Rome.

Five years and four months Sextus reigned in an abſolute Monarchical way, and with a Majeſty much contrary to the humility he pretended when he was a Cardinal, and with a manner ſo auſtere, he was a terrour to the remoteſt of his Enemies: he dy'd of a Malignant Feaver the 27 of Auguſt at night, in the year 1590. His Ex [...]ies of nine days being over, and the uſual ſolemnities performed; on Friday the 7th. o [...] September, 54 Cardinals enter'd the Conclave, divided into ſeveral factions, but particularly under theſe three heads, Montalto who commanded the Creatures of Sextus, his Unkle; Sforza who conducted Gregory the 13th's Creatures; and the Cardinal Aſcanio Colonna who had twelve Cardinals of ſeveral places at his devotion.

For ſix days together Montalto, and Aſcanio Colonna us'd all their art to make Marco Antonio Colonna Pope, who was a Cardinal of great worth, and ſignal ver [...]e, againſt whom Sforza and Borromeo oppos'd themſelves with ſuch violence, that all the friends of Colonna deſpair'd of his ſucceſs.

However Montalto being incourag'd by his Creatures, reſolv'd to perſiſt, and tire out the Cardinals with the tediouſneſs of the Conclave, rather than recede one ſtep from his reſolution, although the Spaniards declar'd themſelves averſe, who exhorting him to name ſome other perſon, could get no anſwer but this, that when he ſhould ſee the intereſts of Colonna deſperate, he would throw himſelf upon his knees [Page] before the Image of the Holy Ghoſt, and would draw lots as it were for a Cardinal to name.

Theſe paſſages being related to Cardinal Marco Antonio Colonna, he went to Montalto, and told him, that it was not ſuitable to the mind of a Chriſtian, to let the Church continue in her Widdowhood for his ſake, or that he ſhould go about to obtrude a Paſtor upon the Flock of Chriſt: adding other reaſons alſo, which ſo wrought upon Montalto, that he became inclinable to favour the intereſt of San Marcello, a Cardinal of Genoa, call'd Gio. Battiſto Caſtagna, which deſigns were laid by Cardinal Sforza, and the other Genoeſe Cardinals, who had got 25 votes, to whom Montalto being joyn'd, they publiſh'd all night long San Marcello to be Pope; and on the next morning the 15 of Sept. being Sunday, the Scrutiny was made, in which all the votes were in his favour, he being made Pope 18 dayes after the vacancy of the See, and interrogated about his name, declar'd he would be call'd Ʋrban the 7th.

But here we muſt not omit the opinion Sextus the 5th. had alwayes, that the Cardinal Castagna was to ſucceed him in the Papacy, and many times he gave him a hint thereof; amongſt the reſt, going with the ſaid Cardinal to ſee a Street which he had order'd to be made from Santa Maria Maggiore, to Trinita de Monti, and I know not how much beyond; turning to San Marcello, he told him in the preſence of ſeveral Prelats, This way is begun by us, but will be finiſh [...]d by you.

Another time, not long before his death being at Dinner, towards the latter end they brought in (Peri) Pears, he cut one in the midſt and found it rotten, he cut another and found it ſo too, whereupon holding the Pear in his hand, he ſaid, Li Romagni ſon ſatii de Peri, e cercano Caſtagne. The Romans are weary of Pears, and had rather have Cheſnuts, by Pere, meaning himſelf who was of the Family of the Peretti, and by Castagne, the Cardinal Marcello of the Family of Caſtagna.

Thirteen dayes Ʋrban was Pope, and dy'd on the 27th. of Sept. in the morning; the 8th, of October the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave to the number of 52. and two that went in afterward, viz. Auſtria, and Gaetano, who arriv'd to compleat the number of 54. which were divided into 7 Factions, and was the principal occaſion of the protraction of that Conclave.

The firſt practices were for the Cardinal Colonna, and they ſo brisk, that it was publiſh'd abroad that he was created Pope; but when it came to a Scrutiny, his votes were two few, though many had offer'd themſelves before they gave their votes.

Colonna being out of hopes, Sforza, and Montalto began to ſet up Mondovi, and were confident of effecting it, becauſe he was a Cardinal very well worthy of that dignity; but for all that, neither his virtues, nor their perſwaſions, could do any good, for the friends of Aldobrandino undertook it in his favour, preferring his virtues before any bodies; but the Cardinals took little notice of that, their private intereſt only being their aim, they excluded this perſon for this reaſon, and the other for another, inſpight, of all the abundance of their virtue.

Albano as ſoon as Aldobrandino was excluded, came next upon the Stage, and things ſeemed ſo well diſpos'd towards him, that every one concluded him Pope; but to that concord of opinions, there appear'd a proportionable ſhare of difficulties, every one believing him incapable of the Papacy, notwithſtanding his great worth; and indeed though he was but 54 years of age, his infirmities were ſuch, as oblig'd him to keep his Bed almoſt continually, a thing that made his Election a kind of ſcruple of Conſcience.

Seven weeks were already paſt in the Conclave without any thing but propoſing, and excluding, the Spaniards, and the Florentines, not ſo much as mentioning Santa Severina, who was ſo much in their minds, judging it beſt to let the Cardinals tyre themſelves out, and to put difficulties upon others deſigns, thereby at laſt to facilitate their own; but when they came to the ſtreſs of their buſineſs, they found more difficulty than they imagin'd: Cardinal Revere was put into the ballance againſt him, a man of great learning, and integrity of life, beſides good experience in matters of policy; but his hopes laſted not long neither, he was forc'd alſo to lay down, as well as his Neighbours, who were in a better predicament.

[Page]To take away this great diſcrepancy of opinions, it was thought fit to ſelect ſeven perſons, one out of every Faction, but ſuch as ſhould not be ſuſpected by any one, and theſe were San Gregorio, Sans, Ruſticucci, Aragoga, Sarnano, Lancelotti, and Alano; but for all this, that deſign came to nothing, they being not able to agree of a ſingle perſon.

The Spaniards had ſeveral times attempted with great Artifice, to make Paleotto Pope, a Cardinal full of all requiſite qualities to make an excellent Pope, and though he had many Cardinals againſt him, he miſt very narrowly one morning of being created, ſome running for friendſhips ſake, others that they might not appear his profeſs'd enemies, inſomuch that there were a greater number of Cardinals in the Chappel, than was neceſſary to make him Pope; the chief of his Domeſticks imprudently upon this, without expecting the Scrutiny, publiſh'd it abruptly that he was already created, ſo that ſeveral Couriers were ſent to know the news, and all the people were got into Saint Peters.

But when they came to the Scrutiny, poor Paleotto had but 17 votes, and in the Acceſs (which was the firſt time it began to be given) he could come but to 14. receiving his excluſion, with ſuch circumſtances of diſdain, as perhaps have not been heard of before, and with no little mortification to the Spaniards.

After this, Cardinal Santi Quattro was recommended, a great Divine, a great Politician, and well practis'd in affairs of the Court, where he had been for above 52 years in continual employment in the Congregations; but God Almighty (who had reſerv'd that greatneſs for another time) took away the neceſſary means of his Election in this Conclave.

Cardinal Montalto laſt of all, (who had the greateſt party, being follow'd by 26 Cardinals) reſolv'd to put an end to theſe diſcords, by promoting the Cardinal of Cremona, in whoſe perſon the Spaniards, and Sforza, had declar'd they would concur. On the 4th of December at night, he went himſelf to carry the news of his reſolution, going up and down all night long, diſtributing ſuch things as were neceſſary; and calling his votes together as much as he could poſſibly. In the morning betimes, in the company of Cardinal Sforza, he with many others, went to his Chamber, and conducted him to the Chappel where the Scrutiny was made with open votes; he receiv'd the ſuffrages of all of them in this manner, but gave his own for Cardinal Cecano. The Adoration was Publiſh'd to the people in the uſual Balcony, with the name of Gregory the 14th. which laying aſide his own name Nicholas, he took upon him as ſoon as the Scrutiny was over. And thus Gregory the 14th. was choſen, after two months and nine dayes vacancy of the See, and two whole months recluſion of the Conclave.

After a tedious ſickneſs of many dayes, and after he had been many times thought dead, Gregory dyed at laſt on Tueſday the 15th. of October 1591. having Reigned ten months and ten dayes. There were 65 Cardinals in the Sacred Colledge, but there enter'd into the Conclave (which began the 25th. of October) but 56. nine of them being abſent by reaſon of their diſtance, viz. three in France, three in Spain, one in Poland, one in Malta, and the other in Lorain: before they enter'd into the Conclave, it was the common opinion, not of the Cardinals only, but of the people in general, that Cardinal Facchinetti would certainly be Pope, and their opinion was much confirm'd, when in the diſtribution of the Chambers, which is done by lots, Facchinetti's Chamber happen'd to fall exactly in the ſame place where the Popes Chair us'd to ſtand [...] the Conſiſtory dayes; beſides which there was alſo another good Omen, which was, that whilſt they were buſie in the Church of Saint Peter about the Adoration of Gregory the 14th. his Miter fell off, by I know not what accident, and happen'd to reſt upon the head of Facchinetti, whereupon the Pope himſelf ſaid to him, You ſhall be our Succeſſor.

There were two Factions the moſt prevalent in the Conclave, that of the Spaniards manag'd by Cardinal Mendozza, and that of Montalto which conſiſted of twenty. The Spaniards had no great difficulty to exclude all the Competitors which they did not affect, and to include one of their own followers, Montalto being oblig'd in ſeveral reſpects, to gratifie that Crown, from which he had receiv'd many Advantages, and injoy'd many [Page] priviledges in the Kingdoms the Spaniards were poſſeſs'd of; beſides which, his Brother Don Michael had bought the Principality of Celano in the Catholick State; all which put together, ingag'd him not to relinquiſh his affection to Spain.

The Spaniards being ſecure in all this, and knowing according to the ſubtilty of their principles, that they were able without controverſie to govern the Conclave, and make a Pope at their pleaſure; they ſignify'd to Montalto his Catholick Majeſties intention to make Antonio Facchinetti (who was Cardinal di Santiquattro) Pope, and therefore they deſir'd his moſt Illuſtrious Lordſhip to concur with them in the Election of a perſon ſo exquiſitely worthy, and proper for the Government of the Church in ſuch times as thoſe.

Montalto immediately conſented, without making any trial of his creatures, or attempting to try the fortune of his friends, ſo that his anſwer being return'd, and favourable to their deſigns, the Spaniards, Mendozza, Sforza, Borromeo, Gaetano, the two Colonna's, Aſcanio, and Marco, Antonio, Mattei, Lancelotto, and others went to the Chamber of Montalto, and taking him out, with the greateſt part of the followers (who were already come together at the congratulations of the others) into the Chamber of Facchinetti, where ſeveral others were met before, and particularly Sfondrato and his Adherents, the 29th. of October in the morning.

Medozza, and Sforza, took Santi Quattro under the arm, and conducted him to Paulina's Chappel, whether even thoſe who had the Gout, and kept their beds, made themſelves be carry'd, to have the honour to give him their votes, which votes were given open, and he afterwards publiſh'd to the people by the name of Innocent the 9th.

This Conclave may be ſaid to be the beſt, and moſt peaceable, that ever was ſeen, many things concurring to make it wonderfull; the firſt was the ſhortneſs of time, the See being vacant but 13 dayes, and the Conclave continued but three; the ſecond, the quality of the perſon, as being moſt worthy of ſo honourable a dignity; the third, that though there were ſeventeen Cardinals pretenders, and of great reputation in the Colledge, yet there was but one as it were ſpoken of; and laſt of all, that all Factions ſhould comply with the Spaniards, and make a Pope according to their directions.

Innocent lived but two months, and dy'd the 29th. of December; and the uſual dayes of ſolemnizing his obſequies being paſt, 52 Cardinals enter'd the Conclave on the 10th. of January, all of them divided in their inclination, ſo that many believ'd it was impoſſible but the Election of this Pope muſt be with great difficulties, and diſturbances, ſeeing things in ſo ill a way. Yet the Spaniards made no doubt to finiſh it in three dayes, as they had done the Conclave before, having gain'd the Venetians already, and looking upon Montalto as their own, who as they preſum'd could do no leſs than follow the inclinations of their King, ſeeing that he injoy'd an annual Rent of above 50000. Crowns in his Dominions.

The firſt day therefore the Spaniards began their practices very eagerly for Santa Severina, having gain'd Montalto alſo, who promis'd to imploy all his intereſt with his party in favour of the ſaid Santa Severina. There were 32 Cardinals in the Conclave for the Election of that perſon, and twenty for his Excluſion; but they ſo united and firm for his Excluſion, that there was never ſeen in a Conclave, ſo invincible a combination.

The Spaniards try'd all wayes, promiſes, offers, threats, ſtratagems, and at laſt with Montalto they left no ſtone unturned, that might mollifie the excluders, and prevail with them to give their votes for Montalto; but all was to no purpoſe, and therefore ſeeing things deſperate, they took up another expedient, but with no ſmall diſpleaſure to Santa Severina who was already by ſeveral ſaluted Pope.

But before they came to any other reſolution, having gain'd three Cardinals more to their 32. and made them up 35. which was exactly two thirds, which were neceſſary to the Creation of a Pope, they pitch'd upon a day when the excluders were careleſs and diſpers'd, and without much noiſe ſhut themſelves into the Chappel, with intention to make Santa Severina Pope, with open votes; but it being underſtood by Sforza, Sfondrato, Aquaviva, Borromeo, and Altemps, who were the chief of the Excluders, they flew immediately to the Chappel, beating impetuouſly at the doors, and proteſting a [Page] Nullity ſo fiercely, that they which were within, to prevent the inconvenience which might follow, open'd the doors; where when they were enter'd, they doubl'd the cryes of their proteſtation of Nullity.

Santa Severina full of humility and moderation ſaid, If I be the occaſion of all theſe rumours, open the door of the Conclave, for I will go out with all my heart, if that may quiet this ſtorm. Cardinal Sforza's coming into the Chappel, turn'd ſome of their votes, inſomuch that the favourors of Santa Severina, perſiſting ſtill to come to a Scrutiny, of 35 which they thought they had, they had but 28 only that ſtuck to him.

Santa Severina by this means being perfectly out of hopes, Madruccio was propos'd, but without any ſucceſs; after him Como, and Peleotto, were in nomination, but with as little fortune as the other, in ſundry reſpects, after which it was negotiated for Colonna, Salviati, Mondovi, and Ruſticucci, but to no more purpoſe than the reſt.

The excluders of Santa Severina, to free themſelves from a continual jealouſie wherewith they were agitated, reſolv'd to ſend to Montalto, and to let him know then when he reſolv'd to create a Pope out of his own creatures, that they would condeſcend with all their hearts, and he ſhould have all their votes; which meſſage was carry'd to Montalto by Cardinal Borromeo, and receiv'd with great ſatisfaction.

Montalto had already plac'd his thoughts upon Cardinal Aldobrandi [...]o, for the worthineſs of his qualities, and for the great eſteem the Sacred Colledge had of his perſon; he made choice of him, and propos'd him to them from the bottom of his heart: his inclinations being known, all thoſe Cardinals who ſent firſt to him, and made him that propoſition, embracing the tydings with great joy, deſir'd him to proceed in the deſign with all poſſible expedition.

Montalto began immediately to ſet his Engines a work, and to communicate his reſolutions to his creatures, which he found all moſt readily diſpos'd; afterwards he went to Madruccio, who had a great party, in the Conclave but had no good correſpondence with Albrandino; yet conſidering the merit of the perſon, and waving his particular paſſions, he declar'd himſelf in favour of Aldobrandino, and went to him to his Chamber, where he found him full of ſo much modeſty, that though he ſaw himſelf as good as Pope already, yet he ſhew'd not the leaſt token of ambition or joy; but on the contrary, he ſeem'd more deſirous to avoid, than acquire the Papacy.

Montalto publiſhing thorough the Conclave, the common reſolution of making Aldobrandino Pope, the Cardinals went unanimouſly to his Chamber the 30th. of Jannary at night, in the year 1592. and taking him out with incredible applauſe, they conducted him to the Chappel of Paulina, where by a publick Scrutiny he was Elected Pope by the votes of all the Cardinals, with unimaginable concord, after the See had been vacant a month, and the Conclave ſhut up 20 dayes.

The Election being made, he fell down upon his knees before the Altar of the Chappel; and the Maſters of the Ceremonies, asking him according to the uſual manner, whether he accepted the Election; he gave them no anſwer, but with his tears, which the Cardinals beholding, anſwer'd for him, Yes, Yes, he accepts it. But the Maſters of the Ceremonies inſiſted, that it was neceſſary he ſhould confirm it with his own mouth; after a thouſand proteſtations to Heaven he confirm'd it, and being ask'd his name, he ſaid he would be call'd Clement the 8th. he was publiſh'd with incredible acclamations of the people, and it may be ſaid that he was the third Pope made by Cardinal Montalto, which added no ſmall reputation to the Nipotiſme of Sixtus.

Clement liv'd 13 years and a month, and dy'd to the great regret of all Chriſtendome, in the year 1605, the 3d. of March, his Funeral was celebrated moſt ſumptuouſly with univerſal tears and lamentation, after which in the evening the 14th. of the ſaid May, 60 Cardinals went into the Conclave, in order to the Election of a new Pope, one of Pius the 4th. which was Como the Dean, four of Gregory the 13th. eleven of Sixtus, five of Gregory the 14th. one of Innocent the 9th. which was his Nephew Santi Quattro, and eight and thirty of Clements, of whom there were 25 who follow'd Aldobrandino with great affection, as the chief of the Clementines.

The greateſt practices were for Baronius and Bellermine; but Baronius being ſupported by Aldobrandino, who was follow'd by a great number of Cardinals; in the Scrutinies [Page] which were made, he had alwayes more votes than all the reſt of the Competitors, having had 30 at one time, 31 at another, and 32 at a third; but in four Scrutinies which they had, he could never arrive at two thirds, by reaſon of the brisk oppoſition made by the Spaniards, Montalto; and others.

The Cardinal de Joyenſe, who had no other deſign but to make a Pope to the ſatisfaction of his King, deſpairing of Baronius, began his practices for Fiorenza, and he knew how to manage them ſo well, that all difficulties overcome, he prevail'd, that on the firſt of April, after 29 dayes vacancy of the See, all the Cardnals went to the Chamber of Fiorenza, and ſaluting him Pope, conducted him to the Chappel, where they gave their open votes; and thus Alexander di Medici was made Pope by the name of Leo the 11th. and publiſh'd to the people who had underſtood his Election the Evening before.

The joy of the Friends and Relations of Leo, laſted not long, for he dy'd 25 dayes after his creation: the ſuddenneſs of his death, made many believe, that the ſame Cardinals being ſtill in Rome, divided into their old factions, and full of the obſtinacy of the laſt Conclave; that for theſe reaſons the Election of the next Pope would be difficult and long, and not without clamour and diſorder.

But for all theſe conjectures, humane imagination was overſway'd by Celeſtial influence, for the Cardinals entring the Conclave the 10th. of May, to the number of 50. Madruzzo, and Marcello being ſick without: they diſcharged themſelves from their old combinations, the Spaniards conſtituting a particular body, dividing themſelves from their Colleagues the firſt of all. Then the French thought good to withdraw themſelves from their allyance which they had made with Aldobrandino in the laſt Conclave, and ſtand upon their own legs, Montalto, Farneſe, Sforza, Eſte. Santi Quattro, Sfondrato, and Viſconti, united themſelves, and their dependants, and made up a body of 21 votes: Aldobrandino continued in his uſual Monarchy with 26 votes at his devotion.

The deſign and object of all theſe Factions, was the ſame with the deſign of the laſt Conclave, that is, to procure advantages every one to himſelf, to keep their Enemies as far from the Papacy as they could, and to advance their friends as much as was poſſible; but with this difference, that in the other conclave, the aim of the Colleagues, was (I mean the Colleagues againſt Aldobrandino) to exclude all the creatures of Aldobrandino, though they were their friends, whereas in this, they were only for chooſing out a friend, let him be of whoſe Faction he would.

The Papal Cardinals were many, five, creatures of Montalto, viz. Pinello, Aſcoli, Saoli, Camerino, and Montalpano; ten of Aldobrandino's, Baronlus, Bianchetto, Arigone, Panfilio, Bellarmine, Ginnaſio, San Marcello, Toſco, Borgheſe, and Saint Clement; and Como, and Virona, who were neuters, and would not enter into any Faction. Of theſe, ſome were excluded by the Spaniard for their intereſt, ſome by the French for theirs, others by Aldobrandino for his, and others by the Colleagues for private reaſons, and perhaps more capriccious than prudent.

The greateſt practices were begun by Aldobrandino in Toſco's behalf, and perhaps with greater ardour than was ever ſeen before in the Conclave; and becauſe the Spaniards, and French, he diſcerned, were favourable enough, he made after a great deal of clamour and, diſpute, all his creatures meet one day in the Fountain Gallery, and then diſcover'd his reſolution to carry Toſco to the Chappel, and create him Pope.

But this advice was not approv'd by Sforza, perſwading him to uſe the utmoſt of his power to gain Montalto, without whoſe concurrence, there would be nothing done. Aldobrandino was perſwaded for the preſent, but it laſted not long, for in the morning betimes being aſſur'd of 35 votes, certain, and profeſs'd, beſides others who had promis'd to concur upon a neceſſity of two or three votes; he went into the Chappel with the Cardinals, reſolving firmly to come to a Scrutiny, and leave out all the excluders of Toſco; who having news of all this, they took up Baronius by the way, and carrying him into another corner of the Chappel, they cry'd out, Here is the Pope; Aldobrandino's party ſhewing of Toſco about, and crying out, He is here.

This dayes inſolence was very great, both on the one ſide and the other, every one endeavouring to draw the Cardinals from their parties, not only with perſwaſions, but [Page] with juglings, and the ſtrength of their hands; ſo that in the controverſie, Serafino was hurt in the arm, and Viſconti tumbled upon the ground, who being angry, got up and cry'd, I would not make a Pope at this rate, though 'twere Saint Peter himſelf, and went out immediately; but the two parties continuing obſtinate, had given order to have meat brought them into the Chappel, and ſeveral Tables were preparing, when Montalto fearing Toſco would be choſen at laſt, he went to Aldobrandino and told him, That for his part he would joyn with him for any other of his creatures but Toſco, yea though the promotion of San Clement ſhould be re-aſſum'd, who was excluded by him before; and ſo they fell upon the ſaid practice.

To be ſhort, this I ſhall ſay, that that day ſeveral were very near the Papacy; Toſco was excluded by the favourers of Baronius; Baronius by the Adherents of Toſco. San Clement was look'd upon as certain to be Pope, and perhaps was nearer it than either of the other, had not Cardinal Farneſes perſwaſions prevented his Election. The French, who with more prudence than all of them, ſtood neuter in all this clutter, were advis'd to make Serafino Pope, and to go forth of the Conclave with the reputation of having made a French Pope; but they would not venture, though the common opinion, as was afterwards reported, was, that if they had try'd, they had certainly carry'd it.

At laſt Aldobrandino being inſpir'd, as we ought to believe, by the Holy Ghoſt, reſolv'd to put an end to theſe ſcandals, and the rather, becauſe a report ran about the City, that the Cardinals were together by the ears, and had beaten and batter'd one another bravely; for this reaſon, he propos'd to Montalto, and the reſt of the Excluders of his creatures, the Cardinal Borgheſe, a perſon look'd upon by him as the moſt affectionate of all his creatures; which propoſition was acceptable both to Montalto, the Spaniards, and the French, who went all to him, conducted him from his Chamber to the Chappel, (ſome little difficulties being firſt remov'd) and ſo on the ſeventeenth of May, after 19 dayes vacancy of the See, Camillo Borgheſe was ſaluted and elected Pope, by a general vote, in the 53d▪ year of his age, he being the youngeſt of all the Cardinals which ſtood for the Papacy, and being ask'd his name, he told them he would be call'd Paul the 5th. and with that name he was publiſh'd to the people.

Paul being dead the 28th. of January 1621. after he had been 16 years in the Pontifical Chair. The uſual obſequies being over, on the 8th. of February 52 Cardinals divided into 5 Factions, enter'd the Conclave; the firſt was Montalto's, who was follow'd by five which were his creatures; the ſecond was Aldobrandino's, who had nine; the third Borgheſe, who had twenty ſeven; the fourth of the Spaniards which conſiſted but of three; and the 5th. of the French, who had but one Cardinal only: beſides which there were the Cardinals Medici, Farneſe, Sforza, and Eſte, who every one made a Faction for himſelf.

Being enter'd into the Conclave, all theſe Factions reduc'd themſelves to two; the firſt and greateſt was Borgheſe's, who was follow'd by the Spaniards, Montalto, Medici, Eſte, and Farneſe; the other was Aldobrandino's, who had on his ſide the French, Ʋbaldino, Orſino, and two or three Cardinals, ſegregate from the other Factions.

Borgheſe began the promotion of Cardinal Campora, with great impetuoſity, and becauſe it was ſo violent, it laſted but a day, Aldobrandino, Orſino, and Ʋbaldino, appearing as fierce for his excluſion: in ſhort, there were above twenty excluders, and the rather, becauſe Campora being a profeſs'd enemy to the Republique of Venice, the Senate had writ to three of their Cardinals, that they ſhould by no means concur with ſuch a perſon, unleſs they had a mind to be declar'd Rebels, and all their Families.

Borgheſe in the mean time found out an occaſion of diſcourſing with Cardinal Ʋbaldino who made the greateſt noiſe againſt Campora of them all; he endeavour'd to perſwade him to change his thoughts, and to remember his obligations to Paul the 5th. his Unckle, from whoſe hands he receiv'd his Cap: urging that he ought not to ſhew himſelf his profeſs'd enemy, by denying to concur with him in the Election of one of his creatures. True it is, reply'd Ʋbaldino, I have, and will ſtill do my utmoſt againſt Campora: not that I deny to ſecond your Eminence in any of your creatures, but becauſe I know the perſon unworthy of ſuch a degree; and if you will make experiment of my fidelity, and that I am not otherwiſe ingratefull to his memory who gave me my Cap, change your [Page] perſon, and chooſe another amongſt ſo many of your creatures, as are worthy of that honour; adding ſome other words, more particular and expreſs, and naming of his creatures, Millino, Lanti, Creſcentius, and Araceli, and at laſt he told him if he reſolv'd to name Ludoviſio, he would oblige himſelf, not only to aſſiſt him with his own vote, but he would draw off all the oppoſers of Campora, to Ludoviſio's ſide.

To this Borgheſe reply'd, that he would not name one out of the Conclave, ſeeing he was then in his Biſhoprick of Bologna; but that which was moſt ſtrange, was, whilſt Borgheſe was ſpeaking theſe very words, news was brought in, that Ludoviſio was then at the door of the Conclave, whether his friends were running to receive him: from whence Ʋbaldino took the courage to ſay, and now your Eminence cannot but name him.

Borgheſes heart was on fire, to ſee the Excluders ſo violent againſt him; ſo that he went to the chief of the Spaniards, and concluded with them; that all the Cardinals who had any affection to Campora, were to be call'd, and to reſolve upon the laſt courſe that was to be taken, and if by accident they ſhould have votes enough, they ſhould make the Election, both with ſuffrages, and acceſs.

The Excluders having notice of all this, they met in the Chamber of Cardinal Bevilacqua; particularly Orſino, Sforza, Ʋbaldino, Fonti, and Pio, who were they which inſtigated the reſt: Now whilſt Aldobrandino and his party were ſtudying the exaltation of Campora, and what way they were to compaſs his Election; the other Lords were conſidering what allegation they were to uſe, even in the Chapel, for the Excluſion of the ſaid Campora: Amongſt other contrivances, it was reſolv'd they ſhould cry out with a loud voice, that he was altogether unworthy of the Popedom, in reſpect of the great offences of his youth, his Homicides, his Simonies, and other things; of which they produc'd the Proceſſes in the Conclave, to make his guilt evident to all the Cardinals: To which it was added, that Campora being a profeſt Enemy to France, and the State of Venice, to make him Pope, would be no leſs than to put the publique peace of Italy in danger, and be perhaps the deſtruction both of Chriſtendome and the Church.

But theſe things were not publiſh'd, as was reſolv'd, in the publique Chapel, only the Cardinal Excluders were there, went up and down, and made long harangues about the Conclave; However the heads of the Faction reſolv'd upon a Scrutiny, in which Bellarmine had the greateſt number of Votes, and which is moſt wonderful, there were not above three for Campora: In ſo much that Pignatelli, a great friend of Borgheſes ſaid to him, This is their Maſter-piece, let us think of another: and Orſino being very well pleas'd, went out of the Chapel, diſcourſing with Ʋbaldino of a buſineſs they themſelves could not have expected.

The promotion of Campora being found ſo difficult, Montalto, Ʋrſino and Ʋbaldino went together to Borgheſe, intreating him to name another perſon, and not to think any longer of one, who was belov'd but by very few, and thoſe only in order to Borgheſes ſervice. Borgheſe was already reſolv'd to make Ludoviſio Pope, and therefore gave them only this anſwer, That the Pope was made, and that was Ludoviſio; which rejoyc'd them all ſo much, that they went immediately to his Chamber, and forcing him with their congratulations to the Chappel, the Election was made, and all the votes on his ſide, Alexander Ludoviſio remaining Pope, after ſo great, but ſhort a contention, for the See was vacant but 14 dayes. He would needs be call'd Gregory, though Borgheſe deſir'd him to ſuffer himſelf to be call'd Alexander.

Two years and three months Gregory liv'd, and dyed the 8th. of July 1624. his exequies being performed, the Cardinals enter'd 52 into the Conclave, the 19th. of the ſaid July, and the next day there came in two or three more.

The Factions of Cardinals were five, one of the French, one of the Spaniards, one of the Neutral or Independent Cardinals, another of the creatures of Paul the 5th. and the laſt of the creatures of Gregory the 15th. but theſe two laſt were the greateſt, and had moſt followers, and were manag'd, the one by Cardinal Borgheſe, the other by Cardinal Ludoviſi, it being in the power of either of them, to chooſe, or exclude, who they pleas'd.

[Page]The pretending Cardinals were many, three of Sixtus the 5th's creation, Sauli, Monti, and Borromeo; three others of Clement the 8th's, Bandino, Ginnaſio, and Madrozzi; eleven of Paul the 5th. Mellino, Caraffa, Barbarino, Lanti, Verallo, Aſcoli, Araceli, Campora, Santa Suſanna, Cennino, and Scaglia; and three of Gregory the laſt, which were Gaetano, Sagrato, and Sant Severino.

Cardinal Borgheſe finding himſelf back'd by ſo many Pretenders, and with ſo numerous a party, he reſolv'd not only to be pertinacious in the Election of one of his own Creatures, but not ſo much as to conſent to the nommation of any, unleſs of his particular Friends: Ludoviſio's deſigns were clear otherwiſe, for ſeeing his three Papable Creatures not like to ſucceed at that time, and himſelf at the head of a Faction of Cardinals, though numerous, yet drawn together from this place, and from the other; he pretended only to elect ſome w [...]rthy perſon, but above all, one that was an Enemy to Borgheſe, who was his Enemy; or at leaſt, if that could not be obtain'd, to endeavour to place it upon ſome body, in whom for the univerſality of affection, and his indifference to all parties, there could be no occaſion of jealouſie either to the one ſide or the other.

But to lay aſide all the reaſons of either ſide, for the Incluſion or Excluſion of the Papable Creatures; I ſhall ſay, that there was not one perſon ignorant, that in Barbarino all the qualities were reſplendent which are neceſſary in a good Pope, viz. goodneſs of life, variety of learning, and prudence, experienc'd in all manner of buſineſs, all which virtues were ſo equally conſpicuous in him, it was not known to which of them the preheminence was to be given.

However many people thought it difficult to overcome ſo many impediments, as they muſt meet withall, who ſhould endeavour to take away the Papacy out of his hands, whoſe virtues deſerv'd it ſo well. The greateſt obſtruction againſt him was, the diffidence the Spaniards had of him, by reaſon of his inclination to the French, amongſt whom he had twice been Nuntio, once in Ordinary, and another time in Extraordinary. The ſuſpicion the Great Duke had of all the Families of the Noble Florentines in general, but of the Barbarino's more particularly, who in the time when it was a Republick, did not hold a due correſpondence with the Houſe of Medici. The little inclination Cardinal Borgheſe had alwayes ſhewn to him, founded upon ſome falſe informations of the ſeverity and rigour of his nature, (which was indeed alwayes ſincere in matters of Juſtice) when he refus'd to gratifie the recommendations of Borgheſe in the Signature, excuſing himſelf and declaring, that in ſuch a Court as that, there ought to be no place, but for the recommendations of Juſtice.

The open Enmities which had paſs'd betwixt him and the Duke di Bracciano, Paulo Orſino, and Cardinal Montalto, by which means he became an Enemy to two Cardinals more, Orſino and Peretti, the moſt conſiderable in the Conclave.

All theſe things put together, made a kind of Medley of Contradictions amongſt the Cardinals, when they diſcours'd of Barbarino, and the rather, becauſe the reſt of the Pretenders excluded him, to promote themſelves: But at laſt inſtructed by the Counſel of the Divine providence, the Cardinals reſolv'd to change their opinions, on the ſame day our Saviour was transfigur'd, which was on the 6th. of August, and being aſſembled on that day, they put an end to the vacancy of the See, which had laſted 28. dayes, the 17. in which they were ſhut up in the Conclave being included, creating Maffeo Barbarino Pope, whom they judg'd the moſt worthy of all, to ſuſtain the Charge of the Univerſal Empire.

There were preſent at the Scrutiny 52. Cardinals, with the Votes which they took of the Cardinal heads, in the Chamber del Infirmi; but in numbering the Suffrages they found they wanted one, without knowing how it came to paſs: Some ſaid it was of no importance, but the major part affirm'd that it was neceſſary to give the due perfection to the Election: So as the Lottery was renew'd, and not one receded from his former Vote; there were fifty of them, naming Barbarino almoſt in the ſame words, there being but one Negative, given to Cardinal Mellino, and his own which he gave to the Cardinal Deacon. In this manner Maffeo was receiv'd to the Pontificate [Page] in the 55th. year of his age, and which is more, he was of a luſty and robuſt complection.

This Election, to ſpeak the truth, was held one of the moſt conſiderable which was ever ſeen, in many reſpects, but particularly for the number of Cardinals, antient and Papable, who ſeeing ſo young a perſon created, loſt all hopes of ever ſeeing another Conclave, and obtaining at another time, what they could not get at this; nor were they miſtaken, for Barbarino being Pope, thought the leaſt of dying, of any thing; and it was ſtrange, for he lived ſo long, till all the reſt of the Competitors in his Conclave, were gone into the other world, except Caraffa only.

Barbarino having receiv'd the Papacy, and which is conſiderable, without being twice demanded, as Clement the 8th. had been; he fell down before the Altar to give God thanks for the great bleſſing he had received; but being told by the Cardinal Dean, that it was convenient afore all things that he ſhould chooſe his name, which having done already in his heart, he told him he would be call'd by the name of Ʋrban the eighth.

In the year 1644. the 29th. of July Ʋrban dyed, after he had reigned 21 years and ſome months; his Obſequies paſt, the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave the 9th. of Auguſt, to the number of 66. divided into four Factions, one of French, another of Spaniards, a third of Neutrals, and a fourth of Barbarini, which conſiſted of more than 30 Cardinals, and it is certain there was never any Faction ſo numerous. In the ſhutting up of this Conclave, there was a great breach betwixt the Barbarini, and the Duke Savelli, Marſhal of that Conclave, they pretending it belong'd to Don Tadeo, to keep the Keys of the Conclave, as he was Prefect of Rome, a thing they could not determine; but the Colledge order'd they ſhould remain for this time in the hands of Savelli, till the new Pope ſhould publiſh his particular decree in the caſe.

The next day which was the tenth, the firſt Scrutiny was not made according to the Order in the Bull, by reaſon the diſpute about the Keys protracted the clauſure, inſomuch that they were forc'd to begin it late at night; in which, Cardinal Arbenoz, head of the Spaniſh Faction, conſiſting of 24 Cardinals, play'd his part ſo, that he brake the deſigns of the Barbarini, who were confident the ſame day to have gone out of the Conclave with a Pope of their own, whom they believ'd would have been Sacchetti, in whoſe behalf, all their deſigns were intended.

The Spaniſh Faction thought it expedient to give their votes alwayes to the Cardinals of the old Colledge, which were Lanti, Cennino, Creſcenzio, Cappori, Bentivoglio, and Roma; ſo that in many Scrutinies, theſe Cardinals were honour'd, ſome time this, ſometimes that, with ſeveral votes. It is not to be imag [...]n'd what wayes were us'd by the Barbarini to make Sacchetti Pope, and what the Spaniards found to exclude him; it is ſufficient, that after many dayes being in the Conclave, and after innumerable projects and deſigns, the Barbarini ſeeing they could not compaſs the creation of Sacchetti, they endeavour'd to make Fiorenza Pope, who was a creature of theirs, which had deſerv'd well of their Family; but he having no reputation in the Conclave, nor credit amongſt the Papable Cardinals, they deſiſted from that enterprize likewiſe, and the rather becauſe the French Faction would not admit him, as a perſon not at all acceptable to Cardinal Mazarine; beſides which, he was excluded publiquely by Montalto, with particular diſguſt to Albernoz, not that he loved him, but that being head of the Spaniſh Faction, he would not have had the Excluſion paſt but by his participation; of which Faction Montalto was one of the Principal Members. This buſineſs occaſion'd ſome words betwixt Montalto, and Albenoz.

Afterwards the Cardinals Altieri, Monti, and Filomarino, were propos'd, but without any foundation; from whence many people Collected, that it was done more to procraſtinate, and ſpin out the Conclave, than out of any real deſire they had to have any of them choſen; and that the rather, becauſe they obſerv'd no great zeal either in the Excluders, or Includers, but a certain coolneſs and indifference, as if they pretended to play, and did not play at all.

[Page]Cardinal Cennino, created by Paul the 5th. being Procurator of the Order of the Conventual Fathers, was neareſt the Papacy of any of them, except Sacchetti; but the oppoſitions of the Barbarini alone, did not ſo much prevail againſt him, as the doubt which tormented ſeveral Cardinals who recommended him. They had the memory of Sixtus the 5th. who had been of the ſame Order, and was call'd Fra. Felice, too freſh in their minds: Not but that the ſaid Sixtus was a good Pope for the Church, and perhaps one of the beſt have been ſeen in the Vatican; but becauſe he was not a good Pope for the Cardinals, his humour being to Govern alone, without any Companions; wherefore the Colledge were affraid of falling into that precipice again, and remain excluded from the Dominion.

At length Cardinal Pamphilio being named by Cardinal Barbarino, and his practiſes begun on all hands in his behalf, he refus'd with great moderation to be propos'd, if Cardinal Anthonio did not name him, who for ſome particular intereſts of his own, had procur'd his Excluſion by the French. Anthonio deny'd it, and declaim'd bitterly againſt his Brother Franciſco; but at laſt laying aſide all pretence of diſtaſt, or elſe ſeeing he could not ſecure his Excluſion, he conſented to name Pamphilio, after an infinite number of perſwaſions and promiſes, both from Franciſco his Brother, and Cardinal Panzirolo his Friend; and the better to recover the favour of Pamphilio, he brought over the Marqueſs di San Simon, the King of France's Ambaſſador, to approve his reſolutions, by the mediation of Cardinal Teodoli, and the Marqueſs of San Vito his Brother; but the truth is, there were ſome treaties and promiſes in the caſe, which ſavour'd a little of Simony.

The 15th. of September, though Bichi and Lione labour'd his Excluſion, as much as was poſſible, there were 50. Cardinals went to the Chamber of Pamphilio, to congratulate his Papacy, as if he were choſen already; which ſo alter'd the minds of Bichi and Lione, and all the reſt of the Excluders, that they all reſolv'd to ſubmit, and humble themſelves to the fortune of Pamphilio, and went therefore to joyn themſelves to that Troop of Cardinals which was rejoycing in Pamphilio's Chamber, from whence they conducted him to the Chappel in triumph, to give a proſperous conſummation by the Scrutiny, in which there were 48. Votes in his favour; and thus Gio. Battiſta Pamphilio, a Noble Roman, was proclaim'd Pope, after the See had been vacant 45. dayes, including the 35. from the clauſure of the Conclave: He aſſum'd the name of Innocent the 10th. in memory as he profeſs'd of Innocent the 8th. a Genoeſe, of the Houſe of Cibo, a Kinſman and Benefactor to the Family of the Pamphilii.

This Election was not at all diſpleaſing to the French, though they were not a little diſpleas'd, that Cardinal Anthonio, who for his own private intereſt had by his reiterated inſtances, perſwaded that Crown to the Excluſion of Pamphilio, and afterwards conſented to it, contrary to the Kings order, and without expecting the return of a Courier, which was diſpatch'd to that Court, that they might conſult upon the buſineſs. For which his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty thought good to degrade Cardinal Anthonio from the Honour he poſſeſs'd of being Protector of France, and to take away his Royal favour from Teodoli, and the Marqueſs of San Vito his Brother, and to recall his Ambaſſador San Simon into France, to render an account of his proceedings; yet in the mean time, his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty fail'd not with all actions of goodneſs and generoſity, to endeavour a correſpondence with the Perſon and Houſe of the New Pope, giving him to underſtand, that the chaſtiſement of the aforeſaid perſons, proceeded from the averſion they had to his Election, or at leaſt for that they had perſwaded that Crown to his Excluſion, with arguments much contrary to the truth.

Innocent being dead on the 7th. of January 1655. after he had reigned ten years and three months, the Cardinals according to their uſual rights enter'd the Conclave the 18th. of the ſame month, to the number of 62. Cardinals, who were at that time preſent in Rome; which number in few dayes was encreas'd by the acceſſion of 4. more, from their Reſidencies and Provinces, after the clauſure of the Conclave. I will not deſcribe [Page] many particulars of this Conclave, becauſe that it is freſh in every ones memory, and many pens have already wearied themſelves with the relations of it, though amongſt thoſe there is nothing to be found but ambiguity of words.

I ſhall only relate, that the moſt curious thing in that Conclave, was the faction of the Squadron di `Dio, or the Factione volante, as they call'd them, which was ſo numerous, it was ſufficient to have given Excluſion to all the reſt; and which was of more importance, all of them reſolv'd vigorouſly to maintain the Priviledges of the Electors, and to imploy themſelves unanimouſly for the Exaltation of a perſon, in whom all the qualifications neceſſary for a good Pope, might concur.

Theſe Cardinals were creatures of Innocent, who ſeeing the Prince Pamphilio was not a Cardinal Nephew, and therefore could not be made head of the ſaid Creatures, deſir'd the ſaid Cardinals, that they would unite themſelves under ſuch a head as he (who was Nephew to the Pope which gave all of them their Caps) ſhould name, and accordingly he propos'd Gio. Carlo di Medici, the firſt Cardinal created by Innocent; but they reply'd, they had heads and feet already to manage themſelves withall: However for all this they did not forbear correſponding both with the ſaid Prince, and Donna Olimpia, who had as great an intereſt and authority, as if ſhe had been in the Conclave, and underſtood how to comport her ſelf ſo well, that her very intereſts were thoſe which prolong'd the Conclave.

But paſſing by the particulars of the 22. Cardinals, which were Candidates and Competitors for the Popedome, and the ſubtilties and ſtratagems us'd for the Incluſion of this perſon, and the Excluſion of that; I ſhall only ſay, that amongſt all the Cardinals which were in the greateſt and moſt general favour with the Colledge, Cardinal Chigi was the man; upon whom all the deſigns and deſires of Prince Pamphilio, Innocent's Nephew, were plac'd, not only for the reputation he had every where, for the exemplarineſs of his life, and his intelligence in Politick (eſpecially Foreign) affairs, but becauſe he ſeem'd likewiſe to conform himſelf to the good intentions which his Unkle alwayes had had, who (as is reported) diſcourſing one day with Chigi, and Cardinal Azzolini, (both of them Secretaries of State) about the Election of his Succeſſor; Innocent ſtood ſtill, and looking ſtedfaſtly upon Chigi's face, ſmiling as it were, he ſaid, Let us talk no more of that, God will provide for his Church; and it is certain, he co [...]gn'd to Chigi before his death, certain Breviats concerning the eſtabliſhment of the affairs of his Family, recommending it to his care, as if he preſag'd his ſucceſſion to the Papacy.

The difficulties which were met with in the promotion of this perſon, were many notwithſtanding, and ſuch as begot no ſmall diſcords and delayes: The Cardinal di Medici head of the Spaniſh Faction, had no inclination to Chigi; Cardinal Barbarino's Faction kept a loof likewiſe for ſeveral reſpects, and Grimalai had engag'd the French Faction to his Excluſion, upon I know not what little trifling jealouſies which had got into Mazarme's brain.

But God Almighty, who walks in wayes impenetrable to the abject apprehenſion of man, after eighty dayes continuance in the Conclave, by an unexpected union, reconc [...]d the minds of the diſſenters, ſo that all differences being compos'd, they met by common conſent to create Chigi Pope: Upon which a Cardinal of good judgement, being ſurpriz'd to ſee them run with that zeal and impatience to his Chamber, to make him Gods Vicegerent, ſaid to his companion, What extravagances are theſe? the Spaniards will have a Pope with no intereſt; the French will have one whom they have excluded before; the young Cardinals will have an honeſt man, and the old ones a young man; the Medici will have a Stneſe, and the Barbarini one that is not their Creature. To which the other reply'd, Theſe are the myſteries of the Holy Ghoſt.

On the ſixth of April at night, almoſt all the Cardinals went to congratulate with Chigi, at firſt he ſeem'd to weep and bewail, and hold his eyes with both his hands; but having taken a little courage, he gave them thanks for their affection, with the kindeſt demonſtrations imaginable. The night ſeem'd very tedious to every body, by reaſon of the impatience they had to ſee the Conclave concluded by ſo ſacred an Election.

[Page]For all this Cardinal Roſetti, a capital enemy of Chigi's, forbore not to run up and down all night long, as if he would have reſiſted, even heaven it ſelf; but he gain'd nothing but the imputation of imprudence, to contend alone, againſt the common agreement of all the reſt. Some of them took great pleaſure to ſee him run from Chamber to Chamber, and eſpecially to ſee more than four Cardinals deny him audience, by telling him, they ſhould be ſeen to morrow in the Chapel, and there was one told him aloud, I know what your Eminence would have, and therefore you need ſay no more, I ſhall ſee your Eminence in the morning.

On the 7th. in the morning, the moſt zealous of the Cardinals went to take Chigi out of his bed, as well as out of his Chamber, and conducted him to the Chapel, where the Scrut [...]ny was begun; in which, together with the acceſs, there were as many votes for Chigi, as there were Cardinals, there being not one againſt him, which was an unuſual thing at the Elections of other Popes. 'Tis believ'd Roſetti himſelf gave him his vote, and it may be argu'd from what Roſetti ſaid to one of his Confidents, that he little thought to have given his vote for Chigi.

As ſoon as the Scrutiny was publiſh'd, he fell upon his knees before the Altar, pray'd, and wept a while, and being askt by the Maſters of the Ceremonies if he conſented to the Election, he anſwer'd, yes, (accompanying his anſwer with a moſt profound ſigh) he would be call'd Alexander, in memory of Alexander the 3d. his fellow Citizen; and ſo the adoration being perform'd in the Chapel, he was publiſh'd to the people, who rejoyc'd not a little to ſee ſo worthy an Election, after three months vacancy of the See.

But before we proceed to the Election of Clement the 9th. (which being a thing not written before, will require a longer reflection) it will not be amiſs to give a general deſcription of the Election of Popes, for the greater clearneſs and illuſtration of the Reader, which cannot but be grateful to the curious, eſpecially Forreigners, who for the moſt part are deſirous of as much light as may be, for the better obſervation of what they read.

I ſhall ſay therefore that the Election of the Pope is uſually in three manners, the firſt firſt by Scrutiny, the ſecond by Acceſs, and the third by Adoration; true it is, there is another way mentioned in the Chapter of Elections, and it is when the diſſentions are ſo great amongſt the Cardinals (as it happens too often) that they cannot by any means agree; in that caſe by common conſent, they engage themſelves to two or three Cardinals, and ſ [...]metimes to one, that what perſon ſoever they chooſe out of ſuch a number as ſhall be propos'd by them, he ſhall be their lawful Pope; but this is not now us'd; in caſe of any difference they betake themſelves to one of the three ways aforeſaid: and therefore I think it not pertinent to make the Reader to loſe his time, about a thing that is out of uſe, it being ſufficient to have given him this hint.

As to the Scrutiny, which is the principal, and moſt uſual way in the Conclave, it is made in this manner. Each of the Cardinals orders his Conclaviſt to bring him a Polizy, or Ticket of the vote he deſires to give in the morning, which is done thus: they take a leaf of paper, and fold it in the middle long-ways, then they cut that fold in the midſt again, taking one of the pieces and folding it long-ways, about the length of a finger, upon which they make five folds, and cut it off at the fifth; after this the Cardinal writes with his own hand, in the outermoſt fold, his own name; as for example, Flavius Cardinalis Chiſius, having written his name, he folds up the Paper again, ſo as his name is conceal'd in the innermoſt plate.

After this, there is laid upon the other ſide of the third fold, a piece of red Wax, or a Wafer, which is ſeal'd on both ſides with two little ſeals, which every one of the Cardinals bring along with them into the Conclave on purpoſe; and the two uppermoſt folds being empty, the Conclaviſt writes the name of the Cardinal to whom he is pleas'd to give his vote in this manner, Ego Elig [...] in ſummum Pontificem, Eminentiſſimum Dominum meum Cardinalem; N. The Cardinal uſes not to write this vote with his own hand, leaſt it ſhould be obſerv'd and known, and that vote which ſhould be ſecret, become publique, and give occaſion of hatred or diſtruſt▪ this being done, the vote is folded up, and on the out-ſide there is alwayes of neceſſity ſome word written at the [Page] Election of the Cardinal; to the end, that if it ſhould fall out an Acceſs ſhould be made, (which they cannot do to the ſame Cardinal, to whom the vote is given) it may without difficulty be known by finding out the extrinſick word of the Cardinals vote who accedes, otherwiſe they muſt open them all, which would be a prejudice to the ſecreſie requir'd in a caſe of that importance; and therefore the Cardinal who has a mind to accede, is wont to ſay, Accedo ad Cardinalem, & poſſum accedere, ut patet ex voto me ſuſcripto ſic.

In the morning in which this Scrutiny is made, theſe votes are put by the Cardinals into a Chalice of Gold which ſtands upon the Altar of the Chappel, in which they ordinarily meet to make the Scrutiny; and firſt the Cardinals who are the heads of the Orders, go to the Chambers of the Cardinals that are ſick, to take their votes, and having put the votes of the ſick Cardinals, with the votes of thoſe who are perſonally preſent, altogether, they pour out the votes out of the Chalice upon a Table plac'd on purpoſe before the Altar; they are read, and mark'd by every Cardinal in his proper ſeat, where the names of all the Cardinals are ſtamp'd by order, and under the names, a line being drawn, the Cardinal by reiterated marks, or by Arithmatick, caſts up how many votes every one in the Scrutiny may have had; and if it happens, that of three parts of the Cardinals then preſent in the Conclave, two have agreed in one perſon, that perſon without more adoe, is to be Pope by the Scrutiny: and in ſuch caſe the votes are to be open'd in the lower parts, and the names of every Cardinal that is for him, communicated; but this happens but ſeldom or never, it was done once in the Election of Adrian, but not having happen'd ſince, 'tis look'd upon as a miracle.

There is another way of Electing the Pope, which was introduc'd above two ages ſince, and it is call'd by Acceſs; being much like the antient cuſtom among the Romans, which was, that thoſe Senators who adher'd to the opinion of any of the ſaid Senators, in the publick affairs that were tranſacted in the Senate, they roſe from their ſeats, and going towards the place where the ſaid Senator ſate, they approv'd his judgment in expreſs terms, or elſe ſaid accedo ad talem, as they do now in the Conclave; ſo that often amongſt the Latins this way of going is read, ire in ſententiam.

The third way of creating Popes, is by Adoration, which is perform'd in this manner; That Cardinal, who out of friendſhip, or Conſcience, or any particular intereſt, deſires to favour any other Cardinal, he puts himſelf before him in the Chappel, and makes him a low Reverence; and when it falls out that two thirds of the Cardinals do the ſame, the Pope is then underſtood to be created; but if there wants but one perſon of that number, the creation is void. And ſometimes it has been ſeen that ſome perſons were adored, which never came to the Papacy, becauſe they wanted a ſufficient number of Cardinals to compleat their Adoration; and this way is uſually try'd by any conſiderable number of Cardinals, obſtinate in the promotion of ſome perſon, propounded by themſelves, for fear leſt ſome of them may be wanting in the private Scrutiny, who had paſs'd their words firmly to them; which has happen'd a thouſand times, whereas in the Adoration which is publick, he to whom the promiſe is given cannot be couſen'd. But here it is to be noted, that both the Acceſs and Adoration, are ordinarily confirm'd with the Scrutiny, which is done without any prejudice to whatever hath been done, either in the Adoration or Acceſs; and the parties concern'd, when any ſuch thing happens, make proteſtation, not only in words, but in writing alſo, ordering a Copy of their Proteſtation to be taken under the hand of the Notary.

But here may ariſe a queſtion in the mind of the Reader, which he may propoſe in this manner; If by accident a Pope be created by way of Adoration, with ſo many votes, or more than amount to the two thirds, if afterwards in the private Scrutiny, the Cardinals change their minds, and give their votes to another perſon, ſo that the number neceſſary to make up the two thirds be defective, to him that had before ſuffrages enough in the Acceſs or Adoration; ſhall he remain Pope? and may it be reſolv'd in favour of [...] Pope created by Adoration, and excluded by the Scrutiny?

[...] I anſwer in few words, that this caſe having never happen'd in any Conclave, there has been by conſequence no occaſion to decide it; for it is not uſual to determine of caſ [...]s, before they fall out: for my part I am of opinion if ſuch a thing ſhould be, the [Page] Lords Cardinals would either create ſome Schiſme amongſt themſelves, or to prevent that Schiſme, would agree in favour of him who was elected by Adoration or Acceſs; ſeeing that both thoſe wayes, are decreed by ſeveral Popes ſufficient, and valid. But yet this caſe cannot happen, becauſe the Adoration or Acceſs being made, all is confirm'd by giving open votes in the Scrutiny; and perhaps that method is obſerv'd, on purpoſe to avoid any ſort of Schiſme which might proceed from the contrary.

Another queſtion was ask'd me not long ſince, by a German Gentleman at Rome, who was preſent in the Solemn Cavalcade on the Coronation of Clement the 9th. and all the particulars of that Solemnity; it being an antient cuſtom for the Popes after they are created, to be Crowned in Saints Peters Church by the hands of the Cardinal Deacon: on which day alſo the ceremony of the Flax is obſerv'd, which is thus, they put a quantity of the fineſt Flax upon the end of a ſtick, which is burnt in the preſence of the Pope, whilſt one of the Aſſiſtants pronounces to him theſe words, Sic tranſit gloria mundi, Sanctiſſime Pater. But this ceremony is modern, and was thought convenient, after the Popes began to degenerate from what they obſerv'd in the Primitive times. Then the Pontificate was a trouble and an affliction to the Popes, and an honour and reputation to Chriſtianity; whereas in theſe times, 'tis an honour to the Popes, and a grievance to Chriſtendome. In ſhort, heretofore the Popedome was a Glory to the Church, and a Martyrdome to the Pope; but now 'tis a Martyrdome to the Church, and a Glory to the Pope. And this ceremony imports no more, than that if their Glory be paſt in this world, they will go into another to receive the affliction prepar'd for them there, for glorifying themſelves ſo much in this.

But to return to the German, he ask'd me, if a Pope might exerciſe the authority which is given him by the Papacy, before the ceremony of his Coronation; and whether if it ſhould happen that he dy'd before his Coronation, he is to be underſtood a Legal Pope? To which I made no great difficulty to anſwer, yes; for 'tis clear, the defect of a ceremony cannot abrogate a Law; as thoſe are exactly which create Popes by way of Scrutiny, nay Adoration or Acceſs. The Creation of a Pope being a formal Law, and the Coronation an external Ceremony only.

Ʋrban the 7th. who liv'd as many dayes as there are Letters in theſe two words, ƲRBANO SETTIMO, dy'd before he was Crown'd; and yet in the ſpace of the thirteen dayes of his Papacy, he eſtabliſh'd certain Ordinances, which have been punctually obſerv'd. This Ʋrban having remitted to Cardinal Albano the ſum of 3500 Roman Crowns, which he was indebted to the Chamber for ſo much lent him by Sixtus the 5th. there were ſome of the Cardinals, no great friends to the ſaid Albano, did propo [...]e that he ought to be conſtrain'd to pay the money, becauſe as they pretended, the Pope not being Crowned, had no capacity to releaſe it. But the ſoberer of the Cardinals overrul'd it in favour of Albano; and the ſucceeding Pope would have all obſerv'd, which was ordain'd by the ſaid Ʋrban: and certainly it is not to be maintain'd, that if the Pope dyes before he be Crown'd, he is no true Pope, for he is a Legal Pope as ſoon as he is choſen in the Conclave, and may act with as much freedom and authority, as if he were Crown'd; and to confirm this, there are ſeveral Pontifical Bulls extant, and one amongſt the reſt, in which theſe words are to be found, Ʋt is qui electus eſt in Apostolatum, ſi juxta conſuetudinem intronizare non valeat, electus tamen ſicut verus Papa ohtinet auctoritatem regendi R. Eccl. & disponendi omnes facultates illius, quod B. Gregorium ante ſuam Coronationem cognovimus feciſſe, &c. Beſides Clement 5. excommunicated all thoſe who dare affirm that the Pope before his Coronation cannot do what he may do after it.

And although, as ſome Lawyers will have it, the Emperour before his Coronation by the Pope, may adminiſter, and do, whatever a true and lawful Emperour may do; yet before his Coronation by the Pope, he is not ſaid to be abſolutely Emperour, but Emperour Elect; whereas the Pope is call'd abſolutely Pope, and never Pope Elect, though he be not Crown'd, which is obvious in the words of Clement the 5th. in one of the Extravagants, in which the Caſe is diſcuſs'd, and the difference made clear, why one ſhould be call'd Emperour elect, before his Coronation, and the other abſolutely Pope, before his. Some believe it ariſes from this reaſon, becauſe the Pope owns not any Superiour upon Earth, but God in Heaven: whereas the Emperour muſt acknowledge the [Page] Pope to be ſuperiour to him; but this is nothing but the flattery of the Eccleſiaſticks; becauſe the Popes have been many times declar'd inferiour▪ to Councels, and Councels have many times depoſed them; and they that depoſe, are certainly above them that are dep [...]ed. The Emperour 'tis true confeſſes the Pope head of the Church, of which he is but a Member; but that does not conclude he is ſubject to him; for the Pope cannot command him (nor any other King) in any thing, but in certain general Caſes, as he does to the whole body of Chriſtians.

But I ſhall paſs now to other particularities of the Conclave.

In the Chapel of Sixtus the 1ſt. and likewiſe in the Hall of the Conſiſtory, and if need be, in the Royal Hall, there are as many little Chambers, built of little Beams of Wood, nail'd together, and laid a thwart, as there are Cardinals alive; every one of them 20 foot wide, and 22 foot long, about one foot diſtance from one another, and no more, having nothing but a ſmall vacuity to part them; theſe pieces of timber aloft are rais'd in a four ſquare form, like a Canopy, ſupported at the four Corners by certain larger pieces of Timber.

Over every Chamber there is a letter of the Alphabet, in order; and becauſe the Cardinals are many, and more than the Lettess, they are doubled once or twice, as occaſion requires.

Now whereas nine days together after the death of the Pope, the Cardinals perform the Obſequies, in Saint Peters Church; on the tenth, the Chamberlain, in the preſence of ſeveral Prelates, puts the names of all the Cardinals, written in little Billets, into a Vaze, and in another. he hath as many Chartels put, ſigned with the Alphabetical Letters, faſtned (as I have ſaid) upon the Chambers, and drawing, a [...] a venture, the the names of the Cardinals one by one, he draws likewiſe the letters for every one, and then diſtributes them according to their Lots; and the Letter of the Cardinal to whoſe ſhare it falls, is fixt upon the Chamber. At this Lottery there are always preſent ſome of the Cardinals ſervants, who immediately furniſh and hang the ſame for their Maſters with Cloth, ſo as they reſemble a plain Tent. They furniſh them with Beds and a Table, carrying in ſeveral Utenſils for the Table, and other neceſſaries; The Rafters are cover'd with Linnen, or the faireſt Wollen-cloath, with Curtains of the ſame hanging down the ſides, of what colour they pleaſe; ſo that the Cardinals created by the laſt Pope have Green, and the reſt Purple; but they have chang'd the colours ſometimes, and us'd red, and white.

During the ſaid nine days, the Cardinals do conſtantly meet, either at the Chamberlains houſe, or in the Palace, to deliberate on ſuch proviſions as are neceſſary for the good government of the State Eccleſiaſtick; They write Letters to the Preſidents of Provinces, and to the abſolute Governours, uſing the ſame titles of Son and Brother, as the Pope does. They do confirm and order the guard of the firſt gate of the Pallace to their Swiſſes; the ſecond, which is the gate of the Inner Court, to the Caporioni, or Conſervators of Rome, which are indeed the chief of the Wards of the City: The third guards conſiſt of the Ambaſſadors of Princes, and other perſons of great worth, but they muſt not be Eccleſiaſticks. At the fourth gate, which is the neareſt to the Conclave, there are eight or ten Prelates, of the higheſt condition and quality. Theſe guards do not attend (unleſs it be the Swiſses) but when the Cardinals are enter'd into the Conclave. Almes are given for the ſoul of the Pope, choice is made of the Conclaviſts which are to enter with them; after that every Cardinal propoſes him which he deſires to have with him, and then the Chamberlain propoſes ſuch others as are uſually wont to be there, which are choſen by private votes by the whole Colledge, except the Veſtry-keeper, and the Maſter of the Ceremonies; and then in one of the ten dayes the Chamberlain gives an Oath of fidelity to all that are ſo Elected, in the preſence of the Colledge. There are three Cardinals deputed every day to ſuperintend all the Expences that are made, as wellin the conclave, and funeral, as in other things, which is plac'd upon the account of the Apoſtolick-chamber, but with obſervation of the Bull of Pius the 4th which prohibites the expence in Rome, to exceed ten thouſand crowns: And laſtly to appoint when they muſt enter into the Conclave; that is, whether in the Morning, or after Veſpers, on the eleventh day.

[Page]The eleventh day after the death of the Pope, in the morning, every Cardinal exhorts his Family to live piouſly, and ſerve God: Thoſe which can, do ſay Maſs, and then all of them at the hour appointed repair to Saint Peters Church, where, upon which Altar the Dean pleaſes, he ſings the Maſs of the Holy Ghoſt; and thoſe Cardinals who have not celebrated already, do communicate there. Maſs being ended, a Prelate is appointed by the Chamberlain, in an Oration, to admoniſh the Fathers of their duties, and the importance of the affair they are going about.

After this is over, according to the time appointed for going into the Conclave, Maſs being ſaid, the Maſter of the Ceremonies to the Pope, taking the Papal Croſs in his hand, he goes towards the Conclave; The Cardinals ſervants go before, after them the ſinging men, ſinging the Hymn, Veni Creator Spiritus, &c. in the laſt place, are the Preſident Cardinals, and the Cardinal Biſhops, in the ſecond place the Prieſts, in the third the Deacons, all habited in Purple, and after them the other Prelates, and Clergy of the Court.

As ſoon as they are enter'd the Conclave, the Dean of the Colledge, before the Altar in the Chapel of Saint Nicholas, ſays the Prayer, Deus qui Corda, invocating the Holy Ghoſt: But if their entrance be i [...] Veſpers time, they meet in Saint Peters, and go in Proceſſion (as is ſaid) moving according to the command of the Chamberlain.

The Dean having done his Prayer, the Chamberlain in the preſence of all people, and at the requeſt of the Notary, before the ſaid Altar, gives an Oath upon the Holy Evangeliſt to every one of the Deputies, at the ſecond and third gates, that is to the Roman Barons, and the Ambaſſadors of Princes, obliging them to be diligent, and faithful to the Apoſtolick Pallace, and the ſacred Conclave, and that they ſhall not permit the Cardinals to be aggrieved by any body, contrary to the Pontifical Bulls: The Deputies at the fourth Gate of the Sacred Conclave, do ſwear the ſame and more, viz. that they ſhall not ſuffer any body to come near the ſaid Gate, nor to ſpeak with any one within, nor to write or receive Letters without expreſs leave from the Colledge; that they ſhall ſearch with all diligence what meat and proviſion is carry'd in, that there be no Letters or advice, convey'd therein, that they ſhall take care their Wine, and their Water be given in Glaſſes, to prevent any juggling that way.

Every one ſhall depart the Conclave, but the Cardinals, and ſuch as ſhall be choſen, which are as follow. The Veſtry-keeper to the Pope, with a Coadjutor, two Maſters of the Ceremonies, a religious Regular for Confeſſor, a Chyrurgeon, two Phyſicians, and an Apothecary, with two Servants, eight or nine perſons for the ſervice of the whole Conclave, and none of them to be of the Family of any of the Cardinals: Every Cardinal may have two Servants of his own, and if ſick, three, provided it be with the approbation of the Colledge, but they ought to have been with each Cardinal one year: they muſt be no Merchants, no Miniſters of Princes, none of their own Brothers or Nephews, neither are they to have any temporal Juriſdiction. There ſhall be a Governour of the Conclave, a Prelate of worth, and of parts, who ſhall take care that things be carried within as they ought to be, and that the Cardinaals want nothing that is convenient; and all theſe particulars were ordain'd by Pius the 4th.

All thoſe being departed, which are not allow'd to remain in the Conclave, the perſons deputed ſhall be plac'd at the ſecond and third Gates, and the fourth which belongs properly to the Conclave, ſhall be lock'd with four Keys, and ſo remain fortifi'd with four locks, having in the middle, a little VVindow, or a VVheel, as the Chamberlain pleaſeth.

Two of the Keys are kept without, one for the Gate, another for the Window; and the other two within, for the ſame; thoſe within are in the keeping of the Maſter of the Ceremonies, thoſe without in the cuſtody of two principal Prelates; ſo that neither theſe, nor the other, can open either gate, or window, unleſs they come all four together, and when they are open'd, there is a cloath drawn at ſome diſtance from the gate, that they which are without can ſee nothing within.

The Captain of the firſt Guard, is to have a care, there be no inſult or attempt made upon the Pallace, and he ſends Petrols of Souldiers conſtantly about to ſecure every place: The Barons of the ſecond guard, ſuffer not any body to enter, but at feeding times; [Page] and then they are very curious that no intelligence be conveyed in: The third are to obviate, and oppoſe any outrage that may be made; and the Prelates and thoſe of the fourth Guard, do ſee that there be nothing wanting which is neceſſary, that no Letters, nor Notes, be ſent in or out, and examine the meat▪ and the drink.

As ſoon as the Cardinals are ſhut up, the Chamberlain with two Cardinals which he pleaſes to chooſe, having lighted their Torches, ſhall make diligent ſearch through all places in the Conclave, whether there be any remaining in the Conclave, who are not deputed or allowed.

No perſon can enter into the Conclave, upon the moſt urgent occaſion whatſoever, without licenſe from the Colledge; nor can a Cardinal that goes out, come back again: No body can go out as he pleaſes; a Cardinal may be conſtrained by the Colledge not to go forth, and if he does go without leave, he muſt not be receiv'd again, if he be not admitted de novo by the whole Colledge: If a Cardinal arrives, when the reſt are enter'd, he puts himſelf in the ſame condition, in which he finds the Conclave, and his Servants are to be ſworn by the Chamberlain, as the Servants of the other Cardinals were.

And laſt of all, every body withdrawing, this firſt day of the Conclave, which is the 11th. after the death of the Pope, in the Chappel of Saint Nicholas, which is at the upper end of the Royal Hall as aforeſaid, on the left hand towards the entrance; the Chairs being plac'd, and all people put at a diſtance by the Governour of the Conclave, the Dean makes an Exhortation to theſe Lords, and afterwards reads the Bulls of Julius the 2d. and Pius the 4th. which treat of this Election, preſcribe the order thereof, and prohibite all Simoniacal and undue practiſes; as alſo the Bull of Pius the 5th. that the Goods of the Church cannot be alienated; and which every Cardinal ſwears, that if it happens he ſhall be created Pope, he will obſerve ſtrictly and confirm, as ſoon as he is Crown'd. There are other Orders made as they pleaſe; they ſwear to keep ſecret the tranſactions and argumentations, they promiſe their Conclaviſts their Priviledges, they enter into diſcourſes about the perſon they think proper for a Charge, that makes even the Angels tremble at the weight of it: And almoſt alwayes the firſt day of the Conclave is ſpent in theſe kind of things, without coming to an Election, which is perform'd afterwards with more leiſure and opportunity, for the moſt part by Scrutiny, or Adoration.

There are many other Ceremonies and particularities, partly hinted, and partly omitted by me, as well becauſe they have been deſcribed by ſeveral Authors already, as alſo to avoid being tedious to the Reader, in obvious things, and ſuch as are common to every body that make profeſſion to enquire into the intereſts of the Court of Rome. It is ſufficient that I have ſelected the moſt curious matters; ſeeing that many are moved by their meer curioſity, in that which regards their information of the affairs of Rome, and particularly of the intereſts of the Conclaves in general, and of this Conclave in particular.

Il CARDINALISMO di Santa Chieſa, OR THE HISTORY OF CARDINALS. In III. Parts.

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PART III.

BOOK III.

The Contents.

In which is diſcours'd, of the difference betwixt the Election of the Pope, and of the Emperor. Of ſome particulars which render the Election of the Pope difficult in the Conclave. Of the time the Papable Cardinals had to negotiate their intereſts, in the long languiſhing of Alexander the 7th. Of the great fear ſome Cardinals were in, of not arriving time enough in Rome for the Election of a new Pope. Of Cardinal Roſetti's diſtruſting the infirmities of Alexander the 7th. and the cauſe. Of an anſwer which Alexander gave to Cardinal Barbarino, after his recovery from his infirmity. Of the Reaſons that moved the French Cardinals to mend their paces, to come in time to the Conclave. Of the arrival of the Marquiſs di San Romano, the Catholick Kings Ambaſſador. Of the diligence uſed by the French in ſifting and investigating the tranſactions of the Spaniards. Of the arrival of Cardinal Grimaldi in Rome. Of the great broyls and conteſts amongst the Cardinals [Page] about obtaining the Papacy, whilſt the Pope was yet alive. Of the Spyes the Spaniſh Ambaſſador kept. Of the apprehenſion Chigi had, that his Creatures would be perverted by the French, and Spaniard. Of a Letter writ by Chigi to the Cardinal Gabriele. Of the great fault the Court found with Chigi for alienating Cardinal Nini from his devotion. Of the reconciliation of theſe two perſons, by the mediation of Cardinal Raſponi, and Corſini. Of the Aſſembly that was in the Houſe of Cardinal Albici, to treat of the Papacy. Of the great train of Followers, that was moſt eminently viſible in the Houſes of Cardinal Roſpiglioſi, and Farneſe, as perſons which were eſteem'd nearest to the Papacy. Of the practiſes which Cardinal Imperiale began, in the behalf of Bonelli his Kinſman. Of the death and funeral of Pope Alexander. Of the paſſage of the Chamberlain to the Apoſtolical Palace. Of certain villanies committed at the windows and doors of Chigi's Palace. Of the great number of Gabels impos'd by Alexander. Of the Obſequies perform'd for the ſaid Pope. Of the difference betwixt certain Cardinals for place. Of the Conclave. Of the number of Lodgings in the Palace of the Vatican. Of the great ſilence, and taciturnity, which was obſerv'd in Cardinal Chigi. Of an Oration made in a Congregation, by the French Ambaſſadors and the Venetian. Of the alienation ſhew'd by Alexander from the French intereſt, towards his latter dayes. Of ſeveral perſons which believ'd that Cardinal Chigi, to gain the favour of the King of France, would condeſcend to the Election of a French Pope. Of the number of Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave. Of thoſe Cardinals who remain'd without. Of the qualities, merits, and adherences of the Papable Cardinals. Of the anſwer one Cardinal gave to another, who ask'd him his judgement about the Election of a new Pope. Of the facilities and contradictions in the Election of Roſpiglioſi. Of the diviſion of the Cardinals in the Conclave. Of the great Faction the Barbarini had, after the death of Urban the 8th. Of the weakneſs of the Faction of the Barbarini. Of the number of Urban's Creatures which were preſent in the Conclave. Of the differences betwixt the Factions. The deſcription of a Muſter of Souldiers. The application an Abbot made of that Muſter to the Conclave. Of the Faction of Chigi, and how numerous. Of the induſtry us'd by the French, to oblige the Chigi. Of a notable ſaying of a Cardinal, upon Chigi's obſtinacy, not to forſake his own Creatures. Of the Faction of the Flying Squadron. Of the diſorder in the French, to ſee this Squadrone volante managed by Cardinal Imperiale. Of the firſt Scrutiny, which prov'd vain. Of the Cardinals which receiv'd Votes in the Scrutiny. Of the open practiſes of the French in favour of Farneſe. Of the promiſe made by Imperiale when he went into France, that he would concurr to the Election of a French Pope, and how he brake it. Of an idle report ſpread about the City, that Cardinal Roſpiglioſi was created Pope in the beginning of the Conclave, and from whence it proceeded. Of the practiſes for Roſpiglioſi recommended to Azolino, by the Cardinals Barbarino and Chigi. Of the entrance of Cardinal Donghi into the Conclave. Of Cardinal Ginetti, who preſented himſelf to Barbarino, and the anſwer Barbarino gave him. Of the creation of Roſpiglioſi, and the Politick Aphoriſms of Azolini.

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AMongſt all the conferences and politick actions, amongſt all the managements and publick negotiations tranſacted by the Cardinals, it is certain the action of the Conclave is moſt worthy to be inquir'd into, by all ſuch as have the management of publick affairs.

The Election of the Emperor, carries a Magnificence along with it, for being in the power of ſix or ſeven Princes, partly Temporal, partly Spiritual, of which number four being obtain'd, the Empire is gain'd. But the Election of the Pope is after another manner, there being many more Princes conſiderable in this, than in the Election of the Emperor himſelf, and that becauſe the Pontificate is of both Spiritual and Temporal conſequence.

The Conclave is not manag'd by ſix or ſeven voices, but by ſixty, amongſt which there are ſome who are neither for God, nor the Devil, others devoted to their own intereſt only, others obliged to follow the reſolutions of the Nipotiſme, others of the French, others of the Spaniard; ſome promiſe fairly with their tongues to one, and with their hearts to another; and there are ſome alſo to be found, who take delight in excluding all parties, to give a longer impediment to affairs.

The learnedeſt of the Cardinals, are thoſe which prevail leaſt; the moſt politick, are follow'd the worſt; the moſt ignorant, are the moſt obſtinate; in brief things are manag'd in that manner, that thoſe very men who have the chiefeſt ſhare in the whole tranſactions, can ſcarce give an account of what they have done; the affairs of the Conclave to ſome perſons ſeem eaſie, and eaſily to be penetrated, and for that reaſon they deſire to be prying; but as to the point of the Keyes, there are ſo many intricacies and Meanders, they can hardly find the way thorow.

So many Conclaviſts as there are in the Conclave, ſo many Conclaves are repreſented to the ears of the Court; people imagine things according to their repreſentations and figures, but the buſineſs is, the figures of the Conclave have feet and walk not, have eyes and ſee not, have ears and hear not, and tongues and ſpeak not.

The French make many Popes, to amuſe the Spaniards with jealouſies of ſuch plots, as they never think of themſelves. The tranſactions of the Conclave are of two ſorts, publick, and private; the private are managed by the Cardinals in ſecret, where the ſound of their voices can ſcarce penetrate the air, much leſs the ears of any body, and theſe are good; but thoſe which are in publick, are full of hypocriſie and diſſimulation, to lull and illude one another, and therefore not to be commended.

They who at the opening of the Conclave, do make relation of the managements and tranſactions in the Election, can ſpeak no more than they know, which commonly is nothing but what is common, becauſe the moſt politick, and moſt occult affairs, are kept cloſe in the minds of the Cardinals, who either will not, or care not, to communicate them to any body. For this cauſe, the Conclaviſts themſelves are oftentimes confounded in their relations; and I have heard two of them contending about the Conclave of Innocent, with great heat, one preſſing and perſiſting in what the other did deny, and perhaps both of them diſputing upon that, which was never ſo much as mention'd in the Conclave.

But I believe there was never (to this day) ſeen a Conclave more imbroyl'd, without broyls, more confounded, without confuſions, than the laſt, in which Clement the 9th. was created: a Pope certainly very worthy of the charge, as we ſhall demonſtrate in its place. Imbroyl'd in ſundry reſpects, becauſe France is in its achme of Grandeur, and upon the brink of a rupture with Spain, which has neither King to govern the Helm, nor Cardinal to manage its Faction; becauſe the number of Cardinals was ſo great, and many worthy pretenders amongſt them; becauſe the Faction of Chigi was reſolv'd to have no other Pope whatſoever, but one of the creatures of Alexander; and for ſeveral other reaſons ſufficient to render the Conclave tedious, and yet all ſucceeded without any trouble at all.

Certainly the facility of concluding this Conclave ſo ſoon, is commendable and worthy to quicken the curioſity of all people, to inquire into the reaſons of it. If the time of fifteen dayes be conſider'd, it ſeems to be long, being in Summer time, and in the [Page] City of Rome; but if it be compar'd with the time of other Conclaves preceeding, and the variety of intereſts, croſſing and thwarting one another, it will be thought but ſhort. But to ſpeak the truth, the Conclave of Clement was much longer than it ſeems in appearance, becauſe the tranſactions were more without than within, and things were reſolved before they enter'd the Conclave.

Two months together Alexander continued dangerouſly ill, whilſt Poſts were ſent every where up and down, not only with the news of his languiſhing condition, and the impoſſibility of his living above two or three dayes; but with the certain tydings of his death; and twice it was believ'd in the very City of Rome.

In this tedious agony of Alexanders, every one had time to adjuſt his own buſineſs, and to bring his affairs to ſuch a paſs; that his deplorable death could produce no great novelty in the Court, nor more pretenders to the Papacy.

It may be ſaid therefore, and with reaſon, that the Conclave of Clement laſted little leſs than three months, that is, two before the death of Alexander, and the reſt afterwards. The Cardinals ſeem'd to precipitate, running towards Rome as it were with wings on their feet, which haſt was occaſion'd by the news, that the Conclave would be much imbroyl'd, and their celerity was ſo great, ſome of them were arriv'd before the Pope was expir'd; and particularly the French Cardinals, who were there at the due time, but as I have ſaid with wings on their feet.

There was never in times paſt ſo great a fear obſerv'd in the Cardinals of not arriving at Rome in time, nor ſo impatient a deſire of being in the Conclave, as at this time; from whence it is imagin'd, they had ſome ſtrict orders and inſtructions from their ſeveral Crowns.

Cardinal Roſſetti was the only perſon which kept to his reſidence in his Biſhoprick, and though he was inform'd of the arrival of almoſt all the Cardinals in Rome, and of the condition of the Pope, continuing firm to his reſolution, not to depart ſo ſoon, he ſent this anſwer to his Agent in Rome, that he would not ſtir a ſtep, before he ſaw from good hands an account of the Funeral of the Pope; as remembring that when they were Nuntio's together in Colen, his Holineſs being to comply in ſome great reſolutions, he counterfeited a fit of ſickneſs for two months together, for which he received the Sacrament three times as a Viaticum, and had the Pſalms for the recommendation of his Soul recited four times.

The reports of things being in this hurry, and of the arrival of the Ambaſſadors in ſuch haſt, being told to the departing Pope, and withall, that the tranſactions, and practices for a new Election was already begun: His Holineſs began to look about him, and force that little remainder of his breath, to prevent their troubles, if it were poſſible: counterfeiting himſelf [...]herefore to be on the mending hand, and his Eminence Cardinal Barbarino entring one day to make him a viſit, he ask'd him how he did; the good Pope reply'd, I am like thoſe who play at Gooſe, implying, that as at the game of Gooſe there is the houſe of death, into which whoſoever falls, he muſt begin again, and return to the firſt hole of the game, ſo he having been near death, began as it were to live again; & this he ſaid to perplex and mortifie Barbarino, whom he knew very well to be one of thoſe, that being pretenders to the Papacy, had rather ſee him in his Tomb, than in his Bed: But Barbarino who ſaw his condition, ceaſt not to drive on his intereſts, by ſtriking in one place, and guarding in another, but very privately.

One reaſon that ſpur'd on the French Cardinals to mend their pace in their journey to Rome was, the great haſt they were inform'd the Marqueſs di ſan Romano the Spaniſh Ambaſſador made; who having news of the ill condition his Holineſs was in, made all haſt imaginable; Of which the French on the other ſide being jealous, as doubting the arrival of ſo freſh a Miniſter, might render the Spaniſh Faction too potent, they began likewiſe to put on, that they might be there time enough to fruſtrate his deſigns.

His Excellence the Marquis enter'd into Rome the 25 of April, attended by a great number of Coaches, and amongſt the reſt Cardinal Chigi, to whom the Spaniſh Ambaſſador had promis'd the protection of Spain; but in a ſhort time 'twas diſcovered to be only a ſubtlety, to oblige him to concur with his Creatures, in the Election of a Pope depending cordially upon the Catholick Crown.

[Page]The ſame night he made his Entry, his Excellency went immediately to Cardinal Chigi, and Cardinal Sforza, in which audience though it was but ſhort, they deſir'd many things ſhould be agreed of, relating to the new Pope: The Ambaſſador continued his viſits every day without intermiſſion, though it rain'd very much, to whom it is not to be believ'd what noble treats the Papable Cardinals gave; but above all Farneſe, who was imbarqu'd in the buſineſs more than all of them, as if the concurrences of the Crowns were to be drawn on by the throat.

The French carry'd their affairs very cunningly, prying into the actions of the Spaniards perpetually: and theſe were not much behind in diſcovering the deſigns of the French, whoſe party they look'd upon to be very ſtrong, there being ſome of the Cardinals oblig'd to follow it for love, and others for fear; and it was look'd upon as the more potent, by reaſon of the weakneſs of the Spaniſh Faction, there having none declar'd openly for the ſame but Langravio Sforza and Raggi, of whom alſo there was no certainty; in regard of the injury he receiv'd dayly from them.

In the mean time the greateſt of the Prelates did not forbear endeavouring to conciliate the minds and affections of them both; though not to villifie their opinions of their own merits, whether real, or pretended, they did viſibly deſire ſe longius ire, a thing which ſeems natural to the Clergy of his age.

About this time Cardinal Grimaldi arriv'd in Rome, and ſent away immediately to Cardinal Barbarino, Dean of the ſacred Colledge, to let him know he would come and viſit him; but he ſuſpending his anſwer till his Coach was got ready, would needs prevent his Eminence (which had he not pretended to the Popedome, he would never have done) with whom he held long diſcourſe, about the Emergent affairs, and afterwards according to the Deans example, all the reſt of the Cardinals came to viſit him; and particularly thoſe who ſtood for the Papacy, were none of the laſt. Indeed when the Spaniſh Ambaſſador arrived, the Spaniſh faction ſeem'd for ſome days to be made ſtronger, and the French weaken'd; but on the contrary; as ſoon as Grimaldi was arriv'd, the Spaniard grew weak, and the French faction ſtrong.

It is not to be imagin'd, what paſſages, what meſſages, what viſits were made by night and by day, in order to the acquiſition of the Papacy, whilſt the Pope was alive; The Spaniſh Ambaſſador had his Spies in all places, to obſerve the motions of his adverſaries, he fail'd not with his promiſes to allure all people to his party, particularly he [...] offer'd very largely to Cardinal Caraffa a Neopolitan, and by conſequence a ſubject of Spain: but as the Spaniards were jealous of him, ſo he was diffident of their promiſes, and reſolv'd to ſtand neuter.

The Cardinal Chigi, though oblig'd to the aſſiſtance of his Unkle, and the care of the Church; yet he manag'd the new Election with great order, and had his eyes open over his own Creatures, as being fearful they might be debauch'd away, either to the French faction, or the Spaniſh; for which reaſon he gave the care of that to Caraffa, whom he ordain'd his director in all his affairs, and was not ill ſerv'd by him.

Cardinal Chigi writ a very courteous letter to Cardinal Gabriele in Aſcoli, a creature of Ʋrban the eights: which ſaid letter gave great occaſion of jealouſie to the reſt of the Pretenders, but moſt of all to his own creatures; in ſo much that ſeveral well affected to the Pretendants, did very much lament it; however Chigi, by the Councel of Caraffa knew well enough how to ſatisfie all parties, and take away all manner of ſuſpition.

The greateſt thing that was blam'd in Chigi was, for having in that conjuncture, alienated Cardinal Nini, which was attributed to ſeveral cauſes, but particularly it was ſaid, his Eminence was diſ-oblig'd, becauſe Nini had declar'd, that he would concur in the Exaltation of no body but Farneſe and Roſpiglioſi, two perſons not at all deſir'd by Chigi, unleſs in caſe he could not carry it for Bonviſi, or Celſi, for both which he had a kindneſs, and kept them in the firſt place of his memory.

The Cardinals Raſponi, and Corſini, not liking to have ſuch a perſon diſ-oblig'd from the faction of Chigi, they undertook to reconcile them, and perform'd it to the ſatisfaction of both parties.

The ſame Chigi went to viſit Cardinal Bonviſi, deſigning by that ſubtlety, as ſome people imagine, to ſweeten the diſguſt which Franciſco Bonviſi, (the ſaid Cardinals [Page] Brother, and Maeſtro di Camera to Chigi) had taken, for ſome ill uſage he had receiv'd, and not without his fault.

In the houſe of Cardinal d'Albici, it ſeem'd the place for the Conclave was appointed; whilſt they aſſembled by night many times, and many times by day, (but the greateſt part French) to treat about the new Election: he negotiating in the mean time wi [...]h the Spaniards alſo, inſomuch as he was reckon'd a good Swiſs after that, which is as much as to ſay, one who would willingly give himſelf to him that would give moſt for him.

Yet the greateſt train of the Prelacy, and others, was obſerv'd to frequent the houſes of Farneſe, and Roſpiglioſi, from whence the common opinion of the Court was (and indeed it fell ſo afterwards) the Pope was to proceed; although Cardinal Barbarino us'd all the induſtry was poſſible to acquire a reputation, by multiplying his good works, and redoubling his actions of Charity, which he before did exerciſe to the people.

In the huddle of practices which the Cardinals tumultuouſly carry'd on, it was Imperiale's good fortune to advance ſo much under hand the intereſt of his Kinſman Bonelli, that there was nothing more left for him to deſire; but the Mine being diſcover'd, it was immediately blown up by the French, by declaring openly, that that Crown was for his excluſion.

It is believ'd nevertheleſs, that if the French had not excluded him, he would never have ſucceeded, becauſe the Spaniards had only put him in hopes, never intending it in earneſt; and the Squadrone Volante (of which Imperiale was head) did not approve of a perſon of whom the Crown of France had a diffidence, leaſt they ſhould draw ſome ill conſequence upon their backs.

About this time the Pope dy'd the 22th. of May, being Sunday, betwixt one and two a Clock in the morning, and immediately the Piſcatory Ring was broken by Cardinal Barbarino, though he was then in a Feaver; as he came out of the Apoſtolical Pallace, attended by the Pontifical Guards, thouſands of the people cry'd out with a loud voyce, Viva il Cardinal Anthonio, uſing many other injurious words againſt the Chigi, and calling them Tyrants.

The body of the Pope being open'd, and embalm'd the ſame night, they found his Reins to be waſted, and two Callous Glandules (which the Phyſicians call Turberculi) obſtructing the paſſage of his Urine; and hence came his exceſſive pains, his long watchings, and his want of appetite, which made his Holineſs endure a tedious agony of two months long, during which time, he was ſuſtain'd continually with exquiſite Reſtoratives, and Culliſes of great price made of Gold, and of Pearl. It was afterwards affirm'd by ſeveral Phyſicians, that the two much nouriſhment of thoſe reſtoritives, exceeding his natural heat and power to digeſt them, had done him hurt, and ſhorten'd his dayes, his nature (in regard of his age, and the quality of his diſeaſe) requiring meat of nouriſhment; nor was it leſs diſapprov'd by the Phyſitians, that the Pope for ſeveral years could ſcarce ever ſatisfie himſelf with the moſt violent cold imaginable, in his Wine, Water, and Fruits; cauſing them to be ſet in Snow for ſeveral hours, and never thinking them freſh or cold enough, of which his Domeſticks complain'd very often.

About midnight the Corps was convey'd from the Quirinal where he dyed, to the Cathedral of Saint Peter, with uſual Solemnities by the Guards, and two pieces of Canon. It was afterwards expos'd in the Chappel of the ſaid Cathedral, infinite numbers of people running thither to kiſs his foot, not out of Devotion ſo much, as Curioſity.

On Tueſday at night, in the preſence of 23 Cardinals of his creation, the body was put into a Cypreſs Coffin, which was put into another of Lead, lyn'd with the richeſt Cloth of Gold, of excellent work and colours, and cover'd again with a ſumptuous Pawl, embroyder'd with Gold and Silver; and with it, a rich Purſe emboyder'd likewiſe, and full of a great quantity of Medals of Gold and Silver, with the Effigies of the Pope: which Purſe was put there by Cardinal Chigi, as a perpetual memorial, that it might be known after ſeveral ages to be the body of Alexander the 7th. The putting in Medals is uſual to other Popes, but not (as they ſay) with that innovation of [Page] lining the Cheſt with cloth of Gold, and covering it with ſo rich a Pawl as that was: a thing which made the people murmure the more againſt the Chigi, as thoſe who buried other peoples wealth under ground, and not their own.

On Munday at break of day, there were ſeen two or three windows all black'd over with Ink, and dawb'd over with dung, in the noble Palace of the Chigi, whether the Cardinal was retir'd (that they might be all together) till another moſt noble Palace (which will be the Cardinals own propriety) was finiſh'd; a high affront doubtleſs, and ſuch as is us'd by the Raſcality of the people, to the gates and windows of publique Bawds only: and becauſe there were infinite Paſquins and Satyrs againſt the ſaid Chigi, he attributed the reaſon to the new Gabels, impos'd upon Griſt, Wine, Wax, Paper, Hay, Straw, Sope, Aqua-vitae, Tobacco, and other things, to the number of fifteen or ſixteen; though the people were already oppreſs'd with 46 other Gabels impos'd by Ʋrban the 8th. whereupon Pope Innocent forbore the laying of any new Gabels, though he us'd ſuch other wayes, that he left his Nephews many and many millions.

But the greateſt offence the people took at the Government of Chigi, was to find a new way of ingroſſing of Corn introduc'd, which hindred the free Trade of their Merchandizing, by which he gather'd a great quantity of Grain together, to the great grievance of the people, who were not able to apply themſelves to ſow their Land, becauſe they could not have liberty to diſpoſe freely of what they reap'd: all which they attributed to the rapacity of Don Mario, who finding himſelf affronted ſo highly, as to ſee ſome of his Servants baſtinadoed by the people before his face, he began to excuſe himſelf, and ſay, he could not imagine the reaſon why he ſhould be ſo odious to the people, it never having been in his power to relieve them in the leaſt; that the Papacy of his Brother, was an unhappy Papacy, infeſted ſucceſſively with the Plague, Famine, Inundations, Wars, and the disburſement of great ſums of Moneys in aſſiſtance of the Emperor and Venetian, againſt the Turk, which had totally exhauſted the Apoſtolical Treaſury.

On the 23th. the Sacred Colledge met in the Cathedral of Saint Peter, to celebrate the firſt Obſequies of the deceas'd Pope; after this, in the Veſtry of the ſaid Church, they held the firſt Congregation of State, for the well governing of the Eccleſiaſtick Republique, in which all Offices were renounc'd, and afterwards confirm'd; as particularly, the charge of General of the Holy Church, to Don Mario, to prevent diſſentions and tumults of the people, during the vacancy of the See. Monſignor Borromei was confirm'd Governour of Rome likewiſe, and with much more ſatisfaction to the people, in reſpect of the prudence and juſtice wherewith he hath alwayes executed his Office, as a Gentleman, and as a Prelate of great merit and judgement.

And becauſe it was reported the Conclave ſhould be held not in the Palace of the Vatican, by the Cathedral of Saint Peter, but in the Palace Quirinal, in the middle of Rome, where his Holineſs dyed, (though not for that conſideration, but in regard the Vatican was ſuppos'd to have an ill air, and the duſt was great by reaſon of the continual building of the Portico's;) this point being propos'd in the ſaid firſt Congregation, and the Scrutiny being made, there were only 14. Votes for the Vatican, and all the other (about 40. there being above 50. preſent) for the Quirinal. But Cardinal Barbarino having made a couragious Speech, as he was Dean; remonſtrating in ſeveral heads, the convenience of holding the Conclave in the Vatican; for its vicinity to the Church of Saint Peter; for its immence capacity, as containing no leſs than 5500 ſeveral Rooms, great and ſmall, with 13000 Doors and Windows, with large and pleaſant Courts, Gardens, and Fountains; his opinion prevail'd to have a new Scrutiny, upon which, three Cardinals were deputed, to take ſome Architects along with them, and ſurvey the ſtreightneſs and incommodities of the Quirinal: which order was immediately obſerv'd, the Architects reporting, that beſides the inſufferable ſtreightneſs of the Quirinal, it would coſt 5000 Crowns more to be there, than in the Vatican: by which means they diſcredited a Pamphlet written, and prepar'd during the diſtemper of the Pope by Cardinal Pallavicino, and publiſh'd after his death, to induce the Cardinals to hold the Conclave in the Quirinal Palace, and not in the Vatican.

In the Congregations which follow'd dayly in the aforeſaid Veſtry, there was notice taken of a great ſilence, and modeſty in Cardinal Chigi, to the admiration of ſuch [Page] as did not know he was advis'd to it, by reaſon that he was of a nature to be eaſily perplext; yet for all this he gave them boldly to underſtand, that he and his faction would never be perſwaded from their own creatures.

The Ambaſſadors of France and Venice,, in the ſecond Congregation made their uſual Orations as formularies, in the names of that King, and Republique, intreating the moſt eminent Cardinals, to create ſome moſt worthy perſon, for the univerſal benefit of the Church, offering any aid, or aſſiſtance, for the ſecurity of the Colledge in the mean time: The like Office was perform'd the Thurſday following by the Catholick Ambaſſador, who appeared likewiſe with a conſiderable train.

In one of the ſaid Congregations Monſignor Caſanate was choſen Governour of the Conclave, who was Secretary to the Congregation de propaganda fide: It was decree'd likewiſe, that no Cardinal for the future, do admit any perſon to ſit by his ſide in the Coach, though honour'd with the Prelacy, or any other charge: as alſo that no Cardinal ſhall ſtop his Coach to any body, Except the Ambaſſadors of Crowns only.

During the 9 days devoted to the Obſequies, the Cardinais viſited one another inceſſantly, after dinner (for in the morning they were hindred by the Congregations) but he Ambaſſadors of France and Spain viſited them much more, to confirm the ſeveral practices which were agreed upon whilſt the Pope was alive, and to incourage the Cardinals to ſtand firm to their promiſes. About this time there were ſeveral diſcourſes, and Pamphlets publiſh'd, concerning the Papable perſons, written according to the paſſion, or affection of the Author, with obloquy, or commendation of the ſame perſons, who are proſtituted, as a man may ſay, to the liberty of ſo many tongues.

By reaſon of the alienation ſhew'd by the Pope from the French, to the very end of his days, upon occaſion of the Extravagance of the Corſi Souldiers (which happen'd with ſo much ſcandal to Chriſtendom, and ſo much diſturbance to Rome) in the time of his Papacy, towards the Duke of Crequy, Ambaſſador from the Crown of France; the memory of the revenge, or ſatisfaction of his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty remaining too freſh in the Pyramede erected in Rome, in the very Quarter of the Corſi Souldiers. It was ſuppos'd that Cardinal Chigi, to pacifie in ſome meaſure, and appeaſe the King of France, and to take away all umbrage of malevolence out of his mind, would have been ready to endeavour by all fair means, to promote the ſatisfaction of the ſaid King, by concurring with his Creatures in ſome ſuch perſon as his Majeſty ſhould approve.

For ſeveral days, reflection was made upon this point, and no ſmall hopes, (though ambiguous) given to the French, who believ'd themſelves ſure, becauſe Farneſe was the man they pitch'd upon; who being a Creature of Chigi's, it ſeem'd natural for him to agree to a Creature of his own, and at the ſame time to gratifie France, who would not be wanting in teſtimonies of affection to them: and this was one of the inducements that prevail'd with Farneſe to imbarque himſelf in the buſineſs, and to court ſeveral of the Spaniſh Cardinals, and of the Squadrone volante, to make up his compleat number of Votes: and indeed he reckon'd upon more than 20 of Chigi's Creatures, of his ſide, for the reaſons aboveſaid, about eight or ten of the French, about 14 others of his friends of the Spaniſh Faction; and a party in the flying Squadron which promis'd to ſerve him; in ſo much that being confident in all theſe, he thought the Papacy as certainly in his houſe, as I believe the Pen is in my Hand, and perhaps he try'd in his Chamber to make Papal Croſſes of benediction.

In the mean time Cardinal Chigi having conſider'd of his affairs better, he believ'd it would be an occaſion of an eternal prejudice, and diſguſt to the Spaniard, and therefore he thought beſt to tack about as nimbly as he could, leaſt he ſhould diſturb or interrupt his hopes of being made Protector of the Crown of Spain, which he thought as ſurely in his hands, as Farneſe did the Papacy; but they at laſt underſtood better the ſubtlety of the Courts both in Spain and Rome.

Chigi believ'd that the Pope his Unkle had recommended him to the King of Spain by the mediation of his Ambaſſador, to whom he gave audience eight days before his death, upon which he reſolv'd to adhere to the Spaniſh Faction, as hoping thereby to obtain the Protection of the Church of Spain, which was then vacant by the death of Cardinal di [Page] Medici, it being a Protection of great honour and advantage. But the general opinion was, that it was to be reſerv'd for a new Cardinal of the houſe of Medici, which would be promoted by the next Pope: upon which ſcore it was concluded by every body, that Cardinal Chigi, being in fear of the French, and in hopes of the Spaniard, was to temporize ſo, that upon what perſon ſoever the Papacy fell, he was to remain in the favour and protection of one of the two Crowns.

After the uſual Exſequies were perform'd by the Cardinals, and a Funeral Oration recited, on Thurſday morning the ſecond of June, the Cardinals being aſſembl'd in the Church of Saint Peter, having ſung the Maſs of the Holy Ghoſt, and recited an exhortatory Prayer for the Election of a Religious Pope, they march'd in Proceſſion towards the Conclave (the ſinging men before them, ſinging veni Creator Spiritus) which was much more inlarg'd than formerly, not only becauſe they made uſe of the Lodge of Benediction, but becauſe they had furniſh'd ſome of their Cells very neatly with Silk, leaving the top open to the Sky, which they could open and ſhut with Cords, to receive the benefit of the Air, as the Seaſon requir'd. The whole day long, free entrance was allow'd to every body, eſpecially to the Ambaſſadors of Crowns, who viſited all the Cardinals one by one, all the Princes and Prelats of the Court, and an infinite number of others performing the ſame Complements, each of them as his affection inclin'd him. Farneſe and Roſpiglioſi▪ were the moſt regarded by the people, and by the generality of the Prelats, many of which began to acknowledge them as Popes.

Never was there ſo great a number of Cardinals ſeen in any Conclave before, above ſeventy entring in at the ſame time, viz. Franciſco Barbarino, Ginetti, Harrach, Anthonio Barbarino, Pallotta, Brancaccio, Carpegna, Durazzo, Gabrielli, Orſini, Eſte, Facchinetti, Grimaldi, Roſſetti, Romanini, all of them creatures of Ʋrban the 8th. Cibo, Sforza, Odeſcalco, Raggi, Maldachini, Gondi, Homodei, Ottoboni, Imperiale, Borromei, Haſſia, Carlo Barbarino, Spada, Albici, Aquaviva: Pio, Gualtieri, Azzolini, creatures of Innocent the 10th. Chigi, Rospiglioſi, Bonviſi, Elci, Farneſe, Bichi, Vechiarelli, Franzoni, Vidoni, Barbarigo, Mancini, Boncompagni, Bonelli, Piccolomini, Caraffa, Celſi, Savelli, Litta, Corſini, Paluzzi, Rasponi, Conti, Nini, Roberti, Spinola, Caraccioli, Delfini, Vandomo, created by Alexander the 7th.

The Cardinals, Aragon, and Moncada, were in Spain, and thought it not convenient to undertake ſuch a journey, when the weather was ſo hot; beſides Aragon could not leave that Court, being chief Miniſter there.

The new Cardinal Viſconte, ſent word likewiſe, that he could not come, becauſe there was never an Apoſtolical Nuntio there, and that Court would not admit his Auditor, either as Nuntio, or Envoy; upon which the Spaniſh Ambaſſador diſpatch'd an expreſs to haſten his coming, deſiring the Miniſters of Spain, to adjuſt the difference, and to receive the Auditor as an Envoy.

Almoſt at the ſame time, the Cardinal of Salsburg, writ word he could not be preſent at that Conclave neither, in regard of the Imperial Dyet which he could not poſſibly leave; this advice was not over welcome to the ears of the Catholick Ambaſſador, who ſent a Courier on purpoſe to ſolicite the Emperour that he would be pleas'd to diſmiſs him. But all this importunity had no other effect, than to make the French believe, the Spaniſh Faction were too timerous, and by conſequence, weak.

Bandinelli, and Pallavicino, were abſent, and ſo, as never to be preſent afterwards, for being very ſick, and infirm, they dyed within three or four dayes, leaving the Conclave poſſeſt either with a ſpirit of contradiction, or folly. Pallavicino dy'd ſo poor, there was not enough found in his houſe, to pay the charge of his Funeral, but was forc'd to be beholding to the affection of Chigi even after his death, whoſe Eminence ſent a 1000 Crowns to effect it.

There were two other Cardinals likewiſe who were abſent, Ludoviſio, and Donghi, both of them indiſpos'd, and forc'd to ſtay away to perfect their Cure. However it is ſufficient, that the two thirds of the votes which were neceſſary for the Election of the Pope, according to the decree of Alexander the third, ought to be 41 at the leaſt, and of that number only which enter'd the Conclave the firſt day: in which, towards the Evening there happen'd a fray betwixt the Souldiers of the Marſhal of the Conclave, and [Page] the Halberdiers of the Governour of the Conclave, about their Poſts, the laſt of which had the worſt of it, and in the heat of the quarrel, ſome of the Marſhals Souldiers, broke into certain of the Cardinals Kitchins, and took away a good prize of Silver Plate; but they injoy'd it not long, for they were taken a while after, and proceſs of death order'd to be made out againſt them, yet not ſo much for their theft, as for the fright and confuſion they occaſion'd in the Conclave.

Before they went out of the Conclave, the French Ambaſſador (having for a long time negotiated privately with the Cardinals of his Nation) he produc'd a Letter from his Maſter, in which he declared his indifference, either to one perſon, or other; his Ambaſſador in a long Oration, preſſing, and exaggerating, that his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty deſir'd nothing but a virtuous and unintereſted Pope; yet when it came to the point, they did what they could, to have had all to themſelves.

The Ambaſſador of Spain receiv'd not the ſatisfaction he would have done, from the Spaniſh Cardinals, obſerving ſome of them tottering and uncertain, he would not permit them therefore either to exclude, or include any body, he only charg'd them to temporize and protract, till he receiv'd an anſwer which he expected from Spain. But to Cardinal Sforza he declar'd himſelf more freely, and 'tis believ'd he told him the intention of the Councel of Spain, about the Election of one of the two perſons, Roſpiglioſi, or Farneſe, who were they, which ſeem'd to have come Popes into the Conclave.

About 5 a Clock in the morning, all went out of the Conclave, which being lock'd up immediately, the Cardinal Chamberlain, accompany'd with two others, went about viſiting all places, to ſee if there were any body ſtaid privately behind, beſides ſuch as were deputed by the Colledge; after which, the uſual Oaths were given, and the Cardinals holding a Congregation amongſt themſelves, ſeveral Laws were eſtabliſh'd, every one promiſing to obſerve them if he was elected Pope; they had very ſtrong debates amongſt themſelves; the Maſs of the Holy Ghoſt was ſung; the Cardinals receiv'd all of them the Communion; and after that, in the accuſtom'd Order, they began the firſt Scrutiny.

And here before we proceed any further, it will not be amiſs to diſcourſe of the qualities, merits, and adherences of the Papable Cardinals of the aforeſaid Conclave, as alſo of their number, and of whoſe creation; which will give ſome light to the Reader, and enable him to conſider of the adherences and hopes, both of one party and the other; but I will not omit to inſert what paſs'd betwixt Cardinal Sforza and N. the day before they enter'd into the Conclave, which will ſerve to give ſome illuſtration of the qualities of ſome of them. Cardinal Sforza, and Cardinal N. being in diſcourſe, Sforza demanded of N. what his judgement was as to the new Election; the other wanted not an anſwer, but reply'd immediately, My Lord, I believe, if the French ſhall make the Pope, Cardinal Farneſe will be the man; if the Spaniard, Cardinal Roſpiglioſi; if the People of Rome, Cardinal Barbarino; if the Holy Ghoſt, Cardinal Odeſcalco; if the Devil, either your Eminence or I. Then it ſhall be Roſpiglioſi reply'd Sforza ſmiling; and ſo they paſs'd to other diſcourſe.

But to return to the Papable Cardinals, they were twenty in number, and no more, the reſt of the Cardinals being all declar'd Spaniards, or French, or too young; for youth, by reaſon of the inexperience wherewith it is uſually accompany'd, and for fear of a tedious Reign (a potent exception againſt any of them all) is enough to hinder the beſt perſons exaltation, as we ſee dayly by frequent examples.

Of theſe twenty Papable Cardinals, eight were created by Ʋrban; Barbarino, Ginetti, Palotta, Brancaccio, Carpegna, Gabrieli, Durazzo, and Facchinetti. Three by Innocent, Odeſcalco, Albici, and Spada, call'd commonly Santa Suſanna; and nine by Alexander, Bonviſi, Roſpiglioſi, Farneſe, Caraffa, Elci, Celſi, Bonelli, Litta, and Bandinelli. But this laſt was mention'd without the Conclave, not within, for he dyed at the beginning of it; ſo as there remain'd then but nineteen, all perſons of competent age, the youngeſt of them being above 56.

Barbarino was in his 70th. year, which was no ſmall advantage to him; his creatures, and ſome other of Innocents, his Correſpondents, as Raggi, Santa Croce, Spada, and Pio, ſeem'd to concur willingly in him; the Spaniards were not againſt him, though [Page] they would never declare poſſitively for him; and it appear'd to be ſome advantage too, that Sforza was not head of the Faction, who upon ſeveral ſcores had but very little affection for him; ſo that if he had perſever'd in the good management of the buſineſs which he began with Chigi, and had obtain'd his concurrence, and his creatures, he had been certainly Pope as moſt people believe. But one which penetrated deeper into the Machinations of the Prieſts, was of opinion, Chigi could not have done it without diſguſting ſeveral of his creatures, and loſing their votes for himſelf; and indeed being agreed with Barbarino, he endeavour'd to diſcover the intentions of the principal of his creatures, and to draw them to joyn with him for the exaltation of the ſaid Barbarino; but he found ſo great repugnancy from the beginning, eſpecially in Cardinal Celſi, who was upon ſeveral accounts an implacable enemy to Barbarino, that he had much adoe to appeaſe them, by obliging himſelf to ſpeak no more of the exaltation of Barbarino. It is reported, that in the heat of their diſpute, Celſi ſhould ſpeak openly to Chigi in this manner; your creatures follow you, becauſe you have promis'd them all, not to ſuffer the Papacy to fall, but amongſt your creatures; and if it happens to light amongst the creatures of Urban, your Eminence will be left alone in the Conclave, and if you loſe it now, you will loſe it for ever. Barbarino was advis'd by ſome perſons, to open his purſe, and to leave all the hopes of his pretenſions to the operation of his Coyn, according to the abominable example of Alexander the 6th. and ſome there were who ſuppos'd the buſineſs was concluded; but that report proceeded only from the malice of his enemies, to fully and obfuſcate the reputation of a man, who certainly for more Papacies than one, would not have defil'd, or eclips'd the luſtre of the eſteem which he enjoy'd amongſt the people.

Ginetti's pretenſions were founded only upon the benevolence of the Spaniard, (towards whom he had alwayes carry'd himſelf with great circumſpection) and his great age, which was 82. but in other reſpects there was but little appearance for him.

Palotta was put into the number of the Candidates, not that it was believ'd he could be exalted in that conjuncture, becauſe Barbarino was his profeſs'd enemy; and he was hated by the Spaniards for the integrity of his life, they being alwayes jealous of a perſon of worth, or parts extraordinary.

But in conſideration of his merits only, true it is every one thought there was but little hopes of his exaltation, perhaps as a judgement upon all Chriſtendome, as well as the people of Rome, who were not worthy of ſo excellent a Prince; for this I dare affirm, that of all the Sacred Colledge, he only, and Farneſe, are the moſt proper to undergoe the charge of the Papacy, in reſpect of their uprightneſs of mind, their integrity in matters of Juſtice, the love of the people, and which is yet more, that they are diſintereſted, and no paſſionate promotors of their Kindred. His being 70 years old, and having the Gout, gave him but little aſſiſtance, becauſe his complection was ſtrong, and in other reſpects he was perfectly ſound.

In the laſt Conclave but this, there was ſome talk of Carpegna, becauſe the two Medici's endeavour'd his promotion; but in this of Clement the 9th. he remain'd in his ordinary infirmity, which is only in a deſire of pretending, and no more, there being no Medici's then to advance him: nor indeed did he put himſelf much forward, as conſcious perhaps, that he had nothing, but his being a Cardinal, and a Servant to the Great Duke, to recommend him. Cardinal Roſſetti, who had the management and intereſt of the Great Duke, made ſome kind of proffer, but he durſt go no further, for he was ſure never to compaſs his deſigns; and he did well, for there was need of better heads than his, in the Apoſtolick Chair.

Brancaccio was diſcours'd of, as an excellent Lord, not only in reſpect of his birth, being a Gentleman of one of the beſt Families in Naples, but in conſideration of ſeveral good qualities that were in him; but there were two things, and very important, which hinder'd his friends from entring into treaty for him: the firſt was, that they ſaw Chigi's Faction reſolv'd to have no other Pope, but a creature of Alexanders, and there was but ſmall hopes to ſee the Papacy amongſt Ʋrbans, ſeeing Barbarino had try'd the impediment: the ſecond, becauſe the Spaniards had no great kindneſs for him, and although they pretended to be reconciled, yet the quarrel continued at the heart ſtill, and 'tis moſt [Page] certain they would never have concurr'd in this man, whilſt there was any body elſe to create: and a third reaſon was, the great fondneſs Brancaccio expreſs'd alwayes to his Kindred, it being confidently believ'd he would have run a great hazard of being miſled, by his love to them, who were numerous; the Family of the Brancaccio being divided into ſeveral houſes in that Kingdome, would have afforded perſons enough to have fill'd up, not only the Governments, but all the Offices and Benefices belonging to the Apoſtolick See: ſo that theſe obſtructions were ſufficient to keep him ſtill in his Cardinalſhip.

Durazzo, had nothing to ſpeak for him but his age, being 75. his infirmities, and decrepitancy, which many times are ſufficient alone to open a door to the Pontificate; for the Cardinal Pretenders, when they find they cannot reach it themſelves, they endeavour to create ſome old and decrepid man, that they may have another vacancy quickly, and their old hopes be renew'd. It was reported there was a Kinſman of Durazzo's come to Rome with 50000 dubles, to work upon the minds of ſome of the poorer Cardinals, but this ſtory was known to be a lye, and only the invention of his Enemyes, to diſgrace him; for he was generally taken for a man of a moſt irreprehenſible life, though illiterate, and of no great parts; but the worſt thing in him of all was, that he was of Genoa, which is no ſmall impediment.

During the weakneſs of the Pope, which in effect ſerv'd for a Conclave, there were many ſo confident Gabrielle was made Pope, that they laid wagers on it. And the grounds of that opinion were, that they ſaw the Spaniards inclin'd to him, and doubtleſs had they ſound things better diſpos'd towards him, they would not have fail'd to have favoured him, he having expreſs'd himſelf alwayes very well towards that Crown; to this they joyn'd the affinity and allyance he had with the new Cardinal Vandome, who they thought would prevail with the French Faction to concur; and indeed he attempted it, but rather to ſatisfie him, as it is ſuppos'd, than out of any deſire he had to it in earneſt. Beſides this, the Letter which was writ to him with ſo much affection by Cardinal Chigi, made them believe he would joyn with him, with all his creatures; and all theſe reaſons being put together, his friends would needs fancy him Pope.

But they found themſelves out in their confidence, not being able to dive into the moſt profound and recluſe myſteries of State. Firſt, becauſe the French would never have concurr'd (at the importunity of a new made Cardinal, though of never ſo great quality) in a perſon, who upon divers occaſions had ſhewn himſelf too partial to the Spaniard; beſides this, the Spaniards themſelves who protected him, and pretended to advance him, would not have had him Pope, as not knowing his humour; for their policy conſiſts in preferring ſuch perſons to the Papacy, as they know very well, and are acquainted with the very bottom of their qualities, leſt they ſhould run upon ſuch rocks as they have formerly done, and particularly in the Papacy of Paul the 4th. and Sixtus the 5th. Barbarino had promis'd him his aſſiſtance, but it was when he ſaw his own hopes deſperate; ſo Gabrielle's hopes, and his, vaniſh'd together. His age was 73 years, but it did him no good, his complection was ſo healthfull and ſtrong.

Facchinetti knowing his years too few, had not courage to venture in a Conclave, in which he ſaw ſo many other perſons of greater maturity and merits than himſelf; and yet he is an excellent perſon, indifferently well learned, of a good judgement, and ſolid, but ſomething too reſolute. He was conſider'd as Innocent the ninths Nephews Son, and one that has kept a good correſpondence with the Baloncſe, Gentlemen his Countrymen. In his Nuntiature into Spain, he gave great ſatisfaction to that Court, nor was he ingratefull when he was come back again to Rome, inſomuch that the Spaniards held him as a Confident. He recommended himſelf to them with great modeſty, declaring he had not much to pretend in a Conclave ſo rich in other perſons of merit; yet if there ſhould happen ſuch conteſts and competitions, as there uſually do, he deſir'd the Spaniards, as his friends, would be mindfull of him; but no great controverſie arriving, his friends had no occaſion to concern themſelves in his behalf.

Odeſcalco's hopes conſiſted in the good opinion the whole Colledge had of him, as a perſon of Integrity, Generoſity, and Charity, and one that was well affected by the Spaniards, as one of the Subjects of that Crown; but there were many more potent [Page] obſtacles to obſtruct them: The firſt was in his age which was but 56 years, as ſtrong and as luſty as was poſſible, an obſtacle ſo great, that as often as he was mention'd the 22 years Papacy of Ʋrban, was immediately remembred, and by conſequence took away the good inclinations the Cardinals had to his perſon, and to his advancement: the Cardinals being reſolv'd they would never again ſee the Keys of St. Peter grow ruſty in the hands of one man.

The ſecond was, that Sforzá had loſt the management of the Spaniſh Faction, who was his very great friend, and would not have fail'd doubtleſs to have us'd his utmoſt endeavour, to have drawn the Spaniards to a concurrence: I ſay his utmoſt endeavours, becauſe though the Spaniard may love Odeſcalco very well, as a ſubject, and well deſerving perſon of that Crown; yet 'tis moſt certain, at their hearts, they had rather he ſhould remain a Cardinal, than be made Pope; and the reaſon is, becauſe they look upon him as an obſtinate perſon, too rigid, and ſevere to his firſt impreſſions, which agrees not with the Spaniſh Policy, that requires an honeſt down right Pope, eaſie to be commanded, and not refractory to command. The other obſtacle was the averſion of the French, who would never have conſented to the Election of a Milaneſe, at a time when there was a breach betwixt the two Crowns; and indeed when any friend of Odeſcalcoes propos'd him to any Cardinal of the French, they anſwer'd him according to the modeſty of the French, He is a worthy perſon, but let us talk of ſome body elſe. Yet there was no body declar'd himſelf his Enemy, but Cardinal Imperiale, and that upon an accident which happen'd in Rome the 20th. of Auguſt 1662. at which time Odeſcalco, either that he believ'd in his Conſcience things ought to be ſo, or that he had a mind to oblige the French, and take away the ſuſpicion that Crown had of him, as he was a Spaniard, that he might not have their Negative in the Conclave, or for any thing elſe, it is enough he was one of thoſe which decreed his baniſhment: and ſo much the more reaſon had Imperiale to be angry, by how much he was inform'd Odeſcalco was the promoter of the buſineſs: and all theſe things conſider'd together, at the very firſt put all Odeſcalcoes pretenſions out of his head.

Albici had little or no thoughts of demanding the Papacy, not that he diſlik'd the morſel, but becauſe he knew very well the Cardinals would not chooſe him, as knowing him to be of a turbulent head, and a pungent, if not virulent tongue.

In ſhort, though in all the reſt there were ſome viſible hopes of Exaltation to be found, yet in this Cardinal there was not the leaſt ſpark, or inclination to be diſcover'd; firſt becauſe he was abominated by the Spaniards, as a perſon of too deep a reach; for 'tis a maxim amongſt them, to have a care of ſuch perſons as by the greatneſs of their parts, or deſigns, may diſturb the preſent quiet of Italy, during the minority of their King: Some people believe, that for the ſame reaſons for which the Spaniards hated him, the French lov'd him, but yet with very good Policy, he was but little or not at all mention'd in the Conclave.

The other impediment was a pique Chigi had taken againſt him, Albici having been always an enemy to his Government, murmuring continually againſt it, as well in publick as in private; Cardinal Chigi for all that diſſembled it very well, yet he could not contain from ſaying one day to a friend of Albici's, who recommended him to him, for a Pope (but he ſpake as by the by) That when he gave his voice for Albici, there ſhould not be another Cardinal in the Colledge.

Theſe following Memoires of this Cardinal, came too late to my hands to put them into my ſecond Part, which indeed was their proper place; but coming from a good hand, I have choſen rather to inſert them here, than to ſuffer them to be loſt: I deſire the Reader therefore would compare what is written of this Cardinal in the ſecond Part, with what follows.

Franceſco Cardinal of Albici was born in Ceſenna the 25th. of October 1593. he is deſcended of Albici's in Florence, a perſon of great learning in all kinds of Sciences, but in the Law, and Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory, he has but few equals in this age. He is ſo great a lover of Juſtice, that when he was young, and exerciſing his Advocateſhip in Ceſenna, becauſe he would not do that which was unjuſt, he was forc'd to fly, to avoid the miſchief which was threatned to him, by the perſon which deſir'd to have had ſentence in [Page] his favour contrary to Law and Juſtice. Upon this occaſion he came to Rome, where he exercis'd his profeſſion with great applauſe; Monſignour Monti a Milaneſe being declar'd Nuntio of Naples by Ʋrban the eight, the advocate Albici was propos'd to Cardinal Franciſco Barbarino, to be Auditor of the ſaid Nuntiature. Monſignour Meltio Lieutenant to A. C. who was a Cardinal afterwards, was deſir'd to give his Character of him, which he did ſo much to his advantage, that he was ſent to Naples, and afterwards into Spain with the ſaid Monti, where he carry'd himſelf with great commendation; after three years he was call'd back again to Rome by Ʋrban, made Aſſeſſor of the S. Office, and ſent with Monſignour Macchiavelli Aſſiſtant into Germany to Cardinal Ginetti, who went Legate a Latere from Ʋrban the eighth. There was ſome unkindneſs betwixt the ſaid Legate and Albici, by reaſon of the ſordidneſs wherewith the Legate uſed all his attendants in his Legation. Whilſt he was in Germany, the charge of Aſſeſſor d [...]l S. Officio, was kept voyd, and reſtor'd to him at his return to Rome. Ʋrban at the requeſt of D. Anna Colonna, gave him the Canonſhip of Saint Peter; and amongſt the reſt of the favours which he did him, he declar'd himſelf his Kinſman upon occaſion of a Marriage betwixt one of the houſe of Barbarino, and a Lady of the Albici's. He had thoughts of making him a Cardinal, if death had not prevented his making another promotion. He was afterwards made a Cardinal by Innocent the tenth, for the pains he took in the cauſe of Janſenius; condemn'd by Innocent, although his Emulators whiſper'd about the Court, that he was created, only to obſtruct the Aſſumption of Cardinal Fiorenzuola to the Papacy.

But that report could not continue long, it being well known, what joy the whole Court, and all the Princes had at his Promotion, and amongſt the reſt, there was a Prince who congratulated with his Eminence, that by his bare merits, without Bribery, or Subornation, he had attain'd to the dignity of the Purple. At that time he was the only Inſtrument that made Alexander the 7th. Secretary of State at Colonia, as appears in a book Printed by the ſaid Pope, before his Aſcenſion to the Papacy; in which he has inſerted one of the many ſecrets which were writ to him by Albici: and after the ſaid Chigi was made a Cardinal, he omitted not any thing that might contribute to the aſſumption of his friend to the Papacy, gratitude and friendſhip being one of his moſt ſingular virtues; and amongſt other of his policies, he expreſs'd more than ordinary civilities to a Kinſman of Alexander, who did not return that gratitude, which ſuch a friend did deſerve; only in the latter part of his Pontificate, upon the inſtance of Cardinal Chigi his Nephew, who knew very well the affection of ſuch a friend deſerv'd a greater recompence than this, he made one of his Nephews reſign the Title of an Abbey to him; and this obligation he owed not to the Pope, but to his Nephew. The Cardinal is of a good complection, and luſty, though he be in the 75th. year of his age. He is courteous in his Speech, a lover of Poverty, indifferent as to the Princes, for being ask'd one day by Cardinal Aragon, whether he was French or Spaniard, he reply'd, That where Juſtice was, thore were his inclinations. He is belov'd of the Cardinals, but it is for fear; he is reſolute and ſtudious enough. At preſent he has four Nephews, Sons of his Son, firſt the Abbot Rinaldo; then Nicolo a Layman, marryed to a Daughter of the Marqueſs Calcagnini of Ferrara; the next is Lutio Arroni, a youth of many good qualities; and laſtly Logo an Abbot. He uſes his Pen very willingly in defence of ſuch as are accuſed, as he did in the Papacy of Innocent the 10th. in behalf of Horatio Falconieri; for which, being reprehended by a Prelate who was his friend, he reply'd, That it was Juſtice that he defended; That he could not abandon his friend in his distreſs; That ſuch was his practice formerly, and ſuch it ſhould be for the time to come. In the Pontificate of Alexander, he made ſeveral Sermons, which by ſeveral were interpreted, as intended againſt the Government of Alexander; and being rebuk'd for it by ſome of his Relations, he gave one of them this anſwer, That Pulpits were invented for the reprehenſion, not for the incouragement of Vice. He is a perſon of a quick reſolution and [...]. Upon an occaſion in the time of Alexander the 7th. who fram'd a Congrega [...] for adj [...]ſ [...]ing the matters of Ceremony betwixt the Cardinals and Roman Barons, by [...] [...]ey were grown but little conſider'd, this Cardinal ſaid, If I were to adviſe his Holineſs, I would tell him, that he ought firſt to ſet a value upon the Cardinals, and when [Page] they deſire any favour for the Barons, his Holineſs ſhould grant it at their Suit; By which means, the Sacred Colledge will become more eſtimable to every body; but if the Pope villifies them, all the world contemns them: which was very wiſe Councel. All the pleaſant and facetious things that are ſaid in the Court, are father'd upon this perſon, of which he never ſo much as thought: and this proceeds from the liberty he takes in his diſcourſe, having lived alwayes with that freedom. He is a man that perplexes his enemies, by the multitude of his civilities, and has never ceas'd to aſſiſt them, who were the cauſe of his coming to Rome, although ſince he was a Cardinal, it was in his power to have miſchiev'd them; but he confeſſes himſelf beholding to them, and that if it had not been for their threats, he had never come from Ceſenna. A rare virtue to draw good out of evil. But to return.

Spada was talk'd of, both without the Conclave, and within, for ſome certain dayes, and had it not been for the obſtinacy in the creatures of Chigi, to have no other Pope but a creature of Alexanders, he would doubtleſs have put fairer for the Papacy, than Barbarino himſelf, or any other creature either of Ʋrbans or Innocents. Barbarino had a great affection for him, and finding he could not compaſs it himſelf, he ſet his intereſt on foot, and endeavour'd to bend and incline the minds of ſome people to him, by crying him up for one of the greateſt Polititians in the world, affirming the Church had need of ſuch a Pope in ſuch times as theſe. But all this was only in ſatisfaction to the ſaid Spada, he knew very well he was not likely to ſucceed; beſides Cardinal Roſpiglioſi, driving at the ſame thing with more zeal, and better means, and being oblig'd to Barbarino, more than if he had been his creature, Barbarino would never have propos'd it to Spada, leſt he ſhould take away the Papacy from the creatures of Chigi, or give an occaſion of jealouſie to the Grand Duke, by hindring the Exaltation of a common friend, and creating one of his own only.

Two reaſons oblig'd the Grand Duke to deny his aſſiſtance to Santa Suſanna, who is vulgarly call'd Spada. The firſt was his being a Luccaeſe, that is a worthy Citizen of a Republique, upon which the Great Duke looks with an eye of compaſſion, and would rather have it in his own hands, than in the midſt of his State. But if the intereſts of his Countrey had not been of importance, his immoderate affection, and dependance upon the will of Barbarino, would have made him reſolve upon his Excluſion.

The Spaniards look upon him as their friend, and would not have fail'd to have aſſiſted him effectually, both for the confidence they had in him, and the opinion that he was a quiet and peaceable man, which is the thing the Spaniards do principally regard; but either by the natural iniquity of that Nation, or the want of fidelity in the Miniſters of that Crown, it appears that it is enough to exclude any one from the Papacy, to be propos'd and recommended by the Spaniard, as Innocent ſaid very pleſantly. At firſt they believ'd they might obtain their deſign, and ſo much the more zealous were they for his promotion, by how much they were inform'd of the King of France's reſolution to fall into Flanders with his Army; judging it convenient for the quiet of Italy, to put a Pope into the Vatican inclinable to peace, and affectionate to Spain. The French pretended very fairly they would exclude nobody, and his Majeſty had given them ſuch order; but underhand they labour'd the contrary, endeavouring to turn away that water from the Mill, which the Spaniard ſupply'd.

There were certain Satyrical Libels publiſh'd againſt Santa Suſanna, ſuppos'd to have come out of the Family of Cardinal Farneſe, who being farther engag'd for the Papacy than any of the reſt, he had a mind to diſmount every body elſe, and remain on horſeback himſelf. The Court would have deſir'd his exaltation, becauſe he was generally beloved; but his having ſo few Adherents, eſpecially of the Cap, except Barbarino, was no ſmall prejudice to his affairs. It was believ'd it was a great advantage to him, that there was never a Cardinal of the houſe of Medici, and that the intereſts of the Great Duke were manag'd by Cardinal Roſetti, who is a good Cardinal, though unfortunate in his Negotiations; and indeed it had not been ill for him, had the Spaniards had Cardinals of Authority to have manag'd their Factions; for 'tis the head which gives vigour to all the reſt of the Members.

[Page]And now I ſhall paſs to the perſon of Cardinal Farneſe, a true Roman, and of whom they diſcours'd as if he were created already; there were certain Paraſites and Flatterers which fail'd not to aſſure him of the Papacy, but he refus'd with great prudence to put his Noſe to that incenſe. And to the end the Reader may be better inform'd of all paſſages, I will ſet down the reaſons upon which they believ'd him Pope, and which gave him ſo great probability; and afterwards give an account of the impediments which obſtructed him: and the firſt thing that enabled him to contend for the Papacy with any of the reſt, was his age, he being above 70. years old, of a weakly complexion, and of a very extravagant courſe of life, going to dinner when others went to bed, and to ſupper when others roſe: another was the many and principal charges which he exerciſed in Rome after his return from his Nuntiature in Switzerland: another, his great zeal and incorruption in matters of Juſtice, which he exercis'd with that exceſs as one may ſay, that he became very terrible to the wicked, and very grateful to the good, for his uprightneſs, and diligence in buſineſs: another reaſon was, that he was the laſt of his Family, having only two Nephews by his Siſter, one in Bolonia, and the other in Rome; This latter was a Prelate of a competent age, but both of them hated by their Unkle, who by natural inſtinct, bears a kind of natural averſion to his own Kindred, and ſervants. Which humour made the Cardinals open their Eyes, and judge him worthy of the Papacy, in theſe times, when the Church was ſo lacerated and perplex'd by the Hereticks, and ſo ruin'd and deſtroy'd by the Nephews of the Popes.

The French and the Spaniard were inclin'd to concur with him, either in appearance, or in earneſt, for one and the ſame reaſon, he being deſcended from the ſame houſe with the Dukes of Parma, and by conſequence not in any ſuſpicion with the Spaniard, there being at preſent a Brother of the ſaid Duke of Parma's in the King of Spains ſervice againſt Portugal; beſides the honourable memory of the tryumphs of Alexander Farneſe in Flanders, in the ſervice of the ſaid Crown: So that the Spaniard could not deſire greater ſecurity, than to have a Prince of the Farneſes as it were a hoſtage in the middle of Spain, which ſaid Prince is reported to have recommended the intereſts of the ſaid Cardinal Farneſe, his Kinſman, to the Spaniards.

And this very conſideration was thought ſufficient to prevail with the French King to concur likewiſe; he having undertaken the Protection of the Duke of Parma, as to the reſtitution of the Dutchy of Caſtro, according to the agreement with the Apoſtolick Chamber under Alexander the 7th. in the Treaty of Piſa, but without effect, they being forc'd to attend the concluſion of that Treaty, from the new Pope, but that is not done neither; So that in reſpect to that Protection, his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty could not, as many believ'd, refuſe his aſſiſtance to the ſaid Farneſe, the Dukes Kinſman; but they which look'd further into the ſecrets of their intrigues, have diſcerned that to be obſtacle clearly, and a reaſon to deſtroy, as well as to obſtruct that machination, and therefore they never eſteem'd their mediations for his promotion to the Papacy, to be real.

For firſt it facilitated to the houſe of Chigi, the acquiſition of the Lands of Farneſe, which were his juriſdiction, by which means at preſent Don Augustino is Prince of them; and ſuggeſted a way to Pope Alexander to exclude the Duke of Parma, who in default of this branch of Farneſe, was to ſucceed; Whereupon the Duke was not a little diſguſted with the ſaid Cardinal, who kept little or no correſpondence with him all along, eſpecially when he was Legate of Bolonia; and therefore it was not to be believ'd the Duke would deſire the exaltation of a perſon, who upon the ſcore of the intereſts of his family, has for a long time had ſo little intelligence with him: though for ſome years ſince, upon his particular advantage, the Cardinal procur'd a reconciliation, in appearance rather than in ſincerity, and ſo perhaps the Duke did believe, who was wiſe enough to underſtand the drift of that reconciliation; and therefore appearances, not being able to remove what is fix'd and impreſt in the hearts of Princes, it is to be believ'd the Papacy could not fall into the hands of this Cardinal, by means of the Dukes recommendation.

Moreover he had many other impediments beſides, but the greateſt was the real, and verbal averſion of the Spaniard, Farneſe having render'd himſelf ſuſpicious to that [Page] Crown, by his excellent qualities, and the opinion they had of the headineſs and turbulence of nature, which as I have often ſaid before, is an occaſion that ſuch perſons are never deſir'd by the Catholick Crown; and perhaps they would obſtruct the creation of ſuch a Cardinal if they could, though he was born in the very Court at Madrid.

In ſhort, though the Duke of Parma, ſhould have recommended him as his Kinſman, yet could not Farneſe expect to be Pope, becauſe the Spaniards have an eye at preſent upon the houſe of Parma, as being oblig'd to France in ſeveral particulars; ſo that in ſuch a conjuncture, they would not have conſented to the exaltation of a Kinſman of the Dukes; nay I will go further, and ſay, that if the Duke as his Kinſman had undertaken his aſſiſtance, the Colledge would have oppos'd it, at leaſt thoſe Cardinals which are promoters of the Grandure of the Eccleſiaſtick State, if for no other reaſons but the intereſts of Castro, which are ſo conſiderable.

The French on the other ſide could not be ſincere in his Election, not only upon the ſcore of the affronts offer'd the 25th. of November 1650 to the Ambaſſador, the crime of the offendors, being by a policy of Innocents; thrown upon the back of his Miniſter, which was Farneſe, and by the French (who could do no other) acknowledg'd to be ſuch, but becauſe they knew alſo they could not have any intire confidence in him. To all this there was added a private diſguſt betwixt him, or to ſpeak more properly, his Confidents, and ſome other Competitors for the Papacy, as particularly Celſi, and Santa Suſanna; whoſe infirmities and defects were publiſh'd in writing, but little comporting with the decorum or honour of the Church: which upon good grounds were ſuppos'd to have proceeded from his Family; ſo as they were oblig'd to pay them in their own Coyn.

A loſs that cannot be counterpoys'd by his private league with▪ Pallotta, Albici, and Pallavicino, which league, by the death of the laſt, came to nothing: and now all theſe things being preſuppos'd, and conſider'd together, Farneſe's exaltation could not be expected; yet the French did not fail to aſſiſt him, whether it was that they knew him to be a proper perſon to interrupt and diſturb the repoſe of the Spaniards, or for any thing elſe, I know not; it is ſufficient, that (either to pleaſe, or oblige him, or for ſome other reaſons) they did aſſiſt him.

Some there were who pry'd more narrowly into the policies of the French, and found, that the exaltation which they endeavour'd for Farneſe, was but to bring him into diſgrace with the Spaniard, and draw him over wholly to their party, the French being aſſured, that the more they ſollicited his creation, the more jealous would the Spaniards be of him, and by conſequence more zealous for his excluſion; and he finding himſelf afterwards without hopes, would not fail to reſent, and revenge it upon the Spaniards; but they being more practis'd, and prying into the intrigues both of Rome, and of France, knew how to ſave both their Goat and their Cabbadge.

Bonviſi was the only perſon and object that Chigi aim'd at amongſt all his creatures, believing for certain to make him Pope, being his creature ſo well deſerving, and the Spaniards concurring out of a deſire they had to a young Pope, that they might not be lyable to continual mutations and changes, there being leſs exception againſt this perſon alſo, than againſt any of the reſt of the creatures of Chigi; and the more, becauſe, as a dextrous and diſcreet man, Bonviſi ſhunn'd all occaſions of ſhewing himſelf violent for any of the Crowns, and therefore could not be formally excluded by them. Cardinal Anthonio likewiſe acknowledging Bonviſi for his greateſt Confident from the time of Ʋrban his Unckle, and of whom he made uſe, as his moſt faithfull Miniſter, at the breaking out of the Wars; endeavour'd his exaltation likewiſe, and fail'd not to invite all the French party to his ſide.

But he alſo was found to have his ſhare of exceptions, and that ſo large, as was ſufficient to put his deſigns upon the Papacy out of his head. The firſt objection was againſt his age, being but 62. and no more, and which is conſiderable, ſtrong and ſound, and likely to live twenty years longer; and the rather, becauſe he was a man that loved his recreations, and did not apply himſelf too fiercely to buſineſs. So that the reſt of the Cardinals who deſir'd to have their ſhare in other Conclaves beſides this, thought of nothing [Page] leſs than giving the Keys to one that would open a door to them all into another world. Nor was his Countrey a ſmall impediment, being of a Republique adjacent to the Territories of the Great Duke.

Another obſtacle was, Franciſco Bonviſi his Nephew, who is Maeſtro di Camera to Cardinal Chigi; he is a perſon ſo proud, fierce, cruel, and vindicative in his nature, and tainted with principals ſo pernicious to the Government, that the Cardinals could not reſolve to give the Papacy to one who had ſuch a Nephew, as with his ill qualities, obſcur'd all the virtue and luſtre in his Unckle, and one that in my fancy may hinder his exaltation in another Conclave.

Chigi had a mind to have endeavour'd the exaltation of Cardinal Elci, not only a Sieneſe, and joyn'd in the ſame intereſts with the houſe of Chigi, but a perſon depending wholly upon it: however being confident he could never ſucceed, he deſiſted, and ſpake no more of him, reſerving that deſign, till the differences and conteſts of the ſeveral parties, ſhould ſpin out the Conclave a little longer. His qualities certainly render'd him worthy of the Papacy, and there was none could have excluded him, as defective in parts; but if he had been but mention'd, the Cardinals would have oppos'd themſelves, who were weary already of ſeeing the Dominion remain ſo long in that Family, which had made it ſelf the object of the common Odium by his ill adminiſtration, and beſides the French would have been againſt him, having never to have been brought to condeſcend to the election of a perſon ſo firm to the houſe of Chigi, from whom they have receiv'd ſo little ſatisfaction.

Litta was look'd upon as a very deſerving Lord, advanc'd to the Cardinalſhip, meerly for his merits, adorn'd with many good qualities, and worthy of any Government, Eccleſiaſtical or Politick. Yet there was no occaſion to talk of him, unleſs it were that ſome of his Friends affirm'd, and with good reaſon, that there was none would ſerve, and govern the Church beter than he, as being an approv'd perſon, well skill'd in Government, and very aſſiduous in buſineſs. But there being perſons of greater, years, of greater intereſts, and greater merits, there was but little notice taken of what they ſaid, every one replying that he would ſucceed better in another Conclave, than in this; and ſo much the rather, becauſe as he was Arch-Biſhop of Milan, there being a neceſſity of interfering with the Spaniſh Miniſters, he had gain'd ſo much the ill will of that Nation, and in particular of Don Lewis Ponte du Leon, the Governour of Milan, that they are his implacable Enemies; and Don Lewis declar'd, that if he ſhould ſee things diſpos'd in his favour, he would ride Poſt to Rome to fruſtrate and exclude him.

Caraffa ſeeing he could not compaſs it for himſelf, though he wanted no good will, he negotiated the intereſt of Chigi, who had given him directions in every thing, and made him the Secretary of his heart: but ſome believ'd that he ſerv'd him not faithfully in the buſineſs of Bonviſi, endeavouring his excluſion under-hand, to make an elder man Pope, to the end that he might ſee a new Conclave once again, and ſet his own intereſt once more on foot, as fearing the long life of Bonviſi. But to me theſe reaſons ſeem as frivolous, as his pretenſions; for if he be a Politician, as he is reputed, he may very well judge, that the memory of Paul the 4th. a Pope, not at all propitious to the Spaniard, lyes upon him like Original Sin; which obſtacle is ſo great, that I may ſay 'tis impoſſible to be remov'd, being already ſo radicated in the Conclave, that the Spaniards have upon that very ſcore, excluded ſeveral other Cardinals of the houſe of Caraffa. Had it not been for this, he might have paſt in ſome Conclave or other, his qualities being proper enough for the Papacy, ſaving that he is a little too ſevere in his adminiſtration of Juſtice, and yet a great preſerver of the immunities of the Church. He has very good allyance in Rome, which another time may give him aſſiſtance; but in this Conclave, they will not ſo much as attempt his exaltation, for ſeveral reſpects, particularly becauſe they are ſure the deſign will not take, by reaſon of his youth.

Bonelli likewiſe imbarked without Biſcott, and Cardinal Imperiale would have done better, to have expected till another Conclave, becauſe thoſe oppoſitions which are diſcover'd to him now, may perhaps be ſufficient to obſtruct him hereafter. He is (according to his name) but little in goodneſs, in parts, in learning, and in Stature. He [Page] was prefer'd in the Papacy of Alexander to conſiderable charges, viz. of Governour, and Nuntio into Spain; but more by the powerful interceſſion of Imperiale (whoſe authority with Chigi was ſuitable to his name, commanding him in every thing like an Emperour indeed) than by any merits of his own; In the Exercizes of his Offices, and particularly in his Nuntiature, he has neither leſſen'd nor increas'd his eſteem amongſt thoſe that knew him. Of himſelf he would never have launch'd forward, ſeeing the wind in his teeth, and too much diſpos'd to beat him back again. But Cardinal Imperiale, who was always moſt propitious to his hopes, would have it ſo, and he accordingly permitted it; but neither the one nor the other did any thing, but run themſelves into greater animoſities with the French, and with other Cardinals alſo. Imperiale had promis'd Barbarino to do his utmoſt for his Exaltation, upon condition that if things ſucceeded not in his favour; that he ſhould then aſſiſt him afterwards in the Election of Bonelli, and ſo by a politick fetch, pretending with the remainder of his Squadron to labour with might and main in the behalf of Barbarino; at the ſame time, he fix'd his Eye upon, and drove on the intereſt of his Nephew Bonelli.

He cry'd up the virtues of Barbarino to the higheſt Region of the Air; but Bonelli's to the firſt Quire of the Angels, and that not only with his tongue, but with all the Rhetorick of his heart: In ſo much that a Cardinal of his acquaintance ſeeing him one day in a little confuſion, betwixt his commendations of Barbarino, and Bonelli, he ſaid to him, Nemo poteſt duobus Dominis ſervire. In ſhort, two dayes before they entred into the Conclave, Imperiale according to the fineſs and ſubtlety of his tranſactions, depreſt the practices of Barbarino, and advanc'd Bonelli's ſo, that he endeavour'd to procure him the applauſe of the Prelates, and of the whole Court.

Accordingly he made it be reported round about Rome, that he had 40 Votes ſure, and that he doubted not to make Bonelli Pope; uſing that as a Stratagem, to no other end but to ſtop the mouths of the adverſaries, believing moſt certainly, that by ſpreading abroad ſuch a report, they would forbear to make any oppoſition, and endeavour a reconciliation, that they might not have the Pope to their Enemy: But thoſe who underſtood the ſtate of affairs, and how the Cardinals were divided this way, and that, did but laugh at all this. The French Ambaſſador in very good earneſt made his complaint to the ſame Cardinal Imperiale, telling him that theſe endeavours ought to be reſerv'd till another Conclave: And in that thing the ſaid Ambaſſador was to be commended for his modeſty, being not willing to publiſh any of his defects, nor to urge any other reaſon for his Excluſion, but his Youth.

For all this Imperiale deſiſted not from promoting the Election of Bonelli with all imaginable contrivance. And on the other ſide Albici, Odeſcalchi, and Palotta, having openly declar'd againſt him, they conſpir'd all ways of excluding him, and not without ſome reflection upon the incapacity of the perſon.

The Spaniards recommended him, and would have been glad of him with all their hearts; but finding things going clear another way than what Imperiale propos'd, they diſ-intangled themſelves, as nimbly as they could, and left the greateſt part of the care upon Imperiale himſelf. The French who had declar'd that they had no order for the Excluſion of any body, temporiz'd, and delay'd, to profeſs themſelves Enemies, yet they forbore not to caſt rubs in his way. But if they had once ſeen things growing hotter in favour of Bonelli, I am ſatisfy'd they would have appear'd publiquely for his Excluſion, not only becauſe he was Nephew to Imperiale, who was not much affected to France; but becauſe he was a Spariard both in intereſt, and profeſſion; and it would not be convenient for the French, at a time when the two Crowns were ſo near a rupture, to have a Pope in Italy too much addicted to the Spaniard.

At the beginning, when it came firſt into the head of Imperiale to advance Bonelli, his friends advis'd him to deſiſt from that enterprize, foreſeeing the difficulties which diſcover'd themſelves afterwards; exhorting him to leave that dignity to the pretenſions of ſeveral other perſons of greater deſert, as well for their experience in Government, and integrity of their lives, as for their plurality of years: But he thought Bonelli above them all, and did but laugh at their diſcourſe, and perhaps on purpoſe that they might do as much for him afterwards: And indeed he would have done much better, to have [Page] ſuffer'd his Nephew to have got ſome more years upon his back (ſeeing he is the youngeſt of all the Competitors) and to have attended ſome other time more proportionable to his deſigns, which would not have redounded ſo much to the prejudice of Bonelli, who is become totally ſuſpected by the French; and he will not only have a great trouble to bring them to his ſide, the next Conclave, but run a great hazard of having them conſpire his Excluſion.

Celſi was excluded upon four ſorts of accompts (and which is moſt ſtrange, they began to talk firſt of his Excluſion, and of his Exaltation afterwards) The firſt was the great Enmity which Barbarino profeſt to him, which he has publickly declar'd, not only ſince he was made a Cardinal, but even in the time of his Prelacy: In ſo much as when he was recommended to him by ſome perſons, pretending great modeſty, he reply'd, That he would not give any impediment to his Papacy, provided he would not hinder him for going out of Rome. Thoſe who recommended him knew what he meant very well, which was never to concur at all.

But theſe reports are falſe, for there are ſome perſons that affirm that Celſi had declar'd, That he would have renounc'd Paradice, as well as the Papacy, if he had thought to receive it from the recommendation of Barbarino. But be it as it will, Barbarino took away a great part of the inclinations of the Colledge from him. Cardinal Pallavicino diſcover'd him to be his Enemy likewiſe, but upon other occaſions; However though he look'd upon the firſt as a powerful enemy, eſpecially in that juncture of time, yet he little regarded the animoſity of the other, by reaſon of his debility, and the ſmall reputation he had in the Colledge: Death took away this obſtacle from him, but he would much willinger, he had taken Barbarino in his room.

The ſecond reaſon of his Excluſion was the friendſhip of Ravizza, which Prelate, (either becauſe ſome malignant Star that perſecuted him would have it ſo, or that he was really guilty of ſeveral actions that were blame worthy) by his Converſation render'd himſelf abominable to the whole Colledge; except Cardinal Chigi, who held him for an Oracle, and it may be ſaid of theſe three perſons, Funiculus triplex difficile rumpitur.

Chigi did his utmoſt, to bring the ſaid Ravizza into the Conclave, as his Conclaviſt; and becauſe he ſaw ſeveral difficulties that were likely to ariſe, he procur'd a particular Brief from his Unkle before the time; But the Cardinals ſuſpecting it was done with deſign to put the whole Colledge into a diſtraction, they refus'd openly to receive him; and though Cardinal Celſi went about intreating this man, and the other; yet Chigi was forc'd to be patient, and get another; and ſo much did the Colledge look aſkew upon Ravizza, that they could not reſolve to concur with Celſi, for the great confidence and familiarity was betwixt them, being ſatisfy'd he would not only have advanc'd him to the Cardinalſhip, but to the higheſt charges about the Court.

The third Cauſe of his excluſion, was his too much rigour, being indeed of ſo ſevere a nature, that he many times adher'd to Juſtice more than he ought, and would willingly puniſh that offence with the Gallows, that was ſcarce worthy of the Whip; in ſome Congregations, his judgements reſembled the Sentence of Phalaris, written in Characters of bloud, they were ſo ſevere, which made the Cardinals apprehend, as they alwayes will, that to exalt this perſon, was but to make the whole Colledge tremble, and to be treated with greater rigour than in the dayes of Paul the fourth, and Sixtus the fifth.

For this reaſon the Spaniard excluded him with their heart, though not with their tongue, they promis'd to run over Mountains, and Seas, to do him ſervice; but they were very tedious in ſetting out, and could not find in their hearts to begin their journey. For all this, he ceas'd not to negotiate with them ſtill, and to offer them the utmoſt of his affection, but in vain, for they were reſolv'd not to have a Pope ſo ſevere, and ſo ſingular in his authority.

Furthermore his Enemies prais'd him, and prick'd him in his excluſion, making uſe both of the honey and the ſting. They ſaid he was indeed a great head-piece, a man of great learning, politick, dexterous in buſineſs, and in ſhort, a perſon of no ordinary Talent; but to theſe gifts, the integrity of his life, and the goodneſs of his manners, [Page] (wherewith a Pope ought to be indued) did not correſpond: and this I dare affirm, that if to the Politicks, which are ſo reſplendent in the Cardinal, the moral virtues of life and converſation were conjoyn'd, there would not be a perſon more deſerving than he in the whole Colledge. Farneſe was no Enemy to Celſi, but doubting this perſon more than any of the reſt, to be moſt likely to take the Papacy from him, which he thought he had ſure in his hands; he procur'd his excluſion as I have ſaid before, by the help of certain Libels which are ſuppos'd to have proceeded out of his Family, with which Celſi is not a little offended, and in time will ſhew greater revenge, than what he has ſhown as yet.

In this manner therefore, much being ſaid for all the Competitors, Roſpiglioſi remain'd alone, exempt from the uſual Torrent of contradiction. He was generally eſteem'd by the whole Colledge, and from the very beginning the reaſons were plain why the Papacy muſt needs fall into his hands. To ſee in him all the virtues that can be deſir'd in an excellent Prince, with the reputation of having carry'd himſelf honourably in all his charges, having executed them all, with ſplendour, impartiality, and honour, and particularly in his Nuntiature into Spain, from whence he return'd poorer, in a manner, than he went. The opinion that he was a perſon of a moſt ſincere judgement, free from all Intereſts and Faction, not fond of his own opinion, but indued with a thouſand other good qualities, made him be thought worthyeſt of the Popedom; and the rather, becauſe the Spaniards recommended him in the firſt place, and the Emperour deſir'd him, becauſe he Chriſten'd the Empreſs in the year 1650. when he was Nuntio in Spain; the French were not diffident of him; Barbarino loy'd him for having open'd the way to his preferments in the Pontificate of his Unckle; and laſt of, all Chigi could not but concur as he was his creature: and all theſe reaſons being put together, he could not fail of the Papacy.

And yet he himſelf was not without his impediments, one new one or other ſpringing up every day. The firſt was, the Lords Cardinals judg'd him improper (by reaſon of his infirmities, and particularly an Apoplexy had befallen him lately) for ſo conſiderable a Government, they being very unwilling to chooſe a Pope, that ſhould be bed-rid all his life, and commit the Government to the diſcretion of they knew not who.

The multitude of Kindred which Roſpiglioſi had in Piſtoia, and particularly five Nephews by his Brother, appear'd a neceſſary obſtruction in theſe times, in which the deſire of inriching their Relations, ſeems a diſeaſe hereditary to the Popes, of which examples the memory is too freſh in Rome, with no ſmall detriment to the Church.

Chigi's declaration to ſome of his friends, that he could not concur in him, but in caſe he ſaw his deſigns for Bonviſi deſperate.

The affection ſhewn to the exaltation of Farneſe by the French, who were inſtrumental in making of difficulties, and inventing obſtructions to hinder Roſpiglioſi from the Papacy; but the Divine Providence having choſen him to be the Conductor and Shepherd of his Flock, by the fiery Pillar as it were of his Protection, ſhew thoſe Iſraelites the true way (which follow'd him) to the end, that the miſts of difficulties being diſpell'd, the affairs of Roſpiglioſi might be brought ſafe into the Harbour, to the ſhame and confuſion of all that oppos'd them.

And thus behold the Conclav is finiſh'd, before the Reader is aware, the work is at an end, in the very beginning of the work; behold them gone out of the Conclave, at the very time we believ'd them but entering. In earneſt, ſpeaking of particulars, we ſeem to▪ have forgot the univerſal, and whilſt we inſiſt upon the Competitors of the Papacy, to have omitted the moſt profound and occult maximes of the Conclave.

So it would be if the Conclave made the Pretenders, and not the Pretenders the Conclave: ſo many Cardinals as we have hitherto deſcrib'd, ſo many Conclaves have we made. Maximes, Treaties, Managements, Negotiations, Oppoſitions, Excluſions, Incluſions, Subtleties, Animoſities, Threatnings, and Supplications, are the things which conſtitute Conclaves; and of all theſe materials, we find ſomething in the particular deſcription of every Cardinal.

I have read ſeveral Conclaves of ſeveral Popes, and amongſt the reſt, five of Innocent the 10th. alone, it being true that every Conclaviſt makes his own Conclave; but to [Page] ſpeak truth, without offence to any one, I have found ſo much confuſion by the redundancy of matter which preſented it ſelf to the Pens of thoſe Authors, who have deſcrib'd thoſe Conclaves; that to avoid that confuſion my ſelf, and make things more eaſie for the memory of the Reader, I have ſeparated them as much as poſſible, and made a particular Conclave for every Cardinal Pretendant: and though in my judgement it ought to be ſufficient, yet for the compleat ſatisfaction of the curious, I will omit not to ſay ſomething of the General likewiſe.

The Lord Cardinals were divided in the Conclave into theſe three Factions, viz. one of the Creatures of Chigi, another of the Squadrone volante, or flying Squadrone, and the third of a few of the Creatures of Barbarino: But all of them ſo weak of themſelves, that one without the other would not have had votes enough to have made an Election, though they had enough to obſtruct any perſon propos'd: Before the Decree for the two thirds was made, and whilſt one half was ſufficient, the Factions were ſo numerous, they choſe Popes as they pleaſed; but ſince they were reſtrain'd to two thirds, there has never Faction been ſo great, as to prevail for any thing more than an Excluſion.

After the death of Ʋrban, the Faction of Barbarino conſiſted of above 40 Cardinals, Creatures of the ſaid Ʋrban; ſo that in appearance the Election would happen to the ſatisfaction of Barbarini, and yet they had the leaſt ſhare in it; For not being able to hit upon a Pope, as they deſir'd, they conſented to choſe Innocent (at leaſt Franciſco did, for indeed Anthonio was always againſt it) becauſe they could prevail for no other.

The reaſon of all this is, becauſe there are ſeveral among the Factions, which being Subjects, and dependants upon the Crowns, cannot oblige themſelves to their heads, any further, than as the Election of the perſon be agreeable to the Crowns they depend on; and indeed though there be ſo much talk of the Factions of Spain, and of France (which is nothing but their Cardinals) they are ſubject to a head, which they depute over them; yet in policy they do ſuffer them, to divide themſelves here and there, as they think good; it being all one to them if their buſineſs be done; and indeed they are ſerv'd better, by having their Cardinals under the heads of other Factions, than to make Factions of their own; ſo that the Cardinals of the Crowns ought rather to be call'd Nationiſts than Factioniſts: the French having their particular aſſemblies, to endeavour the advantages of the French Nation, and the Spaniards, to negotiate the intereſts of Spain.

The Faction of Barbarino, in reſpect of his own number of Cardinals, was the weakeſt of all, and it was held impoſſible for him to Exclude another, although there were 15 Cardinals of Ʋrban's Creation in the Conclave; yet nevertheleſs amongſt thoſe there were Ʋrſin, Este, and Grimaldi, who were indifferent which way Barbarino ſteer'd; it was enough for them if they follow'd their inſtructions from France; there were amongſt them Harach and Donghi, likewiſe both of them Spaniards, and Roſetti for the Great Duke, who were all Creatures of Barbarino, and follow'd him rather to give him counſel, than to receive any from him; every one of them endeavouring the advantages of their particular Princes, without any deſign at all to favour the intereſt of Barbarino, who recommended himſelf to them: So that there were at the abſolute diſpoſal of Barbarino, but 7 Votes, with which number he would not have been able to have done any thing, either Pro or Con; and yet he was able, becauſe amongſt the other two Factions there were certain Cardinals who deny'd to concur in the perſons propos'd to them by their heads: to exclude them therefore, they joyn'd with Barbarino's party, who were reſolv'd upon their Excluſion likewiſe. And by [...]is means the Faction of Barbarino became ſtronger, and able at leaſt to prevail for the Excluſion of any one.

And this that is ſpoken of one of the Factions, is intended of them all: for my part, I eſteem little the uniformity of ſo many Factions, as having nothing but Title, and ſome little appearance; for in one and the ſame Faction, there are oftentimes four or five ſeveral opinions, and every opinion attended with two or three Cardinals, which is the true reaſon of the difficultie in Elections; If it were otherwiſe, and the Factioniſts follow'd the directions of their Heads, the Pope would be made in a moment, becauſe [Page] it would be ſufficient to accommodate two perſons only, which are the Heads; but things are carryed after another manner, there being for the moſt part in every Conclave, as many Factions as Cardinals; a many Heads, as Factions; and as many Popes as Heads; confounding themſelves by their conjunctions and diviſions, and doing too much, they do nothing at all.

And here I will beg leave of the Reader for one moment, to inſert an example very worthy in my judgement to be added to this Treatiſe. It is not two years ſince, there was a Muſter of the horſe, in a City where I was then preſent in the Company of a Roman Abbot, who had the curioſity to ſee the ſaid Muſter. The Captains had never been in the Wars, and perhaps not ſo much as on Horſe-back; the Souldiers were all of them, either Porters, or Shooemakers, or Taylors, or Bargemen, and therefore better skill'd in any thing, than fighting; inſomuch that I think it impoſſible to ſee any thing more pleaſant, than the diſorders of that Muſter.

The Captains commanded, as if they were to obey; and the Souldiers obey'd as they were to command: ſome of them ran, whether they were never call'd; and others refus'd to go to that poſt to which they were commanded. That Captain call'd two or three Souldiers out of his own Company, and there came five or ſix out of another. When they were to double their files, there was neither head nor foot to be found; they which were before, inſtead of ſtanding firm where they were, ran tumbling upon one another to the Rear; and thoſe which were in the Rear, thruſt themſelves ſo forward, they left no body near them. The Captains ſwagger'd, that they were not obey'd by their Souldiers; and the Souldiers curs'd, that their Captains knew not how to command them.

The Abbot look'd upon them with great ſatisfaction, ſmiling, and ſeeming to laugh, though he did not. I who obſerv'd him, deſiring to know what it was, ask'd his opinion of their Exerciſing; to which he anſwer'd, that it ſeem'd to him not much unlike to the Conclave of Cardinals: and ſo returning to his houſe, he told me, that he was preſent in Innocent the tenth's Conclave, in which Pope Alexander was created, where he had found no better Order in the diſpoſition and management of the Cardinals, than he had ſeen in the training of thoſe Souldiers.

I being curious to know ſomething more particularly, intreated him that he would give me a more particular accompt; but he finding he had ſaid enough already, added no more, but that the Cardinals in the Conclave, obſerv'd the ſame Orders the Captains and Souldiers had done in their Muſter. And indeed, when afterwards I had occaſion to ſee with mine own eyes their Diſcipline in the Conclave, as I did in this of Clement, that Muſter came into my mind, and I thought a hundred times of what the Abbot had told me, finding by experience the application to be very proper and good.

It is not to be imagin'd the way the Cardinals take to accompliſh their deſigns. The Heads of the Factions, are they which prevail the leaſt, and do many times negotiate, what their Creatures will never confirm; and for the moſt part, the Creatures do oblige their Heads to follow them: one word is enough to make three or four Factions; and one thing miſ-underſtood, does fruſtrate ſometimes the deſigns of the whole. The Heads do unite to endeavour the union of their Creatures, and the Creatures divide, that they might not ſee the union of their Heads. Some of them run thither, from whence others run away, and neither can give a reaſon for what either of them do. Every one pretends to obey them, who have the Government of them; and yet every one obeys, and no body commands. Sometimes 'tis believ'd one man has got the votes of them all, and ſometimes all together, cannot get the vote of one man. In ſhort, the Cardinals in the Conclave, are like an Eele in ones hand, that ſlips out when one thinks to hold it the faſteſt. And this is the Muſter which is made in the Conclave.

Let us return now to our three Factions in our particular Conclave, and if we have ſaid any thing of the Faction of Barbarino, let us ſay ſomething particularly of the Faction of Chigi, which conſiſted of certain Cardinals created by his Unckle. At firſt this Faction ſeem'd to be numerous, of 24 Cardinals at leaſt, though his Unckle created but about 30 in all. But in ſtrictneſs it was not ſo [Page] numerous as it ought to have been; not only becauſe there was none, either of the Spaniſh, nor French, who were oblig'd to adhere to what orders they receiv'd from their Crowns, as two of the Venetians were to the Orders of that Commonwealth; but others being unſatisfy'd with the ill conduct of Chigi, turn'd tayl, and forſook him, yet he had enough remaining to ſerve for an excluſion.

The French by themſelves, and by the mediation of others, endeavour'd to perſwade him to concur in Farneſe. The Spaniards (in whom his confidence was greateſt) left him to his choice of ſeveral perſons, ſuſpending, and forbearing (by a conceal'd policy) the nomination of any body, as if they would depend wholly upon him; and all this to gain him to follow their deſigns.

For all this, according as Caraffa advis'd him, he would not declare his intentions, either to the French Ambaſſador, or to the Spaniſh, although they both preſs'd it very earneſtly in their laſt viſits; but he excus'd himſelf, by affirming that he deſir'd nothing, but what was uſually deſir'd by the Nephews of other Popes, that one of the Cardinals created by his Unckle might be choſen; declaring himſelf indifferent as to them, and that he would not ſhew more affection to one, than to another; but he was not ſo good as his word, for he afterwards expreſs'd too great propenſity to his peculiar friends.

And the ſame ſong he ſung to the greateſt part of the Cardinals, proteſting he would never have it go from amongſt his own creatures. Which Albici underſtanding, before a ſufficient number of the Cardinals, he ſaid, Moſt Eminent Lords, we endeavour to make a Pope, and the Pope is made to our hands, for Alexander has left it as an Inheritance to his own creatures. Only he gave ſome hopes to Cardinal Barbarino, that he would concur with him, in caſe the deſign he had for ſome of his particular friends, did not proſper; but all was to no purpoſe.

The third Faction was the Squadrone Volante, which were enough for an excluſion, the moſt of them creatures of Innocent the 10th. and for the moſt part unanimous in their deſigns.

In the laſt Conclave before, there was a flying Squadone of Cardinals, but without ever a head, which Prince Pamphilio obſerving, deſir'd they would unite themſelves under ſome ſuch head, as by his Birth and Prerogative ſhould be worthy of ſuch direction; and to that purpoſe propos'd Cardinal Medici to them; but the good Cardinals of the Squadrone deriding his Councel, made anſwer, they had need of no more heads; every one of them had both a head, and hands, and feet too, and ſo they continued without.

But in this Conclave they were of another opinion, and without any ſolicitation, choſe Cardinal Imperiale Head of their Squadron; a perſon very proper for the imployment, as one that quickly diſcerns where the malady lyes, and has judgement enough to apply a remedy immediately, and ſtands firm to his reſolutions, when he has reaſon of his ſide; yet in the exaltation of Bonelli, he ſhew'd leſs cunning than was expected in him.

The French were ſomething averſe to the erection of this flying Squadron, and the rather, becauſe they ſaw it manag'd it by a Cardinal who had no great affection for them; but they thought it beſt to let that paſs, which they could not ſtop; and indeed the very name of the Squadrone Volante, was odious to the Crowns in the laſt Conclave, but in this much more; becauſe the Cardinals of the Squadron were able to exclude any body, and were agreed amongſt themſelves, never to concur (upon what inſtance ſoever) but in ſome perſon that pleas'd them; and as they ſaid, no body ſhould pleaſe them, but the moſt deſerving.

And to ſpeak truth, this union did not only diſpleaſe the Crowns, as I have ſaid, but was ungratefull even to thoſe Politicians and Eccleſiaſticks, who made any reflection upon it; for although they proteſted, with their hands upon their hearts, and their eyes turn'd up to Heaven, that they would conſent to no body but him that deſerv'd beſt; yet they became odious, and ſuſpected, not only to the Competitors, but to others alſo, by this union, and refuſal of the recommendations of the reſt; declaring themſelves as it were Arbitrators of the Election, it being ſufficient for every Cardinal, to ſatisfie his own Conſcience, without publiſhing [Page] by this outward Conjunction, that they would concur in whom they would have them, only upon pretence that he be deſerving, every one being oblig'd to deſire and prefer the beſt, as moſt worthy, according as he eſteems him in his Conſcience, and not to declare and prefer one man only by this agreement, and inſeparable union of votes, it being viſible by the effects, and experimented dayly, that as men, they muſt err, ſeeing they are not Angels; and that the fulfilling of the Bull, de Eligendo Pontifice, conſiſts wholly in every mans giving his own vote to him, who according to his Conſcience, and ſecundum Deum, (as the Bull ſayes) he thinks worthy of it; and that without forming of Squadrons, or Factions, (yet not without the propenſity of affection) they declare altogether to concur in whom they pleaſe, though another perſon be as worthy and deſerving.

The Crowns quickly found out this ſcandalous proceeding in the Conclave, ſo that after the Election of the late Pope Alexander, the firſt Spaniſh Ambaſſador which was ſent to Rome, brought not the uſual Credentials from his Maſter, to the Cardinals his Subjects, as being born in the Dominions of the King of Spain, and the reaſon was, becauſe they had been of the Squadrone Volante; the Ambaſſador by word of mouth repreſented to the ſaid Cardinals, the diſpleaſure his Catholick Majeſty had receiv'd, that they, contrary to their duties, and in contempt of the inſtances from him, had follow'd that Squadron, yet the Cardinals of his Catholick Majeſty forbore not even this time, to make themſelves of the Squadron.

Every one of theſe three Factions endeavour'd to gain the other, but with ſuch ſtrange and unimaginable wayes, as were never ſeen in any Conclave before. Barbarino being weak, by the debility of his Faction, and certain that he could not ſet up his own intereſt, by reaſon of Chigi's reſolution to concur in none but his own creatures, or thorough the little confidence he had in the private promiſes of Imperiale, he began to think of turning the water from the Mill, and finding out a way of bringing diſcord and confuſion amongſt the creatures of Chigi; which ſeem'd not difficult to perform, becauſe thoſe creatures themſelves, underſtood very well that Chigi's intentions were fix'd upon making a Pope after another way than his creatures did intend; amongſt which, ſome negotiated and ſtood firm for Bonelli, the greateſt part for Roſpiglioſi, and the reſt for Farneſe, and Chigi on the other ſide contriving the exaltation of Elci his Kinſman; in the firſt place, he went about ſpinning of delays, and protracting, in hopes by that means to hit the mark in time. Inſomuch that many times he found himſelf ſo imbroyl'd, he knew not which way to turn him, becauſe his creatures were oblig'd to follow him only, in reſpect that he had declar'd he would be indifferent, and not obtrude any particular of his creatures upon them; but when they found him partial to one man, more than to another, they began to follow him but lamely, and to ſhift off his intereſt as much as they could.

In the firſt Scrutiny, which was celebrated on the 3d. day, there did not concur that number of votes which was deſired, and which was for certain believ'd could not concur; for beſides 36 votes which ſiguify'd nothing, that is, which nominated nobody, the reſt were ſufficiently divided, viz. Durazzo had 11, Palotta 17, Barbarino 12, from whence the Factions of Farneſe, and Rospigliofi, took courage, and conceiv'd great hopes of compaſſing their deſigns, it being ordinary in the Conclaves for them to loſe all, who are found to have moſt likelyhood at the beginning.

And this fortify'd the opinion of them, who judg'd the progreſs of the Conclave very long, founding their fancy, upon the diſpatch of a Courier into France, from the French Ambaſſador, after he had had a long conference with the Ambaſſador of Spain; inferring from hence the great difficulty of pitching a perſon of equal ſatisfaction and merit, the Miniſters and Cardinals of Crown, declaring alway publickly, that they would exclude none of the meritorious in general; but when afterwards they began to talk of coming to a ſtrict Scrutiny, then they began to diſcover their particular propenſions to the perſons propos'd, every one endeavouring under-hand to favour them, who they themſelves believ'd moſt deſerving.

It may be ſaid, and ſaid truly, that Roſpiglioſi enter'd Pope into the Conclave, becauſe almoſt all the pretendants came into the Conclave with an abſolute intention to advance every one his own proper intereſt, and in caſe they fail'd there, not to deſert the perſon of the ſaid Roſpiglioſi.

Barbarino would have joyn'd with Rospiglioſi the firſt day, had he not been confident [Page] of bringing his own affairs to a good iſſue; and indeed there were many that perſwaded him to it, in reſpect of the great confidence the Spaniards had in him, which confidence, had its true foundation in the time when the ſaid Barbarino bought certain lands in the Kingdome of Naples for the Prince his Nephew; which Prince, as head of the houſe of the Barbarini, would have alwayes held his Kindred oblig'd to the affection of the Catholick King. Beſides he could not be jealous of the King of France, the dependance of Cardinal Antonio Barbarino being ſo notorious upon that Crown, where likewiſe all the Family of the Barbarini was receiv'd, at the time of its perſecution by Innocent; yet for all this▪ the Rhetorick of Cardinal Anthonio, nor the ſubtlety and inſinuations of all the friends of Cardinal Franciſco, had no power upon the Spirits of the French, who excluded him (but as ſecretly as was poſſible) in conſideration of the Lands that were bought already in Naples, and for the inclination the ſaid Barbarino had alwayes ſhewn, and profeſs'd to the Crown of Spain.

The French therefore began publiquely to favour Farneſe, which gave the Spaniards ſome occaſion of jealouſie, though they had promis'd to concur, becauſe they would have had Farneſe rely'd more upon them, than upon the French; inſomuch that they endeavour'd to exclude him▪ which was eaſie enough, by reaſon the Cardinals were generally againſt him, in reſpect of their particular intereſts, ſo that for eight dayes together there was no diſcourſe, but of the excluſion both of the one, and the other; the Scrutinies ſerving only to fulfill the Bull, which appoints the ſame to be made every day, with the ſame Oath, and in the beſt form; and ſo their votes were given to ſeveral perſons, but in ſmall numbers, expecting ſtill when two thirds ſhould agree, which would have been 42. at the leaſt.

Whilſt the French were jugling (I know not whether in earneſt, or that it might be thought ſo) for Farneſe, Cardinal Imperiale, and Azolino, did what they could to exclude him, though Farneſe endeavour'd to take them off by very conſiderable offers; and Cardinal Eſte, who was moſt troubled at the deſigns of Farneſe, found a convenient opportunity to ſpeak to him as he did.

At firſt the Crown of France would not be intereſted at all, ſpeaking in a way, that ſeem'd to proceed from its own proper motion, inſiſting upon the neceſſity the Church had to have ſuch a perſon in the Vatican, making him believe with good arguments, that a Pope being to be made for the benefit of the Church, they need go no farther than his particulars.

Imperiale, and Azolini, abominated the affectionate Councels of this Prince, declaring publickly, that they would upon no account whatever, concur with Farneſe; whereupon d'Eſte was oblig'd to tell them, that the French would have endeavour'd to have aſſiſted him with other votes, upon which Imperiale ſeem'd not to make ſo much eſteem of them, as he ought to have done, remaining firm in his reſolution to the contrary, and reiterating his proteſtations, never to concur in Farneſe; whereupon d'Eſte was oblig'd to reply upon Imperiale, that he had promis'd the King of France to concur in the firſt Conclave, in any perſon which ſhould be propos'd by the French Faction, and that having broke his promiſe, the King of France would ſhew his reſentment as he had opportunity. Some will have it, that they recriminated, and grew very ſharp in their expreſſions to one another; but for all that Imperiale kept on in his way, and perſiſted in the excluſion of Farneſe; and from this rupture, the diſorders increas'd.

On the 9th. it was publickly talk'd thorough the whole City, that Cardinal Rospiglioſi would be made Pope without all doubt, and that the next morning he would be publiſh'd; and it was ſo confidently reported, that ſome who were more eaſie to believe, than patient to inform themſelves, laid great wagers upon it. By many it was look'd upon as noiſe only, and popular air; by others it was believ'd to be true, ſuppoſing the Cardinals were reſolv'd in that manner to depoſite the Papacy in the hand of that perſon, who not being likely to live longer than four or five years, in reſpect of and the number of Pretenders, in probability growing leſs in the mean time, by the death of the moſt antient, and the reſt growing older, they imagin'd there would be leſs difficulty in the next Election, and the way would be facilitated to the remaining Pretenders.

[Page]It is enough that his Election was held ſo certain, that the Artillery in the Caſtle of Saint Angelo, were already put in order, and one of his Domeſticks receiv'd publick congratulations from ſeveral that went to his houſe. The Governour of the Conclave, who underſtood well enough which way things went, had ſent Souldiers to ſecure the Goods of that Cardinal in the Convent of the Cruciferous Fryers (whoſe Protector he was) and they accordingly had adorn'd the Church to that purpoſe, and invited ſeveral perſons to the Solemnity.

All this proceeded from the garulity of Ʋgo Serughi, Agent for the Congregation de Propaganda Fide, to whom one of the Conclaviſts gave notice by a Billet, that there were great contrivances for Roſpiglioſi, and that for certain he would be proclaim'd Pope the next morning, the Conclaviſt deceiving himſelf perhaps upon a conference betwixt Cardinal Barbarino, and Chigi, that they might ſeem to make Rospiglioſi Pope; but neither the one, nor the other, intended it in earneſt, reſolving upon this at the inſtigation of Cardinal Azolino, who being a perſon of great ſagacity, ſeem'd very deſirous to have Rospiglioſi exalted, becauſe he ſaw things ſo well diſpos'd for him; ſo that he thought it beſt to conciliate the affection of one that could not fail of being Pope: and it ſucceeded according to his deſigns.

The two Cardinals, Barbarino, and Chigi, committed the whole management of their affairs to Azolino, and he manag'd them as well as was poſſible; but the ſame perſons who promis'd their votes to Azolino for Rospiglioſi in publick, deny'd them perhaps for Azolino to Roſpiglioſi in ſecret. And thus from theſe indications, and from the imprudence of the Conclaviſt, he conceiv'd the foremention'd Billet in the form it was ſent to Serughi, without expecting the Scrutiny, in which, Rospiglioſi by the management of Azolino, had ſeven voices in the ſame Scrutiny, and nine in the Acceſs, which ſerv'd to give the greater courage to the reſt of the Pretenders. The policie of Chigi, or rather of Caraffa his Councellor, and Conductor, was not ſo bad in the beginning, becauſe he had perſwaded the Spaniards privately to exclude Farneſe; and afterwards in the buſineſs of Roſpiglioſi he prevail'd, that the French oppos'd themſelves very briskly; and indeed notwithſtanding the impediment, which the promoters of Farneſe had found, it ſeem'd their minds began to turn towards Roſpiglioſi, which as ſoon as Chigi diſcern'd, he immediately endeavour'd to interrupt their deſigns; and by the means of his greateſt Confidents, without any appearance that the hint was from him, he gave the French to underſtand, that in true reaſon of State, they ought to pay them in their own Coyn, and exclude Rospiglioſi, as well as they had done Farneſe, who was recommended by them; nor were they much averſe, eſpecially when they ſaw the practices of Azolino were odious to Eſte, by reaſon of the words which happen'd betwixt them about Farneſe ſome dayes before.

Chigi's deſign was not without ſome grounds, to endeavour the excluſion of Farneſe, by the Spaniards, and of Roſpiglioſi, by the French; becauſe by dividing the minds of the Cardinals betwixt Rospiglioſi and Farneſe, it might fall out, that neither of them both ſhould carry the victory, but that a third perſon might obtain it, which third perſon, he was confident would be Bonviſi, recommended with ſo much affection by him; and he believ'd he ſhould proſper the better, there being nothing diſcover'd to the contrary, either by the Spaniard, or the French, and becauſe he had many more friends in the Squadrone Volante, than the other pretenders had. Beſides which, the Abbot Bonviſi, negotiated very earneſtly abroad with the Ambaſſadors of the two Crowns, the exaltation of his Unckle; but without any other ſucceſs than good words from both parties, and promiſes to favour him, as ſoon as they ſaw the time propitious, which then it was not.

On the 10th. at night, after the noiſe was ſpread abroad of the Election of Roſpiglioſi, Cardinal Donghi enter'd the Conclave, (though very ill) was receiv'd with the uſual forms, and viſited by the Spaniſh Cardinals in particular. His entrance in that haſt made many believe, that the Spaniards and friends to Roſpiglioſi, were to take new meaſures, and obtain a new Scrutiny: and indeed the Spaniards did declare, and his particular friends, that had not there been more than urgent occaſion for his entrance into the Conclave, they would have left him to have injoy'd himſelf abroad, thereby to have [Page] recover'd his ſtrength the better; ſo that he being call'd into the Conclave in ſo much haſt, many people conceiv'd good hopes that there was ſome favourable negotiation on foot for Spain; but the French concluded the Spaniards found themſelves weak, when they look'd abroad for ſupplyes.

Ginetti in the mean time, obſerving matters not a little imbroyl'd betwixt Farneſe, and Roſpiglioſi, and not over-well diſpos'd to Barbarino, he began to ſet up new deſigns for himſelf: upon this ſcore he went to Barbarino, and deſir'd him to ſhew ſome affection for his intereſt; Barbarino ask'd him, what aſſiſtance he had; Ginetti reply'd, that all his hopes conſiſted in his Eminence, and in eighty two years of age which he had upon his ſhoulders; but the miſchief is, reply'd Barbarino, there are other things requiſite, for thirty Cardinals would do you more ſervice, than a hundred years: for my part I ſhall not fail to aſſiſt you, as a well deſerving creature of mine; but I fear I ſhall be able to do little for you, having been unable to do any thing for my ſelf. The Flying Squadron will not conſent; Chigi is obſtinate not to have the election, but out of his own creatures; the Spaniards are ambiguous, but inclin'd to Roſpiglioſi, becauſe they ſee him moſt likely to ſucceed; the French are for every body, uſing great civility in their excluſions; ſeveral particular perſons hate you; the generality is divided here and there; Albici is your profeſs'd enemy again; Colonna and Lomellino (the great ſupporters of your intereſt in the laſt Conclave) dead; thoſe who excluded you once, will not include you the next time; and in ſhort, other difficulties will not be wanting. However be not diſcourag'd, 'tis convenient to try your fortune, that it may not be objected, that you were ignorant of what you had to do.

But Ginetti who had been diſcourſing with others, and found them all in the ſame Song, deſiſted, declaring that he would not be Pope againſt Gods will; and that therefore he will reſolve to ſit ſtill, and expect a call, and ſo his deſigns dy'd in the Cradle.

Although during the whole time of the Conclave, ſeveral practices were commenc'd, ſometimes for this Pretender, and ſometimes for another▪ yet the practices of Roſpiglioſi were never diſmiſs'd, but held ſtrongly together as if they were tyed with Cord. The Spaniards having plac'd all their deſigns upon this Cardinal, Monſignour Settina, who was privy to the ſecrets of the Spaniard, ſollicited the promotion of Roſpiglioſi more than all the reſt, by which means he diſoblig'd ſeveral of the Pretenders: he went up and down prying and obſerving the motions of the reſt, breaking the ſnares which were laid againſt this perſon, and in ſhort, did as much as was poſſible.

Barbarino having at laſt diſcover'd the little hopes there were for his exaltation, and ſeeing as little appearance of doing any thing for his creatures, or any body elſe better affected to his houſe than Roſpiglioſi was, who was an actual Servant to Cardinal Capuccino a Brother of Ʋrban the eights, and Beneficed by the ſaid Ʋrban, who ſent him Nuntio into Spain: he reſolv'd to put things to a puſh, and concur in this perſon, who had the inclinations of the whole Colledge already, with the concurrence of both Spaniard and Great Duke, who had recommended to the Cardinals his Subjects, the exaltation of this perſon in the firſt place.

But becauſe the Faction of Chigi was more numerous than the reſt, eſpecially had it concurr'd in ſome perſon gratefull to the Spaniards, and not unacceptable to the French: Cardinal Barbarino thought fit to go himſelf in perſon to Cardinal Chigi, on the 18th. of June being Sunday, and to talk to him at large; he remonſtrated the danger in which all the Cardinals were, being ſhut up in ſuch a place; he urg'd the heat of the weather, the ſufferings of the people, in reſpect of the Gabels, and augmentation of the cuſtoms, and no Paſtor in being to relieve them; the hatred that multiply'd dayly amongſt the people againſt the houſe of Chigi, and particularly againſt Don Mario, who was forc'd to retire, leſt during the vacancy of the See, he ſhould receive any new affront from the Raſcality of the people; the ill conſequences that might fall out for the Church, if by protracting the Conclave, any new rupture ſhould happen betwixt France and Spain; and laſtly; he concluded, by telling him, that though his Eminence ſhould recommend a Pope out of his own creatures, who might be gratefull to the Crowns, yet the Pope would be made immediately; ſo that there was nothing expected from him, but his frank declaration: otherwiſe it would be determin'd in another way by thoſe Cardinals who were [Page] united with a firm reſolution to go out of the Conclave the next day, with a Pope ready made; and therefore it would be beſt for him to reſolve, unleſs he had a mind to ſee a Pope made out of the number of the Creatures of Alexander his Unkle, which thing could not happen nevertheleſs, if he would remedy it in time.

Chigi (who had imploy'd Caraffa to treat in the behalf of other of his Creatures, which he loved better) finding himſelf ſurpriz'd by this reſolute Propoſition of Barbarino, was forc'd to anſwer, as he was bound in civility and good correſpondence, and (that he might not declare himſelf openly to be partial to his Creatures) he profeſs'd that he had them all in an equal degree of affection and eſteem. To this Barbarino reply'd, that all his Faction was reſolv'd upon Roſpiglioſi, without any contradiction in their Votes, as knowing him no leſs deſerving than the beſt of the Pretenders: To which Chigi return'd, that there were ſome of his Creatures peremptorily againſt him, though he himſelf had a great value for him: But the difficulty conſiſted not in this, becauſe the leſſer part would have follow'd the greater: The buſineſs lay in the Squadrone volante, who were for his Excluſion. If there be nothing but that wanting, reply'd Barbarino, the Pope is created, for the Squadroniſts are all unanimouſly for Roſpiglioſi. Chigi was convinc'd with that news, and forc'd to ſay, Let us go then and make Roſpiglioſi (one of my Creatures) Pope; though 'tis probable 'twas againſt his will, having a few dayes before diſcover'd his inclinations to be much more for Elci his Countrey-man, as I have ſaid before: But the Cardinals would ſcarce have concurr'd in him, both for this, and other reſpects: But if he fail'd, Chigi intended to make Cardinal Bonviſi Pope for him.

In the mean time Azolino (who manag'd Roſpiglioſi's affairs with the Flying Squadron) came in, and confirm'd what Barbarino had ſaid, aſſuring, that there would not be one Vote in oppoſition to Roſpiglioſi, in the whole Squadrone volante: But the other, viz. Barbarino and Chigi, knowing very well that there were ſome envious perſons, who would endeavour to pervert them, they began to reckon up what Votes they thought ſafe and ſecure; but not finding their full number, they began to contrive which way to get the three Votes of the Venetian Cardinals, who are alwayes oblig'd to follow their Head, that is, him who has private inſtructions from that Republique to concurr with one perſon, before another. Barbarino and Azolino, interpos'd with Cardinal Ottobuono, their Head, who not only conſented without difficulty, but declar'd, that amongſt all that were recommended by the Senate, Roſpiglioſi was the firſt: No ſooner was this declaration of the Venetians publiſh'd in favour of Roſpiglioſi, but every one look'd upon the Pope as created, as knowing there needed no more than thoſe three to ſecure his Incluſion.

The Cardinals of the French Faction, ſeeing things go on ſo ſmoothly, they began immediately to Tack, and to pretend to a concurrence with ſo extraordinary readineſs, that the Spaniards began to be fearfull of his inclination to the French, and thereupon deſired more time to conſider; but it was no time for that, Barbarino, Chigi, Azolino, and Ottobuono, above them all, ſhew'd themſelves impatient till Roſpiglioſi was created, and that their deſigns might not grow cold, or evaporate, (as it often happens, and perhaps would have done then) they haſten'd the Scrutiny about noon, and beſides the two thirds which were certain, for his Creation, of ſixty four Cardinals then in the Conclave, all concurr'd for him but two only: The Scrutiny being paſt, and all the Votes in his favour, it was demanded what name he would aſſume, and he reply'd Clement the 9th: ſo that the firſt adoration being made in the Chappel, he was carry'd to Saint Peters very late that night; an Office that is uſually perform'd preſently after dinner, but they would not put off the Scrutiny, as I have ſaid, leaſt any difference ſhould happen in the night.

The very night he was choſen Pope, he declar'd Cardinal Azolino Secretary of State, an Office of great truſt, and which was exercis'd by the ſaid Roſpiglioſi during the whole time of the laſt Papacy; and Ottobuono he made his Datary, in meer gratitude as is ſuppos'd; for Azolino as one of the Squadrone volante, had gain'd the Votes of the ſaid Squadron, and Ottobuono with his two other Venetian Cardinals, joyn'd themſelves to their Votes, as neceſſary to his Creation, that their deſign which had proceeded ſo far, [Page] might not miſcarry at laſt; beſides Ottobuono having been Auditor di Rota, was the more proper for that Office: he confirm'd Monſignor the Under-Datary likewiſe, for the better management of the affairs, which will be regulated by two ſuch Eminent perſons, both for their experience in the Law, and the integrity of their manners.

In like manner at the inſtance of Cardinal Antonio, the Pope accepted for his Maeſtro di Camera, Monſignor Altieri, Secretary of the Congregation of Biſhops and Regulars, a Noble Roman, very rich, the laſt of his Family, and 76. years of age; which made ſome believe, that being promoted to the Cardinalſhip, and out-living his Holineſs, the Barbarini had a deſign to exalt him to the Papacy. He confirm'd Monſignor Borromeo in his Government of Rome, and told him moreover, that for his part he ought to make a Viſit to the Lady Dutcheſs Borromeo his Mother, and that he would ſhortly conferr a greater Office upon him; whereupon many conceive he will be Maggiordomo, or elſe Nuntio into Spain.

On Tueſday night he order'd the Ambaſſadors of the Crowns to be call'd to him the next morning; the French Ambaſſador went to him, and was entertained by him above two hours; it may be ſaid this was his firſt Audience ſince he came to Rome, for the continual indiſpoſition of that laſt Pope, had given him no opportunity. The Ambaſſadors of Spain and Venice went likewiſe to attend him, when they were recover'd of a certain indiſpoſition that kept them in their beds: In the mean time Cardinal Sforza went in the behalf of the Ambaſſador of Spain, as the principal Confident of the Spaniſh Faction; after which he every day gave long Audiences to four Cardinals one after another, according to their Segniority; giving Audience in like manner to divers of the Roman Princes, and Prelates of the Court.

On Wedneſday he order'd Cardinal Chigi to be call'd to his Audience, Don Mario his Father, and Don Agostino, Nephew to the ſaid Don Mario, which are the three chief of the Houſe of Chigi; and becauſe they came all together, and he treated them long, it was reported, that the Pope had propos'd to them that they ſhould find out ſome Money, beſides what Alexander the 7th. had left in the Caſtle, to take off the Gabell upon Meal in ſome part, that is, to the ſum of two Julii, which amounts in the whole to eight Julii a Buſhell, by the extinguiſhment of which two Julii, the poor of that State would be ſomething relieved, who were forc'd to pay for the Stone likewiſe that grownd their Meal, the extinguiſhment of the ſaid Julii amounting to above 3000 Crowns.

This new Pope has five Nephews, the Sons of one of his Brothers, who is 62 years of age, and a Noble man of Piſtoia, a City in Tuſcany; four of them are there reſident at preſent, and the fifth is Abbot Roſpiglioſi, who a year ſince was ſent Apoſtolical Inter-Nuntio to Bruſſels; to all of them there are Meſſengers ſent expreſly, and they are expected ere long in Rome. His Brother is a moſt pious man, and very charitable, and his Nephews of good education, and great generoſity; but he that is moſt known in this Court, is the Abbot, who was Cup-bearer to Cardinal Chigi when he was young, and was in Spain with his Unkle when he was Nuntio there, by which means he ſtudyed at Salamanca, and took the degree of a Doctor upon him: And this is the Nephew which will be the Dominus▪ fac totum, for which reaſon he will be made Cardinal with the firſt opportunity; and many ſuppoſe in the firſt Conclave, becauſe the Spaniards do preſs, that the ſaid Nephew may be diſpatch'd into France as Cardinal Legate, to propoſe by way of mediation, ſome adjuſtment and accommodation of the pretences of the ſaid King, in Heinault and Brabant, of which the iſſue will be attended.

It is the general opinion of the Court, that this new Pope will do ſomething very gratefull to the people, it being diſcours'd that he will apply ſome ſudden relief to their grievances; for he has already ſignify'd by the Prefect of the Annona, to all the Bakers, that they may freely buy their Corn of the Merchants; whereas before it was ingroſs'd by the Brother of the laſt Pope, to his great profit and advantage; for he bought all his Corn at five Scudi a Buſhell, and ſold it afterwards to the Bakers for nine: and that for the extinction of ſo many Gabels, impos'd by his Predeceſſor, he was reſolv'd to reduce the greateſt part of the expence of the Pontifical Guards, and [Page] make other great, and frugal reformations, for the eaſe of the Apoſtolical Chamber.

But being already 67 years old, and not of ſo perfect a health, as is neceſſary for the ſuſtaining ſo great a charge, many are of opinion he cannot live long; by reaſon of a great ſwelling he has in his Leg, beſides the accidental Apoplexy which he had ſome months ſince. So that in that caſe, if it ſhould ſo happen, (which God forbid) it would be ſaid of this moſt excellent Pope, as it has been formerly of ſeveral like him, that good things paſs away preſently, for ſome iniquity in the people.

He has confirm'd Monſignour Nerli, in the Office of Secretary of the Briefs to the Princes, and Monſignour Piccolomini, in his Secretaryſhip of the Memorials.

The Cavalier Celleſe of Piſtoia, (who during the whole time of the laſt Papacy, ſerv'd Don Mario Brother to the late Pope, in the quality of a Gentleman only, and in all that time had no more than a Penſion of ninety Scudi) is Unckle-in-Law to the new Pope, as being his Mothers Brother-in-Law; ſo that Don Mario, muſt hereafter give him the right hand, and preceedence, which are frequent Metamorphoſi's in the Court of Rome.

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POLITICK APHORISMS For the Cardinals of the Conclave this year 1667. made by Cardinal Azolini.

SO great is the credit and authority that this Maxime of the Lawyers has in ſo many Ages acquir'd, Experientia eſt rerum Magistra, that he who will learn of any other Maſter, expoſes himſelf to a manifeſt danger of diſparaging his judgement in every thing elſe. From hence it is, that I, (putting together ſome conſiderations for the advertiſement of ſuch as enter the Conclave, in order to the Election of the Pope) have not thought good to preſent my own Councels only, but taking the experience of ſuch occurrences in the Conclaves as have come to my hands, I have taken, as I conceive, the right way not to erre; of which conſiderations, I ſhall inſert with as much brevity as is poſſible, the moſt frequent, the moſt rational, and the moſt practis'd.

The exceptions which do uſually obſtruct the making of the Pope in the Conclave, are of two ſorts: ſome relate to the perſons, and particulars of the Colledge, with which very few are concern'd; and in this caſe there can be no general rule given, for, de ſingularibus non datur Scientia. The others are ſuch, as the generality, or the greateſt part of the Colledge, are intereſted in: and of this ſort there are three exceptions, which for the time paſt have been alwayes ſufficient to exclude any body. For this reaſon, the Head of a Faction ought to have a care of recommending a perſon lyable to any of the three.

The firſt, and moſt frequent, is, when the perſon recommended, has been formerly expos'd to a Scrutiny, and miſcarry'd; for they who excluded him, believing conſtantly the perſon excluded diſoblig'd thereby, will arm themſelves againſt him, with greater vigour than before. For this reaſon, in the Conclave of Gregory the 13th. Cardinal Marone would not venture again upon the votes of his party, having miſcarryed before in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. But the Cardinals Santa Severina, Paleotto, and Marc Antonio Colonna, would not be guided by that rule, though they were excluded in the Conclaves of Gregory the 14th, and Innocent the 10th. yet they adventur'd in others, but alwayes in vain.

The ſecond obſtruction is, if they be found in too ſtrict a friendſhip with ſuch Cardinals as govern'd the Pope formerly, and (which is worſe) with ill ſatisfaction; for the Colledge being jealous that they may continue in the ſame Dominion, will never be brought to chooſe any of their friends to be Pope. And this was enough to defeat Cardinal Serleto (in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. though in other reſpects he was very [Page] well belov'd) becauſe he had too great intimacy with Cardinal Como, who for 19 years had govern'd two Popes, Pius the 4th. and Pius the 5th. with little or no ſatisfaction: and in the Conclaves of Innocent the 10th. Cardinal Sachetti, for no other reaſon, but becauſe he was a friend and favourite of the Barbarini, was alwayes excluded by the Spaniſh Faction.

The third exception is, their too much youth, either in their Cardinalſhip, or years, how eminent ſoever he be otherwiſe for his worth, or his parts; becauſe his friends are diſguſted, that his ſhort ſervice, or fidelity of a few dayes, ſhould be preferr'd before theirs of a long ſtanding, and experience. And his enemies have a fair field open'd to exaſperate his very Confidents againſt him, ſo that at laſt there will not be one in the whole Colledge will ſcruple to give his negative, having ſo good a pretence, as that they will not do an injury to ſo many antient perſons, and of ſo many years deſerts, as are in the Conclave. This exception excluded Cardinal Salviati, in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. Cardinal Farneſe, in that of Pius the 5th. Cardinal Ferrara, in that of Marcellus the 2d. and Cardinal Alexandrino experienc'd it effectually in the Conclave of Gregory the 13th. for he having a deſire to propoſe Cardinal Theatino of Piacenza, who was made a Cardinal by Pius the 5th. but a few years before: though he was a perſon otherwiſe every way to be reſpected, yet the objection alone of his being a new Cardinal, was enough to prevail, that there was not one word ſpoken of him more. And in the ſame manner, in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. Cardinal Caſtagna was excluded for being a new Cardinal, and ſo the favourers of Cardinal Santiquattro were glad to paſs him over in ſilence in the ſame Conclave, as fearing the ſame diſappointment.

In deſperate caſes, it is great prudence in the Head of a Party, to pitch upon a quiet and peaceable perſon, eminent for his Qualities and Virtues, eſpecially Munificence: for theſe qualifications are they, which of themſelves, removing all difficulties, do give the victory to thoſe who carry them. And of this, Cardinal Aldobrandino is an example, who though he enter'd into the Conclave of Leo the 11th. with a Squadron of 30 Cardinals, firmly united and declar'd for him, to the no ſmall terrour of the reſt; yet he prevail'd not nevertheleſs, till he fix'd his eyes upon Cardinal di Medici, a perſon of Meekneſs, Complaiſance, inexpreſſible Innocence, and ſingular Munificence, but more particularly towards the Colledge.

Let every Cardinal of the Conclave be cautious of diſcovering his own inclinations to the Popedome, becauſe he ſhall be in danger to be deceiv'd a thouſand wayes by him, that opens his mouth, but keeps his heart to himſelf; and as his words and his thoughts, ſhall never be look'd upon as ſincere, ſo he can never acquire his conſent. Of this, Cardinal Ferrara had experience in the Conclave of Marcellus the 2d. and Cardinal Farneſe, in that of Gregory the 13th. and Sixtus the 5th.

Let not him that is Head of a Faction, oſtentate too much, or tryumph before hand in the confidence of his ſucceſs, becauſe his extravagant deſire of victory, will interrupt and diſturb his judgement, and keep him from a true pondering and deliberation of his intereſt, which is a matter of importance. And this happen'd in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. to them, who out of an ambition to over-power the Imperialiſts, choſe Paul the 4th. Pope, who was their enemy. But as ſoon as he was choſen, and they began to open their eyes, their deſire of victory began to cool; they began to diſcover the Cloud of evils that hung over their heads, and would with all their hearts have undone it again if they could.

Let not that Head of a Faction, who has authority, and the power of excluſion together, become too facile, or ſubmit, for fear leſt the contrary part ſhould acquire new votes; but let him temporize rather, and attend ſome other more profitable propoſitions. In this point the Imperial Faction was over-ſeen in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for though it had both the advantages, of authority, and excluſion; yet by a ſingle apprehenſion, that the French would gain more to their party, they truckled, and loſt the day.

He which concurrs with a violent perſon, againſt his own Conſcience, in hopes that by that obligation he may render him his Friend, and change his nature, is miſtaken; [Page] for the benefit is forgotten as ſoon as received, if he has no more need of him: But his nature will never alter. And this Cardinal Morone found true to his coſt, in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for being under ſome ſuſpicion in the Sacred Office, he imagin'd by uſing his whole power for the Election of Paul, he would become more propitious to his intereſts; but it happen'd clean contrary, for ſuch was the zeal of Paul, that he could not be ſuborned, but gave him his reward in the Caſtle of St. Angelo, where he kept him priſoner, with very ill uſage.

It is not a good way, to declare ones ſelf too openly againſt a perſon of worth, becauſe the Conclaves are managed by the Holy Ghoſt, who conſiders the deſerts, and not by men, whoſe eyes are fix'd upon their intereſts only; ſo that he ſometimes which ſeems at a great diſtance from the Popedom, is in a moment unexpectedly in the Chair. Thus the Imperial Faction was deceiv'd in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for believing that fighting againſt him, as it were with Banners diſplay'd, they ſhould certainly have ruin'd his hopes, of a ſudden the wind turn'd, and the Imperials finding themſelves in a laborynth, and all the Votes inclining to Paul, they were forc'd to tack about alſo, and be for him.

When any Cardinals affairs do ſeem to be deſperate, 'tis no ill policy, to propoſe ſome new Law or Statute to the Colledge, that thereby he may have either the reputation of being zealous, or the hopes of aſſiſting ſome other perſon; whereby he may break the chain of former contrivances, or diſunite thoſe minds, who do find themſelves oppos'd in their deſigns, by the propoſition of that Law. And this was the ſubtilty of Cardinal Bellaio in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. he obſerv'd the progreſs Caraffa made in his deſigns, and therefore he propos'd that the Colledge would make a new Law, that no body ſhould diſcover his Vote which he is to give, not ſo much as to his Friend; by which means ſeveral Cardinals were induc'd to forſake Caraffa, and his intereſt.

Let an Elector have a care of engaging himſelf too far in any thing againſt his judgement, in complaiſance to another perſon, becauſe ſometimes ſuch accidents may fall out, that afterwards he may be neceſſitated to conſent to it, though it be both againſt his duty, deſire, and intereſt. This happen'd in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. to Cardinal Charles Caraffa, who to ſhew his fidelity to the King of Spain, pretended to adore Cardinal Paceco, but his engagement by certain accidents went ſo far before he was aware, that he miſt but little of finiſhing that in earneſt, which he began in jeſt; and he ſuffer'd for it at laſt, for the French (with whom he was a Colleague before) grew ſo diffident on him, that it brought him to ruine, by doing that which he never intended, and would not have conſented to, in the Election of Pius the 4th. which was afterwards his death.

If the Incluſion be ripe, and ſecure, it is the beſt way to bring it immediately to the Teſt, for the leaſt time of protraction or delay, brings its dangers along with it, eſpecially if there be any perſons on the other ſide conſiderable, either for their party, their authority, or experience; becauſe theſe arming themſelves in their deſpair, and the other languiſhing in their zeal and induſtry, by reaſon of their confidence, time, though it be but ſhort, may give the victory to the former. Cardinal Borromeo's neglecting this advertiſement, in the Conclave of Pius the 5th. precipitated the Election of Cardinal Morone, whoſe Election being ſafe at four a clock at night, he would needs put it off till the next morning, rather than incommode Farneſe who was then in Bed; but in that little time the tyde turn'd, and he loſt all. The ſame thing happen'd to Cardinal Colonna in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. for he having by the common opinion, Votes enough and to ſpare to ſecure him, at leaſt in the Adoration, ſo that the Armes and the Keyes were got ready, would needs put it off till next morning; but at midnight Ortus eſt Claemor, and that in ſuch a manner, that they took away the Chair from him for ever. Nor did it otherwiſe befall Santa Severina in the Conclave of Clement; he alſo being ſecure of the Election from the very firſt night, but deſirous to protract, that he might bring over the reſt of the Votes to his ſide, as Gieſvaldo perſwaded him, was miſtaken in his aim, and loſt all himſelf.

It is very convenient for the Heads of a Faction, when they have labour'd a long time, [Page] and contended in vain, to propoſe about four or five perſons, and to reſerve a ſixth, which he deſires more particularly; By this means thoſe who are propos'd are oblig'd, and the World is perſwaded, he has no private ends of his own, no obſtinacy, no pride; nor need they fear any body elſe will be choſen, ſeeing they do mutually and interchangably impede one another; and if weary at laſt, he deſerts their intereſts which he firſt recommended, and propoſes the ſixth, which is the perſon he principally intended, he loſes not the other notwithſtanding, but gains them by his firſt propoſition. This advertiſement was experimentated by the Heads of the Factions in the Conclave of Pius the 5th. and the ſucceſs anſwer'd their deſires.

And here the Head of a Faction ought to make it his ſtudy, how he may ſecretly gain the Votes of his Friends, without being diſcover'd by the contrary party; which will be eaſie, if he places his eye upon a perſon of a good nature, a good life, and a good age, though otherwiſe he be none of his Confidents: For the Electors; by the firſt of his qualities, his good nature, do aſſure themſelves they ſhall receive no harm, and do flatter themſelves that they may gain him one day. With the ſecond, they ſatisfie their Conſciences; and with the third, their hopes of ſeeing a new Conclave, which is a conſideration removes moſt difficulties and oppoſitions for the contrary; by this means Cardinal Borromeo came off very well in the Conclave of Pius the 5th. for when he propos'd Cardinal Morone, a perſon of a brisk humour, but ſuſpected ſometime of Hereſie, and eſteem'd very revengefull, he could never conceal the Votes he reckon'd upon: He betook himſelf to Sirleto next, and though he alſo was indued with the ſame good qualities, he could not keep his Votes to himſelf, by which means he ran himſelf upon very dangerous Rocks; but when afterwards he turn'd to Alexandrino, in whom the ſaid virtues did as eminently concur, he perſwaded his Colleagues to keep their Votes private, till being certain of the Election, all things ſhould ſucceed proſperouſly: This was approv'd likewiſe by Cardinal Alexandrino, the Nephew in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. for Montalto, during the whole time of his Cardinalſhip, not having diſcover'd his great and high Spirit, was in every bodies judgement of a quiet nature, of an exemplary life, and of a competent age; ſo that the deſigns Alexandrino had for him, he never communicated to the adverſaries, till it was too late to oppoſe them.

That Head of a Faction which has the reputation and authority of a Party, will do very well, if in his tranſaction with the Head of the contrary party, (provided he be not a man of extraordinary experience) he propoſeth a perſon ſo, that his adverſary underſtands it done rather out of kindneſs, than neceſſity, and that otherwiſe he could carry him thorow all difficulties alone; by the firſt, he mollifies and ſweetens the heart of his adverſary, and by the other, he frightens and alarms him, eſpecially when he conſiders his party, and authority: With this ſtratagem Cardinal Farneſe was ſucceſsful in the Conclave of Gregory the 13th. for having propos'd four perſons to Cardinal Alexandrino, and amongſt them Buoncompagno, with the aforeſaid civility he told him, that for this laſt, he could have done it without him, but he had rather have his concurrence. This artifice made ſo kind an impreſſion in Alexandrino, that he was call'd to the Election of Buoncompagno, though he could have done it without him; and it frighted him ſo much withall, to hear him ſpeak with that reſolution, that without more ado, he joyn'd in the practiſes for Buoncompagno, and immediately his Election follow'd.

He which finds himſelf excluded by his Friends, but upon a rational foundation, let him not perſiſt, or maintain his cauſe againſt fortune; let him give place for the preſent, and without taking any viſible offence, keep up his hopes, by thinking ſuddenly on ſome other plauſible perſon. By this means he ſhall evade an accident, which might be prejudicial to him for ever; he ſhall continue his intereſt with his friends, oblige them at a more convenient time to ſatisfie him in the Election of the perſon he propos'd, and finally acquire the reputation of a prudent man, which in time may aſſiſt him, either for his own Election, or at leaſt the Election of another which he pleaſes to recommend. In this caſe Cardinal Farneſe was marvailouſly ſucceſſefull, who [Page] though many times he ſhew a vehement ardency, and deſire of the Popedome: yet when he found himſelf undeceived by his friends, and that upon good grounds, ſometimes for his youth, and ſometimes by Cardinal Gramvela, upon ſober conſiderations of the State of the Princes of Italy: he temper'd himſelf ſo well, that in five Conclaves afterwards, he made what Popes he pleaſed, and four of the five were his own creatures. But it fared not ſo well with Cardinal Ferrara, who having given too clear indications of the commotion of his mind, for being excluded in the Conclave of Marcellus the ſecond, could never have ſatisfaction in any thing after.

It is a wonderfull advantage to the Head of a Faction to enter with reſolution, and propoſe whom he pleaſes, when he ſees the adverſe Electors in any ſtreight, or anxiety, for fear the Election ſhould go againſt their deſire; becauſe the apprehenſion of the evil impending, ſuffers them not to ſee or conſider the miſchief that is approaching, though at a diſtance, and they will embrace any thing that may bring them out of that Laborinth. By this means, Cardinal Farneſe came off happily in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. for the Imperial party being in confuſion, and out of all hopes of promoting a perſon of their own Faction, as they had propos'd to themſelves, and the practices for Cardinal Puteo (of the French Faction, and Nation) were at a ſtand: Farneſe took the opportunity, and propos'd Cardinal Theatino, who though he was of the French Faction indeed, was an Italian notwithſtanding; and ſo the Imperialiſts to free themſelves from a burthen, to which their preſent confuſion ſubjected them, they cared not to run themſelves into greater (though more remote) difficulties, by creating a perſon ſolemny excluded by Imperiale, for the auſterity and perverſeneſs of his nature. With the ſame ſagacity Cardinal Alexandrino manag'd his affairs in Sixtus his Conclave; for ſeeing Cardinal Medici in great perturbation, upon the likelyhood of the Election of Cardinal della Torre, who was ſupported by Farneſe; he propos'd Cardinal Montalto, a profeſs'd and immortal enemy to his Couſin Paola Giordano Ʋrſino; and Medici to free himſelf from the danger of the firſt (which was preſent) thought not of ſecuring himſelf againſt the evils of the ſecond, which were future, and ſo Montalto was choſen.

That Cardinal Head, may well be ſuſpected of diſſimulation, when at firſt, and with great importunity, he propoſes a perſon lyable to ſeveral exceptions, becauſe to be importunate at an unſeaſonable time, as thoſe beginnings are, when every mans hopes are on fire, is but to render things difficult which are eaſie, and expoſe one to certain ruine; becauſe 'tis to be ſuppos'd no body will rob himſelf ſo ſuddenly of his hopes, or lay aſide his deſigns for an unplauſable perſon. Under this ſuſpition fell Cardinal Altemps in Sixtus his Conclave, who at the very firſt, before any body elſe was thought of, he undertook with great ardour, the promotion of Cardinal Sirleto, who was otherwiſe an applauſable man. Whereupon without any more grounds, it was believ'd, he propos'd him, meerly to inveigh and cajole him.

It is of great importance that a Cardinal of any Spirit and magnanimity, uſes no pomp nor noiſe, nor lets any one know it, who can either hurt, or aſſiſt him, but rakes them up rather under the aſhes of prudence, that they may kindle afterwards in due time with greater vivacity. This is viſible by the experience of Cardinal Albano, and Cardinal Montalto; for Albano not knowing how to contain or reſerve himſelf in the time of his Cardinalſhip, as he might have done, and as Montalto did, this prevail'd with Cardinal Alexandrino, who (being frighted by Albano, and cheated by Montalto) forſook him, and ſet this in the Chair.

Let not a Cardinal Nephew be too fond, or peremptory, in promoting the Election of any perſon, unleſs he has try'd him firſt in ſeveral ſlippery Offices, and hard to be executed, that thereby he may diſcover the bottom of his humour and diſpoſition; whereas if he does otherwiſe, he will be deceiv'd, and receive a penance equal to his repentance. And thus it fared with Cardinal Alexandrino, who having never imploy'd Montalto in any great affair, as he had done Albano; he was in the dark, as to that ſpirit and vivacity, which afterwards, when there was no need to conceal it, he diſcover'd in his Papacy.

The Heads of the Factions of Princes, will alwayes have the Miniſters of Kings about [Page] them, to the end, that having ſignify'd the mind of their Princes in the Conclave, they may go on readily and ſoberly, either to the Election or Excluſion; and that they may not reſtrain themſelves to parties, which may offend the whole Community, or ſavour of too much Dominion in the Conclave. Becauſe the ſaid Community being thereby provok'd to be their Adverſaries, they will run themſelves upon a manifeſt precipice. In this point the Spaniſh Ambaſſador erred moſt egregiouſly in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. having hinted that his Catholick Majeſty would never conſent, that the Pontificate ſhould go out of the hands of one of theſe ſeven, Colonna, Como, Paleotto, Santa Severina, Madruccio, Santiquattro, and Cremona; he chang'd the minds of the whole Conclave ſo, to ſee themſelves depriv'd of their own inclinations, that for two months together, that this Election laſted, thoſe perſons named by the Ambaſſador, were the only perſons excluded; and upon this, the practices and deſigns of the whole Colledge were inverted.

He ſhews much ambition, and but little prudence, who being once or twice excluded by a powerful Faction, ventures at it again, in the ſame Conclave; becauſe he ought to be confident, no body will dare to appear for him, who has been excluded before, much leſs give their vote for him the third time, if he was excluded the ſecond; as knowing well, Scribit in Marmore laeſus. To this Cardinal Colonna, and Cardinal Paleotto, may ſpeak; who doing the ſame by turns, in order to their Election in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. they alwayes miſcarry'd, and at laſt came to ſo abſolute ruine, they could never get up again.

It is an excellent way to gain upon the Head of a Faction, to make him the Author of the Election, (which is particularly intended) when the Factions are grown weary, or miſtaken in their power. In the Conclave of Marcellus the ſecond, the truth of this experiment was found; for the party which favour'd Santa Croce (but without any ſucceſs) reſolving to make the Cardinal di Trento their Head, though otherwiſe he was very averſe to Santa Croce; yet being overcome with the courteſie, he gave them the victory, and concluded the Election forthwith. With the ſame artifice Cardinal Alexandrino overcame the reſolution of Cardinal di S. Siſta in the Conclave of Sixtus, and prevail'd with him for the Election of Montalto, by making him the Author of the deſign. For want of this advertiſement, Cardinal Borromeo loſt his deſigns for the Election of Sirleto, which he look'd upon as ſure, and all becauſe he would not do that honour to Cardinal Sforza, in the Conclave of Pius the 5th.

The confuſion which multitude of buſineſs carries along with it, eſpecially if they be of different natures, and equal authority, is a great impediment to the good ſucceſs of an Election; becauſe for the firſt they cannot eaſily unite in the ſame opinions, and for the ſecond, they are not us'd to yeild to one another; every one watching diligently over his own authory, that nothing may paſs to its prejudice. This was viſible in the Conclave of Marcellus the ſecond; it deferr'd the Election a long time, and ruin'd the Faction of Cardinal Ferrara at laſt.

That which the favourers of Marcellus the ſecond uſed to aſcertain his Election, was counted great ſagacity and cunning. The beſt of his Confidents met privately, and with paper in hand, reckon'd up as many gainable perſons, as made up their number compleat, that done, they choſe them of greateſt authority, and moſt affection to Marcellus, and ſent them about one by one, to work themſelves, and inſinuate into ſuch as they could beſt truſt, by repreſenting the reaſonableneſs of their hopes; and having gained them, they ſuffer'd them not out of their ſight; but having calculated the Votes de novo, all together, they came immediately to an adoration, without further delay. An Artifice executed with ſo much dexterity, that it produc'd its effect.

He is very much out of the way, who to gain the head of a contrary Faction (which has neither the incluſive faculty, nor ſo much as hopes of it) declares himſelf too much in his favour: becauſe he extinguiſhes thereby his friends hopes of recovering him, who has ſo deeply ingaged himſelf to a perſon of authority; by which means, he ſhall be left in the power of the adverſe Faction, without any fruit of his deſign. Thus it happen'd to the Cardinal of Mantoua, in the Conclave of Marcellus the 2d. [...]or he being of the Imperial Faction, declar'd himſelf too freely in favour of Cardinal Ferrara, who [Page] was Head of the French, hoping thereby that he would imploy all his practiſes for him; but he was miſtaken, for he had not enough of the incluſive power.

The Heads do obſerve, never to let thoſe who are likely to ſtagger, go out of their ſight, leaſt they ſhould be debauch'd by their adverſaries: They ſend therefore only ſuch about to negotiate their deſigns, as do appear moſt conſtant and ſecure. This way Cardinal Farneſe took in the Conclave of Paul the 4th. keeping the whole body of the French in his eye, within the Chappel, for Cardinal Theatino, whilſt the moſt ſolid and grave part of them went abroad, and made voices for him.

It is neceſſary to be well advis'd, and not to ſuffer ones ſelf to be ſweetned or cajoul'd by them who deſire his Votes, (not ſo much that they hope to obtain the Papacy, but only in point of reputation with the World) for ſometimes they run inſenſibly upon Rocks, which they never thought of before. Upon this Rock they were in great danger of running, in the Conclave of Pius the 4th. for Cardinal della Torre having gain'd 32. Votes for Cardinal della Queva, privately in the Scrutiny, (had not the juggle been diſcover'd a little before) he had made him certainly Pope: By the ſame way, and in the ſame Conclave, Cardinal Piſano miſt but little of being choſen, Cornaro having ſecur'd many Votes to him amongſt the Factions.

If it be true which Ariſtotle affirms, that Magistratus virum oſtendit, he which ambitions the Papacy, and knows himſelf to be of an ill nature, in reſpect of his pride, or ſeverity, or any other ill quality, let him whilſt he is Cardinal be ſure to avoid all Offices, in which he cannot aſſure himſelf but he ſhall diſcover the imperfections aforeſaid; becauſe there is no body but argues with himſelf in this manner. He which cannot govern his own paſſions, in ſmall Offices, neither for hopes of the Papacy, nor for fear of his Enemies, how ſhall he govern them when he is Pope, and nothing left for him either to hope or to fear. Cardinal Savelli in the Conclave of Sixtus the 5th. having diſcover'd his natural infirmities in his Vicarſhip of Rome, and when he was Chief Inquiſitor, the whole Wood of his other good qualities were not ſufficient to ballance them. And Cardinal Morone was another inſtance of this; for having diſcover'd himſelf (when he rul'd the Pontificate of Pius the 4th.) to be of a vindicative humour, eſpecially againſt the Carafeſchi, that one thing was enough to intimidate the whole Conclave of Pius the 5th. and to bury a perſon of great parts in oblivion, who had otherwiſe doubtleſs been in the Apoſtolical Chair. Cardinal Coſenza had the ſame ſucceſs, in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. being excluded, becauſe in his Office of Datary, in the time of Sixtus the 5th. he diſcover'd himſelf inclinable to ſeverity.

The Heads of Factions, are to imploy all their diligence, to find out the natural conditions and intereſts of the ſeveral Cardinals, that they may know how to chooſe every man for his turn: The inconſtant are to be kept in an opinion, that the Pope is as good as made; that they are to come immediately to the Election, leaſt by leaving them opportunity of adviſing with others, they may change their minds. So Cardinal Alexandrino dealt with Cardinal di S. Siſto, a various and unconſtant man; he advis'd him to concurr in the Election of Montalto, and make himſelf the Author of it, when it came to the Vote, and the Scrutiny was made, perſwading him the Election was ſure; at which S. Siſto being amaz'd, and having no time to make any diverſion, he ſubmitted, and the deſign took effect.

If at any time a Faction be obſtinate, and perverſe, in recommending and bringing to the Scrutiny a perſon you are diffident of; to bring them to reaſon, it will be convenient in your Scrutiny to propoſe▪ (by way of counterpoiſe) one of its greateſt adverſaries, that ſo fear may prevail, where affection could not. Of this ſtratagem Cardinal Montalto made uſe, in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. for the Spaniards being obſtinate in their Votes for Paleotti, he propos'd in oppoſition to them, the Cardinal of Verona, to whom they had an implacable averſion; and he preſs'd it ſo home, that for fear it ſhould ſucceed, they turn'd their thoughts upon Santa Severina, and left Paleotto in the lurch: By the ſame art the Spaniards circumvented Montalto, that he gave over all thoughts of Cardinal Colonna, as was ſuppoſed, becauſe as it were with Banners diſplay'd they ſeem'd to run to the adoration of San Severina, who was before excluded by Montalto.

[Page]'Tis a good Rule for the Heads of Factions, to reſerve ſome one which they like beſt cloſe in their minds, and not ſo much as to mention him in the times of controverſie and diſpute, to the end that (when an opportunity ſerves, and the Factions are tyred with contention, and have but ſmall hopes) he may then be propoſed on a ſudden, and the Head bending all his Votes upon him, let him go briskly and couragiouſly to the Adoration: For the adverſary being wearied with the tediouſneſs of contending, and finding himſelf ſurprized, and the Enemy preſſing on with ſo much reſolution, loſes both his power and his prudence together: And this was evident by Montalto in the Conclave of Gregory the 14th. who in two months fierce combat with the Spaniards, made not the leaſt diſcovery of Cardinal Cremona, till that the deſigns of both parties being deſperate, on a ſudden he propoſed him, and getting together his Votes, he paſs'd immediately to the Adoration, and created him Pope.

It is no eaſie matter to break an obſtinate conſpiracy for the Election of a perſon, eſpecially if the Party be conſiderable; unleſs their practiſes be deſtroy'd, by the Excluders propoſing a perſon of their own adverſe Faction, which for the moſt part has been ſucceſsful, as oft as it has been tryed: So it happen'd in the Conclave of Clement the 8th. the Spaniſh party for two months together, gave their Votes conſtantly in favour of San Severina, nor was their conſtancy ever ſhaken or diſturb'd, till Cardinal Aldobrandino (who was a Spaniard) was propos'd by the Excluders, who promiſing the Head of that Faction (which was Avila) to chooſe any one Pope that he ſhould name, without communicating firſt with his followers; they were diſoblig'd in that manner, they were all ready to run from his Colours: But to pacifie them, Aldobrandino was glad to come to an abſolute rupture with Avila.

If the Head of the Including Faction, offers the Head of the Excluding Party, to aſſiſt him at any time, in the Election of one of the Excludents, let him alwayes be ſuſpicious; for his deſign is rather to ſeparate, and divide the Squadron of Excluders, than to do him any good in good earneſt. This Cardinal Montalto found to be true in the Conclave of Leo the 11th. when Aldobrandino, to ſeparate the Excludents, who had ſtrictly engag'd themſelves with Montalto, propos'd to him to chooſe one of his party; but as he knew very well how to open his eyes, and diſcover Aldobrandino's deſigns, ſo he knew well enough how to ſhut his ears, and evade them.

Let a Cardinal in the Conclave, avoid all occaſions of Rupture, as much as he can; for if once he be declar'd an Enemy, immediately the Spirit of revenge enters into his heart, which may perhaps be inſtrumental to the detriment of his Enemy, but ſhall never be of advantage to himſelf: And this alſo Aldobrandino found true, in the Conclave of Leo the 11th. for coming to words, and a manifeſt breach with Avila, he preſently fix'd his thoughts upon a perſon he had otherwiſe never remembred, which was Cardinal Meaici; one he had no kindneſs for at all, but he choſe him to be reveng'd of Avila.

The like Aphoriſms may be ſeen likewiſe for the Court, ſeeing that in ſuch caſes the pens of the moſt curious are at work, to diſcover their ſubtilties, for the benefit of the Publique; however their pains have not met with ſo great an applauſe: whereas theſe Aphoriſms of Azolino were commended as ſoon as they were ſeen, and judg'd very proper for the inſtruction of the Cardinals during the vacancy of the See, eſpecially ſuch as have not been in any Conclave before: Experience in ſuch things, exceeds all manner of Learning: Yet to ſpeak freely, I am not diſpleas'd with the opinion of a Friend of mine, who being well vers'd in the intereſts of the Court, diſcourſes liberally in company, and will oftentimes have his own judgement prevail, before any bodies elſe. He affirms, that neither Experience, nor Learning, are conſiderable in the Conclaves, and maintains it with more arguments than this Paper will contain. Be it as it will, it is not known which meets with more rubs in the Conclave, the Experienc'd, or the Learned Cardinals. They which by ſtudy, and revolving of Hiſtory, manage the affairs of the New Pope, will not ſtoop to perſons of the greateſt Experience, becauſe by actual practice they have gain'd ſome air of reputation in the precedent Conclaves. In like manner thoſe who have been Experienc'd, do pretend to command thoſe who are thought Learned, for having read in ſome Books, or heard diſcourſes of ſome Conclave or other.

[Page]But I will not condemn either Experience, or Learning; Experience is good in the Conclaves, and Learning is better; but Prudence is more neceſſary than both. A little Experience is enough for a prudent Cardinal, whereas all the Experience in the World is in vain, if they know not how to uſe it with diſcretion. In ſeveral Conclaves there have been ſeveral inexperienc'd Cardinals, (I might ſay ignorant of the myſtery of Election of Popes) yet they have proſper'd very well, and by their prudence prevail'd with thoſe, who doubted not to have gain'd them in a ſhort time.

Experience interrupts that many times, which Prudence contrives; whereas Prudence conjoyns that, which Experience hath broken. In this laſt Conclave ſeveral effects of this nature were ſeen, but not ſo many as in the two former; in which the moſt Experienc'd loſt their Chard of Navigation, becauſe they had not the judgement to make uſe of it with diſcretion.

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[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

Il cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa, or, The history of the cardinals of the Roman Church from the time of their first creation, to the election of the present Pope, Clement the Ninth, with a full account of his conclave, in three parts / written in Italian by the author of the Nipotismo di Roma ; and faithfully Englished by G.H.Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa. English

Leti, Gregorio, 1630-1701.

Edition statement

1670

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A47947

ID [STC]

Wing L1330

ID [STC]

ESTC R2263

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12185409

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12185409

ID [VID]

55755

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47947)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55755)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 605:12)

Source

— Il cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa, or, The history of the cardinals of the Roman Church from the time of their first creation, to the election of the present Pope, Clement the Ninth, with a full account of his conclave, in three parts / written in Italian by the author of the Nipotismo di Roma ; and faithfully Englished by G.H., Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa. English, Leti, Gregorio, 1630-1701., G. H..

Extent

[8], 330, [2] p. : port.

Printed for John Starkey ...,. London :: 1670.. (Advertisement: p. [1]-[2] at end.) (Translation of Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa.) (Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York.)

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