[Page] NOTES UPON Stephen College.

Grounded Principally upon his own Declarations and Confessions, And freely submitted to PUBLIQUE CENSURE.

By Roger L'Estrange.

LONDON, Printed for Ioanna Brome; at the Gun at the West­end of St. Pauls Church-yard, 1681.

To the Reader.

IT is not the part of a Christian, nor indeed of a Man, to Insult upon the Miserable, either in their Memories, or in their Persons: Beside that the Criminal here in question has already satisfied Publique Iustice, and is gone to his Place to receive according to his Works. This does not hinder yet, but that a man may honestly endeavour the putting of a Check to those Clamorous Out-crys that are daily sent forth against the Government upon this occasion; as if the whole business of College were only a Perjurious Combination of Papists against Protestants, in the Person of that Wretched Malefactor; and the Protestant Religion to stand or fall with the Protestant Joyner, It is the Intent now of these Papers, to lay open the Malice, and the Falshood of these Calumnies: Not so much for the Vindication of the Proceeding, as for the Disabusing of the Common People; for the Best Argu­ment for Authority is the Reason of the Laws; and in these Cases the Vigorous Execution of them upon the Seditious, is the only effectual Re­medy.

It is not that I pretend to Illustrate the Iustice of the [Page] Court, or of the Verdict, by any Additional Remarques of my own, but effectually (upon other Grounds and E­vidences) to bring the Offender to a new hearing; where­in I shall remit my self to the Iudgment and Conscience of any Indifferent Reader, whether there be not Matter sufficient, from whence fairly to Infer, and to Presume him Guilty of the most material Parts of his Accusation, even without the aid of anything that was produc'd a­gainst him at his Tryal.

As for those that are curious to be more particularly inform'd, I must refer them to the Printed Tryal it self; and so I shall close up my Preface with my Lord Chief Justices Opinion upon the Verdict.

Lord Chief Iustice (to the Pris'ner.) These things when I look upon them, and consider the complexion of your defence, it makes an easie Proof have Credit. But I think there was a full Proof in your Case; yet I say, if there had been a great deal less Proof, the Jury might with Justice have found you Guilty. And because you now declare your self Innocent of all you are charged with, I think my self bound to declare here in Vindica­tion of the Country, and in Vindication of the Justice of the Court, that it was a Verdict well given, and to the satisfaction of the Court, and I did not find my Brothers did dislike it. This I say to you out of Charity, that you may incline your mind to a submission to the Justice that hath overtaken you, and that you may enter into Charity with all men, and prepare your self for another life.

NOTES UPON Stephen College.

§. 1. The Proceeding against College Re­presented as a Design against the Pro­testant Religion.

THE main stress of the Cause here in Con­troversie, lies upon a Pretended Zeal for Religion, and in such a manner too, as if the very Name of a Protestant were a Su­persed as for a Traytor, and an Exemption from the Ordinary Methods of Law and Iustice. [This Design (says College) is not only against Me, but against all the Protestants. Trayal, p. 5.] And a­gain [This is a most Horrid Conspiracy to take away my life; and it will not stop here; for it is against all the Pro­testants in England. Ibid. p. 6.] ['Tis time to have a Care (says Aaron Smith) when our Lives and Estates and Al are beset here. Ibid. p. 13.] [My Lord (says College a­gain) I do not question but to prove this one of the Hellishest Conspiracies that ever was upon the face of the Earth: And [Page 2] these the most Notorious Wicked Men; an absolute design to destroy all the Protestants in England, that have had the Courage to oppose the Popish Plot. Ibid. p. 36.] And then in his last Speech, [I am as certainly Murder'd by the hands of the Papists as Sr. Edmundbury Godfrey himself was, though the thing is not seen.] And once again in his other Speech, Printed for Edith College, [I dye (says he) by the hands of the Enemies of the Great God, his Christ, his Servants, his Gospel, and my Country, to which I wil­lingly submit, and earnestly pray mine may be the last Prote­stants Blood that Murdering Church of Rome may shed in Christendom.]

It is no wonder if the Ringing of this Emphatical Re­flection [the Blood of Protestants; a Design upon all the Protestants of England, &c. over and over in the Ears of the Multitude, create Unquiet Thoughts, and work some extraordinary Effects upon the minds of the com­mon People. It will be well therefore to ask Stephen College what he means by that Protestant Religion that is so much Endanger'd; and who and where those Papists are, upon whom he Charges this Hellish Conspiracy: for we have none as yet in sight that can fall within the compass of his Challenge; but his Majesty himself, and the Ordi­nary Ministers of Iustice acting according to the Known Laws, and in the Regular Methods of Iudicial Proceedings. Now upon a due Examination of this matter, there will be found a great difference betwixt Colleges Protestants, and Ours; and betwixt Our Papists and His: So that the Snare lies in the double acceptation of the Word, by which they labour to Impose upon the World, that the Schismatiques are the only True-Protestants, and those of the Church of England, in a Confederacy against them with the Papists: But we shall take Colleges Religion as he has deliver'd it with his own lips; and gather from thence [Page 3] what may be the Cause, and the Profession that he con­tends for.

§. 2. The meaning of Colleges Prote­stants.

I Was ever a Protestant; (says College) I was born a Protestant; I have liv'd so, and so, by the Grace of God, I'le dye: Of the Church of England, according to the Best Reformation of the Church, from all Idolatry, from all Superstition, or any thing that is contrary to the Gospel of our Blessed Lord and Saviour. Colleges last Speech.

In this Clause he Declares himself upon his Death, to be a Protestant of the Church of England, according to the Best Reformation, &c. Now there is No Church of Eng­land but that which is Established by Law, both in Do­ctrine and Discipline; unless you will make the Dissenting Protestants, to be Assenters, and Consenters; and Feake's, Owen's, Ralphson's, Baxter's, Meade's, Ienkins's Separate Congregations to be severally the Church of England; which no man certainly in his Right Wits will pretend to do. So that either he dy'd a True Son of the Established Church of England, according to the Genuine Import of the Ex­pression; (and as most manifestly he would have it thought, he did) or else his Design was to go off with a Desperate Equivocation betwixt his Teeth, if he was any other than what he Pretended to be: and it comes all to a Case, as to the Truth of his Profession, whether ye take him the One way, or the Other. There may be Another Note upon it, which is, that he would give to understand by This Profession that he had always Liv'd, and that [Page 4] now he Dy'd, the same sort of Protestant; which is a Point-Blank-Contradiction to that which now follows.

Upon the Sheriffs Desiring him, for the satisfaction of the World, to declare what Church he meant; whether Presbyterian, or Independent, or the Church of England; or what? His answer was [Good Mr. Sheriff, for your sa­tisfaction, for Twenty years and above, I was under the Presbyterian Ministry, till His Majesties Restauration. Then, I was Conformable to the Church of England, when that was Restor'd; and so continu'd, till such time as I saw Persecution upon the Dissenting People, and undue things done in their Meeting-Places. Then I went among them, to know what kind of People those were; and I take God to Witness, since that time I have used their Meetings, viz. the Presbyterians; others very seldom, and the Church of England. Last Speech.

By this it appears that College was a Presbyterian before the Late Rebellion, as well as quite thorough it. He saies nothing, what brought him over to the Church of Eng­land at last; but that it was the Persecution of the Dissen­ters that carried him off again: And yet he told us but just before, that he was of That Reformation which was Freest from Superstition and Idolatry; though there was nothing of that we see in this Pretended Cause of his Re­lapse. The Remainder of this Paragraph is Mysterious, and Perplext; and there is too much Reason to fear that it was Intricated on purpose that he might be Vnder­stood one way, and Mean another. But however, if there be any thing to be made out of it at all, it is, that he dy'd of the Presbyterian Persuasion. I would not force any thing, to Discredit the words of a Dying man; but if any man can reconcile this Passage, either to it self, or with several other Expressions of his in Prison, some two or three days before his death, they will do him a [Page 5] Kind, and a Charitable Office; for I must confess, I can­not bring them to any sort of Consistence.

A matter of two or three days before his Execution, two Divines of eminent Piety and Worth, gave the Pri­soner a Visit, and among other Discourses suitable to his Condition, and the occasion, It was ask'd him, Q. What Church are ye of? A. Of the Church of England. Q. As by Law Establish'd? A. No, I am not. Q. How d'ye mean the Church of England then? A Presbyterian? A. No. Q. An Independent? A. No. Q. An Ana­baptist? A. No. Q. A Quaker? A. No. Q. Where's that Church in Christendom then, that you will own your self a Member of? A. That's to my self; I will not tell ye. And he gave at another time his Reason for't. If it were known (saith he) what Church I am of, my faults would be laid upon my whole Church. How does this agree now with his Profession at the Place of Execution? Or where shall we find that Individuum Vagum of Colleges Protestant?

There were some Circumstances concerning my Lady Rochester, of which hereafter; and others grounded upon the Information of a Somerset-shire Gentleman, that have prevail'd upon many People to take him for a Pa­pist, which Information runs thus.

That the Informant Lodging at the House of one P. a Victualler in Wich-street, in Michaelmas Term, 1677. there came into the Room where he was (upon a Sunday in the Evening) a certain Person who was called by the name of College; and sitting down there, enter'd into a discourse concerning the Lord of Rochester, whereupon the Informant told College that he heard the Lady Rochester was turn'd Papist; who thereupon demanded, what he meant by a Papist? to which he answer'd, One that maintain'd the Tenents of the Church of Rome, mentioning some of them; as Pur­gatory, [Page 6] Prayers to Saints, &c. whereupon the other under­took to defend the said Tenents, and with great Vehemence told him, that he would bring him Books the next day that should overthrow all Arguments to the contrary: And told him farther, that his name was Gollege, and not College; and that he had wrought for my Lord of Rochester at Eu­more: But the Informant never saw him before, nor since, only his Landlord told him that he was a Joyner, and liv'd at the back-side of his House.

Colleges Answer to this Point was, that he believ'd this might be his Brother, who was a Ioyner by Trade, and dy'd a Papist, in October, 1678. He wrote his name Gollege; Lodg'd near Wich street, and (as he conceiv'd) had done work for my Lord Rochester at Eumore; which seems to have been the ground of that mistake. Beside that, College had several times Confess'd that he had strong and frequent Impulses on his spirit against Popery: Insomuch that if he did but see any book in defence of it, he would prefently set all his work aside to get it an­swer'd; declaring himself also against it at the place of Execution, in these words, [I do with all my soul, and did ever since I knew what Religion was, Abhor and Detest the Church of Rome, as Pernicious and Destructive of Humane Society.]

I shall leave it now to the Readers choice whether a Papist, or not? Although for my part, I am strongly per­suaded of the Negative; but what kind of Protestant to make of him, we are yet to seek. We shall see next how he stood affected to the Church of England; but so as to separate his Opinions from his Practices, which are re­serv'd for another place.

He received his Sentence, Aug. 18. and Suffer'd upon the 31. In this Interim the Bishop of Oxford provided all that was possible for his Relief and Consolation, with [Page 7] infinite Compassion and Honour; appointing several eminent Pious and Learned Divines to Administer unto him in his Distress. The Reverend Dr. Marshal went to him first, who being call'd away by bus'ness, Dr. Hall supply'd his place, from whose hand he receiv'd the Blessed Sacrament soon after his Sentence; but his De­votion-duties were still distracted with some interjected Excursions of his own; and he was heard to say, that as he did not disdain the Prayers of the Church, so he did not delight in such Prayers, neither could he joyn heartily with those that did not pray by the Spirit. It was observed by one of these Reverend Gentlemen that assisted him, that when he came to the Prayers for the King, Queen, and the Bishops, instead of Amen, he said Lord have mercy upon them, though he joyn'd in an Amen to all the rest. Two days before his Execution, one of them desir'd him to prepare himself for the Holy Eucharist, to whom he return'd this Answer. It is no more than a Shell and Form of your own making; as if I eat a piece of Bread, and drank a glass of Wine, and at the same time remember'd my Saviour. In this manner he refus'd it: Nor would he suffer this Gentleman to pray with him at all upon the day of his Execution; declaring that nothing gave him satisfaction but Extemporary Prayer. The Doctor Admi­nister'd to him by the Liturgy, and so did Dr. Marshal pray with him likewise; but still he would have sallies also of his own. Little Schismatical Ianeway tells a long story, (and against himself too) (Num. 42.) where he says that College was urg'd with divers Arguments to make a Publique Confession; whereas it was only propounded to to him to Confess, Conditionally, and not Absolutely, as he maliciously represents it. True it is, that he gave hopes at first of some tractable inclinations toward the Enter­tainment of the Liturgy; but upon Munday morning [Page 8] there was found with him a certain unknown Quaker; and from that time till the next Wednesday (the day of his Execution) he was harden'd against all Attempts; and this Obstinacy of his was said to arise from a sug­gestion of the Quakers, that without dashing the Credit of those Witnesses, the Protestant Cause would be in danger to be lost. He press'd very earnestly that Titmarsh, the Preaching-Anabaptist-Tanner, might come and Pray with him; and he was privately sent for, but not suf­fer'd to come at him.

You have here an account of the Protestant-Ioyners Religion from his own lips, which is Resolv'd at last in­to a meer Enthusiastical Whimsie. The Quaker pleases him; the Anabaptist pleases him; and yet he is neither the one nor the other, nor a Presbyterian; nor an Inde­pendent; nor a Church-of-England-man, and yet a Friend to all but the Right; and Conciliable even to those Opinions that are yet at an Inconciliable Variance one with another. Let the Reader now determine un­der these Circumstances, whether that Protestant Per­suasion that makes such a noise in this Controversie, be a Religion or a Faction; or how it is possible either to De­stroy or to Defend that Religion which is no where to be found.

§. 3. What is meant by the Papists in Con­spiracy against Colleges Protestants.

THE Protestant Ioyner has left us at a great loss in the fore-going Section, about the meaning of his Protestant Religion: But then he makes some amends for't in telling us very plainly what he means by the [Page 9] Papists. It is a part of his Charge, That he reckon'd the Church, the King, and all his Adherents for Papists; and we have his own Words and Papers to prove every jot as much as that amounts to, even to the minutest Circum­stances of the Accusation.

[This (says he) is not the first time, my Lord, the Pa­pists have design'd to take away my life; though it be the first time they went about to take it away by a Law. Tryal. p. 39. What is this now to say, but that the Ordinary Mini­sters of Justice, in the Orderly Execution of their Du­ties, are Murtherers and Papists? And it is yet more ex­plicitly set forth in the first Section, as we have seen al­ready. How often has he been heard, even in the pre­sence of Mr. Harleton of St. Pauls Church-yard, to whom he appeals from Mr. Masters's Evidence, that old Rowly (his Cypher for the King) was a Papist? and it was his common discourse in Coffee-Houses at a venture, as num­bers of Persons are able and ready to justifie, if need should require it. What's the meaning of his drawing the King with Two Faces in his Raree Show, one towards Popery, the other towards Protestantism? And the Two Houses at his Majesties Back, in a Chest of Rome (as he calls it) in the Ballad? What's the meaning of the Eng­lish Clergy Riding Tantivy after a Iesuite in another of his Prints? With these words of Explanation, Room for the Church? For Rome Boys: with this Conceit at the Church-door, Out Phanatiques; In, Popery: And the Bishop of Bath and Wells Personated in it, with a Patch on his check, and the mark upon him of a Church-Papist? Or what say ye of the same Bishop again, kissing the Popes Toe in another of his Pieces, Entitled Hats for Caps; with the whole Hierarchy in't, making Court to his Holiness for Preferment? And then there's the Learn­ed device of a Scale to the Papacy, 1. Servitor. 2. Pupil. [Page 10] 3. Batchelors. 4 Master. 5. Priest. 6. Doctor. 7. Dean. 8. Bishop. 9. Cardinal. 10. Pope. With these words to't. [The Gradual way to make a Pope Infallibly: All done by the Sign of the Cross, and a little School Conjuring. Here's abundantly enough to shew What, and Who they are that he calls Papists, without need of any other Evi­dence or Explication. But it will be said perhaps that these Pictures, and especially the Raree Show are not yet prov'd to be Colleges.

§. 4. The Libellous Pictures, and Particu­larly the Raree Show prov'd to be Colleges.

MY Lord, (says College) as to the Papers Charg'd upon me to be mine, I declare I know not of them. Tryal. pag. 74. I cannot deny but that they were in my House; but that I was the Author, or did take them in, is as great a Mistake as ever was made. Ibid. I know nothing of the Printing of them, nor was I the Author of them. Ibid. I do declare I know nothing of the Original, the Printer, nor the Author. p. 75. There's a great deal more of this stuff in the Tryal, to the same purpose; but I shall lay no hold of any thing he says in his Defence, save where he Confesses: But it will be allow'd, I hope, that some weight might be laid upon what he delivers in that which is publish'd under the Title of A True Copy of the Dying Words of Mr. Stephen College, left in Writing un­der his own hand, and confirmed by him at the time of Ex­ecution, Aug. 31. 1681. at Oxford, Publish'd by his own Relations, and Printed for Edith College.

As to the Printed Papers (says he) which Dugdaie produced in the Court, I do declare, I never saw them, call'd [Page 11] the Raree Show, and Intercepted Letter [in his hand] before that time, (the meaning of these words [in his hand] I do not understand) and therefore could not, and did not decypher any of the Pictures to him. It's utterly false. I was not the Author of those Verses call'd the Raree Show, neither do I know who was, or the Printer, or ever own'd my self the Author of either of them Papers to him in my life.

Now by this train of wild Circumlocutions, a body would think that College had been wholly Innocent of any hand in the Promoting of that Scurrilous and Malicious Libel, especially considering some passages of his in the other Speech that was Printed for T. Basset. I take God to witness (says he) and do freely acknowledge, I have sought my God with tears several times, to inform me if so be I had with any Word transgressed at any time.] He does not find himself Guilty it seems, of so much as one Word a­miss, but appears to purge himself upon his Death, as to that particular, which naturally resolves into this Con­clusion; that either he had nothing to do with that Pa­per, or otherwise that he approv'd the Design and Con­tents of it, though one of the most Insolent Pieces of Se­ditious Ribaldry that ever saw the light. [Monstrous foul Beast, Thief, Child of Heathen Hobbs.] This is the Language of the Protestant Ioyner to his Sovereign. Let the world judge by this of his Religion, and of theirs too that side with him; and in so doing, become Abettors and Partakers of his Crimes. But we shall now make it as clear as the light it self, that he went off the Stage with a sad account to answer for upon this very Point.

First, He own'd to Mr. Atterbury▪ the Messenger, all the Papers that were found in his House to be his own, whereof the Raree Show was one; telling him moreover, that If there was any Treason in those Papers, the Wisest [Page 12] man in England was mistaken. And so says Aaron Smith in his Paper of Instructions to him at Oxford. [The Raree Show, &c. and the Pictures are not Treason.] Taking for granted that the Raree-Show, &c. would infallibly be made out against him.

The Design of this Raree-Show, drawn with a Pencil upon Dutch Paper in Black-lead, was found, it seems, lying upon his Table, and afterwards mis-lay'd. So that College dodg'd them upon that point, at the Tryal, and disown'd it in these words [I am sure you could never find the Original of any such thing in my House.] But though this was a point-blank denial of a Truth; there is this to be said yet in Extenuation of it, that his Life was at stake, and he made the best of his Plea. But this is no Excuse yet for his Double-dealing after his Sentence, and upon the place of Execution. He was Interrogated in the Castle some few days before he suffer'd, whether he did not with his own hand draw the design for the Ballad of A Raree-Show? and whether that very Draught was not ta­ken with the other Prints, in his House? His Answer was, that he was neither the Author of the Verses or Ballad, nor did he know either the Author, or the Printer. And then for the Design, he bad them shew it (knowing it to be lost) and he would own it, if it were his.

Now to expound this Riddle, 'tis probable he did not know the Author, nor the Printer; and yet it is clear that the first design was of his drawing; and by him ac­commodated to the Verses, without so much as knowing who was the Poet. He might possibly deliver that Draught also to have it Cut, without knowing the Gra­ver; as it is certain that he did deliver the Verses to be Printed, though perhaps without knowing the Printer: And this does evidently appear from the Testimony of the Printer himself.

[Page 13] The Printer confesses and declares upon the sight of one of the Papers found at Colleges, that it was wrought at his Press; that he did it for Franck Smith, who told him that it was a Merry▪ Ioking thing, but a Truth▪ which Corresponds with the Evidence, that College said it was [as true as that Gods in Heaven. The Printer Informs likewise, that Francis Smith, upon the reading of the Staves to him Expounded them; (but without the Pi­cture) and told him that there was a Captain with a Pack at his back, and that was the King; and that He in the Mire was the King; and that He with the Two Faces was the King again▪ and that it was a Merry Iocose thing, and had been sung before several Lords at Oxford: Which Par­ticularities do punctually agree with the Evidence against College, from whom undoubtedly Franck Smith receiv'd the Manuscript; and College, it seems, told Smith no more upon this occasion, than what he had told before to o­ther People. The Book-seller, I find, knew well enough what he did too, being very earnest with the Printer not to discover his Name, but to say that he had the Copy from a Gentleman, to him unknown; adding moreover these words [A body may be Troubled about it, but there's no Treason in it▪]

Now after all that is said, lest it should be suggested that there's no positive Proof yet against College, that he had any thing to do with this Libel, we shall now put that Question out of all dispute. There was a Paper of Colleges Intercepted, which upon Examination he utterly deny'd at first; but finding himself Discover'd, he Con­fess'd it. This was some few days before his Execution. The Paper here intended, was the Speech, word for word, that was Printed for Edith College; which being [...] to the Joynor, he acknowledg'd it to be of his own Hand-writing; and so is the Manuscript also of the Raree-Show [Page 12] [...] [Page 13] [...] [Page 14] from whence that Ballad was Printed; and I have the Original at this Instant by me, to satisfie any man that shall make a doubt whether or no it was of Colleges Writing. Besides that, he sung the Ballad in several places, and particularly at Sir Philip Matthews's, at South­cot, as divers Persons of Credit are ready to attest: And by the token that Sir Philip charg'd him to forbear, for he would not suffer any such thing in his House; or to this effect.

I cannot but deplore the Infatuated blindness of this Unhappy Creature, that should now at his last Extre­mity, instead of discharging his soul by a publique and sincere Repentance, be troubling of his head with Shifts and Reservations, as if he were contriving how to cast a mist before the Eyes of God and Man; and in a case so open too, that half an eye sees thorow it. And yet I cannot but have more Charity for his endeavour to shuffle it off in the one Speech, than for his saying just nothing at all of it in the other: Unless as he has wrapt up the particular Crimes for which he suffer'd, in his last general Act of Charity and Confession. [Whomever I have of fended in word or deed, I ask every man's pardon; and I forgive the World with all my soul all the Injuries I have re­ceived] This is the best that can be made on't: And without large allowances for distraction of thought, and want of consideration, 'tis more than a man can justifie. In Basset's Speech, he cannot so much as charge himself with any offensive Word, though upon the Scrutiny, he had sought the Lord with Tears for Information. [I as little thought (says he) to come to this as any man that hears me this day; and I bless God, I have no more deserved it from the hands of men, than the Child that sucks at his Mothers breast, I bless God for it.] Now in the Speech Printed for Edith College, he seems to contradict this, but [Page 15] it is in terms so entangled and dubious, that I must leave the Reader to make his own ghess upon it, only recom­mending this to his observation; that he speaks Intelli­gibly enough in all other cases, but where either his Re­ligion, or his Crime is the Question: As for example,

There be some other Scandalous and Malicious Reports thrown upon me, as that I should own all that was Sworn a­gainst me, except Hains's Evidence, and the like: To all which I have been examined by Dr. Marshal, whom the Bi­shop of Oxon did voluntarily send to me the day after I was Condemned; and that Worthy and Pious Dr. Hall, who came to me, and from whom I received the Blessed Sacra­ment on Sunday last, to whom I did make the same Con­fession and Acknowledgment as I have here Inserted; parti­cularly the which I do again affirm is Truth, as I shall answer it to God Almighty: Only I did acknowledge as my fault, I did believe I might have been Guilty on some Occasions, and in heat of talk, to have uttered some words of Indecency, not becoming my Duty, concerning the King or his Council; and if so, I do beg their Pardon.] Now the Reader is left to his choice, whether to understand [ONLY] as an Exception to the Truth of his Confession, as who should say 'Tis all True but that; or to take it for an acknowledg­ment, of having been Intemperate that way: Or other­wise, as a bare supposition, as if he had said, I do rather incline to think I might sometimes lash out that way; but if I did, it was in a Passion; and if I ever did any such thing, I ask their Pardon. So that here's nothing clear and open, to answer, either the expectation of the world, or the duty of a Person in his Condition; but only a wandring vein of Ambiguity, and Incoherence, to amuse the Rea­der, and to perplex the Period. Or if it means any thing else, it bears only the Countenance of a faint acknow­ledgment of a Mildemeanor, in a direct Contradiction to [Page 16] what he delivered by word of mouth at his death; Con­firming the Truth of what he Confesses in the One Paper, and denys in the other (in his own words) with his last b [...]eath, and sealing it with his dearest. Blood.

It is with great unwillingness that I have enter'd upon this office; but since the Faction has taken the freedom to arraign the Justice of the Nation, on the behalf of this Pretended Innocent, I reckon'd it my duty on the other hand, to expose in some measure the Fraudulent Practices of the Pris'ner; and I make no doubt but to Evince un­to any man whatsoever, that will but hear and attend Common Reason, that over and above the Proofs and Circumstances that appear'd at his Tryal, there is in these Sheets sufficient to make out the Credibility of his Accu­sation. But in my way to the main bus'ness, I shall give ye in the next Section some short touches of his disinge­nuous proceedings in other cases.

§. 5. Colleges Doublings and Mistakes about the Bus'ness of the Lady Rochester, and Father Thompson, and his Entertain­ment of Mr. Sergeant. Some Notes upon the Evidence of Sir William Jen­nings, and Mr. Masters, and his Com­plaints of Ill Usage.

I shall not charge my self with a Critical Dissection of all Colleges Disguises and Mistakes, but make my Ob­servations upon such, and so many of them as may serve for a Foundation to the Reader, for some competent judgment upon the rest. And first to the Report concerning the Lady Rochester.

[Page 17] It pass'd for current here in the Town, that the Lady Rochester, upon her Death-bed declar'd that College was the man who first brought the Priest to her, that Per­verted her to the Faith of the Church of Rome; which being a thing true in it self, is not unlikely to have been in such manner declar'd by the said Lady; but whether it was or was not so, it matters not. But this Rumour however open'd all Peoples mouths about the Town, that College was a Papist. Upon his Report, College, pre­tended to purge himself of that Calumny, in both the Speeches afore said formerly cited, and first in that of Edith Colleges, in these words,

'Tis Reported I should be the occasion of Perverting the Lady Rochester, and brought a Priest to her; one Tom­son, alias Conyers: I deny it, all I did was at the Request of the Earl of Rochester, who gave me a Letter to deliver to him; which I did, but knew not the Contents; neither did that Lady report any such thing of me at her death.

There be a great many other strange Reports that I have heard since I have been a Pris'ner; That I should be a means to Convert the Countess of Rochester, by bringing one Thompson a Priest to her. Truly all that I was con­cern'd in, was some fifteen or sixteen years ago, I Lodged at Col. Vernors, that Married the Lady Brooks: The Family were Papists, the Brooks's were Papists, and there was this Thompson; and I did suppose him a Priest in the House, though I never saw him at Popish Service, or Worship, though I was there half a year; but come­ing afterwards to my Lord Rochester's, about some busi­ness I had to do for him, and several other Persons of Quality, he sent for me one Afternoon from the Parso­nage in Adderbury, to his House, and his Lady and he stood together: He sent to me, and asked me if my Horse were at home? said he, I would have you carry [Page 18] this Letter to Mr. Thompson, if you are at leisure this Af­ternoon: My Lord I am at leisure to serve you. So I took a Letter from his hand, and his Lady's too, as I remem­ber, (he made an offer that way) Sealed with his own Seal, and carried it to Thompson, and deliver'd it to him, and he told me that he would wait upon my Lord, for it was for some Lands my Lord did offer to raise money for some occasions. This is the truth of that Scandal.

Note that in the former Speech he says, all I did, was, &c. and in the other All that I was concern'd in, was, &c. And at the bottom [This is the Truth of that Scandal.] Giving the Reader to understand by this way of deliver­ing himself, that he had spoken the Truth, the whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth; so help him God.

Now to Confront these Peremptory Assertions of his, It is certain, that the day before the Lady Rochester fell sick, she said that College was a Papist, in the hearing of several Persons; having said the same thing also before, publiquely at the Table of a Lady in that Neighbour­hood, as will be sufficiently attested by many People of unexceptionable Credit, living near the place; if the matter shall be in such sort question'd, as that it may be worth the while to prove it, and that the persons con­cern'd in the Enquiry shall think fit to own their Names. The ground of this Honourable Ladies mistake, is sup­posed to have been the Zeal of Colleges Interessing him­self in the good Offices of bringing the said Priest unto the Lady.

That which he says of carrying a Letter to Thompson, upon such considerations, and in such manner as he repre­sents it, is probably a Truth: But it is not as he renders it, [All that he did, or [All that he was concern'd in upon that affair; for he has several times told a worthy Gentleman, a Trustee to the Lord Rochester, and divers others, That [Page 19] he the said College being about Fourteen years since a Trooper under the Earl of Rochester, my Lord imploy'd him to bring one Thompson a Priest to his Lady, to draw her to the Romish Faith; and that he brought him to my Lady several times; and that by this Thompsons means she was perverted. This will be prov'd (if Insisted up­on) by several Persons of Worth and Credit in and a­bout Bridgwater. The Inducement to the employing of College upon this Errand, was his being in League at that time with a Maid-Servant of my Ladies, who was after­ward his Second Wife, and made use of as a Proper In­strument for the Obliging of College to a Service of that kind. Nor was this the only Letter, as may be unde­niably prov'd, that College carried upon that subject. We'l see now what he says to the bus'ness of Mr. Ser­geant.

It's said I Harbour'd Priests and Iesuits; and they in­stance in one Sergeant, who lay at my House in Carter-Lane, Nine years since, by the name of Dr. Smith, a Doctor of Physick; brought to me by one Monless an Apothecary in the Old Baily; and one Mr. Field a Wollen-Draper within Ludgate; and was there as a Dr. of Physick, and I knew for no other, (Speech by Edith College.

It is said that I had a Priest several years in my House, viz. Sergeant that came over from Holland to Discover. About some ten years ago, that very same man came to me, but was a Stranger to me; and he came to me by the name of Dr. Smith, a Physitian, and there was an Apothecary in the Old Bailey, and a Linnen-Draper within Ludgate that came with him. They brought him thither, and took a Cham­ber, and lay about half or three quarters of a year, at times, by the Name of Dr. Smith, and as a Physitian. This is the Truth of that, and no otherwise. This is the Entertainment of Sergeant. (Bassets Speech.)

[Page 20] Upon the comparing of these two passages, you will find in the former, that he denys the Knowledge of Ser­geant, any further than as a Dr. of Physick; and in the latter, slips it over with saying only that he was a Stran­ger when he came to him. Now it is a certain Truth, (and proveable beyond dispute, so to be) that College knew this Dr. of Physick to be Mr. Sergeant, even while he Lodg'd in his House. And then for the Draper (whom he makes to be a Linnen-Draper in the one Speech, and a Woollen in the other, It is absolutely averr'd (as I have it from a sure hand) that this Draper never knew where Mr. Sergeant Lodg'd, till he himself told him his Lodging.

Next to the bus'ness of Sir William Iennings, and Mr. Masters, it is remarkable, that though he fenc'd and shifted upon his Tryal, and takes express notice of them in his Speech Printed for Edith College, yet he makes no particular mention of them at his last Speech by word of mouth, notwithstanding the weight and effect which those Witnesses had with the Jury: But in his Written Speech, which was Published by his Relations, you have these words.

As to what Mr. Masters Swore, he was Vnjust to me in omitting that part of our discourse concerning the Parliament in Forty; For when he Curs'd them, and the Last Parlia­ment at Westminster also; and said they were alike; and charged them in Forty with beginning the War, and cutting off the Kings Head: I denied both, and said it was the Papists that began that War, and the Death of the King was the Fatal Consequence of it, which Mr. Charleton the Draper in Pouls Church-yard countessisse; the discourse be­ing at the further end of his Shop, and he present; into which, Masters seeing me go, came apace from towards his [Page 21] own Shop, and as I believe, on purpose to Quarrel with me, for which God forgive him.

I shall have occasion by and by to handle this Point more at large. So that no more needs to be said at pre­sent, but that College has several times in Mr. Charletons Company, Iustifi'd the Proceedings of 1641. and pro­nounced the King to be a Papist, as Mr. Charleton I pre­sume will easily call to mind, if there should be any oc­casion to refresh his memory upon that subject. [And that which he says to Sir William Iennings likewise, is no more than an Empty Cavil, without any colour of a Defence.]

To come now to the Ill Usage that he Complains of [I was (says he in his last Speech) under most strange Cir­cumstances as ever any man was. I was kept Pris'ner so close in the Tower, that I could have no Conversation with any, though I was certain the Popish Lords had it every day there, though I could have none. I could not tell the Wit­nesses that were to Swear against me; I could not tell what it was they Swore against me; for I could have no Copy of the Indictment, nor no way possible to make any preparation to make my defence, as I ought to have done, and might have done by Law. I had no liberty to do any thing, as I am a dying man.]

Now for the Truth of this, I shall refer the Reader to his Two Petitions to his Majesty; the one of Iuly 28. and the other of August 11. prefix'd to his Tryal, and two Or­ders of Council thereupon. In the Former, he prays that leave may be given to Mr. Thomas Smith, and Mr. Robert West, to come to him; and also to have the use of Pen, Ink, and Paper, in order only to make his Legal and Iust Defence; and also to have the Comfort of seeing his two Children; which was all granted him as he desired. In his Second Petition of August 11. he makes a Preambular Acknowledgment in these following words.

[Page 22] In full assurance therefore of the great Iustice and Clemen­cy of your Majesty, and this Honourable Board, which he hath lately had some Experience of, and doth with all Humility and Thankfulness acknowledge, &c. And then he further prays,

Your Petitioner doth humbly beseech your Majesty and this Honourable Board, that he may have a Copy of the In­dictment against him, or the particular Charges of it: That his Council and Solicitor may have free Access to, and private Conference with him; and because their own private affairs, or other accidents may call away some of his Council from his Assistance, that Mr. Wallop, Mr. Smith, Mr. Thompson, Mr. Datnel, Mr. West of the Middle-Temple, Mr. Holles of Lincolns-Inn Mr. Rotherham, Mr. Lovel, Mr. Rowny of Creys-Iun, Mr. Pollexsin, Mr. Ward of the Inner-Temple, may be assign'd him for Council; and Aaron Smith for his Sollicitor, and that he may have a Copy of the Jurors to be return'd upon his Tryal some days before his Tryal. Hereupon it was Order'd by his Majesty in Council, That the Friends and Relations of Stephen College, a Pris'ner in the Tower, shall have liberty of Visiting, and freely Conversing with him, and the Lieutenant of the Tower, (having first caused their Names to be taken in Writing) is to suffer such Friends and Relations to have Access to the said Stephen College without any Interruption from time to time accordingly.

Here's a Clamour, ye see, upon a False and Ground­less Suggestion, deliver'd upon the Credit of a Dying Man, as the true state of his Condition, when yet it was no other in effect, then the saying over of his Lesson from the dictate of his Sollicitor.

Before ye Plead (says Aaron Smith in his Paper of In­structions) speak to this purpose.

[Page 23] My Lords, I have been used not only unlike an Innocent, or an English-man, but I believe more barbarously than any Convicted Villain under the Tyranny of Turky, or France: When I was first Apprehended, I was, contrary to the Privi­leges of a Citizen of London, hurried out from thence before a Secretary of State. Here's the King and his Government Charg'd with Tyranny, and his Majesties Authority sub­jected, even in a case of Treason, to the jurisdiction of my Lord Mayor. [I might with as much Iustice have been hang'd at Tyburn by the way, as to be brought hither to be Murder'd, with a little more Formality. And then a little lower: [I will not be Murder'd in Hugger mugger.] Answer thus (says Aaron Smiths Paper) if the Attorney General, or any other of the Kings Councel Interrupt ye; or when you have done, tell ye, you Arraign the Iustice of the Nation.

When you come to open your own Evidence (says Smith's Paper again) speak to this purpose: [I hope you will not bring so much Scandal upon your selves [My Lords and Gentlemen of the Jury] as to be the Popes Drudges; and give the first blow to the Protestant Cause, by Convicting me upon such Infamous Evidence. And lastly, Give an Account of your going down to Oxford, and that you went, be­cause Haines had Sworn the Papists design'd to destroy the Parliament there.] So that College, ye see, was In­structed, not only in a Scandalous method of Reviling the Court, but he was also told what Cause he should Assign for his going to Oxford, and directed to cast it upon Haines's Oath, as a colour rather of his Sollicitors Invention, than the true and real Motive that carry'd him thither.

Before I go any further, it will become me to distinguish betwixt Colleges Two Speeches. The one was deliver'd by word of mouth, upon the Cart, at the time of his Execu­tion. The other was convey'd from him out of the Castle, to some of his Relations in Writing; and this was the [Page 24] Paper, which at the first he deny'd the sending of, and af­terwards confess'd.

Having now laid open what it is, or rather what it is not, which in Colleges case is call'd the Protestant Religion; the meaning of Colleges Protestants and Papists: Having prov'd the Libellous Pictures upon him, and given the Rea­der a tast of his Vnfaithful dealing, even to the last: We shall here proceed to a fair and impartial Deliberation up­on the subject matter of his Charge, and leave the Reader to his own thoughts, whether Guilty or not Guilty upon the whole matter.

§. 6. Notes upon Colleges ordinary way of Discourse and Conversation.

IN my way to the Capital Branch of his Charge (i. e. the Design of Seizing the King, and Subverting the Government) it will not be amiss to take some notice of the humor of the man in the ordinary way of his Behavi­our and Conversation: The Biass of his Inclinations and Opi­nions, and other circumstantial Discoveries of his Imagina­tions and Purposes, with a respect to those Seditious ends. And yet it may be looked upon, perhaps as an Idle and a Superfluous undertaking, to put my self to the trouble of proving that by Particular Instances, which might be as well done by a General Appeal to all the Clubs and Cof­fee-houses about this Town wheresoever he haunted: for they can every one of them bear witness to his Intemperan­ces against the Government; and that when he was not ma­king himself and the Company sport in his way of Ridi­culing the King, the Duke of York, the Church, and the Court, the man was as good as out of his Element.

[Page 25] They told me (says he, speaking of some of the Lords of the Council) there was Treason Sworn against me; truly they surprized me when they said so; for of all things in the world I thought my self as free from that, as any man. I asked them if any man living had the confidence to Swear Treason against me? They said Several, Three or Four, as I remember. Last Speech.

As to what Dugdale, Smith, Turberville, and Hains Swore against me, they did Swear such Treason that nothing but a Mad-man would have Trusted any body with. Ibid.

And again [It is a very unlikely thing that I should speak Treason to Dugdale.]

There are two things now worthy of Consideration in this Point (even setting aside the positive Proofs of the Treason spoken.) First, Did he speak the Treason where­of he stands Accused ot not? Secondly, It may be a Que­stion, What it is that he calls Treason? It is notoriously known to most that ever knew the man, that it was his common Guise to talk of his Majesty at such a Desperate Rate, that People were afraid to give him the Hearing; and that he has been caution'd hundreds of times to keep his Tongue in's Head; or, if he did not, he would talk himself at last to the Gallows. Why should it be such a Sur­prize, now, to this Rash and Violent Man, to hear that there was Treason Sworn against him; when every man (almost) that kept him Company, warn'd him of it, and foretold him what it would come to at last? And then, how frivolous again is the Manner of his Discharging him­self from the Treasons Sworn against him by the Witnesses? None but a Mad-man (he says) would have Trusted any body in such a case. And yet it appears from the Tenor of his whole Conversation, and the frequent Advices of his Friends, that he Trusted any man that came next, with as much as that amounts to. And now once more, to the [Page 26] unlikelihood of his speaking such things to Dugdale: Let the Reader ask and answer himself, as to the Probability of his being as free with Dugdale, as he was with other peo­ple. Let not any man take this for a Rambling Story up­on a bare Hear-say; for I am ready to prove and justifie the truth of every particular: Not as the Author of the No Protestant Plot takes upon him, with an [I do assure all the world, &c (Page 19.) My self and divers others have seen the Original, &c. (Page 18.) And this same I, and My Self, a Quidam all this time, that a man does not know where to find: But for the Satisfaction of any man that doubts, I have here expos'd the Authors name with this Pamphlet.

They told me (says College again) it was Sworn against me that I had a design to pull the King out of Whitehal, and to serve him as his Father was serv'd, or to that purpose: The Loggerhead, his Father, or that kind of Language. I did deny it then, and do now deny it, upon my Death. Last Speech.

This Denial I suppose, speaks to both the Members of this Period: The Design upon the Person of the King; and the Villany of the Foul Language upon his Late, Bles­sed Father. To the Former we have allotted a Section by it self, and the Latter may be fairly concluded (I think) out of his own mouth. First (says he) I thought that the Parliament that sate last at Westminster, did stand up for the Peoples Rights after the same manner that the Parliament in Forty did, (Tryal, Page 83.) So that after a most abomi­nable Scandal upon the last Parliament at Westminster in the Comparison, he justifies the Rebellion in the Application. And then again, I did maintain (says he) that they (the Par­liament of Forty) were an Honest Good Parliament, and much of opinion with the Parliament that sate last at West­minster, which was for the true Interest of the Nation, Page 81. [Page 27] Now if I understand this matter aright, It is Tacitly to call the King all the Tyrants and Murderers which that Traite­rous Faction call'd him. And besides, What's the meaning of [Like Father Like Son] in his Raree Show? But First, as appears by the Context to Involve them both in the same Fate: And Secondly to represent them both under the same Character. That is to say (in short) to apply all those Bruta­lities of Language which he has in that Libel and else­where, bestow'd upon the Son, to the Reproach and Dis­honour of his Martyr'd Father. To finish this point, He had a kind of Idiome by himself, and seldom Discours'd of his Majesty, his Royal Highness, the Hierarchy, or the Privy Council, but in the Style of Old Rowley, Mack, Tantivies and Tories. [Old Rowley (says he) is as errant a Papist as his Brother.] And this was his note at every turn. [Old Rowley (says he again) cares not a half-penny what becomes of the Crown, or how he leaves it in Debt, or what becomes of his People as to matter of Religion, &c.] At an other time [They are come (says he) to change Candles at Court already; but we'l make them eat 'em too, before we have done. [When we have done with the Papists (says he in an­other Company) We'l do well enough with the Bishops.]

Now here's another Passage to a very honest man of his own Trade, and a Loyal Subject. This person being out of Town about a week before the opening of the Oxford-Parliament, fell into Company with College; well Mounted and a Case of Pistols before him, not far from Enfield. Mr. College (says he) what will the Parliament do at Oxford? By God (says College) I know what they'l do. They'l begin with the Bill of Exclusion. The King has no money, and he gets not a penny without it. Well (says the other) but what if his Majesty will not pass it? We shall see then (says College) who are the Papists. We'l run them down first, and then we shall do well enough with the [Page 28] Clergy. We'l level them with the Ground. We are Ten to One. Is not this a Broad sign made at the King? And does it not precisely answer the very Pinch of the Evidence? And methinks he spake home to another Ioyner too, that charg'd him with the neglect of his Trade; and all the reply he made, was the laying his hand upon his Sword, as if he had said, This is it that I intend to trust to.

There are so many instances of his Pragmatical medling Humor, that the recital of them would cost more Time and Paper than the thing is worth. A Gentleman in dis­course with College in the Castle at Oxford, was telling him (after many professions of his Innocency) Mr. College (says he) you know I have my self at Cornbury heard you many times talk undutifully of the Government. Now me­thinks, you that are but a Mechanick should not presume to meddle with things so much above ye. Was it any harm (says he) for Amos to leave his Cows? Nay he was so Bold and Inconsiderate when things went otherwise than he would have them, that upon the Dissolution of the Last Westmin­ster Parliament, he went presently away to Dick's Coffee-House in a Hufl. Well (says he) I perceive here's no good to be done. We must e'en draw our Swords and Fight it over again. These were the words, or to this effect.

The Turbulence of his Spirit was seen upon all occasi­ons, where there was but the least colour for the fastening of a Scandal upon the King, the Church, and his Majesties Ministers of State and Justice. His Vein lay much toward Doggerel and Designing, as he has plentifully given the world to understand in his Learned Drawings, which are still charged with the utmost Rudeness, Malice, and Scur­rility imaginable: Insomuch that the Treason of his Heart is laid as open in those Cuts, as that of his Tongue was at his Trial; with this single Difference, that the one was only a wish, and the other an Overt Act, and a declared Re­solution.

[Page 29] This device call'd the Catholique Gamesters, is a vene­mous Libel upon all the Orders of the Government; and first upon the King himself, charging all the Pretended Mis­carriages of State, in Shew, upon the Papists, but in Truth, and Effect, upon his Majesty.

It is a Libel upon the House of Peers, by the Culling out of so many Lords by Name, under the Title of Protestants, and Representing in that number only Two Bishops, that is to say, Hereford and Lincoln, implying all the rest to be Papists. In the House of Commons, he tells us of Pensioners who Voted by Contents, got Bills to Pass against the Common Good, &c.

And then he descends to the Bench, and the Iury, where he brings in the Pope, speaking of the Priests and Jesuites in these words:

Hell keep the rest from Justice (we call Fury,)
And send them Wakeman's or a Gascoign Jury:
Pick'd, Brib'd, Instructed how to murther Truth,
From Grand St. Martins Bull, and Cits Wide Mouth.

And take them quite through, they are all of the same Style and Design: And I would have any man tell me now, if a body may not charitably enough conclude, that whosoever Defames the Government at This rate, wishes it Overturn'd; and if he had but Power and Opportunity, would do his part toward it. I should be ungrateful, now I am upon this subject, if I should not acknowledge the Honor he has done me in divers of his Emblematical Pie­ces. He has presented the world with Six Towzers, and L'Estrange with Four Fair pair of Gallows.

Here's nothing hitherto, but what may very well pass for the Preamble to a Conspiracy, and he that considers his Haunts, the Company he kept, the Access he had to [Page 30] the Private Cabals and Consultations of the Faction; to­gether with his forwardness to thrust himself into all Po­pular Brawls and Contests, and that Stubborn Obstinacy which was natural to him, will undoubtedly look upon him as an instrument every way qualified for such a pur­pose. As they were carrying away Sam. Harris about the Treasonous Libel that cost Mr. Fitz-Harris his Life, and a Crowd of People about him, a very honest Gentle­man, a friend of mine, saw College whispering with a Per­son then in Power, from whom he went immediately to make his way to Harris; but the press was so great that he was forc'd to deliver his Message to him over Three or Four Heads, and so call'd to him just over the shoulder of the Gentleman, my friend. Come Sam. (says he) take a good heart, Mr. Such a one—(naming the person) makes no doubt but to bring ye off.

And to shew ye now what Credit College had with his Party, (but to what purpose in this particular I cannot say) He took his Hat which was very broad Brim'd, and hold­ing it in his hands with the inside upward, I have given away (says he) twice as much money as this Hat would hold, Brims and all. Now I suppose this money was not thrown away to make Ducks and Drakes; so that I cannot recon­cile this Declaration of his to a certain Passage in his Last Speech, viz. [I take God to witness, I never had one Six­pence, or any thing else, to carry on any Design; and if it were to save my life now, I cann't Charge any man in the world with any design against the Government (as God is my Witness) or against his Majesty, or any other Person.]

The Explication of this Clause depends upon the know­ledge of what is meant by these words, [ANY DESIGN:] for the Expression is too large to be True, if it be taken in the Latitude: and if it be understood with a Restriction, i.e. that he knew of no Design against the King, or the [Page 31] Government, the Principle of Forty one (by him asserted in his Tryal) brings him off, when the Rebellion it self was declared to be FOR the King, and the Government; so that 'tis but his placing the Government in the People, or the Two Houses, to Countenance the Equivocation: And finally, The disclaiming of a Design against any other person goes a little too far methinks; for by his own Con­fession there was a Design carried on against the Papists.

It would be proper enough in this place to render some Account of his Deportment at Oxford in the Prison. He was, at first coming, Stubborn and Captious, Insisting up­on the Rights of an English-man, and Menacing his Keeper till he was brought to better Terms, by telling him plain­ly what he was to trust to. Nothing put him more out of Patience, then telling him of his Pictures. In his behavi­our in Company he seem'd always to be very little con­cern'd; but his Keeper says he had terrible Agonies when he was by himself that kept him waking sometimes whole nights. A little before he dy'd, Mr. Gregory the Sheriff came into his Room with an Order to have his Body de­liver'd whole to his Friends. Upon the sight of the Seal, he leapt from his Bed with a great deal of Joy; expect­ing it might have been a Pardon; but upon finding the mistake, he threw himself down again in a deep Disquiet. He says in his Dying words (Printed for E. College) That the Messenger who brought him the Message of his Death, told him he might save his Life, if he would confess who was the cause of his coming to Oxford, and upon what Account, which was ill done of the Messenger; for it was not only without, but contrary to Orders.

He was in the main very ignorant of any thing of Re­ligion; and he would say that he found, and that he was guided by the Spirit; and this was his perpetual Refuge. What Principles he had were Enthusiastical. As for In­stance, [Page 32] He said that Eating and Drinking in the Eucharist, and so washing in Baptism was to be understood in a Spi­ritual Sense, aud declar'd that he receiv'd no benefit by the Prayers of the Church. He spake of the Quakers as the People of God, and particularly of one that had been with him as the honestest man that ever he knew. It was re­ply'd to him by a Reverend Divine, that the Quakers de­ny'd in effect, Christianity it self: As the Two Sacraments, and a Succession of Ministers. And next they deny'd both the Divinity, and Satisfaction of our Saviour; naming Pen, whom College said he very well knew, but did not own him in that Principle. His Favourite was Mr. Baxter, whom he heard more than Dr. Owen; and his Opinion was, that God had a Church in all the Sects in England.

§ 7. College Iustifies the Grounds and the Proceedings of the late Rebellion.

AFter these Pregnant and Undeniable Proofs of so ma­ny Virulent and Audacious Outrages upon the Per­son, and Dignity of his Majesty, and the very Form, as well as the Administration of the Government. It remains now only to be considered how far the Malefactor was Principled toward the Actuating of that Malice, and by what Methods he proponnded the putting of those Dis­loyal Inclinations into Execution.

First, As to his Opinion of the Sovereignty, according to the Constitution of this Kingdom, we shall not need to look any further for't, than into his own words, and the inevitable Conclusion which naturally arises from them. He appeals from Mr. Masters to Mr. Charlton in St. Paul's Church-yard, about his Justifying the Parliament of Forty, [Page 33] and yet it is a known Truth, that he has several times ju­stify'd that Parliament in the hearing of Mr. Charleton. He does acknowledge in his Tryal (Page 82.) That he said, That Parliament did nothing but what they had Just Cause for, and that the Parliament that last sate at Westminster, was of the same opinion. Now in saying this, he takes up­on himself the Owning of all the Principles, whereupon they proceeded in that Controversie betwixt the King and the Two Houses: And in so doing, strips the King of all his Regalities, and Lodges the Supremacy in the Lords and Commons. [The Papists began the War (he says) The Papists broke off the Treaty at Uxbridge; and the Papists cut off the Kings Head, Page 81.] And in that case, He Justifies the Old Parliament. What can be clearer now, than that if this King should have been press'd upon the same Terms with his Royal Father, After the same manner as the Papists Began, and Pursu'd the Former War, and brought his Late Majesty to the Block, Just so it should have been call'd another Popish Exploit, the Reducing of this King to the same Extremities: And as they made the Late King, the Church, and the Royal Party, Papists in the One Rebellion, they would have treated this King, Church, and all his Faithful Subjects too, as Papists too in another Rebellion. These are the Oxford Papists fairly Expounded. And under this Ambiguity it is, that he Co­vers and Disguises his pretext of Faith and Affection to the King and his Government: That is to say, as he in­tends the Kings Authority to be Virtually Resolv'd into the Two Houses: And this Seditious Maxim is a little more expresly set forth in his Raree Show. In which Libel, there is a Figure of a Man with a Chests at's Back, which he Explains to bemeant of the King, with the Lords and Commons in a Box, and Pluck'd down in the Mire by Three Fellows, with these words to illustrate that Passage,

[Page 34]
So, so, the Gyant's down,
Let's MASTERS out of Pound, &c.

In which two Verses is laid open, both the Design of De­throning the King, and in the word MASTERS the Do­ctrine of the Supremacy of the Two Houses.

Now for a further Confirmation of his Opinion, He declar'd to Mr. Crosthwait in the Castle at Oxford, That he believ'd it lawful to Resist the King, in case he should in­vade his Property; and he endeavour'd to defend it by several Arguments, till at length he was (at least) seeming­ly Convinc'd of his Mistake. This makes it abundantly Evident what he thought of the Lawfulness of such Resi­stance, if the Case of Property should come to be the Que­stion; And it rests only now to make it out that he did take Property to be the Question; and then all his Preten­sions of Respect to the King, and to the Government fall to the Ground: As what's the meaning of that Passage in his Raree Show, where he charges the King with

Fleecing Englands Flocks,
Long Fed with Bits and Knocks, &c.

but to denote the King to be a Tyrant and an Oppressor?

Now to sum up briefly what is already delivered; Here are all the Fore-runners of, and Dispositions to a Rebellion, as clear as the Noon-day, and College deeply engag'd in every Point. First the General Pretence of a Design up­on the Protestant Religion, as the Foundation of a Popu­lar Discontent. 2dly. That General Religion, in such a manner as it is represented, is not any where to be found. 3dly. Under the Notion of the Papists, to Invade this Re­ligion, the Church Establish'd, the King and his Party are [Page 35] most apparently struck at. 4thly. All manner of Defama­tory Libels are Contriv'd, Publish'd, and Promoted by Col­lege himself toward the Enflaming of a Sedition. 5thly. It is Remarkable, Colleges Shuffling and Equivocating, to Evade the Charge, which is, nevertheless made out against him at last. 6thly. There is an Undeniable Discovery of his Disaffection, even to the Degree of a Mortal Hatred, both to Church and State. And 7thly. Considering the Me­thod of Colleges Proceedings, with the Tendency of his Practices, Principles, and Persuasions, what could any man believe less (even without any further Evidence) than that College Meditated, and Designed the Improve­ment of all Occasions to the Subverting of the Govern­ment; and, in such manner too, as it is imputed to him?

§. 8. There was a Design upon the King at Oxford, and College manifestly En­gag'd in the Conspiracy.

THat there was a Plot to be Executed at Oxon, will be granted, I presume, by any man that has but eyes in's head, and looks that way: And this a Republican Plot too, carried on under the pretended Apprehension of a Popish one. But the Multitude were to be mov'd and prepar'd for't: And see the course now that they took to work upon the Passions of the Common People. The first thing to be done was throughly to possess them that the Papists had a Design upon the Parliament at Oxford; and consequently upon the Protestant Religion; the Liberties and Properties of the English Nation. To this purpose, How many Impudent and Ridiculous Shams, by Coun­terfeit Tickets, and Letters were Expos'd in the daily Pa­pers [Page 36] of Intelligence, which at that time were swallowed whole, as the very Oracles of the Vulgar? [Several Pa­pers (says the Protestant Mercury, Numb. 24.) have been dropt about the City, that there would be a Massacre at Ox­ford on the 25th. instant, and that the 5th. of November will be turned into the 25th. of March, (1681.) and one of these was thrown into a Shop in Grace-Church-street. But you shall now have the Letter it self at large, with all its appertinences.

London, March 16. This very morning, Letters were found in several places in this City, unseal'd; purporting a warning of a Dangerous Design to Destroy the Parliament; particularly one Letter was found in Mr. Brett's Shop, a Linnen-Draper in Grace-Church-street, which was supposed to be put in at a Cleft in the Window: His man finding it when he open'd the Shop, Communicated the same to his Master, who caused him to subscribe the Paper, that he might be able to testifie it was the same that he found; and then Presented it to one of our City Magistrates, who we suppose by this time has made his Majesty acquainted with the Contents, which were as followeth:

To all the Noble Members of this most Honorable en­suing Parliament in General.

Noble Lords and Gentlemen,

Though I dare not, nor am I in a condition to discover the whole substance of some Hellish Designs now on foot against his Majesties Royal Person, and against you all at Oxford; yet though I was sure to be Racked for it, I must and will give you a Hint of them as followeth.

Remember the Fifth of November, which is now to be the 25th. of March; which, if not prevented, will be the utter destruction of both King and Parliament, and all True Pro­testants in his Majesties Dominions.

[Page 37] And if that fail, beware of many thousands that lie in wait for your Lives, whose Design is so closely carried, that it will, I doubt, be a hard matter to discover it, until it be too late.

Mark well what I say, and make not slight of it, as ye ten­der your Lives and Fortunes, and the Kingdoms safety. I say, make not slight of it, as you tender your Lives and For­tunes, and the Kingdoms safety.

I am in a mean condition, and under many Afflictions, but cannot discover my self as yet. Thus wishing you all happy success, I take leave.

This Letter was Superscribed as followeth.

To all True Protestants, who love the King and Parlia­ment, whosoever finds this Note, let him with all speed repair to some Elected Members of the Parliament, and present it to them. (Ben. Harris's Protestant Domestique, Numb. 107.)

You shall see now how the humor is followed, Numb. 110.

A Letter importing some Cursed and Treasonable Designs still Carrying on (by the Ever Plotting Papists) against his Majesties Royal Person, and the Protestant Religion, being lately found in the Wood of Bally-Holly in the County of Cork, in the Kingdom of Ireland, by a Gentleman of the County of Lymrick as he Travelled through that Wood: He thought it of that Concern to the Publique, that he immediate­ly gave it to the Earl of Barrimore, to be by him transmitted to his Grace the Duke of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom, which was done (as we are inform'd) by the said Earl accordingly. A True Copy of which Letter followeth, viz.

Brother David,

I received a Letter lately, wherein I understand that we shall go on with our Design before Easter-day. We shall [Page 38] have Encouragements to destroy Heretiques, Lord Br. will be one of the Persons to destroy the Heretical King, and Mon­mouth. Encourage all our Friends to keep their Arm pri­vate. I am

Yours till death, Allen Condon.

Superscribed to David Raach, Parish-Priest of Bally-Holly. This was Publish'd April 1. 1681.

There would be no end, if I should go through with all the Cheats upon that Juncture, of the same stamp. One more only and I have done.

Letters from Ireland say that there was a Great Leading Priest, a man of great Request among the Popish Party, ha­ving been very Active in carrying on their Designs, was some­what troubled in Conscience (being upon his Death-bed) at some things which he had kept secret, sent for some Prote­stants of the Neighborhood, unknown to the Papists, whom he had formerly been obliged to, to come and see him e're he de­parted; who coming according to his request, the Priest Ex­pressed himself to this Effect.

God hath put it in my heart to warn ye to have a care of your selves; for you, and all the rest of the Protestants are design'd to be Massacred; It was to have been done some time since, but an accident obstructed it; so that the day is not cer­tainly appointed, though the thing is fully concluded on: therefore defend your selves as well as you can. The same thing is designed in England. Ib. Numb. 112.

Now as all these Stories were only Forgeries and Con­trivances to put the Hot-headed and credulous Fools of the Faction into a Ferment, and prepare them for any vio­lent Attempt; the Project did so far also take effect, as to draw together armed multitudes into a Resolution and [Page 39] Confederacy, to oppose whatsoever should be presented unto them under the colour of a Popish Design: And they that had so little Wit or Honesty, as to run to Oxford, and so Accoutred, upon such an April-Errand, would un­doubtedly have gone through with their work upon a good occasion, when they were so far onward in their way. Here was a very extraordinary Concurrence of Pal­pable Impostures, accommodated to the same End, and meeting upon the same nick of time too. And this is not all neither; for there were several Printed Papers, of Clamor, and Complaint, against the Kings taking his Guards with him, under a Pretext that they would hinder the Liberty of Debates, and over-awe the Parliament. This Circumstance does very much favour the Presumpti­on of a Plot upon the Government; far if they were a­fraid of a Popish Attempt, his Majesties Guards would have been a good Security against it, and no inconveni­ence to them at all, unless in case of a Phanatical Conspiracy: so that their apprehension of the Guards is a very fair In­terpretation of what they meant by the Papists.

If there was not a Plot, what meant the Distinguishing Marks of the same-Colour'd-Ribbon in their Hats, with No Popery No Slavery in them, for their Motto: and such quantities of them distributed for the discrimination of the Party? And why that Motto either? but first to inti­mate a notorious Scandal upon the King, as if his Majesty were Popishly, and Tyrannically Inclin'd. And 2dly. As an Ostentation of their Force and Resolution to Oppose any Power whatsoever, even under the colour of that Bare Pretence.

From this Probability of a Seditious Design, we shall come closer now to a Proof of the thing it self; and see how far College was concern'd in't, both from his own Words and Actions; and from the Agreement of other [Page 40] Evidences with the Points of his Accusation: Not med­ling at all with the merits of his Cause, as they appeared upon his Tryal.

As for what Arms I had (says he) and what Arms others had, they were for our own Defence, in case the Papists should make any Attempt upon us, by way of Massacre, or any Inva­sion or Rebellion, that we should be ready to defend our selves. God is my Witness, this is all I know: If this be a Plot, This I was in; but in no other. But never knew of any Numbers or Times appointed for Meeting; but we said one to another, that the Papists had a Design against the Protestants when we did meet, as I was a man of General Conversation; and in case they should rise, we were ready: But then they should be­gin the Attempt upon us. Last Speech.

It is to be noted first, that they were all Armed. 2dly. That they Communicated among themselves, and enter'd into a kind of League of Conjunction. 3dly. That they Reputed themselves strong enough to Encounter such a Body of men, as (if we may believe them) threatned De­struction to the Government. And 4thly. That they were resolv'd to put it to the hazard, if the Papists should at­tempt any thing: So that here's a Form'd Conspiracy ac­knowledg'd; and so many men as good as listed, but how­ever link'd in a common Design, without any Authority or Commission: And we know very well what the Law says in this case, let the intent of it be what it will. We said to one another (says he) that the Papists had a design against the Protestants; and then that we were Ready, but They should begin the Attempt; which may seem to qualifie the matter by making it only a Defensive War. But still, even that War it self, without the Kings Commission, is a plain Rebellion. And this is not yet the worst on't; for in Vindicating the War of the Two Houses in 1640. &c. and their Proceedings under the same disguise of calling the [Page 41] Kings Friends Papists; and pretending that the King in his Person made War against his Authority in the Lords and Commons; and under that colour, representing themselves to be only upon the Defensive: In Vindicating that War (I say) which was a Hellish Rebellion, it is but Consonant to their Principles, to justifie the same Proceedings over again, under the same Pretensions.

He says further in his other Speech, [I never was engag'd in any manner of Plot or Conspiracy whatsoever in my life, a­gainst the Kings Person, Laws or Government, or know of any that is or was, the Papists only excepted—It is utterly false that I was to have seiz'd the King, either at White-Hall, or at Oxon; and I do here solemnly declare I knew not of so much as one single Person on Gods Earth that was, or would have stood by me in that Attempt.] And to the same effect he says over again in his last Speech.

I shall not force these words of his beyond a fair Con­gruity with the tenour of what he says in other places up­on this subject; though the liberty he has taken through­out, of speaking more or less than the just and naked Truth, and wrapping himself up in Disguises and Reserves, so as best to serve his purpose, might justifie me in the freedom of taking him at the worst, where there is any place for a double meaning. [He never engag'd against the Kings Per­son (he says, &c.) Did not that Parliament, whose Cause, Doctrine, and Proceedings, College has so highly approved, say the same thing? And not only Disclaim their being A­GAINST the Person of the late King; but declare openly to the World, the greatest Tenderness and Veneration for him that was possible? What shall we say then of him that speaks their very Words, upon the same Grounds, and under the same Circumstances; but that he has the same Thoughts also (which he in truth Confesses too) with those, who under that pretence advanc'd a Rebellion against their So­vereign? [Page 42] What does he mean again by saying that [HE was not to have Seiz'd the King, &c.] Is it that He himself was not to do it with his own hands? Or that the Sove­reignty being lodg'd in the Two Houses, his PERSON might be Seiz'd, and the KING remain untouch'd? There is another Sentence in the same Speech, that speaks a little plainer yet. [I did not understand (says he) but when I serv'd the Parliament, I serv'd the King too.] Which in the Ac­ceptation of Forty and Forty-One, sounds as much as King and Parliament on the one side, in opposition to Charles Stuart on the other.

Now as to the Plot of Seizing the Person of the King, if the Witnesses had not made it out accor­dingly to the very Letter, I should rather have suspected a design under the countenance of Loyal Service, to inter­pose a Force betwixt his Majesty and some Pretended Danger. And this officious zeal to be follow'd with seizing half a dozen (perhaps) of his Majesties most necessary Ministers and Friends. And then a Proclamation immediately of some damned Hellish Plot; a parcel of good Statutable Knights of the Post to make it good, and there had been the work done. This would have been no Ridiculous thing to imagine, if his Majesty had not had over and a­bove his Guards, the Honour and Fidelity of the Two Houses of his Security.

There are a great many slippery Passages in Colleges two Speeches [Had the Papists (says he) or their Party offer'd to destroy the Parliament, as was sworn, and fear'd they would, I was there to have liv'd and dy'd with 'em.]

Here's a Disjunction of the Papists, OR their Party; which I cannot tell what to make of, unless he ranges the Servants of the King, and the Church in a Confederate subserviency to the Papists, which is but consonant to what he has said elsewhere. There is a doubtful Clause too in [Page 43] his last Speech [Men (says he, speaking of the Presbyterians) without any manner of design; but to serve God, serve his Majesty, and keep their Liberties and Properties.] Now Colleges way of keeping his Property, is to Fight for't, in case the King should Invade it, as he profess'd to a Divine a little before his Execution: Beside that the word [KEEP] seems to lean a little that way, especially from a man that first supposes his Property to be Invaded; and then declares his resolution to resist the King, in case of such Invasion.

We shall now as briefly as may be, apply matter of Fact to the Capital parts of his Charge. The Designing of the Sculpture to his Raree-Show is prov'd upon him so point blank, that he himself had not the face to deny it: And that Draught made him as Guilty of, and as Answerable for the Malicious intent of it, as if the Ballad had been origi­nally his own: His Publishing of it was a further Aggrava­tion of the Crime; and the Pleasure he took in Singing it up and down (as he did to several eminent Persons of quality) and in Exposing it, made all that was in it his own too. In that Doggrel Copy there is Chalk'd out the very Train of the whole Conspiracy; and so plainly too, that it will not bear any other Construction: As for example.

Help Cooper, Hughs and Snow, with a Hey, with a Hey,
To pull down Raree-Show, with a Ho.
So, so, the Gyant's down,
Let's Masters out of Pound,
With a Hey Tronny Nony Nony No.

Here's first the King to be pull'd down (under the Rarce-Show) and Cooper, Hughs, and Snow (being Officers belong­ing to both Houses) are to represent the Lords and Com­ [...]s in the doing of it; which reflects as odious a scandal [Page 44] upon the Two Houses as upon his Majesty. In the next place he supposes the King to be down; and to answer that phansie, there are three Fellows in the Plate, lugging of him in the Dirt: And then follows [Let's Masters out of Pound:] which is only to say, That now the King is down, the Lords and Commons are to take upon them the Admini­stration of the Government. But let us see how he goes on.

And now y'ave freed the Nation, with a Hey, &c.
Cram in the Convocation, with a Ho;
With Pensioners, All and some
Into this Chest of Rome,
With a Hey, &c.

The first line here makes the Freedom of the Nation to ensue upon the Deposing of the King. The second sends the Convocation after him. The third, all those whom he is pleas'd to call Pensioners: And the fourth makes them all to be Papists. Here's the King, the Convocation, and the Pensioners gone already. Now see what's next.

And thrust in Six and twenty, with a Hey, &c.
With Not Guilty, good plenty, with a Ho:
And Hoot them hence away,
To Cullen or Breda:

We have here the very Track of the Conspiracy, as it was prov'd at his Tryal. The Bishop's are to be dispatch'd away too, and the Not Guilty-Lords, in the Vote upon my Lord Stafford. And at best, to be all of them driven out of the Nation, as the Late King was, and a great part of his Adherents. We shall now conclude this point with the two last lines:

Halloe, the Hunts begun, with a Hey, &c.
Like Father, like Son, with a Ho, &c.

[Page 45] I have in my hand the Manuscript of Colleges own writing, from whence this Ballad was Printed; where it is to be noted, that instead of Halloe, it was in the Original, Stand to't; but that struck out, and Halloe interlin'd in the place of it; the other being too broad a discovery of the Vio­lence they intended. Let me further observe, that this Song was Calculated for Oxford; that is to say, both for the Time, and the Place, When, and Where this Exploit was to have been executed. And now for a close; What can be the meaning of Like Father, like Son; but a design and encouragement (as appears from the Connexion) to serve them both alike; and to conclude both Father and Son, un­der one and the same Condemnation.

The Faction did, without dispute, flatter themselves that they should find Friends, even in the Parliament it self, to Authorize them in their Enterprize; (but they were egregiously mistaken it seems in their measures.) And they grounded their Hopes upon the Interest they had made in most places of the Kingdom to secure an Election for their turn. This Prospect and Confidence does most notoriously appear in the contrivance of the Raree-Show, which in truth looks liker a Song of Triumph, as for a thing already done, then a bare Project and Exhortation toward the doing of it: Insomuch that they have in this Ballad de­lineated the very Scheme of their Intentions. It is a thing very remarkable too, that the same Pulse beats still in all their Pamphlets of Appeal to the Multitude; which speaks them clearly to be animated with the same souls, and di­rected to the same end. As Vox Patriae for the purpose, (among forty others.) What is it, but under the Notion of Petitions and Addresses, in the name of the People of Eng­land, a certain Compendium of Instructions toward the Forming and carrying on of a Conspiracy? This Libel lays out the very Model of the Plot, for which College was [Page 46] Try'd, Condemn'd, and Executed. It prescribes the Removal of Councellors and Officers, the ordering of the Militia, the Retrenching the Power of the King, the Dissolving the Or­der of the Church, the setting all sorts of Heretiques at liberty, the Calling and Continuing of Parliaments at the Peoples pleasure. And all this Address'd to the Commons in Parliament in such a manner; as if his Majesty were scarce worth Consulting upon the matter; only instead of Seizing the King, and Governing without him, they have found out a way of giving their Representatives some blind and general hints of what they would be at; and then honestly tell them, that they'l stand by them with their Lives and Fortunes, let them do what they please.

It is also a further Confirmation of this Plot, the Cor­respondence betwixt Mr. Fitz-Harris's Declaration, and the several Points given in Evidence against College.

Mr. Fitz-Harris declar'd that there was a design to Seize the King. Of this he spake often, and said, when the Party had Seiz'd the King, they would have oblig'd him to call a Parlia­ment, which should sit until the Bill of Exclusion against the Duke were pass'd; all evil Councellors remov'd, and men of their Chusing put into places of Trust; the Militia settled, and the Navy put into Good hands; all Grievances Redress'd; and all things order'd to their own liking. And had this De­sign succeeded, he said the Bishops and others of the Clergy would have suffer'd severely. (Dr. Hawkins's Narrative, Pag. 4)

This Account of a Combination does not only Nick the several parts of the Evidence against College, but it does most exactly answer the Method of One and forty, which College justifies; and consequently approves of the same thing over again in so doing.

Now Mr. Fitz-Harris being demanded as a Dying man, whether this that he had declared concerning the Design to [Page 47] seize the King were true; He call'd God to witness that it was every word true.

And does not the Information against George Wetheridge, taken September 21. 1681. speak as home to the same effect?

Is not the tyde strangely turn'd (says he) Were not the Parliament men at Oxford, and those that were with 'em, (being to the number of 40000 men Arm'd) great Fools that they did not seize the King there? And if that they had want­ed strength (says he) I would have been one to have assisted them: And that they should have brought the King to London, to Guild-Hall; and there the Parliament should have sat, and have kept his Majesty there till they had made their own Terms with him. And the same Information adds further, that Wetheridge said the King was a Papist; and had a design to bring in Popery and Arbitrary Power, and Reign as the King of France, &c] To m [...]ltiply Instances would be to over-do the thing that I pretend, wherefore this shall suffice.

If I were bent upon unnecessary Cavils, I might enlarge my self abundantly in farther Observations upon the In­sincerity both of College himself, and some of his Evidence, and prove that one of his prime Compurgators (how ho­nest a man soever he reputed him in the Court) has more than once declar'd what warnings he had given him to have a care of his tongue; and that he talk'd at such a desperate rate, that it was not safe for any man to keep him com­pany. Colleges dying words are, that he rode his own Horse, spent his own Money, and neither was invited, or had depen­dency on any person whatsoever: When yet the People of the Red Lyon in Henly do affirm, that he and a Companion of his drank one quart of raw Sack, one of Mull'd, one of Butter'd, and then a Pint more of the last; beside one Quart of Butter'd Sack in the Morning, which was all plac'd to the [Page 48] Account of another Person. It will not become me to des­cant upon any Inconsistencies among Colleges Evidence's at his Tryal, out of the Respect and Veneration that I both owe, and bear to the Honour of the Court, and to the Methods of Publique Justice: I could otherwise in the case of Lun, and even of Dr. Oats himself, find Mr. Colleges Advocates picking-work. Nay they were so hard put to't, that they brake in upon Justice Warcup himself; a Person that has been, even by themselves celebrated all a­long for his zeal in the Discovery of the Horrid Plot; a Person particularly Interessed by the Lords, in several Ex­aminations; and by their Lordships particularly recom­mended to the King for his Faith and Sedulity in that great affair. But these People understand no other measures of Honesty, then as it squares with their designs. As to Tur­bervile and Dugdale (the two Principal Evidences) College himself had very little to say against them.

In one word, the matter is here plainly and nakedly set forth. The Protestant Ioyner has left the World wholly at a loss for his Religion: He has both in his Words and Practices declar'd himself a deadly Enemy to the Govern­ment. His last Speech is a Compound of Equivocations and Disguise: He Justifies those that destroy'd the late King; and by the same reason he may justifie the same design up­on This. To conclude, let the Reader judge upon what is here deliver'd, whether or no there was a Design against the King at Oxford; and how far College was engag'd in the Conspiracy.

THE END.

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