A Modest Plea.
REport speaks me a Prisoner for my last Pamphlet; and if I knew who raised it, or would have it so, I would (in earnest) thank them for it.
First, as the greatest honour they can do me, to bring my Innocence upon the Stage, and make me suffer in a Cause, which every honest man prefers before his Being.
Next, I should thank them for assisting toward the Discovery of the Kings Enemies: which beyond doubt those people are, that will torment themselves for a Reflection that concerns no other,—I say again, there is an appearance of a Confederacy; but I sixe nothing upon Persons: whoever says, There he means mee, is in the right, if he be one of the Conspirators; otherwise not. They know their own Affections best, and I my own meaning; which yet I take to be so plainly expressed, as that no Englishman can make a Question of it.
[Page 4] This General Rumour has made me call my Papers and my Thoughts to shrift, and neither in the One, nor in the Other, do I find any thing according to my judgement of my Duty that suits not with the strictest Obligation of it. So let my Soul find Comfort, as I believe the King is betrayed; and if I had the honour of His Majesties Ear, I would present him with my particular reasons for that opinion. My expectation was that some of the Seditious Stationers, and Lecturers, of whom I have complayn'd should have been call'd to accompt; and not to have been threatned my self, effectually, for complayning of them. If there be any matter of exception, I offer up my whole Life to the Scrutiny of the whole World, and if from the first Moment of the Quarrel to this Instant, they prove me Guilty either of the least remisnesse toward the Kings Cause; any the least complyance with his Enemies; or the least colour of Irreverence toward his Person, I am content to lose my Head for't. I have now serv'd his Majesty in being, and his blessed Father these One and Twenty [Page 5] years, without either asking or receiving any thing—Let him that charges mee make the same challenge.
Tis a wise Precept, That of Machiavell: Encourage ACCUSATIONS and suppresse CALUMNIES. I ask no more, but to be either followed home, or Let alone.
I come now to enquire into the Subject of the Controversie; the Caveat it self, which with great reason is by some Opposed, and with as much by mee, Defended: for Their DIANA lyes at Stake; My Repute; Safety; Freedome; and which is more then All; the Soul of every Loyal Subject. (the King himself.)
But to be Thristy of my Time and Paper; where lyes the Exception? what Law does it offend, either of Honour, Conscience, or of the Nation? Does it presume to taxe the King, or his Councill? to kindle Iealousies betwixt united Brethren; or to enflame the Rest, into Impatience and Distemper? Does it excite Revenge or Tumult? If it does any of this, I'll bind my self to be his Slave, that shews me where: That is; let it be Try'd by [Page 6] Indifferent Iudges, and taken in Coherence; for to catch here and there a snap, is to destroy my meaning: and at that rate, ye may make Quidlibet, ex quolibet, Treason of the Law, and pick Blasphemy out of the Holy Bible. But Blam'd it is, and why?
Not for the Preface I hope; That only advises Warynesse, and gives the Reasons for it. There's not a day that passes without seditious Lectures in the City, some Openly, others more Covertly bidding the People to prepare for a Persecution; and Then; ah Lord sayes Hancock; give the King ANOTHER Heart, a NEW Heart Lord; and make him Thy Servant. Meade seconds his Fellow-Schismatick with a word of Consolation; but be of a good Heart, (says he) Ye do not know what a year, nay what a Note. MONTH may bring forth. This did he repeat so often, and with such an Accent upon MONTH, that upon my Soul, I thought it related rather to the Timing of a Plot, then to the pressing of a Duty: for the Emphasis was much stronger upon the Time, then upon the Exhortation. (This [Page 7] was a little above a Fornight since, and in my own Hearing) to which Add; that the whole Crew are of the same Leaven.
I hope there is no harm in This; and as little in charging Tyton a Stationer, with dispersing Treason since his Majesties return, for there's a Combination betwixt the Presse and Pulpit to do mischief.
Now to the Matter of the Book wherein I shall omit nothing considerable.
First, Note that to the 17. Page, 'tis a Reply upon I. H. his Cordiall. The first Two Pages are only Prologue; the Third, is Mr. Howells; the Fourth Mine, and there I begin: Telling I. H. that as the Cavaliers have liv'd true to their Prince, upon a Rule of Honour, Loyalty, and Conscience, so are they as well dispos'd to Dye for him (if occasion require) without the Aid of borrowed CORDIALS.—In the Fifth and Sixt Pages; I fault his using of the word Reward; as not becoming a Subject to his Prince: for whether we receive any thing or nothing, our Duty is still the same.—My Seventh Page only acquits [Page 8] the Cavaliers of causing the Kings wants, or pressing them, and fairly checks I. H. for being over-busy with that Argument. —In the 8 & 9. Pages, I. H. objects and answers. I deny his Twenty Cavaliers, to One of the other side, and (with due Reverence to His Majesties Prerogative, to bestow where and what he pleases) I affirm that divers unknown persons are recommended to his Royal Favour, who are very unworthy of it—Page Tenth, I blame the Authour of the Cordial for entring further into the Kings Actions then becomes him.—Pag. 11. I. H. exhorts us to Patience in expectation of a Reward: and I tell him that we never serv'd for wages, but it is our Duty to be Patient.—The Twelfth [...]age carries the best Colour for a Cavil, but first I'll recite it, and then explain it, to a Syllable.
We find the Court dangerously thronged with Parasites—Knaves represented to the King for Honest men,Pag. 12. and Honest men for Villains:— a watch upon his Majesties Ear, to keep out better Information;—seditious Ministers protected, and encouraged: Libells against the Authority, and Person of the King, dispersed even by his [Page 9] Majesties sworn Servants;—and to Discover Treason, is of a consequence (in some respects) more hazzardous, then to commit it.
To this I explain my self; that divers persons whom I know, of dangerous principles, and scandalous Report, are crept into Office and Preferments. These are the [Parasites] I mean, and when I am commanded, I shall name them. That many [Knaves have been represented for Honest men] is evident in several whom His Majesty hath repulsed, not to insist upon some others admitted upon mistake. [And Honest men for Villains,] I speak upon my own experience.—
[A Watch upon his Majesties Ear, &c.] That is; Such is the pressing boldnesse of some people toward the King, that 'tis no easie matter without apparent impudence for a poor Cavalier to interpose, and tell those Truths which the Others would have concealed.—Concerning [Seditious Ministers, and Libells] The Lectures are supplyed with the Former, and the whole Nation rings of the Other. Their businesse is to enflame the People [Page 10] against the Government, under the Mask of Persecution, and Popery: They Pray for the Kings Conversion rather then his Establishment;—Bishops, they mention not at all; unlesse to call them Antichristian Drones;—and Lazy Lubbers. And who are these Gospel Ministers, (as they stile themselves) but for the greater part, such as the Law has ejected, and the whole Kingdome spewed out from those Livings, which by violence, and Treason, they had ravished from Honest men? These are the men that cry the Gospell's Persecuted; The Candle-Stick's removed. They Cheat the Poor to Gorge themselves, and pay their Tavern-Scores out of the very Alms-Boxe.
Nor is the Press less active, or less dangerous then the Pulpit. They have their private Instruments and Combinations to disperse their Libels; and I dare undertake, there may be found among the Confederate Stationers in this Town, above a Million of Seditious Pamphlets. 'Tis the best Trade they Drive, and bating matter of Conscience, who can blame them for't? Their Gains are great, their [Page 11] Hazzard little; beside the Pleasure of accomplishing their malice.
I was my self upon a search for the Phoenix (a virulent Pamplet) which with the Printer, Publisher, and Stationer I discovered to Master Secretary, Sir Edward Nicholas; who with great Honour and exactness sifted the matter, and proceeded in it.
I found at the same time the first two Sheets of The Year of Prodigies, an imposture of a most damnable Design. This Book is lately Perfected, sought for, and many Copies taken; yet let me offer, that Giles Calvert, and Thomas Brewster, have certainly a hand in't; and Livewell Chapman, Probably, tho' they absent themselves. (But to the Book it self.)
The Author of it ransacks several stories, for memorable Accidents and Prodigies; and for Remarques of such and such Judgments that follow'd them. These does he match with a most impudent forgery of the like wonders here, to strike the People, with a superstitious expectation of the same events. Now mark how probably the false Prophet draws the Prediction, or the Portent to his [Page 21] design, and both the Factions co-operate in the Delusion.
To overthrow the Government by King and Bishops is that they aime at: and this, by the influence of pretended signs from Heaven, upon the Peoples minds, (in approbation of the Project) they labour to accomplish. (their Observation reaches from Aug. 1. 1660. to the end of May, 1661.)
They tell us of two Suns seen near Hertford,] p [...]. 1. but they name none that saw them.—Then in the Parallel, they point at the like in the beginning of Queen Mary; and about the time of the Persecution in Germany.] They mark also, that it portends the * fall of great men from their Power, &c.]—with an Asterisme at FALL.
Again, Two Meteors, &c.]—This was seen when the Persecution waxed hot in SCOTLAND.]p [...]. 4. In the same page, you'l, find the apotheosis of their 5 Martyrs, Scroop, Iones, and his fellows at Charing cross.] Five Naked men (forsooth) were seen in the Ayre in Hertfordshire, (by the Lord knows who) exceeding bright and glorious, [Page 13] upon the day they were executed.
Armies were seen in Sussex,pa. 11. &c.] This happened a while before the King of Sweden routed the Imperial Army:pa. 12.—and here in England, in 1640.]
This villenous Impostour, to get himself more credit, gathers some Observations that predict Pestilence, pa. 18. a thing which in common reason was to be expected from the distemper of the season, so that if That succeed, he hopes it may dispose the people to believe the Rest, (But I shall be too long upon him.)
Let what I have Observed, suffice, for Persecutions: and now the People are startled, see what encouragement the wretch gives them to rebell, and cast off the Yoke.
Haylstones as big as Wallnuts,pa. 38.]— This happened in the LAST year of QUEEN MARY.pa. 39.]—A dreadful Whirlwind, &c.]—This happen'd in the LAST year (again) of QUEEN MARY.] This is to possess the People that the King is not long-lived.
Frogs and Toads out of the Ayre,] This [Page 14] happened, the year before Charles the fifth was put to flight, and hardly escaped with life.]
A terrible Tempest and raging Tides,Pag. 42.]— This was observed in the LOW-COUNTRIES, a little before they threw off the yoke of the KING of SPAIN.
A fierce and sodain shower of Rain,Pag. 43. &c.] This in the LAST year of QUEEN MARY.
An extraordinary Tide,Pag. 48. &c.]—The like happened a while before the late King (then [...]rince of WALES) began his voyage toward SPAIN.
A River dry'd up, &c.]—This happened in the 31. of Richard the second, and also in 1643. and the 22. of Hen 6. which was conceived to portend a Revolt and Division of the People.
Several of these stories are lyes upon my knowledge; (so far as by particular enquiries from persons upon the place, where they are said to have happened, I can know any th [...]ng) but let this serve without persuing his further falshoods: This is enough to manifest a conspiracy, when both from Press and Pulpit, such [Page 15] desperate impressions are stamp'd upon the credulous and superstitious Vulgar. But that which most amazes me, is, that the consequence of discovering Treason, should be so mischievous; for the very persons I complain of, scape better then I do.
Now to resume the examination of my Caeveat, wherein if any syllable be found, that may be said to reflect either upon the King, or his Counsel; the Act of Indemdity, or the Publick Peace, my words lye open to the World; let him that hath a mind to't, pick a quarrel with them.
Having passd over my answer to the Cordial, where I was under a confinement to follow Mr. Howell's wandrings, I shall dispose the rest into a little better Order. And first concerning the King.
We are with reverence,The Kings Actions not to be question'd to believe that where he knows the Person he Preferrs or Saves, he knows likewise the Reason of his Bounty or Mercy: and we are not to pry into forbidden secrets.Enformation lawful. But where we find the King a stranger either to the Action or the Person; we may with fairness enough, [Page 16] humbly acquaint his Majesty, &c.] p. 18.
And there we are to acquiesce, Private persons not to advise Pr [...]nces without Leave. without presuming to Advise or Direct, unless our Lord and Master will have it so; for having modestly declared matter of Fact, the judgement and proceeding rests in his Majesty.] Again
He that sees Cromwells, A common grievance. Bradshaws, Saint Johns his Creatures, nay, and the meanest of them, laden with Offices and Honours, may give himself a second thought to understand the meaning of it:] p. 28.
But to impute these incongruities to the King, His Majesty vindicated. were to commit a sin against Duty and Reason. So far is his Majesty from Allowing or Directing them, they are kept as much as possibly from his bare knowledge: The Plot is laid against him, and as they did before, they do but now remove his Friends, to make way to his Person.] ib.
Further, The Kings Bounty is Free. Those favours which the King himself bestowed, were given by the unquestionable Prerogative of his own freedom; the grounds whereof, in part we know, and in the whole we reverence.] p. 29. Yet once again.
So was the State of the Nation represented [Page 17] to his Majesty, and such was his Royal Goodnesse, that he thought fit to remit all; and it is our Duty not to Murmure at it.
Thus far with Reverence to His Majesty: which is yet more then had been needfull, had not the frivolous apology of him that wrote the Cordial drawn it from me▪ Nor do I find a Syllable that can by any Violence of comment or conjecture, touch the Counsel: nay to prevent all colour for such a mistake, Thus I clear my self.—[Beyond doubt, Pag. 38. there are true Converts; and divers that even in the Counsells of the Kings Enemies, did his Majesty Service.]
Now to the Act of Indemnity: let it be taken in the utmost Latitude; we willingly submit to't.
As'tis an Act of PARDON we complain not;Pag. 37.—and as an Act of INDEMNITY; we are obliged by it; nor shall we start an Inch from the literal strictnesse of it.—
As an Act of OBLIVION, which forbids the MALICIOUS revival of past Differences, we do not oppose it neither: but a Preventional Prudence is allow'd us: [Page 81] and to defend the justice of our Cause, against the publick enemies of it.
In fine; Postscript. from the strict airection of the Act of Oblivion, we must not swerve a Title.
Let it be now considered, what this same Caveat may rationally effect upon the People: If any thing that looks like Tumult; or Irreverence, let me dye the Death of a Traytour for it. See first my Tendernesse for fear of misconstructions.
Were all the Ills we suffer,Tyranny it self is no Discharge of Duty. (joyned with as many more as we have hitherto endured) imposed upon us by the direct Will, and Order of the King.—If he should say, Hang half my Friends for their Fidelity, and Sterve the rest, for Gaping when they are Hungry;—We ought to take all this, but as a sad occasion of greater Honour; a sharper Tryal of our Faith: or at the worst, as an unkind requital of our Love, but no discharge of Duty. Pag. 26.
The Authority of Princes is Divine; Disloyalty a double Crime. and their Commission makes their Persons sacred. If They transgresse, 'tis against God, (whose Officers and Deputies they [Page 19] are) not against Us. If We transgresse; 'tis both against God and Them;—a double Disobedience. ibid.
That Subject is guilty of his Masters Bloud,Loyalty an indispensable Duty that sees the Person of his Prince in danger, and does not interpose to save him; though he be sure to Dye, himself, even by the hand of him who he preserves. Pag. 27.
Not is it enough for Subjects,Loyalty extends to thought, word, and deed. to keep a Guard upon their Actions, unlesse they set a VVatch before the Doors of their Lips; their Tongues, must be Tyed, as well as their Hands; Nay, and the very Boylings of their Thoughts must be suppressed.
VVe that are thus instructed in the Grounds and Terms of Duty,A due respect to His Majesty. even toward the worst of Kings, cannot mistake our selves sure toward the Contrary; and become doubly Guilty; First, by imputing our Misfortunes to a wrong Cause; and then, by an undutiful and simple men age of them. Pag. 29.
Further, upon Discourse of the Cavaliers party, which very well deserves a Thought; and of the Nations too, which is not in Condition, without some inconvenience to Relieve us: rather then our necessities, [Page 20] shonld any way oppress the publick and consequently reflect upon the King, my Counsell's this—[Rather let us Resolve to suffer any thing for his Majesty, then cause him to suffer in the Least for us.
Is this the Language of a Mutineer? Certainly, I have expressed my meaning ill, if this tends to Sedition. Once more; finding a general distast against some persons whom the Kings knows only upon Recommendation; Pag. 15. what could be softer then to say that [those Blessings which his Sacred Majesty meant to shed upon his Friends, fell upon his Enemies: The VOYCE was IACOBS but the HANDS are ESAU's.] what does this intimate, but an Obligation still to the King; even in those benefits which fell beside us?
To sum up the main scope of the Discourse: It is by a Prudential Modesty, and warynesse to state a right uuderstanding betwixt His Majesty, and his People: for nothing is more evident, then that ill offices are done; both to the King, to misperswade him of the Royal Party; and to possess his miserable Friends, that the King [Page 21] cares not for them▪ Since Discontents there are, and some unhappy mistakes, what could be more agreeable to Duty and Reason, then to endevour to set all clear? Which I have laboured; first by assigning our misfortunes to their true Cause; and Then, by counselling a Fair, and humble Notice concerning matter of Fact to his Sacred Majesty.
Where lyes the Crime of This, I am to seek; especially proceeding with all thats possible of Honour and Humility, toward the Person, Office, Dignity, and the unquestioned wisdome of my Soveraign. It is not lawful for a Private Subject to offer his Prince an Information? Nay, is he not obliged under the pain of Perjury, and Treason, (if under Oath, as I am) to the Discovery of any thing he knows or hears of, that may be Dangerous to his Majesty? If it be Criminal to tell those truths, without the Knowledge of which a Prince cannot be safe, then I'm in a mistake, otherwise not: For there I rest without prescribing; my Duty being only to discover, without presumiug to Advise or Direct.
Within these Limits I contain my self: [Page 22] and by This rule of Resignation, I have not only governed my Life, my Tongue, my pen; but even my Thoughts.
And yet some take Exception at this following passage. Let us examine it.
There are another sort also of cold Comforters, False Friends. that tell us, 'tis not Time yet: This, to a company of VVretches that can▪ stay no longer then they can Fast, yields little consolation.
Are we such Owles, as not to see the Sun at Noon? 'Tis time Enough for some that tell us these fine things, (even before the Kings Revenue is setled) to beg their Fourty, Fifty, nay their Hundred Thousand Pound a man, and when the Nation shall be drawn so low, that every Tax runs Blood; 'tis then Prognosticated, that something shall be done for Us: That is, the Honour shall be ours, to finish the undoing of the Nation, and furnish Argument for another VVar. p. 29.
'Tis a strange thing, there should be so much Venome in this Caveat, or in the Writer of it, and yet upon the search of every Period in it, and every Corner of my Soul, I should be still at so great a Losse, where to find it. Nay more then that; [Page 23] the further and the longer I enquire into my self, the stronger is the Testimony my Conscience bears of my Integrity.
But to approve my Heart in this particular as well as to Man, as (I blesse Heaven) I can, and do to God, we'l look into the Coherence of This Section. The professed Drift of it is This.
Having in the Foregoing Section, soberly proposed, by Information, to give His Majesty a clear and naked view of Men, and Actions, for prevention of such mistakes as probably might arise from false representations, I passe forward to a Caution, lest we might mistake his MAIESTY: where the First Page, and half, is a discourse upon the Authority of Kings, and the Duty of Subjects, stating the Power as large as Majesty it self can wish, and tying up the Subject, by the most strict, and conscientious bonds of Duty: applying all at last to the very Person of our King, and to his Party.
Toward the bottome of the Page, mention is made of the Kings Proclamation against Prophane and dissolute persons; which I advise may not be understood as any [Page 24] sharpness from the King upon his Party, but as a pious and prudential zeal, against the vice of blasphemy and distemper. Yet we know very well what art is used to blast the Royal Party with that Character: and that his Majesty can onely by report, take notice of those liberties, which no man is so shameless as to practise in his Presence.
I come now to that passage, which were I given to Boast, should be my Glory; but as 'tis toss'd upon the tongue of fame, tis that, which I would rather be a Beast, then be the Author of. In the Language of mistake it sounds thus much, That I should undertake to question the Kings Bounties, and tax his Sacred Majesty with giving away forty,—threescore thousand pounds in a morning, while his friends starve.
With respect to the first Promoter of this Calumny, I shall be bold to blow it off; and lay before you the ground of this reproch, and thus it runs in Paraphrase
There are (say I) a sort a people,p. 29. that stop the hungry Royalists mouths with telling us 'tis not time yet. 'Tis time [Page 25] enough for them to beg, though not for us, even before the King himself is served, which is a little preposterous. Again, I say they beg, I do not say Obtain—great sums,— that is, the Equivalence, which if the King should grant, 'tis (as I say a little higher) but the unquestionable Prerogative of his own freedom, so I presume not to restrain his Royal goodness.
Nay yet again, it may fall out so that the thing they beg, may prove worth five times more then they pretend it is; then is the Kings gift but a fift part of what they get.
But to finish, In this connexion of discourse, the question is not what the King gives, nor what they get, nor is his Majesty accountable, for their importunities: But do they deal fairly with us or no? That's the point, Is it not time for us, as well as them? Not that we murmur, but they trifle us. When we want bread, we will starve honourable, because the Publick weale will have it so: yet still we shall subject our selves to virtue, not to delusions.
At last 'tis said, we shall have something [Page 26] too, but have a care of that, for when the Nation is drawn low, a heavy tax upon the people would do the King more hurt, then our relief is worth. Wherefore though our necessities are great, yet still our Loyalty ought to surmount our wants: Let us not rob the King of his peoples affections, to fill our own bellies:An honest Principle. Rather, (say I) let us resolve to suffer any thing, for his Majesty, then cause him, to suffer in the least for us. P. 29.
This foregoing Caution, (not to mistake his MAJESTY, or in effect our selves, is follow'd with an enquiry into the designs, and workings of the Kings enemies, wherein the necessity of restitution, or else of damnation, is offered to the judgment of the learned; and I do now upon my honour, engage my self to become Presbyterian, if in that most important point, (no less then Heaven or Hell,) The Casuists of the Consistory, will but vouchsafe me the honour of a confutation.
The next and last Chapter treats how necessary it is for a Prince, to oblige the generality of the people, and of the arts the Faction uses to put his Majesty, [Page 27] and his Party upon necessities to do the contrary; concluding with a saying of Barclay in his Euphornio. [Voenalis hominum vita est, et licitatores eapitum nostrorum publicè regnant.]
—I was my self Sold by Thomas Leman of Linn Regis in Norfolk, a Renegado from our own Party, and now living. One of the Contractors for my Head (for virtually he was so) Doctor Mills, that sentenced me to Death without a Hearing, is now Chancellor to the Bishop of Norwich. After my condemnation, I threw a Paper among them, and told them that was my defence; since they would not hear it, they might read it. One of the Committee takes the Paper, and against the sence of the Court, burns it. Sir Edward Baynton knows whether this be so or no▪
Now to my Post-script, what can be more conducing to the King's safety, then the discovery of those, of whom his Majesty stands most in danger? That is, first, such as have actually betray'd his Majesties Counsels and Designs.pa. 46.—Secondly, [Page 28] such as have received monyes, possibly for the Kings relief, and never accounted for them.]
These people are upon a double account exceeding dangerous. First, they are cast out of Protection, and in hourly fear to be Detected, which makes them desperate. Next, they have farther opportunities of doing mischief. They appear among us as friends, and act against us as enemies. It is in short but this, the enemy is in our Quarters, and has got the Wo [...]d.
Let me look back now, or let any man now answer me; where is that syllable, to which an honest man may not set his Name? Many there are, to which a wise man would not, but want of skill may be born with, where there's good meaning.
If reverence to the King's Authority, hnmble affection to his Person: If absolute submission to all his Actions, be an offence, then am I guilty. My fault is only the putting those Points by which otherwise would wound the King, (because, perhaps they prick some of his Enemies,) where is the man that presses Loyalty, that [Page 29] streins the knot of Duty harder then I do? And to conclude, where have I practis'd other then I preach?
Yet truly, were the subject in it self not altogether blameless, the occasion, and my first fault might excuse me. I did not lead the Dance, I. H. would needs be giving the world a cast of his cunning, and starts objections, which we must either overthrow or suffer by.I. H. [Now whereas some object hehath rewarded ROUNDHEADS, says the Author of the Cordial.
This is a charge upon the Cavaliers, for to be sure, the other Party will not complain. Since manifest it is, that in effect some persons are entertain'd beyond common expectation; what better office could I do, either to his Majesty or his Party; then to lay a charm upon the people, not to enquire too boldly into the actions of their Sovereign? Had I done less, the slur had stuck upon us, had I. H. done nothing, I had been silent.I. H. Again [whereas some except against his Majesties Lenity and Indulgence, &c.]
Not Wee, say I: could I say less? and at this rate, he squanders away his Breath and [Page 30] Politiques in Vindication of the King, as if we charged his Majesty. When to deal freely, his very zeal in an Abuse, and if I had a mind to blast a cause, I would engage that Gentleman to be For it.
Next to this provocation, I might plead my Primum Tempus, had I not still a stronger Plea; Innocence.
But to evince the Partiality of my Backfriends. Let us suppose a Fault: what is the Quality of it: and who the Offender? it is an Errour, either of Imprudence or of Sawcynesse: (for that's the worst they say of it) and the Offender is a Person that has been twenty years a faithful Servant to the Crown. Greater Crimes then This have been pardon'd, within the Memory of Man; yes, and greater Offenders too, and those that are the most advantag'd by That Pardon, are now the sharpest upon Mee.
Now to the point of Prudence. I shall easily grant, that to exasperate so Keen, so Close, and Deadly a Faction, as that which Threatens mee, were a grosse and weak Oversight in any man that rates Himself above the publique; but being [Page 31] Resolv'd, rather to sink my selfe for speaking, plain, Loyall, and usefull Truths, then that the King should suffer by not knowing them, I shall most readily dispose my self to act that Resignation, which I doe now but Talk of.