[Page]

TITUS OATES. D. D.
Capt. WILLIAM. BEDLOE.
Mr: Stephen. Dugdale.
Mr: Miles Prance.

[Page] A COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE MOST Remarkable Passages OF THE LAST FOURTEEN YEARS: With an Account of the PLOT, As it was carried on both before and after the FIRE OF LONDON, to this present Time.

Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum.

LONDON: Printed by A. Godbid, and J. Playford, and are sold by S. Neale, at the Three Pidgeons in Bedford-Street over against the New-Exchange, 1680.

TO THE READER.

THese ensuing Sheets are chiefly the Relation of the wonderful passages of the 14 last Years. Then the 2 last of which there are few that deserve to be more Celebrated in Historie, next to those that were so renowned for the Active part of the KINGS Restoration: though it may be questioned to which Historie will give the precedence: whe­ther to those of His Restoration, or those of His preservation. In reference to which, several of the occurrences have almost equall'd Miracles, and therefore merit to [Page] be recorded, and to be read with con­sideration, as the evincing Proofs of an over-ruling Providence.

The Relation begins at the great Con­flagration of the CITY, as being the first remarkable Effect of the Treason then hatching. For to repeat the stories of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles the first; would have bin only to have tir'd the Reader, with what is already sufficiently made known, both in English and Latin, to all the Prote­stants in the World; and only serves to swell a Volume to the unprofitable and needless expence of the Buyer. If any thing has bin left out, it has bin for fear of invading the properties of other Men, whose Narratives though at that time seasonable, yet can never hope to be in­serted in a story, where their Epitomes [Page] are only necessary. Omissions may be, but tis thought, by those that have viewed these sheets, there are very few or none of Moment. Whatever they be, the Reader, tis hop'd, will pardon them, considering the multiplicitie of affairs, and the present juncture of time.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE Cabal of Several Notorious Priests and Jesuits, Discovered, as, William Ireland, Thomas White alias Whitebread, Provincial of the Jesuits in England. William Harcourt, pre­tended Rector of London. John Fenwick, Procura­tor for the Jesuits in England. John Gaven alias Gawen, and Anthony Turner, &c. shewing their Endeavours to Subvert the Government, and Pro­testant Religion. viz. Their Treasonable Practices in England and France: Articles of their Creed: Their stirring people to Rebellion: frequenting Quakers Meetings in all sorts of Apparel: Their Usurpations: Murthering of Infants and Incontinency in their own Classis: Their unclean acts in their Visits, Churches, Houses, Travels and Nunneries: Coyning false money: Bloody Revenges and strange Ingratitudes: The number of their Orders with the divisions and strifes now in that Society.

By a Lover of his King and Countrey, who formerly was an Eye-witness of these things.

I.

That he had traiterously encroacht to himself Regal Power, by treating in matters of Peace and War with Foreign Ministers and Embassa­dors, and giving instructions to his Majesties Em­bassadors abroad, without communicating the same to the Secretaries of State, and the rest of his Majesties Council; against the express Declara­tion [Page 92] of his Majesty in Parliament, thereby in­tending to defeat and overthrow the provision that has been deliberately made by his Maje­sty and his Parliament, for the safety and pre­servation of his Majesties Kingdoms and Domi­nions.

II.

That he had traiterously endeavour'd to sub­vert the ancient and well-establish'd form of Go­vernment of this Kingdom, and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical form of Government; and the better to effect this his purpose, he did design the raising of an Army, upon pretence of a war against the French King, and to continue the same as a standing Army within this Kingdom: and an Army so rais'd, and no war ensuing, an Act of Parliament having past to disband the same, and a great sum of money being granted for that end, he did conti­nue the same, contrary to the said Act, and mis-imploy'd the said money given for the dis­banding to the continuance thereof, and is­sued out of his Majesties Revenues great sums of money for the said purpose, and wilful­ly neglected to take security of the Pay-ma­ster of the Army, as the said Act required, whereby the said Law is eluded, and the Army yet continued, to the great danger and unne­cessary charge of his Majesty and the whole Kingdome.

III.

That he, trayterously intending and designing to alienate the hearts and affections of his Maje­sties good Subjects from his Royal Person and Government, and to hinder the meeting of Par­liaments, and to deprive his Sacred Majesty of their safe and wholsom counsel, and thereby to alter the constitution of the Government of this Kingdom, did propose and negotiate a peace for the French King, upon terms disadvantagious to the Interest of his Majesty and Kingdom. For the doing whereof he did procure a great sum of mo­ney from the French King, for enabling him to maintain and carry on his said traiterous designs and purposes, to the hazard of his Majesties Per­son and Government.

IV.

That he is Popishly affected, and hath traite­rously concealed, after he had notice, the late horrid and bloody Plot and Conspiracy contriv'd by the Papists against his Majesties Person and Government, and hath suppress'd the Evidence, and reproachfully discountenanc'd the Kings Witnesses in the Discovery of it, in favour of Popery, immediately tending to the destruction of the Kings Sacred Person, and the subversion of the Protestant Religion.

V.

That he hath wasted the Kings Treasure, by issuing out of his Majesties Exchequer, several branches of his Revenue, for unnecessary Pensi­ons and secret services, to the value of [...] within two years, and that he hath wholly diver­ted out of the known method and Government of the Exchequer one whole branch of his Ma­jesties Revenue to private Uses, without any ac­compt to be made of it to his Majesty in his Ex­chequer, contrary to an express Act of Parlia­ment which granted the same. And he hath re­moved two of his Majesties Commissioners of that part of the Revenue for refusing to consent to such his unwarrantable actings therein, and to ad­vance money upon that branch of the Revenue for private uses.

VI.

That he hath by indirect means procured from his Majesty to himself divers considerable gifts and Grants of Inheritances of the ancient Reve­nues of the Crown, contrary to Acts of Parlia­ment.

For which matters and things the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons in Parlia­ment, do in the name of themselves, and of all the Commons of England, impeach the said Tho­mas Earl of Danby, Lord High Treasurer of En­gland, of High Treason, and other high Crimes, [Page 91] Misdemeanors and Offences, in the said Articles contained. And the said Commons, by Prote­station saving to themselves the liberty of exhibi­ting at any time hereafter any other accusation or Impeachment against the said Earl, and also of replying to the answers of which the said Tho­mas Earl of Danby shall make to the Premises, or any of them, or any Impeachment or Accusation which shall be by them exhibited, as the cause ac­cording to proceedings of Parliament shall re­quire, Do pray that the said Thomas Earl of Danby may be put to answer all and every the Premises, that such proceedings, Tryals, Exa­minations and Judgements, may be upon them, and every one of them had and used, as shall be agreeable to Law and Justice, and that he may be sequester'd from Parliament, and forthwith committed to custody.

To these Articles the Earl of Danby soon after put in his Plea, as follows.

The Lord Petre's Answer to the Articles of Impeachment.

THE said Lord in the first place, and before all other protesting his Innocency, &c.

The said Lord doth with all humility submit himself, desiring above all things the Tryal of his Cause by this most Honourable House, so that he may be provided to make his just Defence, for the clearing of his Innocency from the Great and Hainous Crimes charged against him by the said Impeachment. This being prayed, as also liber­ty to Correct, Amend, and Explain any thing in the said Plea contained, which may any ways give this Honourable House any occasion of Of­fence, which he hopes will be granted.

The said Lord as to that part of the Impeach­ment that concerns the matter following: Name­ly, That for divers years last past, there had been contrived and carryed on by the Papists a most traiterous and execrable Conspiracy and Plot within this Kingdom of England and other places, to alter and subvert the Antient Government and Laws of this Kingdom and Nation, and to suppress the true Religion therein Establisht, and to extirpate and destroy the Professors there­of; and that the said Plot and Conspiracy was contrived and carryed on in divers places, and by several ways and means, and by a great number [Page 205] of several Persons of Qualities and Degrees who acted therein, and intended thereby to execute and accomplish their aforesaid wicked and traite­rous Designs and Purposes.

That the said William Lord Petre, and other Lords therein named, together with several other persons therein likewise named and men­tioned as false Traitors to his Majesty and King­dom within the time aforesaid, have traiterously acted and consulted to and for the accomplishing of the said wicked, pernicious and traiterous De­signs, and to that end did most wickedly and trai­terously Agree, Consult, Conspire, and Resolve to Imprison, Depose, and Murther His Sacred Majesty, and deprive him of his Royal Estate, Crown and Dignity, and by malitious and advi­sed Speaking and otherways declaring their said Purposes and Intentions; As also to subject this Kingdom and Nation to the Pope and his Tyran­nical Government, and to Seize and Share among themselves the Estates and Inheritance of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects, and to Erect and Restore Abbies, Monasteries, and other Con­vents and Societies, which have been long since by the Laws of this Kingdom supprest for their Su­perstition and Idolatry, and to Deliver up and Restore to them the Lands and Possessions now Vested in his Majesty and his Subjects, by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm. And also to Found and Erect new Monasteries and Convents, and to remove and deprive all Protestant Bishops and other Ecclesiastical Persons from their Li­vings, Benefices and Preferments, and by this means to destroy his Majesty's Person, and extir­pate [Page 106] the Protestant Religion, overthrow the Rights, Liberties and Propertys of all his Ma­jesty's good Subjects, subvert the Laws and Go­vernment of this Kingdom, and subject the same to the Tyranny of the See of Rome; And the said Conspirators, Complices and Confederates traiterously had and held several Meetings, Assem­blies and Consultations, wherein it was contrived and designed amongst them what ways should be used, and the Persons and Instruments should be imployed to Murther his Majesty, and did then and there resolve to effect it, by Poysoning, Shooting, Stabbing, or by some such like ways and means.

And to that part of the Impeachment named, The better to compass their traiterous Designs, Have Consulted to raise Money, Men, Horses, Arms and Ammunition, &c.

The said Lord, saving to himself (and which he humbly prays may be reserved to him) the li­berty of answering over, and denying all and singular the said Crimes and Offences charged on him, saith, and humbly offereth to this Honou­rable House, That the Charge of those Crimes and Offences so imposed on him by the said Im­peachment, are so general and incertain, that he cannot possibly Answer thereto, or make any just or lawful Defence upon his Tryal: For that the said Charge hath no manner of certainty, in point of time, it being laid only for many years last past, which may be for 5, 10, 20, 30, or more years, whereby, tho' the said Lord know­eth himself to be altogether innocent of any such horrid or detestable Crimes, as by the said Im­peachment [Page 107] are objected against him. Yet 'tis impossible for him upon any Tryal thereof to be prepared with his just and lawful Defence by Witness, to prove himself absent or in any other place at the same time of such Meetings or Con­sultations, to or for any of the wicked Designs and Purposes in the said Impeachment mention'd, as on his Tryal may be suddenly objected against him, when he cannot by any care or foresight whatever, have such Witness ready as would disprove them if they were certainly charged for any traiterous Design, Act, or Crime, at any time certainly alledged by the said Impeachment. Nor is the said Charge in the said Impeachment more certain, as to the place of any such Meet­ing or Consultation laid down in the said Im­peachment, being only alledged, to be in divers places within this Realm of England, and else­where: Which, for the Cause aforesaid, is so utterly incertain, that it deprives the said Lord of his Defence upon his Tryal. The incertain­ties likewise of the number of Meetings and Con­sultations to the wicked Purposes in the Impeach­ment mentioned, and the not shewing how many times the Lords met and consulted, and with whom in particular, doth likewise deprive him of all possibility of making his Defence in producing Witnesses. For the said Lord being wholly inno­cent cannot suppose or imagin what Meetings or Consultations, either to raise Money or Men for carrying on a Traiterous Design, or to any other wicked Intent or Purpose in the said Im­peachment mentioned, shall or may be objected against him upon the Tryal. And 'tis as impos­sible [Page 208] for him to bring Witnesses to prove all the Meetings and Consultations may upon his Tryal be objected against him, as a traiterous Meeting or Consultation.

And where it is in the said Impeachment charged upon the said Lord, That he hath ut­tered Treason by malitious and advised Speaking, and other ways declaring the same. The said Lord saith, That never any traiterous thought entred into his heart, and therefore he cannot know any Words or Writing he ever spoke or declared, which are now charged upon him as Treason, there being no Word or Writing at all specified in the Impeachment, whereby the Lord may know how to prepare his Defence against them, or this most Honourable Court may judge whether the said Words or Writing are in truth Treasonable, or not?

All which Incertainties, eminent and apparent Dangers of the said Lord being thereupon sur­prized in a Cause of this Consequence, wherein his Life (and Honour, more dear to him than his Life, and all else that is dear to him in this World, are immediately concerned) being seriously weigh­ed and considered by your Lordships, He humbly prayeth, (as by his Counsel he is advised) That your Lordships would not put him to Answer the said Impeachment herein above recited, till the same be reduc'd to such a compleat certainty, that the said Lord may know how to Answer unto, and thereby be enabled to make his just Defence accordingly.

All which, notwithstanding he humbly submit­teth to whatsoever your Lordships in Justice shall [Page 109] order and think fit; And to all other Treasons, Crimes and Offences contained, mentioned or specified in the said Impeachment, the said Lord protesting his Innocency in the great Wisdom and Sentence of this Honourable Court shall al­ways acquiesce.

Soon after the Lords desir'd to know of the Com­mons, Whether they were ready to joyn Issue? who return'd in a short time for answer, That they were ready to make good their Charge against the five Lords.

Thereupon a Message was sent from the Lords to acquaint the Commons, That they had made an Order, That the five Lords in the Tower should be brought to their Tryals upon the Impeach­ments against them by that day seven night, the Message being deliver'd on the sixth of May: and that they had also appointed an Address to be presented to his Majesty, for the naming a Lord High Steward, as well in the Case of the Earl of Danby, as of the other five Lords, and that the same should be in Westminster-Hall.

Upon this, the Commons appointed a Committee to search Precedents relating to the Message sent them from the Lords; upon whose Report it was found, That on the like occasion, the Com­mons had appointed a select Committee to joyn with a Committee of the Lords, to consider of the Methods and Circumstances to be observ'd in the Tryal. This occasion'd a Message to the Lords, to desire a Conference upon the Subject Matter of the last Message relating to the Tryal of the Lords in the Tower.

[Page 110] There it was urg'd by the Commons, that they suppos'd that their Lordships did intend in all their proceedings upon Impeachments depending at that time before their Lordships, to follow the usual course and methods of Parliament; and therefore the Commons could not apprehend what should induce their Lordships to address to his Majesty for a Lord High Steward, in order to the deter­mining the validity of the Pardon, which had been pleaded by the Earl of Danby to the Impeachment of the Commons; as also for the Tryal of the other five Lords; for that they conceiv'd the Constituting of a High Steward was not necessary; in regard that judgment might be given in Parlia­ment without a High Steward. For which rea­sons, and for that there were several other mat­ters contain'd in their Lordships Message, touch­ing the Tryals of the Lords impeach'd, which if not settled, might occasion several Interruptions and Delays in the Proceedings.

Therefore the House of Commons did propose to their Lordships, that a Committee of both Houses might be appointed to consider of the most pro­per ways and methods of proceedings upon Im­peachments by the House of Commons, according to the usage of Parliament, that those Inconveni­ences might be avoided.

The Reasons of the Commons being thus de­liver'd, the Lords desir'd another upon the Con­ference before going, wherein they declar'd, that they could not agree to a Committee of both Houses, because they did not think it conforma­ble to the Rules and Orders of Proceedings of that Court, which always was, ever ought to [Page 111] be tender in matters relating to their Judica­ture.

Upon the report of this Answer, the Commons voted, that it tended to the Interruption of the good Correspondency between the two Houses, and therefore desir'd another Conference with the Lords.

There the Commons declar'd their care to pre­vent all interruptions of a good Correspondence between the two Houses; which as they were desirous at all times to preserve, so was it more especially necessary at such a conjuncture, when the most heinous Delinquents were to be brought to Justice, that the Enemies of the King and Kingdom might have no hopes left them, to see it obstructed by any difficulties arising in the way of proceeding. And therefore in Answer to the last Conference it was urg'd, That their Lord­ships did not offer any Answer or satisfaction to the Commons in their necessary Proposals amica­bly propounded by way of supposition, that they might have been confirm'd therein by their Lord­ships. That their Lordships did intend in all their Proceedings upon the Impeachments now depending before their Lordships to follow the usual course and methods of Parliament.

And further, their Lordships had not given the least Answer or satisfaction to the Commons con­cerning their Lordships addressing to the King for a Lord High Steward, though the Commons propos'd their design of satisfaction, in as cauti­ous terms as could be, on purpose to avoid all disputes about Judicature.

[Page 112] Thereupon the sence of the Commons was thus summ'd up, that They, to avoid all Interruptions and Delays in the proceedings against the Lords impeach'd, and the inconveniencies that should arise thereby, having propos'd to their Lordships, that a Committee of both Houses might be nomi­nated, to consider of the most proper means and methods of proceedings upon Impeachments, and receiving no other Answer from the Lords, save onely That they did not think it conformable to the Rules and Orders of the Proceeding of their Court, without any Reason assign'd, judg'd the said Answer to be a refusal of them to agree with the Commons in appointing such a Committee, though heretofore not deny'd when ask'd upon the like occasion; and at that time desir'd pur­posly to avoid disputes and delays.

So that in fine the sence of the House being thus deliver'd by Mr. Hambden, at length he told the Lords that he had commands to acquaint them that things standing so upon their Answer, the Commons could not proceed in the Tryal of the Lords before the Method of proceedings were ad­justed between the two Houses.

However this difference was soon passed over had not a large debate interven'd. For soon af­ter the Lords sent down a Message to acquaint the Commons, That they had appointed a Com­mittee of twelve Lords to meet a Committee of the House of Commons in the inner Court of Wards to consider of propositions and circum­stances relating to the Tryal of the Lords in the Tower.

[Page 113] In the midd'st of these Debates his Majesty was pleas'd to send a Message to the House by Mr. Powle, to the following purport. That His Ma­jesty had already at the first meeting of Parliament, and since, by a word or two, mention'd the Neces­sity of having a Fleet out at Sea that Summer, yet the season for preparing being advanc'd, and our neighbors before us in preparation, He could not hold himself discharg'd towards His people, if He did not then with more earnestness, Commend the same to their present Care and Consideration, and the rather from the dayly expectation of the return of the Fleet from the Streights, to which a great Arrear was due, and did hereby acquit Himself of all the evil Conse­quences which the want of a Fleet in such a juncture might produce. Neither had He done this without considering that their Entring upon the work present­ly could be no hindrance to the great Affairs upon the House, but rather a security in the dispatch there­of.

However it were, the Consideration of this Message was Adjourned for a Week, and their former Debates resum'd, if they were at all in­terrupted.

For now the Committees of Lords and Com­mons having met, two Propositions were made by the Commoners; to see the Commission of Lord High Steward, and other Commissions.

In the second place, they desired to know what Resolutions had been taken touching the Lords Spiritual, whither they should be absent or pre­sent.

As to the first, the Lords acquainted them with an Order which they had made, that the Office [Page 114] of a High Chamberlain upon the Tryal of Peers upon Impeachment, was not necessary to the House of Peers, but that the Lords might proceed upon such Tryals, though a High Steward were not appointed.

The Lords also farther declar'd that a Lord High Steward was made hac vice onely, that not­withstanding the making of a Lord High Steward, the Court remain'd the same, and was not there­by alter'd, but still remain'd the Court of Peers in Parliament.

As to the second Proposition, the Lords com­municated the Resolution of the Peers, which was this, that the Lords Spiritual had a right to stay in Court in Capital Causes, till such time as judgment of Death comes to be pronounced; or rather, as by a farther explanation of the said Resolution the Lords made it out, till the Court proceeded to the Vote of Guilty or not Guil­ty

In the first place, the Commons took excepti­on at the words in the Commission of the Lord High Steward for Tryal of the Earl of Danby, which were these, Ac pro eo quod Officium Senes­challi Angliae, (cujus praesentia in hac parte requi­ritur) ut acceptimus jam vacat. These the Com­mons desir'd might be left out, as implying that the continuing a Lord High Steward was neces­sary; and thereupon propos'd these words to be inserted,

Ac pro eo quod Proceres & Magnates in Parlia­mento Nostro Assemblato nobis humiliter supplicave­runt, ut Seneschallum Angliae hac vice constituere dig­naremur. These Amendments were soon consented [Page 115] to by the Lords, and it was farther agreed that the Commission under Seal for Constituting a Lord High Steward for the Tryal of the Earl of Danby should be recall'd, and another new Com­mission according to the Amendments issu'd forth, bearing date after the said Resolve; and that the like Commission should be issu'd forth for Tryal of the other Lords.

As to the Lords Answer to the second Proposi­tion, the Commons gave their Committee order to insist, That the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any proceedings against the Lords in the Tower; and that when that matter should be settled, and the methods of Proceedings ad­justed, that then the House would be ready to pro­ceed upon the Tryal of the Earl of Danby, against whom the House had already demanded Judg­ment, and afterwards to the Tryal of the other five Lords.

Upon the 16th of May, after several Debates and Reports of both Committees, the Lords came to this Resolution, that the Thursday following should be appointed to begin the Tryal of the five Lords.

Upon which the Lords Spiritual desired leave of the House, that they might withdraw them­selves from the Tryal of the said Lords, with Liberty of Entring their usual protestations. This Resolution and the desire of the Bishops being com­municated to the Commons. It was by them resol­v'd, That the Vote of their House extended aswell to the Earl of Danby, as the rest, and that if the Bishops might have leave to withdraw, it im­ply'd a right, which if they had, it was a new [Page 116] Court; a thing the Commons could not admit of. The Lords made Answer that there was no day ap­pointed for the Tryal of the Earl of Danby, and that the Lords Spiritual would be absent at all the parts of the Tryals of the five Lords; and that the Protestation they desired to enter would be the same as in the Earl of Stafford's case.

To which the Commons reply'd that they could not proceed to treat of any other proposal till such time as the business about the Court should be settl'd.

But the Lords insisting still upon their first Reso­lutions, the Commons thought fit to draw up their Reasons in writing, which they did, and deliver'd them to the Committee of Lords upon the 26th of May. Which was the day before their Prorogation. Which because they are matter of History as well as debate, may not be unfitly in­serted.

They alleadged that the Commons had always desir'd, that a good Correspondence might be pre­serv'd between the two Houses.

That there was then depending between their Lordships and the Commons a matter of the greatest weight; In the transactions of which their Lordships did seem to apprehend some difficulty in the Matters propos'd by the Commons. To clear the same the Commons had desir'd that Confer­ence; by which, they hop'd to manifest to their Lordships that the Propositions of the House of Commons, made by their Committe, in relation to the Tryal of the Lords in the Tower, were on­ly such as were well warranted by the Laws of the Parliament, and Constitution of Government, [Page 117] and in no sort intrenched upon the Judicature of the Peers, but were most necessary to be insisted upon, that the Ancient Rights of Judicature in Parliament might be maintain'd.

The Commons readily acknowledg'd that the Crimes charged upon the Earl of Powis, Vis­count Stafford, Lord Arundel of Wardour, and Lord Bellasis were of deep Guilt, and call'd for speedy Justice: But withal, they held, that any change in Judicature in Parliament, made without consent in full Parliament, was of pernicious Con­sequence both to his Majesty and his Subjects; and conceived themselves obliged to transmit to their Posterity all the Rights which of that kind they had receiv'd from their Ancestors, by put­ting their Lordships in mind of the progress that had already been between the two Houses in re­lation to the Propositions made by the Commons, and the reasonableness of the Propositions them­selves. So that they doubted not but to make it appear, that their Aimes had been no other, then to avoid such Consequences, and to preserve that Right; and that there was no delay of Justice on their part. And to that purpose they offer'd to their Lordships the ensuing Reasons and Nar­rative. That the Commons in bringing the Earl of Danby to Justice, and in discovery of that exe­crable and traiterous Conspiracy, (of which the five Popish Lords stood impeached, and for which some of their wicked Accomplices had already undergone the sentence of the Law, as Traytors and Murtherers) had labour'd under many great difficulties was not unknown to their Lordships.

[Page 118] Nor was it less known to their Lordships, That upon the Impeachment of the House of Com­mons against the Earl of Danby for High Trea­son, and other high Crimes, Misdemeanors and Offences, even the common Justice of sequestring him from Parliament, and forthwith committing him to safe Custody was then requir'd by the Commons, and deny'd by the Peers, though he then sate in their House. Of which their Lord­ships had been so sensible, that at a free Con­ference, the 10th of April last, their Lordships declar'd, That it was the Right of the Commons, and well warranted in former Ages, That upon an Im­peachment of the Commons, a Peer so impeach'd, ought of right to be order'd to withdraw, and then to be Committed. And had not that Justice been deny'd to the Commons, a great part of the Sessi­ons of Parliament, which had been spent in fra­ming and adjusting a Bill, for causing the Earl of Danby to appear and answer that Justice, from which he was fled, had been sav'd, and employ'd for the preservation of his Majesties Person, the security of the Nation, and in prosecution of the other five Lords, Neither had he had the Op­portunity for procuring for himself that illegal Pardon, which bore date the first of March, and which he pleaded in Bar of his Impeachment; nor of wasting so great a proportion of the Trea­sure of the Kingdom, as he had done, after the Commons had exhibited their Articles of Im­peachment against him.

After which time so lost, by reason of the de­nyal of that Justice which of right belonged to the Commons upon their Impeachment, the said [Page 119] Bill being ready for the Royal Assent, the said Earl then rendred himself, and by their Lordships Order of the 16th of April last, was committed to the Tower. After which he pleaded the said Par­don, and being prest, did at length declare, that he would rely upon and abide by that Plea. Which Pardon so Pleaded, being illegal and void ought not to Barr or preclude the Commons from having Justice upon the Impeachment. They did there­upon with their Speaker, on the Fifth of May, in the name of themselves and all the Commons of England demand Judgment against the said Earl upon their Impeachment; not doubting but that their Lordships did intend in all their proceedings upon the Impeachment, to have follow'd the usual Course and Method of Parliament.

But the Commons were not a little surpriz'd by the Message sent from their Lordships, deliver'd them on the seventh of May, thereby acquainting them, that as well the Lords Spiritual as Tempe­ral had order'd that the 10th of May, should be the day for hearing the Earl of Danby, to make good his plea of Pardon. And that on the thir­teenth of May, the other Five Lords should be brought to their Trial; and that their Lordships had addressed to His Majesty for naming of a Lord High Steward, as well in the Case of the Earl of Danby, as of the other Five Lords.

Upon Consideration of this Message, the Com­mons found, that the admitting of the Lords Spiri­tual to exercise Jurisdiction in these Cases, was an alteration of the Judicature in Parliament, and which extended as well to the proceeding against the Five Lords, as the Earl of Danby. And that [Page 120] if a Lord High Steward should be necessary upon Trial on Impeachments of the Commons, the power of Judicature in Parliament, upon Impeach­ments might be defeated by suspending or denying a Commission to Constitute a Lord High Steward. And that the said days of Trial appointed by their Lordships were so near to the time of their said Message, that those Matters, and the Method of Proceeding upon the Trial could not be adjusted by conference between the two Houses, before the day so nominated. And consequently the Commons could not then proceed to Trial, unless the zeal which they had for speedy Judgment against the Earl of Danby, (that so they might proceed to Trial of the other Five Lords) should induce them at that juncture, both admit the En­largment of their Lordships Jurisdiction, and to sit down under those or any hardships (though with the hazard of all the Commons Power of impeaching for time to come) rather then that the Trial of the said Five Lords should be deferr'd for some short time, while those Matters might be agreed on and Settl'd.

For reconciling differences in these great and weighty Matters, and for saving that time which would necessarily have been spent in Debates and Conferences betwixt the two Houses, and for expediting the Trials, without giving up the power of Impeachments, or rendring them effectual.

The Commons thought fit to propose to their Lordships, that a Committee of both Houses might be appointed for that purpose. At which Committee, when agreed to by their Lordships it was first proposed; That the time of Trial of [Page 121] the Lords in the Tower should be put off till the other Matters were adjusted; and it was then agreed, That the Proposition as to the time of Trial should be the last thing Considered: The effect of which agreement stands reported in their Lordships Books.

After which, the Commons Communicated to their Lordships, by their Committee, a Vote of theirs, that the Committee of the Commons should insist upon the former Vote of the House, that the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any proceeding against the Lords in the Tower and that when that Matter should be settled, and the method of proceedings adjusted, the Commons would then be ready to proceed upon the Trial of the Pardon of the Earl of Danby, against whom they had before demanded Judgment, and afterwards to the Trial of the other Five Lords in the Tower. Which Vote extended as well to the Earl of Danby, as to the other Five Lords. But the Commons had as yet received nothing from their Lordships towards an Answer of that Vote, save that their Lordships had acquainted them, that the Bishops had ask'd leave of the House of Peers, that they might with­draw themselves from the Trial of the Five Lords, with Libertie of entring their usual Protestati­ons.

And though the Commons Committee had almost daily declar'd to their Lordships Committee, That that was a necessary point to be settled before the Trial, and offer'd to debate the same, their Committee still answer'd that they had not power from their Lordships, either to confer upon or give any Answer concerning that Matter.

[Page 122] And yet their Lordships, without having given the Commons any Satisfactory Answer to the said Vote, or permitting any Conference or debate thereupon, did on Thursday the second of May, send a Message to the Commons, declaring that the Lords Spiritual as well as Temporal had order'd the 27th of May for the Trial of the Five Lords.

So that the Commons could not but apprehend, that their Lordships had not only departed from what was agreed on, and in effect lay'd aside by that Committee which was constituted for pre­serving a good understanding betwixt the two Houses, and better dispatch of the weighty affairs depending in Parliament, but also must needs con­clude from the Message and Votes of their Lord­ships of the 7th of May, That the Lords Spiritual had a right to stay and sit in Court, till the Court proceeded to the Vote of Guilty or not Guilty. And from the Bishops asking leave that they might with­draw themselves from the Trial of the said Lords, with Libertie of entring their usual Protestations, and by their persisting to go on, and giving their Votes in proceedings upon Impeachments, that their desire of leave to withdraw at the Trials was only an evasive answer to the before mentioned Vote of the Commons, and chiefly intended as an argu­ment for a right of Judicature in Proceedings upon Impeachment, and as a reserve to judge upon the Earl of Danby's plea of Pardon: and upon those and other like Impeachments, though no such power was ever claim'd by their Predecessors, and was utterly deny'd by the Commons. And the Com­mons were the rather induc'd to beleive it so intended, because the very asking leave to with­draw, [Page 123] seem'd to imply a right to be there, and that they could not absent without it.

The Commons therefore did not think them­selves oblig'd to proceed to the Tryal of the Lords on the seventh of May, but to adhere to their Vote. And for their so doing, besides what had been al­ready and formerly said to their Lordships they of­fer'd these Reasons following.

I.

Because your Lordships have receiv'd the Earl of Danby's Plea of Pardon, with a very long and unusual Protestation, wherein he has aspers'd His Majesty by false suggestions, as if His Ma­jesty had commanded or countenanc'd the Crimes he stands charg'd with, and particularly the sup­pressing and discouraging the Discovery of the Plot, and endeavouring to Introduce an Arbitra­ry and Tirannical way of Government; Which remains as a scandal to His Majesty, tending to render His Person and His Government odious to His People, against which it ought to be the principal care of both Houses to Vindicate His Majesty by doing justice upon the said Earl.

II.

The setting up a Pardon to be a Bar against an Impeachment defeats the whole use and effect of Impeachments; and should this point be admitted, or stand doubted, it would totally discourage the exhibiting any for the future. Whereby the chief Institution for the preservation of the Go­vernment, [Page 124] and consequently the Government it self would be destroy'd. And therefore the case of the said Earl, which in consequence concerns all Impeachments whatsoever, ought to be deter­min'd before that of the five Lords, which is but their particular case.

And without resorting to many Authorities of greater Antiquity, The Commons desire your Lord­ships to take Notice, with the same regard they do, of the Declaration which that Excellent Prince, King Charles the I. of blessed Memory, made in this behalf, in his Answer to the nineteen Pro­positions of both Houses of Parliament. Where­in stating the several parts of this Regulated Monarchy, He says, The King, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons have each their particular Priviledges. And among those which belong to the King he reckons Power of pardoning. After the Ennumerating of which, and other his Preaoga­tives, His said Majesty adds thus; Again that the Prince may not make use of this High and perpetual Power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it, and make use of the Name of public Necessity, for the Gain of his private Favourites and Followers, to the Detriment of the People, the House of Com­mons (an excellent preservative of Liberty, &c.) is solely entrusted with the first Propositions concer­ning the Levying of Mony, and the Impeaching of those, who for their own ends, though countenanc'd by any Surreptitiously gotten Command of the King, have violated the Law, when he knows it, which he is bound to protect, and to the protection of which they are bound to advise him, at least not to serve him to the contrary. And the Lords being entrusted [Page 125] with a Judiciary power, are an excellent Skreen and Bank between the Prince and People, to assist each against any encroachments of the other, and by just Judgment to preserve the Law, which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three, &c. Therefore the Power plac'd in both Houses is more then sufficient to prevent and restrain the Power of Tyranny, &c.

III.

Untill the House of Commons have right done them against this Plea of Pardon, they may just­ly apprehend, that the whole Justice of the King­dom in the Case of the five Lords may be ob­structed and defeated by Pardons of the like na­ture.

IV.

And Impeachments are virtually the voice of every particular Subject of this Kingdom, cry­ing out against Oppression, by which every mem­ber of that Body is equally wounded. And it will prove a matter of ill consequence, that the Universality of the People should have occasion minister'd and continu'd to them to be apprehen­sive of utmost danger from the Crown, from whence they of right expect Protection.

V.

The Commons exhibited Articles of Impeach­ment against the said Earl, before any against the [Page 126] five other Lords; and demanded Judgment upon those Articles. Whereupon your Lordships ha­ving appointed the Tryal of the said Earl to be before that of the other five Lords, and now having inverted the said Order, gives a great cause of doubt to the House of Commons, and raises a jealousie in the Hearts of all the Com­mons of England, That if they should proceed to the Tryal of the said five Lords in the first place, not only Justice will be obstructed in the case of those Lords, but that they shall never have right done them in the matter of this Plea of Pardon, which is of so fatal Consequence to the whole Kingdom, and a new device to fru­strate the public Justice in Parliament.

Which Reasons and Matters being duly weigh'd by your Lordships, the Commons doubt not but your Lordships will receive satisfaction, concer­ning their Propositions and Proceedings. And will agree, That the Commons neither ought nor can, without deserting their Trust, depart from their former Vote communicated to your Lordships; That the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any proceedings against the Lords in the Tower, &c.

This Narrative and the Reasons being deliver'd, as is already mention'd, were the next day read and debated; and then the Lords read their own Vote of the 13th of May, and their Explanation thereupon, and the Question being put, whether to insist upon those Votes concerning the Lords Spiritual, it was Resolv'd in the Affirmative; Eight and twenty of the Lords dissenting.

[Page 127] What the issue of the dispute would have been, is not here to be disputed: but this is certain, that while both Houses were thus contesting, His Majesty himself put an end to their Debates. For that very day being come in His Royal Robes into the House of Lords, and seated in His Throne, the Commons also attending, His Majesty was pleas'd to give His Royal Assent to

A Bill for the better securing the Liberty of the Subject.

A Bill for reingrossing of Fines burn'd in the late Fire in the Temple. And

A Private Bill concerning Charles Dale of Rut­landshire Esq

And then having intimated His Resolution to the two Houses to Prorogue them till the 14th of August, The Lord Chancellor Prorogu'd them accordingly by His Majesties Command.

Little else of moment was done this Sessions; onely the House of Commons having order'd a Committee to inspect the Miscarriages of the Navy, upon their report of the Heads of an In­formation against Sir Anthony Deane and Mr. Pepys Members of the House, they were both by Or­der of the House committed to the Tower: by virtue of which commitment they still remain un­der Bail.

Presently after the Prorogation of the Parlia­ment came the News of the Rebellion that was broken out in the West of Scotland, where they Proclaim'd the Covenant, and set up a Declara­tion of which the substance was, That

The Declaration of the Rebels in the very words as it was design'd to have been put up by them at Glasgow, and actu­ally set up at Rugland.

AS the Lord had been pleas'd still to preserve and keep his Interest in the Land, by the Testimony of some faithful Witnesses from the beginning, so in our days some have not been wanting, who through the greatest of hazards, had added their Testimonies to those who have gone before them, by suffering Death, Banish­ment, Torturings, Finings, Forfeitures, Im­prisonments, &c. flowing from cruel and per­fidious Adversaries to the Church and Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ in the Land. There­fore We, owning the Interest of Christ, accor­ding to the Word of the Lord; and the Natio­nal, and Solemn League and Covenant, desire to add our Testimony to the Testimony of the Worthies that have gone before (though un­worthy, yet hoping as true Members of the Church of Scotland) and that, against all things that have been done prejudicial to his Interest, from the beginning of the Work of Reformati­on in Scotland, especially from the Year 1648. to the Year 1660. against these following Acts. As

[Page 133] 1. The Act of Supremacy.

2. The Declaration whereby the Covenants are condemned.

3. The Act for the Eversion of the Establi­shed Government of the Church, and for Esta­blishing of Prelacy, and for outing of Christ's Ministers, who could not conform thereto by an Act Recissory of all Acts of Parliament, and As­semblies, for the Establishment of the Govern­ment of the Church of Scotland according to the Word.

As likewise that Act of Council at Glasgow, putting that Act Recissory in Execution, where­by at one time, were violently cast out above three hundred Ministers, without Legal Proce­dures.

Likewise the Act, appointing a holy Anni­versary, to be kept upon the twenty ninth day of May, for the giving thanks for the upsetting of a Usurping Power, destroying the Interest of the Church in the Land, which is to set up the Creature to be worshipp'd, in the Room of our great Redeemer, and to consent to the assuming the Power, that is proper to the Lord alone, for the appointing of Ordinances in his Church. As particularly the Government thereof, and the keeping of a Holiday, and all other sinful and unlawful Acts committed by them.

And for confirmation of this our Testimony, we do hereby this day, being the twenty ninth of May 1679. publicly burn them at the Cross of Glasgow most justly, as they Perfidiously and Blasphemously had burnt our holy Covenant through several Cities of the Covenanted King­doms. [Page 134] We judge none will take exceptions at our not subscribing this our Testimony being so solemnly gone about: for we are ready always to do it, if judg'd necessary, with all the faithful suffering Brethren of the Land.

June 1679.

This Declaration they intended to have put up at Glasgow; but the Neighbouring Parts being hotly alarum'd by these' proceedings, Captain Graham of Clover-House upon intelligence of a great number of Men, being gather'd together upon Loundoun Hill, march'd thither with his Troop, and a Company of Dragoons, and there found a Body of Fourteen or Fifteen hundred Men, well arm'd and in good Order. The Foot were Commanded by one Weir; the Horse by Robert Hamilton, and three more, whose names were, Patton, Balfour and Haxton; of which the two last were deep in the Murder of the Archbishop of St. Andrews.

The Rebels, upon the approach of Captain Gra­ham, sent out two Parties to skirmish with him, which he beat into their main Body. Upon which they advanc'd upon him with their whole Force. Yet notwithstanding all their Number, and though his own Horse were kill'd under him, being soon mounted upon another, he made good his ground, till at last being overpower'd by Number, after a great slaughter of the Rebels, with the loss of his Cornet, two Brigadeers, eight Horse, and twenty Dragoons, he was for­ced to retreat toward Glasgow; being after all this, constrain'd to Fight his way thorow the [Page 135] Townsmen of Strevin, who were got together to oppose him, of whom he left ten or twelve dead upon the place.

The Rebels, thus finding themselves superior in Force, had the confidence, the next day, to at­tack the City of Glasgow at two several times. But all the Streets were so well barricado'd by the Lord Ross, and the Souldiers there put into so good and advantagious posture of Defence, that the Rebels were beat off with a conside­rable loss, besides many Prisoners that were ta­ken. Whereupon the Horse and Foot in the Town sally'd out upon them, and forc'd them to retire.

But now to leave Scotland for a while, let us return to London, to which place Transactions no less signal call us back. For upon the se­venth of this Month, the Marquis d'Auronches, Embassador extraordinary from the Crown of Portugal made his public Entry, having been receiv'd at Greenwich by the Earl of Kent, and Sir Charles Cotterell, Master of the Ceremonies, and from thence brought by Water in the King's Barge, with several others of his re­tinue, to Tower-Hill. Where when he Landed he was saluted with a discharge of several pieces of Cannon, put into his Majesties Coach of State and conducted to Westminster. His Equipage was very splendid, consisting of six Pages, who with the Gentleman of his Horse, rod on Horsback, and twenty Foot-men; And his three Coaches, one of which was more remarkable for its rich­ness, were follow'd by a numerous train of others with six Horses a piece. Being come to his [Page 136] Lodging, he was complimented from the King, by the Lord Berkley of Stratton, and from the Queen, by Sir William Killegrew, her Majesties Vice-Cham­berlain.

The next day, but one, he was conducted to his Audience of their Majesties, in the Banquet­ting-House, by the Earl of Shrewsbury and Sir Charles Cotterell, being splendidly attended from Westminster in the King's Coach of State.

As for the Papists, they were still as great mis­believers as ever, cry'd up the innocency of their own pretended Martyrs, exclaim'd against the Injustice of their Condemnation, and labour'd by all means imaginable to persuade the World into a concurrence with their pretended suggestions. As that Religion seldom wants weak and impro­bable Arguments among the Wise, to stumble mean and Vulgar Capacities. Therefore it was now thought convenient to bring the rest of the crue, that were in hold, before the face of Ju­stice, that by their Tryals and Condemnations, they might silence the folly of vain Insinuation, and confirm the Impiety of those that had prece­ded them in Punishment.

To which purpose, toward the middle of this month, Thomas White, aliàs Whitebread, Provin­cial of the Jesuits in England, William Harcourt the pretended Rector of London, John Fenwick Procurator for the Jesuits in England, John Ga­ven, aliàs Gawen, Anthony Turner, and James Corker, were brought to the Bar of the Session's-House in the Old-Baily.

As for Corker, he presented a Petition to the Court, setting forth that he was absolutely sur­priz'd, [Page 137] and unprepar'd for his Tryal, and therefore besought the Court that he might not be try'd till the next Sessions.

To this the Court seem'd inclinable enough, nor did the Attorney General gain-say it, upon condi­tion that he could really make it out, that he wan­ted Witnesses, without which he could not make his Defence. However it was thought fitting that he should hear the Charge that was against him read; to the end he might be able to give the Court an accompt what witnesses he had, that might avail him in reference to his defence against it. Which being done, the former question was put to him again; and then he nam'd a witness to prove that he was not in Town upon the 24th of April; So that being respited till the next day, the Court said nothing farther to him that sit­ting.

The other five stood charg'd of High Trea­son; the particulars whereof were, ‘That upon the twenty fourth of April, in the thirtieth Year of the King's reign, they with others did Conspire to raise up Sedition and Rebellion: to cause a most bloody Massacre of the King's Subjects; to depose the King of his Govern­ment, and bring him to an untimely Death, to alter the Government and Religion establish'd by Law, and to levy War against the King.’ It was further lay'd to their Charge in the In­dictment, ‘That in pursuance of their evil In­tentions, and the better to accomplish their Designs, They met together, held Consultati­ons, and agreed to murther the King; and upon that bloody foundation to build the [Page 138] progress of their Villany; which was to in­troduce the Superstition of the Church of Rome instead of the Religion establish'd by Law. It was concluded that Grove and Pickering should commit the Murther, for which White­bread and the other persons Indicted, Contra­cted, with the one for such a number of Mas­ses, and with the other for a certain sum of Money. That they did also make diligent en­quiry for four other Persons unknown, and when they came to them, did both animate and embold'n, encourage and abet them to kill the King at Windsor. And all this advisedly, and out of a Traiterous Malice and Hatred against the King, and the National Government and Religion.’

The Indictment being read, Whitebread repre­sented to the Court, that in regard he had been try'd upon the 17th of December before, upon the same Indictment, at what time the Jury be­ing impannell'd, and the Evidence found insuf­ficient which came in against him, the Jury was discharged without a Verdict, he was inform'd that no man could be try'd, and consequently be put in jeopardy of his life twice for the same cause. For which reason he made it his humble suit, that he might have Counsel to direct him upon that point in the matter of the Law. He urg'd that his life was in danger, as being deli­ver'd over in Charge to the Jury: and to make it out, he alleg'd the Case of Sayer, in the 31 Eliz. who having pleaded to a former Indict­ment for a Burglary, was Indicted a second time; upon which it was the Opinion of the Judges, that [Page 139] he could not be Indicted twice for the same fact. He likewise desir'd a sight of the Record, and that he might be inform'd, Whether, or no, when a per­son comes upon his Tryal, he ought not either to be Condemn'd or Acquitted?

Upon the whole matter and his motion together, the Court declar'd to him, That the Jury being discharg'd of him, his Life was in no danger. For that the Jury being Sworn to make a true delive­rance of the Prisoners in their Charge, their Charge could not be full, till the last Charge of the Court, after Evidence. Moreover, he was told, That such a Plea, as he produc'd, could not be supported without a Record: but that it was cer­tain, that there was no such Record of the 17th of December, for that there was no Verdict; and be­sides, it was not the same Indictment, in regard it contain'd new Matter.

Fenwick offer'd the same Plea, enlarging himself upon it. That both of them were then in the same danger with the other three that had suffer'd; in regard that if Mr. Bedloe had giv'n the same Evi­dence against Him and Whitebread, as he gave against the rest, they two should have been like­wise condemn'd. So that the Evidence falling short, he suppos'd, that they ought to have been discharg'd.

But the Court returning the same Answer to him, as to the former, they both submitted, and so all of them Pleaded severally not Guilty to the In­dictment.

When the Jury came to be Impannell'd, they ex­cepted unanimously, without naming them, against all those Persons that had serv'd before as Jury­men [Page 140] in the same Cause: which the Court allowed them, as but reason; and gave order to the Clark of the Arraignments, not to Impannel any that were upon the former Jury.

When the King's Counsel had open'd the Indict­ment, Dr. Oates was the first Witness sworn, who Depos'd against Whitebread, ‘That he was made Provincial the last December was Twelve­month, and by Virtue of his Authority, order'd one Conyers to Preach in the English Seminary, upon St. Thomas of Becket's day, That the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy were Anti­christian, Heretical, and Devilish: which ac­cordingly was done.’

‘That he wrote Letters in January or February to St. Omers, relating what Talbot had written to him about the State and Condition of Ire­land: the purport whereof was, That thousands would be ready to Rise so soon as the Blow was given. By which word Blow they usually meant the Murther of the King, as those of the Society had Instructions to understand. And this Blow, Whitebread wrote in his Letter, That he hop'd it would not be long before it should be given.’

‘That he was at the Consult at the White Horse-Tavern, upon the 24th of April, and there a­greed upon the Resolve; That he sign'd the Resolve at Wild-House. That the Resolve was, That Grove and Pickering should proceed in their Business to dispatch the King, as a good Ex­pedient.’

‘That he saw Whitebread Administer the Oath of Secrecy to all that were then present at the [Page 141] Consult, Mico holding the Book, which was a Mass-Book.

‘That he was Authoriz'd to Seal Military Com­missions, of which he had Seal'd some Hun­dreds.’

‘That in June he went over into Flanders, to look to his Charge, as being Provincial; and there, in Discourse with some of the Fathers, us'd this Expression, That he hop'd to see the—at Whitehall laid fast enough, and if the Brother should appear to follow his steps, his Passport should be made too.

‘That upon Sir George Wakeman's refusing to Poison the King for 10000 l. He advis'd the ad­ding of 5000 l. more, and was highly pleas'd that he had accepted it.’

Mr. Dugdale being Sworn, Depos'd against White­bread, ‘That in a Letter from Mr. Groves to Mr. Ewers, he saw one of Mr. Whitebread's, to take none but stout desperate Fellows, not matter­ing whether they were Gentlemen, or no; and that they were to take away the King's Life.’

‘That he had seen Whitebread at Harcourt's Chamber with Le Faire, Pritchard and others; where they fell into discourse concerning Sir Geo. Wakeman's bogling at 10000 l. and so agreed to make it up 15000 l. to which Whitebread rea­dily consented.’

Mr. Bedloe being Sworn, charg'd it upon White­bread, ‘That he gave Coleman an Account of send­ing the four Irish-men to Windsor.

As to Fenwick, it was sworn against him, by Dr. Oates, ‘That he came with him from Dover to Lon­don [Page 142] in June was Twelvemonth, and that he, and one Ashby, or rather Thimbleby, brought over In­structions from Whitebread, to offer Sir George Wakeman a Summ for poisoning the King, and for the filling up a Blank Commission to Sir John Gage, to be an Officer in the Army.’

‘That Ashby being to go to the Bath; Fenwick advis'd him, upon his leaving that place, to take a turn about Somerset-shire, and to possess the people there with the Matter, not doubting but that the Gentleman at Whitehall would be dispatch'd before he came back.’

‘That Fenwick was with others at Wild House, upon 21 of August, at what time there was Four­score Pound before them, upon a Table: which Money was for those that were to kill the King at Windsor; and was present when the Money was paid to the Messenger.’

‘That the said Fenwick being at a Consult at the Benedictins, receiv'd advice from Talbot, out of Ireland, of a Design to kill the Duke of Ormond, desiring Commissions and Money for advancing the Design. Upon which the said Fenwick sent Commissions to Chester by an Express, and other Letters by the Post: and moreover, deliver'd the Witness Money for his necessary Expences, charging him to procure some Masses to be said, for a prosperous Success of the Enterprize.’

Mr. Praunce being sworn, Depos'd, ‘That Fen­wick being in discourse with others at Ireland's Chamber, was there saying, That there would be 50000 Men in readiness so set up the Catholick Re­ligion: and that he asking Fenwick what would become of Tradesmen, if the business should come [Page 143] to a War? the said Fenwick bid him never to fear a Trade, for that there would be Church-work e­nough for him, as Crucifixes, Images, and the like.’

Mr. Bedloe being sworn, Depos'd, ‘That he had seen Fenwick both at Whitebread's and Harcourt's Chambers, when the Murther of the King was dis­coursed of, and that he agreed with the rest, and consented to it.’

As to Harcourt, Dr. Oates Depos'd, ‘That he was one of those that were at the great Consult, and Sign'd the Resolve.

‘That he was present at the filling up of a Blank Commission to Sir John Gage, to be one of the Of­ficers of the Army.’

‘That he paid the Messenger the Fourscore Pound, which was for the four Assassinates at Windsor, in his own Chamber.’

Mr. Dugdale Depos'd against him, That he be­ing ‘pitch'd upon to be one of the King's Murde­rers, was by Harcourt chosen to be dispos'd of at London for that purpose, under the Tuition of one Mr. Parsons.

‘That there was a Letter written from Paris, which pass'd through Harcourt's hands, wherein Advice was given to the Conspirators in Eng­land, so to order the Business, that the Death of the King might be accounted a Presbyterian Plot, and in case of his Miscarriage, to engage the Protestants in a Revenge upon the Presbyterian Party, as guilty of the Fact. And after that, to go on to a Massacre; and those that escap'd it, to be afterwards totally cut off by the Army.’

[Page 144] ‘That he had seen several Treasonable Let­ters, striking at the Life of the King, and the Protestant Religion, which the Witness had in­tercepted and read, at least a hundred of them, all sent from Harcourt to Ewers, under a Cover from Groves.

‘That the first Intelligence of the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, which they had in the Country was sent from Harcourt, which Letter came to Harcourt on Monday, and bore date on Saturday, upon the night of which day the said Murther was committed, with these particular words, This Night Sir Edmundbury Godfrey is dispatch'd.

Mr. Praunce being sworn, Depos'd, ‘That Har­court had told him above a year before, as he was paying him for an Image of the Virgin Mary, that there was a Plot upon the Life of the King.’

Mr. Bedloe being sworn, Depos'd, ‘That he saw Harcourt take the Fourscore Pound out of a Cabinet, and pay the Money to the Mes­senger that was to carry it to the Ruffians at Windsor, giving the said Messenger at the same time, for Expedition, a Guiney, as from Coleman, to drink his Health.’

‘That the Summ of 1500 l. which was to have been Groves Reward for killing the King, was agreed upon and appointed in Harcourt's Chamber.’

‘That he was one of those that agreed and consented to the addition of 5000 l. to the first 10000 l. to be given to Sir George Wakeman.

[Page 145] ‘That he was very well acquainted with the Witnesses bringing over divers Pacquets and Portmantles from beyond the Seas, of which he had brought over several for himself.’

‘That he had brought him several Letters from Wotton, St. Omers, Bruges, Paris, Valladolid, and Salamanca, all of them for carrying on the Plot of changing the Religion of England, and overturning the Government, what Men, what Money in readiness, and what more expected. That the Contributions and Account lay generally in Harcourt's hands, and that he had carri'd se­veral Papers from Harcourt to Langhorn concern­ing the same matter.’

The said Witness farther Depos'd, ‘That he car­ri'd a Consult to St. Omers from Mr. Coleman, to whom Harcourt went with him, and that in that Consult was the main of the Design; and lastly, That he saw Harcourt give Sir George Wakeman a Bill upon some certain Citizen for 2000 l. telling him at the same time, that it was in part of a greater Sum.’

As to Gavan, Doctor Oates Depos'd, ‘That he saw his Name to the Resolve, though he could not Swear he was at the Consult of the 24th of April.

‘That he gave an account from time to time of the Affairs of Stafford-shire and Shrop-shire, relating to the Plot; and that coming to London, he gave the same account to Ireland in his own Chamber, and talk'd of Two or Three Thousand Pound that would be ready for the Design.’

[Page 146] Mr. Dugdale Depos'd against Gavan, ‘That it was he who engag'd the Witness in the Plot upon the Life of the King, and often persuaded and en­courag'd him to it.’

‘That at Ewers's and the Witnesses Chamber, at Boscobell and other places, several Consul­tations had been had about the Death of the King, and bringing in of Popery. Wherein Mr. Gavan was always a great Man, ha­ving a good Tongue and the Faculty of mo­ving the People.’

‘That at the same Consultations he had heard the Massacre often discours'd of. And that Ga­van should say, That though they were but in a low Condition themselves, yet they would have Men and Money enough to spare for such a Design.’

‘That the said Gavan had many times en­deavour'd to convince the Witness of the Law­fulness, if not the Merit of killing any per­son whatsoever for the advancement of their Re­ligion.’

As to Turner, it was sworn by Dr. Oates, ‘That he was at the Consult at Fenwick's Chamber, and Sign'd the Resolve.

Mr. Dugdale also Depos'd, ‘That Ewers had told him by word of mouth, That Turner was to carry on the Design in Worcester-shire.’

‘That the said Turner had met with Ewers, Le­veson and others in several places, and had in every one of them given his consent to, and assisted with his Counsel in the carrying on of the Grand Design of killing the King and Introducing of Popery.’

[Page 147] This was the main of the Evidence for the King.

The main Defence of the Prisoners lay in seek­ing to invalidate the Testimoney of the Witnes­ses. And indeed they thought they had done their business, by calling over to their assistance a cluster of Birds of their own Feather; a crue of young Seminarians, nurtur'd up at St. Omers in all their own Principles, and Lessons of Equi­vocation, and Jesuitical Tongue-Jugling, and Religious Velitation. These were the Emets of Tunquin, that were in one hour to eat down the Pillars of the King's Evidence, by pro­ving, That Doctor Oates was at St. Omers upon the 24th of April; and so not being ubi­quitary he could not be at the same time at the White Horse in the Strand: and then the Plot had vanish'd, the Witnesses had been meer Accusers, that is to say, Diaboli indeed, and they had been as Innocent as the Children unborn.

This flexible Flock were very punctual to their time, and laid their Allegations home e­nough; nay some of them were so positive, that they affirm'd, That Dr. Oates never lay but two Nights out of the Colledge, from December till the middle of June. So that when the Cloud that rain'd upon the King's Evidence came to be dis­sipated by the warm Testimony of Sir Richard Barker, Mr. Walker, and Mr. Smith, all Scho­lars and Men of unbyass'd Repute, and seve­ral others, though of meaner Quality, yet of honest Reputation; it was a thing that could not be a little admir'd, to see the [Page 148] Effects of blind Popish Education: that so many young Declaimers should make such an early venture of their Credit, as to out-brazen Truth it self, in a matter, which upon the mani­fest Contradictions of their Affirmatives, it ap­pear'd, could not be unknown to themselves. There is but one Consideration that pleads for them, That as they were under Disci­pline, they durst not but Swear in verba Ma­gistri: well knowing what Entertainment they were to expect at their return, if they did not stand fast to their tackling. Their Ma­sters knew no better means then to oppose blind Zeal against blind Justice. Having arm'd delu­ded Youth with all the promis'd Rewards, that could on their supporting attend the weak Cause of their Ghostly Fathers in the Clutches of the Law, by any irregularity of mis-guided Con­science whatsoever.

Thus then stood the Ballance of the Evi­dence, as to the Defence of the Prisoners on both sides. Some affirm'd, That they were not in Town, but in such and such places in the Country at the times they were sworn to be in London, and consequently could not be guil­ty of Crimes said to be committed in the place where they were not at that time, as the home-Friends of the Prisoners alledged. Others, and those the St. Omer's Youths, affirm'd, That Doctor Oates was at the Colledge of St. Omers all April and May, and in all that time they saw him constantly there, saving onely one Night that he lay forth. And that Sir John Warner and Sir Thomas Preston did not come into [Page 149] England with the Doctor, as he had sworn, for that they were daily seen in or near the places of their Residence all April and May, whereby they surely thought they had subverted the Do­ctor's Evidence.

On the other side, the Witnesses for the King positively swore, That they did see the Doctor in Town either in the beginning of May, or the latter end of April, and that they knew him and spake with him in his Disguises.

Whitebread's Plea was, That having urg'd Do­ctor Oates at the last Tryal, to name any one that he had seen in Town, he could name no body. And so likewise afterwards, at the Committee he averr'd, That the Prisoner lay privately at Groves's, when he never lay there at all: and then again, he had been positive, that he staid here but six days, and saw little Company. Another Contradiction, for that the Evidence had affirm'd, That in the end of March, or the middle of April, he saw him here, whereas Doctor Oates himself had declar'd, that he cross'd the Sea with Hilsley the 17th of April. So then if he landed in England the 17th of April, and continu'd here good part of May, how could it be that he staid in England but six days. But to this the Court gave answer, That the precise day was not so punctually sworn to; so that Doctor Oates might be seen here the latter end of April and the beginning of May, and yet his Testimony stand good.

[Page 150] Fenwick desir'd the Court and the Jury to scan the Evidence on both sides: and to consider that the one spake to the whole time, upon a daily Conversation, and the other onely to this or that day; or of seeing Doctor Oates in a Disguise. On the one side, so many young Gentlemen vir­tuously Educated; on the other, a needy sort of people that sought to mend their Fortunes by their Swearing. So that his Testimony was false as to Sir John Warner, Williams, and Sir Thomas Preston. Or if the Evidence might be conclu­ded equal, what was the main support of his Evidence? several Letters, as he pretended from Mr. Whitebread; which, if it were true, the Prisoners deserv'd to be hang'd for Fools, as well as for Knaves, for trusting a person they ne­ver had any esteem for, and one whom the Col­ledge had expell'd.

As for the Commissions and Letters he spoke of, it was a wonder, that almost a year after the making of the Discovery, and thousands of Let­ters seiz'd, not one Commission should yet ap­pear; not one Penny of Money, nor any Order for it; no Arms found, nor out of all those Letters, any thing discover'd toward the De­sign. And for all the Writings Sign'd, which he had sworn to be hundreds, not one single Pa­per to be produc'd in confirmation of it. Upon which he concluded, There was no ratio­nal Proof among them all, but Saying and Swearing; and that was that he would stand by.

Harcourt declar'd, That he was then in the Seventieth Year of his Age, yet never in [Page 151] his whole Life had been accus'd before a Ma­gistrate before. But that it was impossible to prove a Negative; and that there was no other Evidence against him, but downright Swearing.

Gawen offer'd to the Court, That it was nei­ther prov'd that he was at the Consult, neither was he capable of it; appealing to Harcourt, and the rest, Whether he were there, or no? and denying it upon the words of a dying man.

As to his Name being to the Resolve, which was laid in July, he had prov'd himself to be in Stafford-shire the last week of that Month.

He farther mov'd, Whether being accus'd by one Witness for a Fact committed in London, and by another, for a Crime in Stafford-shire, those two Witnesses could go for two Wit­nesses in Law? But as to that he was over­rul'd, as being a Question already resolv'd in the Case of Sir Henry Vane, against whom distinct Witnesses prov'd distinct Facts commit­ted in several Countries, yet being all overt Acts of one and the same Treason, the Evidence was adjudg'd to be good.

His second Plea was grounded upon the Circumstances of credible Witnesses, and clear Evidence, but that in his Case there was nei­ther the one nor the other; and therefore he ought not to be Convicted by such Witnesses, nor such Evidence. In Answer to which, the Court inform'd him, That they were lawful Wit­nesses, because not convict of any Crime that might destroy their Testimony: And for their [Page 152] Credit, that was in the breast of the Jury to judge of.

Turner's Plea was only a bare Question, Whe­ther it were reasonable to admit those people to an Oath in Evidence, who for Scandal had been de­barr'd the Sacrament, as he undertook to prove by one Hastings, but he being call'd, and not appear­ing, the Court proceeded to give Directions to the Jury, wherein the Evidence was so fully justifi'd, and all their Objections so clearly answer'd, that the Jury, after they had withdrawn, made no long stay to satisfie themselves, but after a quarter of an hour's consideration, brought them in all Guilty of the High Treason whereof they stood indicted. Upon which they were remanded to Newgate.

The Names of the Jury, not to be omitted for their sober and judicious Verdict, were,

  • Tho. Harriot,
  • Will. Gulston,
  • Allen Garroway,
  • Rich. Cheney,
  • John Roberts,
  • Tho. Cash,
  • Rainsford Waterhouse,
  • Matthew Bateman,
  • John Kaine,
  • Rich. White,
  • Rich. Bull, and
  • Tho. Cox, Gent.

This White, alias Whitebread, had been former­ly a strange Proteus in Religion, and had ram­bled about the World in several Metamorpho­ses, in search of a good Establishment for this World. For about twenty years since, he went to Oxford, under the pretence of being a Jew, converted by some Eminent Divine of the Presby­terian way in London. But there he pretended [Page 153] a farther Light, by joyning with, and at se­veral Churches hearing the Sermons of Dr. Thomas Goodwin, Dr. Owen, and some others, the Heads of the Independent or Congregational way. After that, as being stedfast to nothing, or rather missing his chief aim, Emolument, he fell to the Anabaptists, and from them to the Quakers, a proper Sect for them that have the true Art of Dissimulation, among whom he challeng'd Dr. Owen, and some others, in a Let­ter written in several Languages, and that so learnedly, that it was deem'd worthy the Con­sideration of the Convocation, by whom he was censur'd as a Jesuit, or some other of the best sort of Popish Education, and thereupon im­prison'd in the Castle Prison in Oxford, where he pretended distraction, and acted the Madman so rarely to the life, that in few days some Friends of his procur'd his liberty. He was seen several times running up and down the Streets, with his Hat under his Arm, full of Stones, throwing at every small Bird he saw. But e're long he was met by a Minister of the Church of England, at the House of a Roman Catholick, who there heard him Discourse so gravely, learnedly, and discreetly, that he got not onely into an acquaintance but familiarity with him; insomuch that this Gentleman being of Maudlin Colledge, he there gave him several Visits in several Disguises. But at length, be­ing again suspected, and in danger of being apprehended, he stole away privately for Lon­don. To which place business calling the same [Page 154] Gentleman, about six Months after, he was no sooner come to Town, but he had notice of a famous Preacher among the Quakers, near Cha­ring-Cross; and the same day he met White­bread, the great man of Fame, going to speak in an old fashion pink'd Fustian Jerkin, clouted Shoes, his Breeches fac'd with Leather, and a Carter's Whip in his hand, in that Garb alto­gether disguiz'd from his knowledge: howe­ver he knew the Gentleman, and spake to him, and so they renew'd their acquaintance. For that time however they took leave, and he went forward upon his intended work, but the next day he came to the Gentleman's Quarters in the neat habit of a London Minister, and carried him to his own Lodging within the Precincts of the Middle-Temple, where he gave the Gentle­man a handsom Entertainment, and a sight of the several odd Habits in which he dis­guiz'd himself to the several sorts of people into whose good Opinion he had insinuated himself. There the Gentleman saw his Or­ders from Rome, and an Instrument wherein he was assur'd of, and had Orders to receive of certain Merchants in Town, a Hundred Pound per Annum, besides a yearly Pension of Eighty Pound from his Father. He pre­tended to this Gentleman, that he was born at Wittenbergh, and that his Father's Name was John White, and in the Writing he him­self was stil'd Johannes de Albis by the Court of Rome. He was both Jesuit and Priest in Orders, for that to the same Gentleman's know­ledge [Page 155] he celebrated Mass in one House in South­wark to more then Forty; after which, upon the same day he visited several Presbyterians and others. The same Gentleman continu'd in his Company for about a Month, till he was appre­hended, and by special Order from the Prote­ctor imprison'd in the Tower of London, where he lay above six Months. No wonder then, that he stook closest to the Romish Church, for she it seems was his best friend, and gave him the fairest Allowance: what signifi'd a little Impri­sonment for her sake, who gave him a hun­dred pound a year to support him in his tribu­lation?

The next day Mr. Langhorn was brought to his Tryal at the same Bar. A Councellor at Law, and one who got his bread by that very Law which he was plotting to subvert. An imprudent piece of Ingratitude, to forego the Law of his Country, which afforded him a sub­stantial Employment, to catch at the shadow of a Judge Advocate Generals place in treasonable Hopes.

The general sum of his Charge was High Trea­son, for conspiring the Death of the King, and endeavouring an Alteration both in Church and State. The particular Charge against him was, ‘That in order to the accomplishing, as much as in him lay, these designs of his, he had wrote two Letters to be sent to Rome, and St. Omers, to procure aid from the Pope and the French King, on purpose to introduce a change of the Religi­on by Law establish'd in the Kingdom, and to set up the Romish Religion in the stead thereof.’

[Page 156] ‘That he had wrote two other Letters to one Anderton, Rector of the English Colledge of Je­suites at Rome, and two others to be sent to St. Omers, wherein he undertook to advise the means and ways by which the success of those Treasons might be made to answer their expe­ctations.’

‘That he had received several Commissions in writing, transmitted to him by an Authority that deriv'd it self from the See of Rome; which Commissions were for constituting Military Of­ficers to command in an Army which was to ef­fect their Treasons by force.’

‘That he was privy to all the Consultations of the rest of the Conspirators for carrying on the grand design, and that he had sollicited the Be­nedictine Monks for 6000 l. for the same purpose, and had notice from time to time of the Treasons and Conspiracy's of the Confederates.’

To make Good this Charge Mr. Dugdall and Mr. Praunce were both sworn to give a short evi­dence of the reality of the Design in general. Which being done Dr. Oates was sworn to particu­lars, who thereupon depos'd, ‘That upon his re­turn out of Spain in November 1677. he brought Letters from Mr. Langhorn's sons, the one in the Jesuites Colledge at Madrid, the other at Valla­dolid, and that when the Witness told him that he believ'd his Sons would both enter into the Society, Mr. Langhorn shew'd himself not a lit­tle pleas'd, saying that by so doing they might quickly come to preferment in England, for that matters would not hold long in England as they were.’

[Page 157] ‘That upon his return to St. Omers he carry'd two Letters written by Mr. Langhorn, one to the Fathers, another to Mr. Le Cheese the King of France's Confessor, as Mr. Langhorn expres­sed himself, in order to our Affairs in England, and to the same effect as Mr. Coleman had wrote to him before.’

‘That not long after he wrote another Letter to the Fathers, expressing his wonderful zeal for the Catholic Design, declaring moreover that the Parliament began to cool in the business of the Protestant Religion, and that therefore, spea­king of the present Opportunity, Now was the time to give the Blow.

‘That though he were not at the Consults, yet that the Witness was order'd to give him an ac­count from time to time; and that upon a plea­sing report made by the Witness, Mr. Langhorn, with Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven, Pray'd God to prosper them.

‘That the Report of the Witness was, That the Death of the King was resolv'd upon, and that Grove and Pickering were chosen out for the Execu­tion of the Result.

‘That at the same time several Parchments were lying upon Mr. Langhorn's Study-Table, which he found to be Commissions for the Lords, Arun­del of Wardour, Powis, Bellasis, and Petre, to be Chancellor, Treasurer, General and Lieutenant General. Another for Coleman to be Secretary of State, and another for himself to be Judge Advocate of the Army; all which had the Je­suites Cross upon them, and were sign'd Paulus D'Oliva.

[Page 158] ‘That he saw the Answer of Le Cheese and An­derton to Mr. Langhorns Letters, wherein they assur'd the Fathers of their firmness to the Eng­lish Society, and that the French King would certainly assist them for carrying on the work.’

‘That Mr. Langhorn, being the Jesuites Sollici­tor, went with Harcourt, Fenwick, Keines, and Langworth, to the Benedictine Monks, to desire their Aid toward the Work.’

‘That being told that Sir George Wakeman re­fus'd 10000 l. for poysoning the King, he made Answer, That it was a public work, and a Body would have done it for nothing, but that he was a Covetous and narrow Soul'd Man.

Mr. Bedlow being sworn, deposed, ‘That he was entrusted with certain Letters from Mr. Cole­man to Le Cheese; but that first Mr. Coleman car­ry'd the Witness to Mr. Langhorn's Chamber, who there enter'd the said Letters; the scope of which, was to inform Le Cheese, that he wanted nothing but Money to accomplish the Work, and to learn what supplies they might expect from France.

‘That at another time he carry'd to Mr. Lang­horn another Pacquet containing several Letters to be by him register'd, being sent to him for that purpose by Mr. Harcourt.

‘That he transcrib'd three Letters, one to Fa­ther Anderton, the other to the Pope's Nuntio, and a third to Le Cheese, wherein were these expres­sions; That the Arms and Hearts of the Catholics were all ready, and that considering the Easiness of the King of England, and the Strength of the Power of France, the Opportunity was by no means to be neglected.

[Page 159] Mr. Langhorn offer'd to the Court that the two Witnesses against him were Parties to the Crime which was laid to his Charge, and therefore he desir'd to know whither they had their pardons or no? Which though it were sufficiently made out, yet the Court for the prisoners further satisfaction declar'd, that whether they had or had not, they were nevertheless good Witnes­ses, or else they should not have been admit­ted.

Upon which another Question was started by the Prisoner, Whether having had their pardons they might not fall under the same prospect in Law with an Approver, not as being approvers, but as under some Equivalence of reason with them. From whence he would have drawn this Consequence, That if the Approver be pardon'd, the Appellee ought to be dis­charg'd.

To this the Court made Answer, That an Approver was ever allow'd maintenance, and that there ought to be a proof of Corrupt, Con­tract or Subornation, to invalidate a Testimo­ny.

This failing he desir'd to know, whether they had ever receiv'd, or whether they did not ex­pect Gratifications, and Rewards, for their dis­coveries.

In Answer to which Dr. Oates declar'd, That he was so far from having receiv'd a Reward, that he was a very large sum of Money out of pocket, which he knew not whether he should ever receive again or no.

[Page 160] The Prisoner urg'd that Mr. Reading had told him that Mr. Bedlow had receiv'd Five hundred pound. But the Court inform'd him that that was not upon account of the Plot, but for the discovery of the Murtherers of Sir Edmund-Bury Godfrey.

These little passes being all put by, and fin­ding himself ready to sink, he catches hold of the Saint Omers twigs, and flyes to the allega­tions of a shoal of young boys already baffl'd by the Verdict of a former Jury. The Court however, since he depended upon it, and desir'd it, could not avoid the trouble of a reexaminati­on of the same testimonies which had been heard the day before.

For the Prisoners satifaction therefore they were all examin'd over again, and the same Evidence oppos'd against them on the King's be­half as had been at first. But this second at­tempt of those forward striplings, rather made a farther display of the severe injunctions of their Superiors then otherwise, and prov'd ra­ther to the prejudice of him that call'd them then to his advantage. For their Testimony still con­tinu'd so starch'd, so straight lac'd, so fix'd to the Months of April and May, that when they were demanded any Questions concerning any other Months, they seem'd as if they had not re­ceiv'd Instructions to Answer them. Nay some of them were so confident as to say that April and May were onely the Months in dispute, and that they were not to Answer any farther. Which so clearly evinc'd both the Court and the Jury that they came from School with a conn'd Les­son [Page 161] in their Mouths, that some persons of judgment did believe their Superiors might have spar'd them so much loss of time.

This scene being over, and the Prisoner being call'd upon to speak for himself, he did nothing else, but like a bad Logician, petere Principium; and taking it for granted that the young Lads of St. Omers had spoken Truth, which was never granted, but rather credibly evinc'd by several Oaths to the contrary, would have thence infer'd, that Dr. Oate's had given in a false Evidence, and for that reason was not to be regarded.

As to Mr. Bedlows Evidence, he offer'd that it ought to be consider'd, That there was no pro­ving a Negative; Secondly, That he never had had any acquaintance with him, nor could say that ever he saw him before that day in his life. And therefore that it was not probable, had he been guilty, that he would ever have trusted him with a privacy of such a nature.

Having made so weak a defence, he could expect no other then to be found guilty, which was done after a very short consideration of the Jury.

Thereupon, the five Prisoners cast the day be­fore, were all brought to the Bar, and receiv'd Sentence all together, To be Drawn, Hang'd and Quarter'd.

Upon the 21 of this Month Whitebread, Har­court, Fenwick, Gawen and Turner, were Drawn on three several Sledges from Newgate to Tyburn, and there Hang'd, Drawn and Quarter'd according to their Sentence. Langhorn being repriev'd for longer time.

How they liv'd appears by the Crimes for which [Page 162] they dy'd: how they dy'd may appear by their blasphemous Justifications of those Crimes, for which they were so fairly Condemn'd. Of which that the World may be convinc'd, let all impartial judges but compare their Speeches with the Obser­vations that have been made upon them.

The Speeches.

I Suppose it is expected I should speak something to the matter I am condemned for, and brought hither to suffer, it is no less than the contriving and plotting His Majesty's Death, and the alteration of the Government of the Church and State; you all either know, or ought to know, I am to make my appearance before the Face of Almighty God, and with all imaginable certainty and evidence to receive a final Judgment, for all the thoughts, words, and actions of my whole life: So that I am not now upon terms to speak other than truth, and therefore in his most Holy Presence, and as I hope for Mercy from his Divine Majesty, I do declare to you here present, and to the whole World, that I go out of the World as innocent, and as free from any guilt of these things laid to my charge in this matter, as I came into the World from my Mo­ther's Womb; and that I do renounce from my heart all manner of Pardons, Absolutions, Dispen­sations for Swearing, as occasions or Interest may seem to require, which some have been pleased to lay to our charge as matter of our Practice and Doctrine, but is a thing so unjustifiable and unlaw­ful, that I believe, and ever did, that no power on [Page 163] Earth can authorize me, or any body so to do; and for those who have so falsly accused me (as time, either in this World, or in the next, will make appear) I do heartily forgive them, and beg of God to grant them his holy Grace, that they may repent their unjust proceedings against me, otherwise they will in conclusion find they have done themselves more wrong than I have suffered from them, though that has been a great deal. I pray God bless His Majesty both Tem­poral and Eternal, which has been my dayly Prayers for him, and is all the harm that I ever intended or imagined against him. And I do with this my last breath in the sight of God de­clare, that I never did learn, teach, or believe, that it is lawful upon any occasion or pretence whatsoever, to design or contrive the Death of His Majesty, or any hurt to his Person; but on the contrary, all are bound to obey, defend, and preserve his Sacred Person, to the utmost of their power. And I do moreover declare, that this is the true and plain sence of my Soul in the sight of him who knows the Secrets of my Heart, and as I hope to see his blessed Face, without any Equivocation, or mental Reservati­on. This is all I have to say concerning the matter of my Condemnation, that which remains for me now to do, is to recommend my Soul in­to the hands of my blessed Redeemer, by whose only Merits and Passion I hope for Salvation.

White.

THE words of dying persons have been always esteem'd as of greatest Authority, because uttered then, when shortly after they were to be cited before the high Tribunal of Almighty God, this gives me hopes that mine may be look'd upon as such, therefore I do here declare in the presence of Almighty God, and the whole Court of Heaven, and this numerous Assembly, that as I ever hope (by the Merits and Passion of my sweet Saviour Jesus Christ) for Eternal Bliss, I am as innocent as the Child unborn of any thing laid to my charge, and for which I am here to dye, and I do utterly abhor and detest that abominable false Doctrine laid to our charge, that we can have Licenses to commit perjury, or any Sin to advantage our cause, being expresly against the Doctrine of St. Paul, saying, Non sunt facienda mala, ut eveniant bona; Evil is not to be done that good may come thereof. And therefore we hold it in all cases unlawful to kill or murder any person whatsoever, much more our lawful King now Reigning, whose personal and temporal Dominions we are ready to defend against any Opponent whatsoever, none excepted. I for­give all that have contriv'd my Death, and humbly beg pardon of Almighty God. I also pardon all the World. I pray God bless His Majesty, and grant him a prosperous Reign. The like I wish to his Royal Consort the best of Queens. I humbly beg the Prayers of all those of the Roman Church, if any such be present.

Harcourt.

DEarly beloved Country-men, I am come now to the last Scene of Mortality, to the hour of my Death, an hour which is the Horizon be­tween Time and Eternity, an hour which must ei­ther make me a Star to shine for ever in the Empy­reum above, or a Firebrand to burn everlastingly amongst the damned Souls in Hell below; an hour in which if I deal sincerely, and with a hearty sor­row acknowledge my crimes, I may hope for mer­cy; but if I falsly deny them, I must expect no­thing but Eternal Damnation; and therefore what I shall say in this great hour, I hope you will be­lieve. And now in this hour I do solemnly swear, protest, and vow, by all that is Sacred in Heaven and on Earth, and as I hope to see the Face of God in Glory, that I am as innocent as the Child unborn of those treasonable Crimes, which Mr. Oates and Mr. Dugdale have Sworn against me in my Tryal, and for which, sentence of Death was pronounced against me the day after my Tryal; and that you may be assured that what I say is true, I do in the like manner protest, vow and swear, as I hope to see the face of God in Glory, that I do not in what I say unto you, make use of any Equivocation, men­tal Reservation, and material Prolocution, or any such ways to palliate Truth. Neither do I make use of any dispensations from the Pope, or any body else; or of any Oath of secrecy, or any absolution in Confession or out of Confession to deny the truth, but I speak in the plain sence which the words bear; and if I do not speak in the plain sence which the words bear, or if I do speak in any other terms to palliate, hide, or deny the Truth, I wish [Page 166] with all my Soul that God may exclude me from his Heavenly Glory, and condemn me to the low­est place of Hell Fire: and so much to that point.

And now, dear Country-men, in the second place, I do confess and own to the whole World that I am a Roman Catholic, and a Priest, and one of that sort of Priests which you call Jesuits; and now because they are so falsly charged for holding King-killing Doctrine, I think it my duty to pro­test to you with my last dying words, that neither I in particular, nor the Jesuits in general, hold any such opinion, but utterly abhor and detest it; and I assure you, that among the multitude of Authors, which among the Jesuits have printed Philosophy, Divinity, Cases or Sermons, there is not one to the best of my knowledge that allows of King-killing Doctrine, or holds this position, That it is lawful for a private person to kill a King, although an Heretic, although a Pagan, although a Tyrant, there is, I say, not one Jesuit that holds this, except Mariana, the Spanish Jesuit, and he defends it not absolutely, but only problematically, for which his Book was called in again, and the Opinions expugned and sentenced. And is it not a sad thing, that for the rashness of one single Man, whilst the rest cry out against him, and hold the contrary, that a whole Religious Order should be sentenc'd? But I have not time to discuss this point at large, and therefore I refer you all to a Royal Author, I mean the wise and victorious King Henry the Fourth of France, the Royal Grandfather of our present gracious King, in a public Oration which he pronounced himself in [Page 167] defence of the Jesuits, said, that he was very well satisfied with the Jesuit's Doctrine concerning Kings, as believing it conformable to what the best Doctors of the Church have taught. But why do I relate the testimony of one particular Prince, when the whole Catholic World is the Jesuits Advocate? For to them chiefly Germany, France, Italy, Spain and Flanders, trust the Education of their Youth, and to them in a great proportion, they trust their own Souls to be governed in the Sacraments. And can you imagin so many great Kings and Princes, and so many wise States should do or permit this to be done in their Kingdoms, if the Jesuits were men of such damnable principles as they are now taken for in England?

In the third place, dear Country-men, I do at­test, that as I never in my life did machine, or contrive either the Deposition or Death of the King, so now I do heartily desire of God to grant him a quiet and happy Reign upon Earth, and an Everlasting Crown in Heaven. For the Judges al­so, and the Jury, and all those that were any ways concern'd, either in my Tryal, Accusation, or Condemnation, I do humbly ask of God, both Temporal and Eternal happiness. And as for Mr. Oates and Mr. Dugdale, whom I call God to wit­ness, by false Oaths have brought me to this un­timely end, I heartily forgive them, because God commands me so to do; and I beg of God for his infinite Mercy to grant them true Sorrow and Repentance in this World, that they be capable of Eternal happiness in the next. And so having discharged my Duty towards my self, and my [Page 168] own Innocence towards my Order, and its Do­ctrine to my Neighbour and the World, I have nothing else to do now, my great God, but to cast my self into the Arms of your Mercy, as firmly as I judge that I my self am, as certainly as I believe you are One Divine Essence and Three Divine Per­sons, and in the Second Person of your Trinity you became Man to redeem me; I also believe you are an Eternal Rewarder of Good, and Chastiser of Bad. In fine, I believe all you have reveal'd for your own infinite Veracity; I hope in you above all things, for your infinite Fidelity; and I love you above all things, for your infinite Beau­ty and Goodness; and I am heartily sorry that ever I offended so great a God with my whole heart: I am contented to undergo an ignominious Death for the love of you, my dear Jesu, seeing you have been pleased to undergo an ignominious Death for the love of me.

Gawen.

BEing now, good People, very near my End, and summon'd by a violent Death to appear before God's Tribunal, there to render an ac­count of all my thoughts, words, and actions, before a just Judge, I am bound in Conscience to declare upon Oath my Innocence from the horrid Crime of Treason, with which I am falsely accu­sed: And I esteem it a Duty I owe to Christian Charity, to publish to the World before my death all that I know in this point, concerning those Ca­tholics I have conversed with since the first noise of the Plot, desiring from the very bottom of my heart, that the whole Truth may appear, that In­nocence [Page 169] may be clear'd, to the great Glory of God, and the Peace and Welfare of the King and Coun­try. As for myself, I call God to witness, that I was never in my whole life at any Consult or Meeting of the Jesuits, where any Oath of Secrecy was taken, or the Sacrament, as a Bond of Secre­cy, either by me or any one of them, to conceal any Plot against His Sacred Majesty; nor was I ever present at any Meeting or Consult of theirs, where any Proposal was made, or Resolve taken or signed, either by me or any of them, for taking away the Life of our Dread Soveraign; an Impie­ty of such a nature, that had I been present at any such Meeting, I should have been bound by the Laws of God, and by the Principles of my Re­ligion, (and by God's Grace would have acted ac­cordingly) to have discovered such a devillish Trea­son to the Civil Magistrate, to the end they might have been brought to condign punishment. I was so far, good People, from being in September last at a Consult of the Jesuits at Tixall, in Mr. Ewer's Chamber, that I vow to God, as I hope for Salvati­on, I never was so much as once that year at Tixall, my Lord Aston's House. 'Tis true, I was at the Congregation of the Jesuits held on the 24th of April was twelve-month, but in that Meeting, as I hope to be saved, we meddled not with State-Af­fairs, but only treated about the Governours of the Province, which is usually done by us, without offence to temporal Princes, every third Year all the World over. I am, good People, as free from the Treason I am accused of, as the Child that is unborn, and being innocent I never accused my self in Confession of any thing that I am charged with. [Page 170] Which certainly, if I had been conscious to my self of any Guilt in this kind, I should not so frankly and freely, as I did, of my own accord, presented my self before the King's Most Hono­rable Privy Council. As for those Catholics, which I have conversed with since the noise of the Plot, I protest before God, in the words of a dy­ing Man, that I never heard any one of them, nei­ther Priest nor Layman, express to me the least knowledge of any Plot, that was then on foot amongst the Catholics, against the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for the advancing the Catholic Religion. I dye a Roman Catholic, and humbly beg the Prayers of such for my happy passage into a better Life: I have been of that Religion above Thirty Years, and now give God Almighty in­finite thanks for calling me by his holy Grace to the knowledge of this Truth, notwithstanding the prejudice of my former Education. God of his infinite Goodness bless the King, and all the Royal Family, and grant His Majesty a prosperous Reign here, and a Crown of Glory hereafter. God in his mercy forgive all those which have falsly accused me, or have had any hand in my Death; I forgive them from the bottom of my heart, as I hope my self for forgiveness at the Hands of God.

O GOD who hath created me to a supernatural end, to serve thee in this life by grace, and injoy thee in the next by glory, be pleased to grant by the merits of thy bitter death and passion, that after this wretched life shall be ended, I may not fail [Page 171] of a full injoyment of thee my last end and soveraign good. I humbly beg pardon for all the sins which I have committed against thy Divine Majesty, since the first Instance I came to the use of reason to this very time; I am heartily sorry from the very bottom of my heart for having offended thee so good, so powerful, so wise, and so just a God, Fairly pro­mis'd when he was going to be hang'd. and purpose by the help of thy grace, never more to offend thee my good God, whom I love above all things.

O sweet Jesus, who hath suffer'd a most painful and ignominious Death upon the Cross for our Sal­vation, apply, I beseech thee, unto me the merits of thy sacred Passion, and sanctifie unto me these suffe­rings of mine, which I humbly accept of for thy sake in union of the sufferings of thy sacred Majesty, and in punishment and satisfaction of my sins.

O my dear Saviour and Redeemer, I return thee immortal thanks for all thou hast pleased to do for me in the whole course of my life, and now in the hour of my death, with a firm belief of all things thou hast revealed, and a steadfast hope of obtaining everlasting bliss. I chearfully cast my self into the Arms of thy Mercy, whose Arms were stretched on the Cross for my Redemption. Sweet Jesus receive my Spirit.

Turner.

GOod People, I suppose you expect I should say something as to the Crime I am Con­demned [Page 172] for, and either acknowledge my Guilt, or assert my Innocency; I do therefore declare before God and the whole World, and call God to witness that what I say is true, that I am in­nocent of what is laid to my Charge of Plotting the King's Death, and endeavouring to subvert the Government, and bring in a foreign Power, as the Child unborn; and that I know nothing of it, but what I have learn'd from Mr. Oates and his Companions, and what comes originally from them. And to what is said and commonly believed of Roman Catholics, that they are not to be believed or trusted, because they can have Dispensations for Lying, Perjury, killing Kings, and other the most enormous Crimes; I do utterly renounce all such Pardons, Dis­pensations, and withal declare, That it is a most wicked and malicious Calumny cast on them, who do all with all their Hearts and Souls hate and detest all such wicked and damnable Pra­ctises, and in the words of a dying Man, and as I hope for Mercy at the Hands of God, be­fore whom I must shortly appear and give an account of all my actions, I do again declare, That what I have said is most true, and I hope Christian Charity will not let you think, that by the last act of my Life, I would cast away my Soul, by sealing up my last Breath with a damnable Lye.

Fenwick.

THE OBSERVATIONS.

THe main Drift and Scope of these noto­rious Malefactors Speeches, was to wipe away the Contamination of that Guilt, which brought them all to be the publick Spe­ctacles of Condign Punishment; wherein they observe all the same Method of Appealing to Heaven, of denying the Doctrine and Maxims of their Order, and then praying for the King and themselves. All which Oaths and Prote­stations, had they been true, they might have been thought Apostates from their Order, and Desertors of the Religion they so zealously pro­fessed upon the Ladder. Had they been such Weak and Pusillanimous Combatants with Death, as not strenuously to have deny'd what they were so fairly convicted of; they would have been deprived of those glorious Crowns of Martyrdom which were assured them by Him, whom they call the only Lord of all the World, the only Vice-God, the only Emperour, the only King, the Most Holy Pope. They thought it was much better to make but one Skip from the Cart to Jacob's Ladder, and so to mount directly up to Heaven, than to be con­demned with an ignominious Load of Truth, and Penitent Confessions of the Facts they Com­mitted, [Page 174] to the Whips and Scourges of a te­dious Purgatory; else it would seem strange to the World, that in the midd'st of those so­lemn Protestations which they made to that God, to whom their Souls were taking such a speedy flight, as they pretended, they should so boldly deny what so many Grand-Signiours of Jesuitism have so stifly maintained to all the World. Nor did these their succeeding Dis­ciples, shew themselves such mild Receders from their Principles, who durst so confidently adventure to Beard the Laws and Statutes of a Soveraign Prince, within his own Dominions; ipso facto, Malefactors and Rebels to His Ma­jesty, when they first set Foot within His Ter­ritories.

As for their renouncing all Equivocations and Mental Reservations, which is the Ground upon which they all tread, that will signifie nothing when we consider the Nature and Quality of a true Jesuit, which is, tenaciously to hold and adhere to the Dictates and Positions of their Superiours, as believing what they Teach to be all Inspiration. Now their Heavenly Do­ctrine is no more than this; That it is law­ful for them; not only to deny and conceal the truth, but also piously and religiously to affirm, to swear by, and invoke God and their Salvation, to attest those things which they know to be assuredly untrue. Thus Toletus, both a Jesuit and a Cardinal, Lib. 4. of his In­structions to the Priests, Cap. 21. If it be a se­cret Crime concerning which, any one is examined, [Page 175] he may make use of Equivocation. As for Ex­ample, If I be asked whether I did such a thing, or No? I may answer No: with this reservation to my self; I did not now do it.

Gregory de Valentia asserts the same: If the Question, saith he, be not fit to be answered, though you be upon your Oath, yet shall no Perjury be committed, though the Party swear contrary to the Intent of the Judge; such a one does neither lye, nor take the Name of God in vain, when it is for his own Preservation.

Andreas Eudemon Johannes is another of the same Stamp.

Martin Azpilcueta of Navarr, proves Equivo­cation to be lawful, from the Example of St. Francis, who being asked by certain Officers, Whether such a Murderer did not run such a­way? Put his Hands into his Sleeves, and cried, he did not pass this way: meaning, that he did not flie through his Sleeves.

The fore-mentioned Cardinal Toletus also af­firms, That if a Priest be asked by the Magistrate, whether he saw such a one at any time? He may answer, No: For he did not see him that he should tell the Magistrate; or he did not see him in a Beatifical Vision, or he did not see him at Venice, &c.

Many more Examples might be brought out of the same, and several other Printed Authors; nei­ther [Page 176] are the Equivocations of Tresham, Garnet, and others unknown to our selves, as those of Richeome are in France, who affirmed, That he never heard the last deceased Henry, called Tyrant by any of his Subjects, though he had heard Henry Valois, the last Murdered King often so reviled. So that it may be well said to be the Jesuits Motto,

Jura, perjura, secretum prodere noli.
Note:
Swear and Forswear—
But the main Secret to betray forbear.

Thus while they pretend to renounce and detest Equivocations, Mental Reservations, and Dispensations, Reason it self must needs per­swade us, that Men principl'd and Educated by such Instructors, are guarded with a good Salvo, for those very Equivocations which they seemed to abjure.

No less, if not more apparent is the fallacy of their disowning and disavowing that Dismal Doctrine, of killing Kings and Princes.

To which purpose Gawen fell short in affirming, That onely Mariana the Spaniard was the upholder of that Dreadful Opini­on; witness the Writings and Approbations of Stapleton and Garnet; and the Apology of Ja­cob Clements, in some part recited in the Oration to the King of France, against the Readmis­sion of the Jesuits into that Kingdom. Commolet, [Page 193] and Guignardus, by whom that bloody Act of Ja­cob Clements, who Murdered Henry the Third of France, was called the Gift of the Holy Ghost, as is a­verr'd in the forementioned Oration to Henry the Fourth, were both Jesuits. And who so wicked among us, saith the same Oration, as not to see, that if Jacob Clements had not deeply drank of the Jesuites Poyson, he would never have thought of killing his Lord and Master? The Warlike Prowess and renown of Henry the Fourth, could not defend him from the Treachery of Barriere, countenanc'd and abetted by Verade the Jesuite, and Aubry Curate of St. André des Arts, nor of that other Bejesuited Enthusiast, who confess'd that he had suckt all his King-killing malice from their Diabolical Oratory. And Mezeray affirms that the same Prince found himself in danger of nothing more, than of the Conspiracies of those in religious Orders. And so far was Mariana from being the sole supporter of this Doctrine, that Francis de Verone wrote in the defence of Chastell, who had stabb'd Henry the Fourth, and John Gueret and John Hay were both banish'd out of France, for publickly teaching their Disciples the vicious Precepts of early Treason.

Nor is there any thing more horrid among all the Butcheries of the Heathen Sacrificers, than the Ceremony, which the Jesuites use, at the Consecration of the Person and the Dagger, which they design for a Royal Massacre. For the intended Executioner is brought into a pri­vate Room, where the Dagger, carefully wrapt up in a fair Linnen Cloth, and sheath'd in an Ivory sheath enamel'd with several strange Cha­racters, [Page 194] with an Agnus Dei appendant, is set at liberty to dazle the Murderers eyes. Then the Weapon being drawn, is sprinkl'd with Holy Water, adorn'd with a Rosary of Coral Beads, and so deliver'd with these words, Chosen Son of God, receive the Sword of Jephta, the Sword of Sampson, the Sword of David with which he cut off Goliah's head, &c. go and be prudently couragi­ous. Which done, falling upon their knees, they mumble forth this dismal exorcism; Cherubims and Seraphims, ye Thrones and Powers, ye Holy Angels all descend, and fill this blessed Vessel with per­petual Glory; daily offer to him the Crown of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Holy Patriarchs and Mar­tyrs; For he is now your own, and no longer belongs tous. After that they bring him to the Altar, and shewing him the Picture of Jacob Clements. Strengthen, O Lord, they cry, this thy Arm, the Instrument of thy revenge. Let all the Saints arise and give place to Him. An invention of Men worse than Devils, enough to amaze Heaven it self; which shews that the words of dying men are not always Oracles, when they go about to deny the palpable text of History to palliate embodyed Villany. Nor was Mariana's Book exploded, as Gawen averrs; but it is true that care was taken by the Jesuites to suppress both Mariana and others, (for he was not alone) meer­ly out of necessity, and to divert the storm that threatened them from the Court of France. And thus the world may see the folly of that vain Complement; That a whole Order should suffer for the rashness of one man.

[Page 195] As little cause there is for Us to believe, That the whole Catholick World should be the Jesuites Ad­vocate. At least the whole Catholick World has taken a very ill Cause in hand, to defend an Or­der that has so ill behav'd it self, as to be expell'd out of France for Murther; out of England for High Treason; from Venice, almost in the sight of Rome it self, for their insufferable Ambition, and designs of Bloody revenge; out of Bohemia, for being common Disturbers of the Publick Peace; out of Moravia and Hungaria for the same Cause; out of Transilvania, for being al­most the ruine of that Countrey; and out of the Low Countries, for their continual Misdemeanors; and Lastly, this may be also added, That Sigis­mund King of Sweden was expelled his Kingdom, for endeavouring to obtain their readmission after they had been ejected by his Subjects.

As for Father Harcourt, let it not seem strange, for I find they were all alike in hast to reach Hea­ven before Sun-set, that he should pretend so much ignorance of the Plot. For the reason is plain; he was resolv'd to Visit S. Peter in the Je­suites Livery, and to let them see he was True Blue: while his own Letter under his own Hand, written into the Countrey to give notice of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Death, three Hours after his Murther, and publickly to be seen, puts a most cruel Slur upon his late protested Hatredof Mental Reservation and Equivocation.

Now as for their Prayers for their Judges, and the Discoverers of their Treason, in my judge­ment they might have spar'd 'em. For why should they be so zealous to pray for them, when [Page 196] they would not so much as beg one tear from those that were not of their own Profession? They were no Prayers of Charity, but rather the Curses of their Malice, while they labour'd to scandal the Justice of such most Eminent Judges, the Impartiality of so sound a Jury, and the Fi­delity of such Witnesses, who having so high­ly merited of the whole Nation, have ren­der'd the Sufferers more remarkable in their Ends, than in all the Progress of their Lives be­fore.

Finally, It is very observable how harmoni­ously they jump upon that tickling Expression of being as Innocent as the Child unborn: as if they were certain to ride to Heaven upon the wings of that Lamb-like sentence, or that the world were infallibly bound to believe that undenyable Asseveration. But besides that it is the common language of every Pickpocket Strumpet at New­gate, though the Evidence be never so manifest against her; Scholars methinks should not have made use of such a piece of St. Martins ware, that only dazles with a false Glittering, but has nothing in it of the real brightness of truth. For where no Guilt can be, no Innocence can be im­puted. No Child unborn can be thought to be Guilty of an actual crime, such as killing the King, or subverting the Government of a Nati­on; and consequently no Child unborn can be said to be Innocent of those actual crimes, as not being the proper subject of actual Guilt or Inno­cence. And therefore (pardon only the seeming depth of the Expression) they had as good have said nothing; For a man may be Guilty of all the [Page 197] actual Crimes under Heaven; and after that safely swear himself as Innocent as the child un­born, in regard it is but a seeming asseveration, and grounded upon nothing.

However it shows a good bold spirit in dying Christians, to put their tricks upon God and Man, just as they are putting foot into the stir­rup for eternal Bliss. Let it suffice then, that by this fallacy, which they have all laid at the bot­tom, as the Basis of the rest, all their prelimina­ry Imprecations and solemn Attestations, are nothing but Fourberie and Imposture.

These were the Acts of Civil Justice in En­gland, while the Military Power finds work enough in Scotland to extinguish the Flames of a newly kindl'd Rebellion blow'd up by the common Beutifeus of Christian War, Religion and Liber­ty. For by the 7th of this month their Numbers were very much encreas'd, which encourag'd several small parties, like little streams, to bend their course toward the main Inunda­tion.

On the other side his Majesties Forces were no less vigilant to prevent their meeting. To which purpose the Privy Council of Scotland understand­ing that there was a party got together in Tyvi­dale, with a resolution to march Westward and joyn with the main Body, sent the Master of Ross, son to the Lord Ross, with forty Horse, and a hundred Dragoons to Selkerk to attend their motion. They were about three hundred Horse and Foot; however when they perceiv'd with what a resolution he advanc'd toward them, they began to make a hasty retreat. Whereupon the [Page 198] Master of Ross observing their fear, briskly at­tack'd them with his whole number, who so well behaved themselves, that the Enemy was totally defeated, leaving sixty six dead upon the place, and ten Prisoners, the rest being totally scat­tered.

Soon after the Earl of Murray's Steward in Downe, having intelligence that above a hundred new rais'd Rebels were marching out of Fife to the Rendezvouze, got together the Vassals and Tenants of his Lord, and having pursu'd the Rebels sixteen miles through the Mountains at last overtook them, routed them, and took ten Prisoners, among whom was one Hinderson, who was one of the Murderers of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, whereby he forc'd them to scatter and fly into the adjacent Mountains. Of which the Lord Elphingstoun having notice, he with some Gentlemen under his command, pursu'd them far­ther, kill'd some, and took above thirty Prisoners, and among them two of the name of Balfour, and one Hamilton of Kinkell, three more of the Mur­therers of the Archbishop. So that of that par­ty of the Rebels hardly one escap'd being kill'd or taken.

The Gentlemen also of Strathern having fallen upon another party of the Rebels marching out of Fife, of them they kill'd some, and took a­bout forty Prisoners.

At the same time the Militia and Trained Bands of Edinburgh, to the number of four thou­sand, took an oath to be faithful to his Majesty, and to venture their lives and fortunes in suppres­sing the Rebellion.

[Page 199] These little skirmishes and petty victories could not hinder but that the great Snow-ball still increas'd. So that the standing Militia, and Heri­tors of some shires, were commanded to their several Rendezvouzes; those of the Southern parts, near Edinburgh, and those of the Northern parts, near Sterling. To command which For­ces, his Grace the Duke of Monmouth was com­manded by his Majesty to repair forthwith in­to Scotland; in obedience to which Order he arriv'd at Edinburgh the 18th. of this Month, having rode post all the way for Expedi­tion.

The next day he went to the Army, that lay twelve miles from the City, at Moorhead beyond Blackborn, and eight from the Enemy. And having sent for some provisions, which he found want­ing, from Edinburgh; as soon as they arriv'd, he resolv'd to march against the Rebels, who lay en­camp'd behind Bothwell-Bridge, in Hamilton-Park, they being posted all along the River, and the Bridge well barricado'd and lin'd with Musque­teers. Accordingly on Saturday the 21st. of June in the evening his Grace began his March. Major Oglethorp, being commanded to lead the Van, with five Troops of the English Dragoons, and a hundred horse commanded by the L. Hume. His Grace follow'd with the rest of the Horse and Dragoons, and 300. commanded Foot. About break of day the Van came in sight of the Re­bels, who were all ready drawn up in two Bo­dies, though they had no more notice of the Dukes March, than what they had from the light of the Souldiers Matches. Major Oglethorp with [Page 200] his party was commanded to march directly to­ward the Bridge, and draw up before it: ap­proaching so much the nearer, because it was found that the Rebels had barricado'd up the Bridge with Stones and Timber, that render'd the pass very difficult.

The Rebels had posted themselves very advan­tageously, for there was no coming to them but over that Bridge, the River Clyd running be­tween the two Armies. The Duke drew up the Army in Battle upon the height parallel to the River, in full view of the Rebels, which being done, he went to visit the Dragoons Post, about a mile distant. Upon the way he was met by an Officer, who acquainted him that a Parley had been beaten, and deliver'd him a Petition sent from the Rebels, and sign'd by Robert Hamilton in the name of Himself, and the Covenanted Army in Scotland now in Arms, the Contents whereof were, That they had lain under great oppression both in their Estates and Consciences, which had oblig'd them to have recourse to Arms for their own preservation, which they were willing to lay down, when the things set down in their Declaration were granted them. His Grace admitting of the Parley, there came out to him, Mr. David Hume, one of their Ministers, with another Gentleman; who being ask'd what they came for? Mr. Hume answer'd, That they were inform'd that his Grace was a merciful person, that took no delight to shed blood, and one that had power to do them good.

[Page 201] His Grace made answer, That he should be very glad, they would prevent the effusion of blood, and to that end he was willing to hear what they propounded. To which Mr. Hume reply'd, that all their desires were contain'd in their Declaration. And being demanded whether he meant the Declaration that pass'd undertheir name, and was set up and proclaim'd at Rugland? He answer'd, God forbid they should own that. But the Declaration he spoke of was one they had lately printed, a Copy whereof he had with him, and desired liberty to read it; which being done, his Grace told them, That he suppos'd they would take it as a great proof of his Cle­mency and forbearance towards them, that he had Patience to hear such a Libell against the Kings Person and Government read quite tho­rough; But that he found no one Article in it, that he could possibly agree to, and therefore would make them a much shorter proposal, which was, That if they would immediately lay down their Arms and submit themselves to his Maje­sties Mercy, the Kings Forces should not fall up­on them. Mr. Hume reply'd, that it was impos­sible to agree to that; for that it would be to lay their heads upon the Block. Whereupon his Grace advis'd them to consider well what they had to do; and to reflect a little whether that number of men, shewing him the Army, as it was drawn up, were not sufficient to ob­lige them to new resolutions: to which the Mi­nister made a brisk return, desiring his Grace to take a view of the Covenanted Army, assuring him, that every man he saw there would dye in [Page 202] the place where he stood, in defence of the Cove­nant. His Grace gave no farther answer, but that a few minutes would shew the Truth of that, if they refus'd his offer.

The other Gentleman, who appear'd to be the more moderate, desir'd a Cessation of Arms for one day; but being told that it was not to be expected that the Kings Forces should grant that to Rebels, he press'd it for a quarter of an hour only. His Grace told them, if they would go and consider, what he had said, and send him their proposals in writing, he would at any time when he heard their Drum, make a stand, to re­ceive their papers; though the fight should be begun; and so dismist them. Immediately af­ter that, he order'd the Cannon to advance, which was brought to the height opposite to the Bridge, and while preparation was ma­king to fire upon them, they beat a second Parley.

Whereupon Major Maine was sent to know what it was they desir'd; who brought back a Letter to this effect. That they had consider'd what had been said, but could agree to nothing less than what was in their Declaration. That they understood his Grace had brought with him from England some Terms of Accommo­dation; which if he would please to com­municate to them he should have their An­swer, if they were such as they could ac­cept.

Major Maine was sent back to acquaint them that a more satisfactory Answer was expected, therefore they would do well to look to them­selves; [Page 203] and that their Officers might if they pleas'd retire from the Bridge, (who were come thither upon the accompt of the Parley) for that they should hear from his Grace in another manner. As soon as they were retir'd, orders were given for the Cannon to fire; which they return'd with so smart a Volley from the Bridge, that all the Gunners quitted the Guns; but soon return'd to them again. Major Oglethorp also was order'd to make a Trench on the edge of the Hill to co­ver his men; but before it was finish'd, upon firing the Cannon against the Bridge, the Rebels began to run from it. Whereupon his Grace commanded Major Oglethorp to possess himself of the Bridge, but to advance no farther; How­ever his men perceiving the Rebels to retire be­fore them, could not be hinder'd from passing the Bridge, and following them up some part of the rising ground. But then the Rebels observing their small number, advanc'd upon them, and forc'd them to retire to the Houses at the foot of the Bridge. Thereupon his Grace sent three hundred foot to second them, com­manded by the Lord Leviston, son to the Earl of Linlithgow, who behav'd themselves so well, and fir'd so briskly upon the Rebels, that the Dra­goons and they forc'd the Rebels up the Hill again. They were immediately seconded by the Regiment of Guards, and by the Troop of Guards led by his Grace. No sooner were those Troops pass'd the Bridge, but the Rebels fell to running; though they rallied a­gain upon Hamilton Heath, about a quar­ter of a mile off; so that his Grace advanc'd [Page 204] with the Troops that were already pass'd, to the top of the Hill, and there made a halt, to give time to so many of the rest of the Forces to come over, as would suffice to make the first Line. In the mean while the Rebels were draw­ing up in Battle, directly opposite to the Duke, at what time his Grace observing that they were strengthening their left wing, with a design to take the advantage of a hollow ground; he or­der'd his own right to be strengthen'd, and com­manded a hundred Highlanders of the Marquis of Athol's Regiment to post themselves in that hollow, and the five Troops of English Dragoons to second them: which was no sooner done, but they advanc'd upon his Grace, as he was forming the second Line. The Dukes Highlanders, and their foot began the fight in the hollow ground; but the Highlanders advancing too far were forced to retreat to the Dragoons. At the same time, the Cannon fir'd upon their left wing, where their strength lay; but they had not fir'd above twice before their Horse began to run. Whereupon his Grace order'd Major Oglethorp, with the Dragoons, Major Maine, and Captain Claveres, with their Troops of Horse, and the Earl of Eglington with his Troop of Volunteers to pursue, while he follow'd himself, with the rest of the Army, to the end of the Heath which was about a mile, observing such a pace, as might not put his men into any disorder. The others pursu'd the Rebels so close, that there were be­tween seven and eight hundred slain, and above twelve hundred taken Prisoners. So that the heat of the business was over by one of the [Page 205] Clock. Many of the Prisoners were sorely wound­ed, whom his Grace caus'd to be dress'd by his own Chirurgion.

The Prisoners of note were John Kidd, a Mi­nister, and one of the most factious among them; John King, another Minister, and one Mr. Carth­cart. A Captain of Foot was also taken, and old Gorden, the Laird of Earlston slain. The Pri­soners were sent to Edinburgh, where they were secur'd by the Magistrates of that City.

July. 1679. This growing Rebellion being thus nipt in the bud, by the fortunate conduct of his Grace the Duke of Bucclugh and Monmouth, His Majesty was pleas'd to publish a Proclamati­on, commanding the Judges and all Magistrates to apprehend and punish all such as should fre­quent any field Conventicles (those Rendezvouses of Rebellion) according to the prescript of the Law; as also to prosecute with all legal rigour, the execrable Murtherers of the late Archbishop of St. Andrews: declaring withal that his Majesty being desirous to reclaim all such as had been mis­led through ignorance or blind zeal, had accor­ding to the power reserv'd to his Majesty by the fifth Act in the second Session of the second Par­liament, suspended the execution of all Laws and Acts against such as frequent House-Conventicles in the Low-Countries on the South side of the River Tay; excepting the Town of Edinburgh, and 2 miles round the same, with the Lordships of Musselborough & Dalkeith; the Cities of St. Andrews, Glasgow and Sterling, and a mile about each of them. But that none under the colour of this favour might presume to preach Rebellion; all such as should [Page 206] be suffer'd to preach, should give in their Names, and find Sureties to the privy Council, for their good and peaceable behaviour: that but one Preacher should be allow'd to a Parish, and none to be allow'd that had appear'd against his Majesty in the late Rebellion, nor none that should be admitted by the non-conforming Ministers in any time hereafter.

This forbearance to continue during his Maje­sties pleasure, and as the Dissenters shall deserve the same.

Things being thus compos'd in Scotland, His Grace the Duke of Monmouth return'd for En­gland, where he had that reception from his Majesty which his Valour and Conduct had well deserv'd.

With him the Series of the History returns al­so; and being arriv'd at London, there the first thing remarkable which it meets with is the Dis­solution of the Parliament. To which purpose the King was pleas'd to issue forth His Royal Proclamation, That whereas the present Parlia­ment was lately prorogu'd till the 14th. of Au­gust, the Kings most excellent Majesty being re­solv'd to meet his people, and have their advice in frequent Parliaments, had thought fit to dis­solve the present Parliament: and that he had given directions to the Lord Chancellor for the issuing out of Writs for the calling of a new Parliament, to be holden on Tuesday the 7th. of October next ensuing.

It was now a whole month since Mr. Langhorne had receiv'd sentence of Condemnation. All this while he had been repriev'd, partly for the [Page 207] sake of his Clyents, that he might discharge him­self of such business of theirs as he had in his hands; partly for his own sake, to the end he might have retriev'd himself from the ig­nominy of his execution by a candid and sincere Confession.

He had sent a Petition to his Majesty, wherein after he had given his Majesty most humble thanks for prolonging his life; he further set forth that he was ignorant of the subject of the Earl of Roscommons Letter, as also of the Grounds upon which it was written. That in obedience to his Majesties commands he had made the utmost dis­covery he could of the Estates he was command­ed to disclose; and therefore besought his Ma­jesty to grant him his Pardon, or at least to give him leave to live, though it were abroad, and in perpetual banishment, he having as he pre­tended fully obey'd his Majesties Commands.

But whether he spake truth or no, may be fair­ly appeal'd to the world. For it is impossible to think otherwise, but that if he had so fully and sincerely obey'd those Commands which it was thought requisite, & which no question the insight of a wise and discerning Council well knew he could perform, his Majesty, so punctual to his Mercy, as they who have peculiarly tasted it, well can testifie, would never have swerv'd in the least tittle from the Grace which once he had offer'd him.

So that when he saw so much confidence in a dying man, as to approach the throne of mer­cy with so much untruth, his favourable eye could not look upon that Canting Declaration [Page 208] which follow'd, but as the Speech of a Prosopopoeia, hammer'd for him in the Popish Forge. By which figure, he might have enforc'd his Protesta­tions ten times more solemnly, without any disadvantage to his credit among his Con­fessors.

Having thus therefore spent a month in plausi­ble prevarications, at length the fatal warrant came, by vertue whereof he was drawn to Tyburn, and there executed according to the Sentence pronounc'd against him.

As for the Speech, which he left as a Legacy to the world, believing he should not have oppor­tunity to utter it by word of mouth, it was no­thing but an absolute denyal of what had been so clearly prov'd against him.

'Tis true, 'twas farc'd with strange imprecati­ons and solemn Asseverations of his Innocency. But how true those Protestations were, he him­self discovers by a bold untruth, that unmantles the fallacy of all the rest. For what man of rea­son can imagine it possible that his Majesty or the Council should think his attainted life so con­siderable, as to turn his Priests, and for his dear sake, to take upon them the office of the Mini­stry, to convert him from Popery? 'Twas very likely indeed that they should offer him Great Ad­vantages, Preferments and Estates, after the judge­ment was against him, to make him forsake his Reli­gion; as if the King had wanted a Judge Advo­cate for his Guards. But when he could not beg a Banishment, he was resolv'd to bespatter that favour of life which was offer'd him, only to be ingenuous in the farther discovery of the foul de­sign [Page 209] wherein he was engag'd, but neither for his parts or endowments.

Not long after Sir George Wakeman, William Rumley, William Marshall and James Corker, Be­nedictine Monks were brought to their Tryals at the same Bar.

The Jury were,
  • Ralph Hawtrey,
  • Henry Hawley,
  • Henry Hodges,
  • Richard Downtin,
  • Rob. Hampton, Esquires.
  • William Heydon,
  • John Bathurst,
  • John Baldwyn,
  • Will. Avery, Esquires.
  • Richard White and
  • Thomas Waite, Gent.

The Charge against Sir George Wakeman was, that whereas there was a design among several of the Popish party to subvert the Government of the Nation, by altering the Laws and Religi­on therein establish'd, and taking away the life of his Majesty, he the said Sir George had underta­ken to do the latter by Poyson: That for that piece of service he was to have fifteen thousand pounds, of which sum he had already receiv'd five thousand pound in part. And that for a further gratuity he had accepted of a Commission to be Physician General of the Army.

That he receiv'd the Commission from the Provincial of the Jesuites in England; and that he read it, kept it in his possession, and agreed to it, with a design to have enter'd up­on [Page 210] his employment, so soon as the Army should be rais'd.

To make good the Charge, Dr. Oates was sworn, and depos'd, That he saw a Letter of Sir George Wakemans, written to one Ashby a Je­suite, then under his directions at the Bath, where­in after he had given him the prescriptions he was to observe, he sent him word that he was as­sur'd of a certain person that was to poyson the King.

That he was present when Ashby offer'd him the 10000 l. in the presence of Harcourt and Ireland, to poyson the King.

That he refus'd it, not in abhorrency of the crime, but because, as he said, it was too little for so great a Work.

That afterwards five thousand pound more was offer'd him, as he was credibly inform'd, by the order of the Provincial Whitebread. But that he certainly saw the Prisoners hand to a re­ceipt in the entry book, at Wild-house, for five thousand pound, part of the said fifteen thousand pound.

Mr. Bedlow depos'd, That he was in Harcourts Chamber, where he saw Harcourt deliver to Sir George Wakeman a Bill of two thousand pound, which was charg'd, as he suppos'd, upon a Gold­smith near Temple bar. And that Sir George upon receipt of the Bill, told Harcourt that if the Bill were accepted, he should hear from him suddenly. That the Bill was accepted and the money paid, by the Confession of Sir George to the Witness. That the said 2000l. was soon after made up 5000 l. and as Harcourt told this Deponent, all upon the same accompt, and in part of the 15000 l.

[Page 211] Sir George pleaded to all this, that he had been left at liberty twenty four days after he had been before the Council; and that upon Dr. Oates's being sent for to the House of Lords to repeat his Evidence against Sir George, he confest there that he did not know Sir George Wakemans hand, and only knew the Letter in question to be his Letter by being subscrib'd, G. Wakeman. Concluding from thence that the Witness would have told more at that examination had he known more.

To which the Dr. reply'd, that he had been so over-toyl'd with watching, and searching after persons detected, that he was not able to make good his charge. Which was also confirm'd by the testimony of Sr. Thomas Doleman.

But Sir Philip Floyd, one of the Clerks of the Council, was more express in behalf of the Priso­ner, who acknowledg'd indeed that Dr. Oates did make mention of Sir Georges undertaking to poyson the King, as he had understood by a Letter from Whitebread to Harcourt, and that he was in­form'd by the same Letter that Coleman had pay'd him five thousand pound of the fifteen thousand pound agreed upon: But that being demand­ed of his own personal knowledge what he could tax Sir George withal, he solemnly de­ny'd that he had any thing more against him.

To which the Doctor gave the same answer of his extreme weakness and indisposition as be­fore.

[Page 212] After that Sir George recommended one obser vation more to the Court, That in the Doctors Narrative, there was not one Letter which came from beyond Sea to which he did not swear positively both as to the date and as to the re­ceipt: & yet that in the case of life he would not be confin'd to a Month. Concluding with a solemn Imprecation, and disclaiming all the Crime in this Matter that had been charg'd against him.

Corker, Rumley and Marshall were charg'd of being privy to the Consult, for killing the King, and to the carrying on the rest of the grand de­sign, toward which they had undertaken the rai­sing and payment of 6000 l. by the Benedictine Monks.

As to Corker, Dr. Oates swore him to be a Bene­dictine Monk, and privy to the promise of the 6000 l. which was to be rais'd for carrying on the design.

That he gave Le Chaise, and the English Monks at Paris an accompt of the Jesuites proceedings in England, and that he had a Patent to be Bishop of London, which the Witness had seen in his hand; and that he dispos'd of several parcels of money for advancing the design.

That he was privy to the Grand Consult in April, and excepted against Pickerings be­ing made choice of for killing the King, in re­gard that he being engag'd to say High Mass, an opportunity might be lost in the mean time.

[Page 213] Mr. Bedlow depos'd against Corker, that he had been with him in the Company of others at Somer­set-house, where he heard him discourse in general concerning the Plot, of Letters of intelligence, and raising an Army, what Agitators the Con­spirators had in the Country, and what Interests they had made.

As for Marshall, he was charg'd by Dr. Oates with being present when the six thousand pound was agreed upon, and that he made the same exceptions against Pickering that Corker had done.

Mr. Bedlow depos'd against him, that he had carry'd several Letters to the Catholick par­ty that were in the design, and particularly one to Sir Francis Ratcliff. And that he had sent Letters of his own twice to others concerning the subverting of the Government, and introdu­cing Popery.

Rumley was accus'd by Dr. Oates, of being pri­vy to the Consult for the raising the six thousand pound, and that he pray'd for the success of the Design.

Corker offer'd in his defence, that not knowing his accusations, he could not come with Eviden­ces to support his Plea. That there was no­thing more easie than to accuse an innocent per­son, and that the Circumstances ought to be as credible as the Witnesses: of which there was neither to be found in his case; using many flourishes to move the Court and the Jury, raising his Argu­ments from Improbability of Witnesses, to main­tain his Allegations: and the more to invalidate the Dr.'s testimony, he brought witnesses to testifie [Page 214] that one Stapleton was President of the Benedictines and not himself, and that the said Stapleton had so been for many years.

Marshall threw himself upon the Court, whom he besought to manage his cause for him, as ha­ving had so much Tryal of their Candour and In­genuity. After which he made some flight re­flections upon the Kings Evidence; and desir'd the Court to consider how little concern'd he was at his being apprehended, which was no small sign of his Innocency. But the main of his defence lay upon this Stress, that Dr. Oates was a stranger to him, and had mistaken him for some other person; which was evidently made out to the contrary: and beside that, the Priso­ner brought no proof of what he affirm'd in that particular. At length the Conclusion of his de­fence was a smooth harangue, ad captandum popu­lum, and in justification of the Crimes of them that had already suffer'd: which because it was look'd upon as an affront done to the Justice of the Court, he was desir'd to forbear his Flow­ers of Rhetorick, which were all to no pur­pose.

As for Rumley, there being but one Witness against him, he did not think it needful to trou­ble the Court with a defence, and indeed it was the opinion of the Court deliver'd to the Jury that they ought to discharge him.

Upon the whole, it was the opinion of the Court that the Defences of the Prisoners were very weak, of which the Jury could not choose but take notice.

[Page 215] The main thing wherein the Court were dis­satisfy'd was, Dr. Oates's excuse of his own weak­ness and infirmity, for not giving his full charge against Sir George Wakeman at the Council Board: Since he might have charg'd him in the same breath, that he denied that he had any thing more against him.

Whether this or any other more prevail­ing argument over-rul'd them, certain it is, that the Jury found them all Not Guilty, and so, contrary to expectation, they were all ac­quitted.

All this while his Majesty kept his Court at Windsor, where in consideration of the ma­ny and faithful services perform'd unto him by the Right Honourable George Lord Viscount Hallifax, John Lord Roberts, and Charles Lord Gerrard of Brandon, he was pleas'd to confer upon them the Titles of Earls of this Kingdom, crea­ting the Lord Viscount Hallifax Earl of Hallifax, the Lord Gerrard Earl of Newberry, Viscount Brandon, which title was afterward chang'd into that of Macclesfeld; and the Lord Roberts Earl of Falmouth, Viscount Bodmin.

And to shew that he took the same care of his Dominions abroad as at home, His Majesty or­der'd recruits to be forthwith rais'd under the commands of Captain George Wingfeild, Captain Charles Wingfeild, Captain William Langley, and Captain William Matthews, to reinforce the Gar­rison of Tangier.

At home the Fort of Sheerness, and the Garrison of Portsmouth had both the Honour to be survey'd by the King himself; who to that intent depar­ted [Page 216] upon the 30th. of July from Windsor to Hampton-Court, attended by the Duke of Albe­marle, and several of the Nobility, and from thence in his Barge to Deptford; where after he had taken a view of a new Third-rate Frigat call'd the Sterling Castle, he proceeded on to Sheerness, and so forward to Portsmouth, where he safely soon after arriv'd by Sea; and having made a short stay in the Town, return'd again by Land to Windsor.

August, 1679. Soon after his return, his Ma­jesty was seiz'd by a fit of sickness, which though Heaven, kind to three Kingdomes, was pleas'd not to suffer to grow upon him, yet the short continuance bred no small terrour and conster­nation in the hearts of all his Loyal Sub­jects.

The City soon took the sad Alarm, and im­mediately deputed two Aldermen to attend his Majesty during his sickness, of whose attendance he was pleas'd to accept till the danger was over. His Royal Highness the Duke of York also, receiving the unwelcome news, hasten'd out of Flanders to Windsor. But in a short time these affrights were happily over.

September, 1679. In the mean time Mr. Jeni­son had been several times examin'd, and at length made publick a Narrative containing a farther discovery of the Plot, with a confirma­tion of the truth of the Kings Evidence, which Ireland had so fairly ventur'd at his death to invalidate at the expence of his Salva­tion.

[Page 217] Thereupon his Majesty was pleas'd to publish a Proclamation against the four Ruffians, who were design'd to have murder'd him at Windsor. Wherein he summon'd them by the names of Captain Levallyan,.... Karney, Thomas Brahall and James Wilson, to render themselves before the twentieth day of October next, or else to suffer the extremity of the Law; with promise of a hundred pound to any person that should appre­hend or discover any of them.

While the King continued at Windsor, upon the noise of the Duke of York's being return'd, several Citizens, of whom the Chamberlain of London was the chief, alledging their jealousies and fears, arising as they said from the Dukes encouragement of Popery, and the continu'd practices of the Enemies of the Protestant Reli­gion, made their applications to the Lord Mayor, desiring that the guards of the City might be doubled. His Lordship gave them thanks for their care and zeal; and told them that he could not answer their desires of himself, but that he would summon the Lieutenancy together: which being done, though neither Sir Thomas Player nor other person appear'd, and the address of the absent Gentlemen being debated, it was concluded that there was no necessity to put any farther charge upon their fellow Citizens at pre­sent, as was desir'd, till more urging causes of danger appear'd, which was the determination of that grand affair.

But the City it self had a nobler design. For the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, having the week before order'd two of their members to attend [Page 218] the King at Windsor, humbly to desire leave to wait on his Majesty to congratulate his happy recovery from his late indisposition, they accor­dingly went in a full body toward the middle of this month, with a fair Retinue to Windsor. Where being introduc'd into the Royal pre­sence, the Lord Mayor set forth the exceeding joy of the City, and of all his Majesties Protestant Subjects for so great a blessing: declaring with­al the happiness they enjoy'd in his Majesties most excellent Government, and his preserva­tion of the publick Liberty, Property, and above all the Protestant Religion.

To which his Majesty was pleas'd to return for answer, That he had ever a high esteem of his City of London, and would never omit any opportunity of giving them the marks of his kindness, assuring them that he would employ his care to maintain them in peace and secure them in their properties, and in the Protestant Religion; and then admitted them to the Honour of kissing his hand. After that his Majesty retiring out of the Royal Presence, my Lord Mayor was ask'd whether he with the Aldermen would not wait on the Queen and Duke of York? To which his Lordship answer'd that he had done all that was in his Commission; but that he was heartily glad he had done so much, as being with the rest of his brethren transported with an extraordinary joy to behold his Majesty in so good a condition of Health. After the Ceremony was over, the Lord Maynard by his Majesties Order entertain'd the Lord Mayor and Aldermen at a splendid Dinner: which being done, they return'd home the same [Page 219] night, highly satisfy'd with the favour and treat­ment they had receiv'd.

On the 17th. of this month, His Majesty re­turn'd to London with the Queen and Duke of York; whereupon the Lord Mayor immediately gave order for the ringing of the bells and ma­king bonfires, which was perform'd with all chearfulness and joy by the Inhabitants. Soon after, that is to say, upon the 27th. of this month his Grace the Duke of Monmouth took shipping in one of his Majesties Yachts for Hol­land, and the next day his Royal Highness the Duke of York departed for Flanders.

Whose said remarkable Departures out of this Land may well suffice to give a memorable conclusion to the story of these few last years, wherein the Transactions have been so various and worthy observation, that the like have rarely happen'd in a Kingdom, notwithstanding all these violent underminings of her Tranquilli­ty, still bless'd with Peace, and which the prayers of all good Men implore from Heaven may still continue so, under the protection of a merciful God and Gracious King.

FINIS.

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