THE Character OF A PAPIST in MASQUERADE; Supported By Authority and Experience.


By Roger L'Estrange.

LONDON, Printed for H. Brome at the Signe of the Gun in S. Pauls Church-yard. 1681.

The CHARACTER of a Papist in Masquerade.

THe Character of a Popish Successor were an excellent Piece in the kinde, if it had not too much Sublimate in it; For I have heard of some people, that, with only holding their Noses over it, but one quarter of an hour, have run stark mad upon't: And when This Fume has once taken the Brain, there's nothing in the world, but the Powder of Experience, (the Remembrance of things past) to set a man Right again. The Truth of it is, the Au­thour has made the Figure of his Successour too Frightful, and enor­mous; Sawcer-ey'd and Cloven [...]ooted; and when he has painted the Monster as black on the One side, as Ink and Words can make him; he finishes his Master-Piece with a Paradox, on the Other; (Fol. 4.) by the Supposal of a most Excellent Person, and yet ma­king him the greater Devil for his Virtues.

His Fortitude (he says) makes him only the more Daring in the Cause of Rome; his Justice makes it a Point of Conscience to deliver us up to the Pope; his Temperance, in the Government of his Passions, makes him the more close and steady; and his Prudence crowns the Work, by the assistance it gives him in the Menage of his Policies and Conduct: And so he goes on. Wbat booss it (says he) in a Popish Heir, to say, he's the Truest Friend, the Greatest of Hero, s, the best of Masters, the Justest Judge, or the Honestest of Men? All meer treacherous Quicksands for a people to repose the least glimpse of Safety in, or build the least hopes upon.

This is fairly push'd, I must confess, but 'tis only a cast of his Rhetorique: For every body knows, that all Christian Princes thus Qualify'd, and under Articles of Treaty and Agreement, keep touch, even with Infidels; nay, and Infidels with Christians.

Before I go any further, let me recommend to the Reader, one Remarque, as a thing worthy of his Attention: He cuts all the way upon the Successor, as presupposing him to be a Papist, and conse­quently `Dangerous, and Insufferable, by reason of That Perswasion. And very magisterialy he gives us his own bare word for the dangers of that Perswasion. Why does he not rather tell us in express and particular Terms, These and These are the Principles of the Church of Rome? and then make his Inference, from those Principles to [Page 2] the Dangers that attend them; and so leave the unbyass'd part of the world to judge of the Congruity and Proportion betwixt such Cau­ses and such Effects? For His dilating himself thus at random upon his Character, and striking so point-blank at the Rescinding of the Succession, makes men apt to imagine, that his Pique may be rather to the Person, then the Religion.

It will behove me, in this place, to inform the Reader, that I do not charge him for not producing the dangerous Principles of the Papists; as if I thought there were no Instances of that Quality to be given: (For I am better acquainted with their Ecclesiastical Politiques, then so.) But the true Intent of my Quaere upon that Objection, was to shew the Authours Prudence in reserving himself upon those Parti­culars: For if he had said, Behold! Th [...]se are the Positions of the Church of Rome, and they are not to be endur'd in any Government; I should have ask'd him presently, How comes it then that you your self, under the Colour of Rooting out Popery One way, are Planting it An­other; and Erecting the very same Pestilent Positions that you condemn▪ Insomuch, that while you would be thought zealous to Abolish the Name of Popery, you are no lesse zealous▪ to Establish the Doctrine of it; Whereof, at leisure.

The suddain bolting out of this Phantôme from behinde the Han­ging, may so far serve a present turn, as to startle, and surprise the undiscerning Vulgar: Yet, when, upon Second▪ and Recollect­ed thoughts, this Mormo shall come to be examin'd, and taken to pieces; the very multitude themselves, that were affrighted at the Apparition, will be asham'd of the Imposture. The thing that I would say, is this; that the Truth is somewhat too much Hyperbo­liz'd, in a Declamatory Torrent of Words, and Exuberance of Phansy, without any one Concluding and Convincing Period. If Apollo had been of Counsell with the Authour, he would have ad­vis'd him to the Moderating of his Character, as he does Olaus Mag­nus, in Boccalini, to moderate the Greatness of his Northern Eagles, that prey'd upon Elephants; as being a very Extraordinary thing for a Bird to trusse an Elephant, and fly away with him. (which is, perhaps, the more Venial Excess of the two.) It is one of the great­est Indignities that can be put upon the simplicity of a Just Truth, the dawbing of it with Embrodery and Flourish, and the over-doing of it. If Little Epictetus had been at his Elbow, he would have minded him, that some things are in our our own Power, and others are not so; and that the subject matter of his Discourse being wholly out of His Cognizance, he might have done well to have left the [Page 3] business of the Succession to the Ordering of Gods Providence.

This is a Subject (I know) that whoever touches upon it, treads upon Burning Coals; and there must be great Caution, as well as Innocence, to carry a man through this Ordeal: For who shall dare to Dispute the danger of a Popish Successor? But so far am I from un­dertaking that Province, that I'le compound the matter with him beforehand; and take all his suppositions of Difficulties and Haz­zards in the Case, for Granted. But then I must distinguish betwixt the unhappy circumstance of being under the Allegeance of a Prince of that Perswasion, who is actually in the Possession and Exercise of his Power, and the remote Possibility only of that Danger; and a Possibility too of such a condition, as a thousand things may inter­vene, to prevent it: As the Contingences of Issue, Survivorship, &c. and at the Worst, this dismal apprehension amounts, at last, but to the Contemplation of a Prince of That Communion, in a Parenthe­sis, betwixt a Predecessor, and a Successor, of the Reformed Religion.

Not but that I am as much against the Principles, and Practises of the Church of Rome, wherein the Church of England hath de­p [...]rted from that Communion, as any man living, that keeps himself within the compass of Christian Charity, Humanity, and good Manners. And so far, I shall heartily joyn with the Compiler of the Character, by a previous Concession of the Inconveniences (as I have said alrea­dy) that may arrive, by reason of that Religion. But then I must take this Consideration along with me.

That First; there are many Dreadfull Dangers, which we cannot avoid, but by incurring Greater. As the Leaping of a Garret-win­dow, when the Fire has taken the Stair-Case; which is only a pru­dent Election (under a Calamitous Necessity) of the less evil of the Two. Now the same Action, which would have been a madness Without that necessity, becomes an Act of Prudence, With it; the great danger of the Leap being warranted by the greater danger of the Fire: And there must likewise precede a Deliberation upon the difficulties Both ways, to justifie the Resolution: For otherwise at the best, a man does well but by chance. Now it would have been fair play, in the Character-writer, if he had candidly Ballanc'd the mat­ter, and told us, This is the danger One way, and That Another.

Secondly, It happens, many times, that we have no other Choice before us, but either to suffer the Highest Degree of Misery, that can befall us in this world; or else, to Prostitute our Souls, for the saving of our Skins, and Fortunes. Now under such an Exigent as This, let the Prospect of things be never so Terrible, we are to [Page 4] oppose, the Duties of Christians, of Subjects, and of Honest men, to all hazzards whatsoever; and patiently to endure whatever we cannot, with Conscience, and Honour, either Resist, or De­cline: according to the Practise of the Primitive Martyrs, who witnessed their Profession with their Bloud, as Christians; and Submit­ted, as Loyal Subjects, without Resistance. So that we are not to go­vern our selves by a Naked Speculation of the Perils that we are to encounter, and the Means of avoiding them; without enquiring into the Consistency of those means with the Measures of Conscience and Duty. But there is one Main point yet behind; which is in effect the very Hinge of the Controversie. And this is it. If there shall be any thing sound in this Character of a Popish Successour, that shall ei­ther operate upon the Legal Constitution of the English Monarchy, or Reflect Personally upon the Honour, or Justice of his Majesty now in Being; the Pretext of the Succession will be look't upon only as a Stal­king-Horse to Countenance an approach to some further Design: In which Case, the Question will not be any longer the Religion of a Suc­cessour, but the very Right it self of Kingly-Power. And here I must expound my self once again; that I Speak only to the Anonymus Character of a Popish Successour, without the least Reference to any Publique, and Authoritative Debates, or Counsels. And so I shall pro­ceed, (in the First place) to the Character of a Papist in Masquerade.

The Church of England, and the Members of it, are beset with two Sorts of Papists; the One, bare-Fac'd, the Other dress'd up in several shapes of Disguise: And we pass for Heretiques, on the One hand; and Papists in Masquerade, on the Other. By this Opposite Conjunction of two Interests, (which, (however Divided in Name, and Pretense) are yet United against us in a Common Principle of Contradiction and Aversion:) The Church of England is both Weaken'd, and Defam'd; the Glory of the Reformation blasted; and the great Support of the truly Apostolical Cause, Vndermined. Betwixt These Two Enemies, our Persecuted Church is crush'd almost to Pieces; and well-nigh brought to the Agony of her Last Convulsions. And this Calamity is not wrought so much by the Bare-fac'd Papists, that march Pub­liquely under the Popes Banner, owning their Cause, and making their Attacks in View; not so much by Th [...]se, (I say) as by the Papists in Masquerade, that work under-ground, like Moles; and, fall in upon our Quarters, under the Semblance of Friends, with our own Word and Colours. It has been a great part of the businesse of the Presse, to set forth the Bare-fac'd Papist to the Life, and to affect us [Page 5] with a Just Indignation for the Principles of the Jesuites: So that I shall not cloy the Reader with Redun [...]ances; especially since the Composer of the Character has been pleas'd to Harangue so copiously upon that Subject: But rather apply my self to the Counter-Part of these Jesuits; and to obviate the Practises of our False Friends, as well as of our Profess'd Enemies.

The Kings Witnesses have abundantly manifested to the World, the Restless Endeavours of Rome, and its Emissaryes, for the Subver­sion of our Religion, and Government; and how far they contributed to the Rebellion of Forty One; and to the carrying of it forward thorough all the Succeeding changes, and Revolutions, even to the bringing of his Sacred Majesty to the Scaffold. They have further also Deposed to the Contrivances of the same Party, for the prose­cuting of the same Design upon the Person of his Sacred Majesty that now is; and upon our Government and Religion, as by Law esta­blish'd: And laid open to the world, both the Method of their Pro­ceedings, by masquing themselves under the Appearance of Presby­terians, Independents, Quakers, Millenaryes, and the like; as also the very Names of several of their Missionaryes, that have been ex­presly employ'd upon the disposing of the People to Tumult and Se­dition.

This is so certain a Truth, that it will not bear a Dispute; beside that it stands with Reason too; for they do all cover themselves un­der an Alias; and a Presbyterian, an Independent, &c. alias a Papist, Sounds every jot as well, as Captain Williams, alias Captain Bed­loe. I am not willing to charge my Paper, in a Case so Clear, and Confess'd, with unnecessary Instances: Wherefore I shall con­tent my self with only Two out of many. (the Former out of Ra­villac Redivivus (Pag. 41.) If Father Brown the Jesuit, (says the Author) that Preach'd so many years among the Field-Conven [...]iclers in Scotland, had Penn'd Mitchel's Justification of himself, upon his Exe­cution, for an Attempt upon the Person of the Arch-Bishop of St. An­drews, it could not have savour'd stronger of the Society of Jesus, or be­come such an Authour better then it doth. This same Brown [...]oasted up­on his Death-bed, at Ingeston briggs, that he had Preached as Down­right Popery in the Field Conventicles, as ever he had Preach'd in Rome it self. The Other Instance is, of one Faithfull Commin, a Dominican Frier in the 9th. of Q [...]een Elizabeth; who was a Person ge­nerally reputed a Zealous Protestant, and much admir'd and follow'd by the People, for his seeming Piety; but more particularly, for inveighing in his [Page 6] Pulpit against Pius Quintus Then Pope. He was accused upon Oath; be­fore the Queen and Councill for an Impostor, and a Sower of Sedition; and Arch Bishop Parker took his Examination, (Foxes and Fire-brands, Pa. 7.) Commin insisting much upon his Bitterness exprest against the Pope, for his Justification. He got out of England afterwards by a Trick; and, with one Farewell Sermon, 130 l. for a Viaticum. Not long after, he was clapt up at Rome for Reviling the Pope, and the Catholique Church. But he Pleaded for himself, that he had done his Holiness, and the Church considerable Service; for, by Preaching against Set-Forms of Prayer, and calling the English Prayers, English Masse, he put them upon the Humour of Extemporary Prayer; which took so much with the People, that they were come to hate the Church of England as much as the Church it self hated the Mass. Whereupon, the Pope gave him a Reward of Two Thousand Duccats for his Pains.

The matter of Fact is sufficiently clear'd, and the Practise too No­torious to be deny'd; As to the Influence that these Papists have (un­der the notion of Dissenting Protestants) upon the Unity of the Church, and the Peace of the State. But the Craft (as they say) lyes in the Catching of them: For the Test of Oaths will never do the Business, as we have found by their Swearing to so many Contrary, and Inconsistent Purposes, and Interests, throughout the whole Course of our Late Troubles.

So that we have no other way left that I can Imagine, of knowing a Disguised Jesuit from one that calls himself a Dissenting Protestant, but by comparing their Principles; which would infinitely con­duce to the Credit, and Advantage of the Conscientious sort of the Divided Party. And without such a Test of Discrimination the Project of Uniting Dissenters seems to be utterly Impracti­cable; unless to the Extream Hazzard of Authorizing the most pernicious sort of Popery, and Incorporating a Jesuitical Leaven into our very Constitution; according to the Method which Mr. Coleman himself had projected, as the most probable Expedient for the In­troducing of Popery into this Kingdom. The Removal of this Dif­ficulty will open a way to a General Accomodation; to the Com­mon Security both of our Religion, and Government. And this is on­ly to be done by applying the Maxims of those that we suspect here for Jesuits, to the Standard of those Detestable Principles which we so much abominate in the Church of Rome. And where ever we find any Party, of what Denomination soever, that pretends either to Erect an Interest, or to support a Claim, upon the same Founda­tion; it is but matter of Common Equity, to presume, and to con­clude [Page 7] that Party to be acted and directed by a Jesuitical Spirit. These Positions I shall Confront with a Counter-Part; of which further in its proper place. But in my way to't, I shall now pass to the Cha­racter it self.


IT has been my Fortune to be a Subject and a Native of that part of the World, Chara­cter. where almost three years last past I have scarce heard any thing, but the continual Noyse of Poper [...] and Plots; with all the clamorous Fears of a Jealous Kingdom about my [...]ars: And truly, I must plainly confess, I am not so Ill a Common-Wealths-ma [...] ▪ but that I am glad to see my Country-men disturb'd in a Cause, where Re­ligion, Liberty, and Property, are at Stake. Fol. 1.

Here [...]s the very Bourdon already of that Fatal Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, Dec. 15. 42. and only a short Paraphrase of the Preface to it. God blesse us from the Omen. The malicious D [...] ­signs of the Popish Party, the hazzard of Religion and great prejudice and Oppression of the Laws of the Kingdom, and just Liberty of the People. Exact Collections Pag. 2. That which follow'd upon this Popular In­troduction did sufficiently evidence the Design. You shall see now how Pat this Prologue runs Another way; Mutatis Mutandis.

It has been my Fortune (let Me say too) to be a Subject, and a Native where the Noise of Popery and Plots; Jealousies and Fears; and Affrights about Religion, Liberty and Property, as if All lay at Stake; brought a pious and a Protestant Prince to the Block; prostituted the Honour, Dignity, and Revenue of the Government, Ecclesiasti­cal and Civil, to a Band of Seditious and Sacrilegious Usurpers. Our Temples were Demolish'd; our Al [...]ars Profan'd; the Priestly Of­fice Invaded by Mechaniques; Swarms of Heresies,, and a Scanda­lous Schism, in Exchange for Purity and Unity of Religion. Of a Free-born People we became worse then Turkish Slaves; Our Com­mon-Wealths-men were glad also to see us Disturb'd; and who but our Pretended Advocates, and Patriots, to be our Tyrants, and Tormentors?

Char. But if their Jealousyes are Just and their Fears Prophetique, in Gods name let them talk. Every man ought to be so far from silen­cing [Page 8] any Reasonable Murmurs, that 'tis rather his Duty to bear a Part in a Choire so Vniversal. And if we s [...]e the Great and Wise-men of our Na­tion, like True English Patriots, struggling, and toyling to prevent our Threatning Calamities, let us take delight to behold them Restless, and Vneasie; Rolling about our Troubled Sea like Porpoises against a Tempest, to forewarn us of an Approaching Destruction. Ibid.

Let them talk on; (says he) just to the Tune of Forty Two again. God forbid (says Mr. Pym) that We should dishearten our Friends, who come to assist us. And this was, when Ven and Manwaring forc'd the Passing of the Bill of Attainder in the Lords House, by Tumults, a­gainst the Earl of Strafford; and his Sacred Majesty little better then Besieg'd in his own Palace, by the Rabble. What a blessed Harmo­ny was there then among the Porters, Car-men, and Well affected Brethren in the Lobbyes, crying out with one Voice, no Bishops; no Rotten Peers; no Common-Prayer; while the great and wise men, in their Generation were Struggling, and Toyling, to Pack Parties, Con­trive Invectives against Authority; perplexing the Multitude with Scruples, enflaming of Passions, and rolling about like State Por­poises, not as a Forewarning, but the Foreboding of a Tempest.

Char. But amids our Evident Danger, we see another sort of People dayly flattering and deluding us into a False and Fatal Security. And sure none are so little our Friends, or indeed so void even of Humanity it self, as those who would lull us asleep when Ruine is in View. Ibid.

There are some indeed, that after Open Rebellions in Scotland, hor­rid Assassinates, Anathema's Denounc'd against his Majesty, Declara­tions point blank against his Person and Government; with an In­dissoluble Confederacy of Brotherly Union in our own Bowels too, by virtue of that Magical Seal of Reprobation, the Diabolical Co­venant; there are some I sa [...], that after all these Acts and Demon­strations of Violence, and Conspiracy, will yet bear the World down that the believing of our eyes is the shamming of the Plot; and that there's no Fear at all of a Storm from that Quarter. As if a Jesuitical Practice or Principle, were Consecrated in the Heart, or Shape of a Presbyterian.

But (says he) since Zeal and Hypocrisie, Naked Truth, and Artifi­cial Falshood, have oftentimes alike Faces; I cannot but think it the Duty both of a Christian, and an English-man, to unravel the Treachery of those Arguments which they raise to destroy us.

[Page 9] But since Zeal, and Hypocrisie, &c. are so alike, that we have seen Sacriledge, and Heresy pass upon the People for Reformation; Rebellion for Loyalty; Perjury, Blasphemy, and Murth [...]r, for Religion; Regicide for the way to make a Glorious King, Bondage for Freedom, Rapine for [...]ropriety; the King's, the Churches, and the Peoples Enemies, for their Friends: what can a man do better then to Unmask this white Devil, and expose the Cloven-Foot of this Angel of Light to the View of the Nation?

Char. As First, (Says my Authour) why should we stand in fear of Popery, when in the present Temper of England 'tis impossible for any Suc­cessour whatever to introduce it.

And First, (say I too) what fear of Phanaticism, and a Common­wealth, under the present Settlement of Episcopacy and Kingly Govern­ment?

Char. And next, amids our groundless Fears, (says the Anthor of the Character, by way of supposal) let us consider what that Prince is that ap­pears so dreadful a Gorgon to England. A Prince that upon all Accounts has so Signally ventur'd his Life for his King and Country; a Heroe of that faithfull, and matchless Courage, and Loyalty: A Prince of that Vnsha­ken Honour and Resolution, that his Word has ever been known to be his O­racle, and his Friendship a Bu [...]wark whereever he vouchsafes [...]o place it; with such an infinite Mass of all the Bravery and Gallantry that can adorn a Prince. Why must the Change of his Religion destroy his Humanity; or the advance to a Crown, render his Word or Honour lesse Sacred; or make him a Tyrant to that very people whom he hath so often, and so chearfully Defended? Why may there not be a Popish King with all these Accomplish­ments, that whatever his own Private Devotions shall be, yet shall Pub­liquely maintain the Protestant Worship, with all the Present Constitution of Government, Vnalter'd?

And next, (say I) let us consider those Covenanting, and Repub­lican Spirits that appear so dreadfull to us; a Party that so signally ventur'd their Lives [...]or the King [...] Authority in the Two Houses against his Person in the Field; nay of that matchlesse Courage and Loyalty, that they hazzarded their Souls, as well as their Bodyes, to make him a Glorious Prince, by sending him to Heaven before his time: A Par­ty of that unshaken Honour, and Resolution, that their words were Ora­cles, their Protestations, Oaths, and Covenants ever bearing a dou­ble [Page 10] and an equivocal meaning; their Friendship a Bulwark, only the Guns were turn'd upon all that ever Trusted them: And of so great Bravery, that they charged thorough Heaven and Hell▪ with­out Fear either of God or Devil; and trampled under foot all Laws both Divine and Humane, for the Accomplishing of their Ends. 'Tis true, that of Papal, they are become Phanatical Jesuits, and why should the Change of their Profession, now, destroy their Nature? Or their word and Honour be lesse Sacred, if they get the Power into their Hands once again, then we have formerly found it? They eas'd us of our Laws, Lives, Liberties, and Estates; and why should they become Tyrants Now, that were so Mercyfull to us before? Why may they not be such Covenanters and Common-wealths-men, as, whatever they be in Private, will yet in Publique maintain the Mo­narchy, and Episcopacy, unalter'd? Especially after that famous In­stance of their Indulgence to his Majesty at Holdenby, when they kept him a Prisoner, without Allowing him the Benefit so much as of a Chaplain or a Common-Prayer-Book. And now he proceeds.

Char. But alas! what signifie all the great past Actions of a Princes Life, when Popery has at last got the Ascendent? All Virtues must truckle to Religion; and how little an Impression will all his Recorded [...]lorys leave be­hind them, when Rome has once Stampt him Her Proselyte? But since un­likely things may come to passe, let us seriously examine how far the Notion of such a Popish Successour consists with Reason. (Fol. 2.)

Alas, Alas! What are the Good-Old-Cause-men the better for their Crown and Church-Lands, Sequestrations, Plunders, Decimations, Directories, Classical & Congregational Presbyterys, when Monar­chy and Episcopacy have at last got the Ascendent? All Virtues must Truckle to Religion; as they did, when Rebellion, Sacriledge, Op­pression, and Murther, were hallow'd and Authorized in the Pul­pit, for the Propagation of the Gospel. But since unlikely things may come to pass, [...]t us see how far the Notion of a Phanatical Po­pery consists with the Discipline and Government by Law establish'd.

Char. (Fol. 2.) If to maintain, and defend our Religion [...] any more then a Name; it is in possible for any man to act the true Defensive Part, without the Offensive too: And he that would effectually uphold the Protestant Worship, Peace and Interest, is bound to suppress all those po­tent and dangerous Enemies that would destroy them; for all other Defense is but Disguise, and Counterfeit.

[Page 11] The States-men of Forty One that defended the Protestant Religi­on with Sword and Cannon; and our Liberties, Properties, and Persons, at the same rate; were extreamly well read in this Offen­sive way of Defence. And our Authour is much in the Right, that the way to uphold it, is to suppress those that would destroy it. That is to say, to suppresse those that enter into Protestations, Oaths, and Covenants, against Episcopacy, Root and Branch. All other De­fence (as he says) is but Disguise and Counterfeit. The Remon­strants of Forty Two declar'd it to be far from Their purpose to let loose the golden Reins of Discipline, and Government in the Church; which was only a Political Cheat; (as it is here expounded) for our Churches were turn'd into Stables, our Clergy hunted like Partridges in the Mountains, our Pulpits Stuff'd with Blasphemy, and Blew A­prons; and in the Conclusion, a hundred Heresyes let loose among us, for one Orthodox Religion.

Char. Fol. 2. If then the Wisdom of several Successive Monarchs, with the whole Nations Vnanimous Prudence, and indefatigable Care for the Pro­testant Preservation, has determin'd that those Papist Priests who have sworn Fealty to the See of Rome, and taken Orders in Foreign Seminarys, are the greatest Seducers of the Kings liege People, and the most notorious. Incendiaries, and subverters of the Protestant Christianity and Loyalty; and for that Cause their several Laws declare them Traytors; by Conse­quence, these are the Potent and dangerous Enemies, which in defense of the Protestant Cause, this Popish King is oblig'd to suppress and Punish; and these the very Laws he is bound to Execute. Fol. 2.

As the Wisdom of Successive Monarchs has provided for the Pro­testant Preservation, by necessary Severitys against known Priests and Jesuits, on the One hand; so have they likewise on the Other hand, against Separatists of another Denomination, where we find the same Principles couch'd under other Names. And these are a kind of Pro­testant Jesuit. The Pope Deposes Heretical Princes; the Fana­tique Deposes Popish; And as Ill manners produce Good Laws; the Lewd Practises on Both hands put the State upon Provisions that look both Ways. The Schism here among us brake loose but once since the Reformation. And what a Deluge of Hypocrisy, Bloodshed, Oppression, Athiesm, and Prophaneness flow'd in upon it? But that we may not Cavil upon the Word Protestant; let the Law expound it; which does expressly provide for the securing of Conforming Pro­testants against the danger of Dissenters. So that we have Potent E­nemies [Page 12] (it seems) on both sides. Now if a Phanatique Interest should get Head, it is as improbable on this side, as it is on the Other; that they should agree to Suppresse Phanaticism, in Favour of Episco­pacy, and put the Laws in Execution against themselves. Or would they not rather [...] us over again with Plunders, Imprisonments, Vows, Negative Oaths, Abjurations, as they did before?

Char. And though perhaps, till the Discovery of the late Plot, for se­veral Ages, we have not seen that Severity inflicted on Popish Priests, as the Laws against them require: And why? Because the flourishing Tran­quillity of the English Church under this King, and his Fathers Reign, ren­der'd them so inconsiderable an Adversary, that the natural Tenderness of the Protestant People of England not delighting in Blood, did not think it worth their while, either to detect, or prosecute them; and therefore has not made them the Common marque of Justice. Fol. 2.

'Tis True, that, till the Discovery of the Late Plot, the Laws a­gainst Priests and Jesuits have not been put in Execution to the Ut­most Rigour. But he is much mistaken certainly in the Reasons he gives for that Lenity, and Moderation. Does he call it the Tranquil­lity of the English Church, &c. when for eighteen years together the very Form, Discipline, and members of it Suffer'd a more then Pa­gan Persecution? And then, does he make the Popish Party so In­considerable, that was able to move such Broyls and Confusions; (which the Kings Wittnesses declare with one mouth to have been the work of the Jesuits.) and Finally, to accomplish their Devilish End in the Bloud of the best of Kings, and the most Faithfull of Sub­jects; the ens [...]aring of the [...]reest and the Happyest of People; and the total Subversion of a most glorious Church and State? And we are now again at this Instant upon the very Steps of the Preface to our Late Troubles, and in a fair way to that blessed Condition of Tranquillity, whereupon the Penner of the Character passes so nota­ble a Remarque. This was the Tenderness; and the Protestant Peo­ple he speaks of, were the Instruments of our Desolation. Which; (as the Oracles of our Age, do abundantly enform us) were only Jesuits of another Colour. It is worth a note, that still as the bare­fac'd Papist has attaqu'd us one way, the Papist in Disguise falls to Sapping and undermining of us Another; and both of them equally contributing to our Destruction.

Char. But under the Reign of an English Papist, when the Fraterni­ty [Page 13] of Religion shall encourage the Pope to make his working Emissaryes ten times more Numerous; when, if not the hope of publique Patronage, yet at least their Considence of Private Indulgence, Connivence, and Mercy, em­boldens the Missive Obedience of his Jesuitical Instruments, whilst the very name of a Popish Monarch has the Influence of the Sun in Aegypt, and day­ly warms our Mud into Monsters; till they are become our most threatning and most formidable Enemyes. And if ever the Protestant Religion wan­ted a Defender, tis then. If the Word, Honour, or Coronation Oath of a King be more then a Name, 'tis Then, or never, he is oblig'd to uphold the Protestant Interest, and actually suppresse its most apparent and most notorious Enimies. Ibid.

I do here make this publique Profession to the world, that I have as little minde to be under the Reign of an English Papist, as any mortal; and I would do all that I could justifie, as a Christian, and an Honest man, to avoid it. But since so it is, that I can no more chuse my Governour then my Father, and that I may as well re­nounce the One, upon the score of Religion, as the Other; I am re­solved to pay the Duty of a Subject to what Prince soever Almighty God, in his Over-ruling Providence, shall be pleas'd to set over me; and, at the worst, patiently to suffer, where I cannot conscien­ciously Obey. It is a remarkable Chapter, that of the Prophet Jere­my, where God doth not only stile Nebuchadnezzar (the King of Babylon) his Servant, but over and over inculcates Obedience to him. Hearken not you (says the Text, v. 9. & 10.) to your Prophets, nor to your Diviners, nor to your Dreamers, nor to your Inchanters, nor to your Sorcerers, which speak unto you, saying, you shall not serve the King of Babylon; For they Prophesie a Lye unto you: to remove you from your Land, and that I should drive you out, and you should perist. And then, v. 15. I have not sent them, saith the Lord, yet they Prophesie a Lye in my Name, &c.

Now to proceed. I shall not dispute the Consequences of his Sup­position, the One way, if he will but allow the same Consequences to lye as fair for my purpose, the Other. Will not a Scottish Frater­nity of Papists endanger England, as well as a Romish? Have they not already given proof of their Conspiracy by their Actions? (But I hope God will preserve his Majesty from an Axe, on the One hand, as well as from a Dagger, on the Other.) And have not the Kirk-Iesu­its their Emissaries, as well as the Society? See The Spirit of Popery (a Book written with great Judgement, Sobriety, and Caution; and Addressed to the English Dissenters) Fol. 7.

[Page 12] There was a Project of a Jesuitical Nature, attempted by some of your Principals, about four or five years ago, when some of your Ministers, and Others, Caball'd together a [...]out reducing the Presbyterians (whether over England only, or over all the Three Nations, I do not well remember) into the same sort of Policy by which the Jesuites are governed over all the World. The Nation was to be Divided into Districts or Provinces; every District was to have its Provincial; and over all the Provinces was to be appointed one General, to reside constantly (as I remember) in London; and the First who was to have the Honour of that Office (like the Founder of the Jesuites) had been a Soldier, and a great Malefactor, and is also fit to be a General of an Army, and presided in that Consult. He is a Gentle­man whom you all know, and makes a great part of a late Narrative, where­in the Impudent Narrator Implicitely calls you the most sober and consi­derable Protestants of the Land. The Provincials, in their several Di­stricts, were to take an account of the Growth or Decay of the Party; to note their Friends and Enemies; to receive their Contributions, and give an Account of all to the General; who was to supervise for the good of the whole. This account, with which I am confident I do not surprize some of you, was told me upon condition of Secresie, by a very honest and peaceable, but rigid Presbyterian Minister, our Countryman, who having got notice of the Con­sult, brake it in the beginning, by telling the Projectors how he abhorred it, and threateni [...]g to discover it, if they did not desist; [observe here, that this Presbyterian Minister, though a Rigid one, refused to joyn in so Jesuitical a Project.] He told me also, that he believed the Project came first from the Designed General, who intended by that means to raise his broken Fortunes; which, if he had accomplish'd▪ he might easily have done. And to do his Memory Justice, he told me this Story with very great In [...]ignation; the Substance of which, as I shall answer for it to God at the day of Judgment) I have faithfully related (to the best of my memory) upon the Faith of a Christian man.

Now to [...] his Point; will not the very Name of a Republican R [...]formation, which is at Present become the Theme of every Pam­phlet, warm Our Mud into Monsters again; and raise Coblers and Tinkers to Colonels; Draymen, and Thimble-makers to be Kings Judges? Wherefore Now or Never is his Majesty oblig'd, if his Word, Honour, or Coronation-Oath be more then a Name, (if I may be pardon'd for speaking my Authours words after him) to uphold the Protestant Interest, which now lyes a bleeding in this Cause of the Church; One Branch of the Coronation Oath being as follows.

[Page 15] ‘I will preserve and maintain to You (the Bishops) and the Churches committed to your charge, all Canonical Priviledges, and due Law and Justice; and I will be your Protector and Defender, to my Power, by the Assistance of God, as every good King in his Kingdom, [...]n right ought to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under the [...]r Government.’

Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion Table, where he makes a Solemn Oath, in sight of all the People, to observe the Premises; and laying his hand upon the Book, saith,

The Oath.

The things which I have before pro­mised, I shall perform and keep: So help me God, and the Contents of this Book.

Char. But let us suppose we may have such a Roman Catholique King, as shall discountenance Pope, and Popery; Cherish Protestantism, and effectually deterr and punish all those that shall endeavour to undermine and supplant it: And then let us examine what This King thus qualify'd must do. Fol. 2.

Here is a Supposition fairly propounded, in appearance; but yet, without Expounding himself upon the Wor [...]d Protestantism, there's no coming to an Issue upon't. If he means by Protestantism the Opi­ons of the Outlyers that have leapt the pale, and which are rather Phansies, then Perswasions; the Law it self animadverts upon those people, as the Underminers of our Ecclesiastical Establishment; And his Discountenancing of Separatists will amount to no more then a Legal Discharge of his Office. But if by Protestantism he intends a practical Conformity to the Orders of the Church, the Law pro­vides as well for the upholding of the One, as the suppressing of the [Page 16] Other. And it would be a strange Oversight for any Prince that should mount the English Throne under the disadvantages of that Perswasion, to put his Perogative upon the stretch of Enacting, or Abrogating Laws, without the Consent of his Parliament.

Char. First then, In continuing the Ecclesiastique Jurisdiction, Ho­nours and Preferments, in the hands of the Protestant Clergy; he must confer his Favours and Smiles, on those very men, whom (by the Funda­mentals of his own Vncharitable Perswasion, which dooms all that dy out of the Bosom of the Romish Church, to a certain State of Damnation) he cordially believes, do preach and teach, and lead his Subjects in the direct way to Hell. And next, at the same time he must not only punish and perse­cute, but perhaps emprison and hang, those very only Righteous men, whom from the bottom of his Soul he believes can only open them the Gates of Para­dice: whilest in so doing he cannot but accuse himself of coppying the Old Jewish Cruelty. Nay in One respect, he outgoes their Crime; for he acts that Knowingly, which they committed Ignorantly. For by the Dictates of Religion he must be Convinc'd, that in effect he does little lesse then save a Barabbas, and Crucify a Jesus. Fol. 3.

Here is First, presented a dismal Prospect of a Popish Successour, in the Life of a Protestant Prince; and the present Government of that Protestant Prince troubled and distracted with Clamours and Jea­lousies, for fear of a Popish one to come. If Religion were really the business, they would rather blesse God for the Peace and Hap­piness they enjoy; and wait his further Pleasure with Thankfull­ness, and Resignation, then with Murmuring, and Distrust, to an­ticipate Future Evills, and Prejudge Providences to come. Or if Religion were All; what's the meaning of their hammering so much of late upon the Subject of Arbitrary Power, and so many Models and Projects of a Common Wealth; which were the very Method of our late Usurpers? as to matter of Arbitrary Power; the King has pass'd away so many Concessions already for the gratifying of his Subjects, that if he had it in his Will, his Majesty has not left it in his Power to be guilty of that which is so ungratefully Charg'd up­on him. Which makes it look liker a mockery, then an Accu­sation.

And then for the New-fangled Device of a Free Common Wealth, our Republican Agitators should do well to mind the People of England, of the blessed condition they were in under the pretended Keepers of an Liberties. The Sound of Freedom, and Liberty brings [Page 17] the Multitude like Larks to the Glasse, but not a word of the Net. They say nothing of the Standing Army that must be kept afoot to support it; nor of the bloudy Taxes that must be rais'd to main­tain those Troops, and Martial Law to make good all those Vi­olences. Why do they not tell them of their Charters, Franchises, Priviledges, and Tenures, which are all swallow'd up in that Gulph of Popular Tyranny? And so are all other advantageous Depen­dences upon the Crown. The Body of the Law must be new garbled, and a Civil War, with all the Miseries and Contingences of it, must be the Prologue to the Opening of this Tragical Scene. And if the Sedition fails of successe, they bring themselves into the state again of a Conquer'd Nation. And upon these Terms it is at best, that they are to exchange a Condition of Peace, Freedom and plen­ty, for [...]eggery, Bondage, and Confusion. It was very well sayd of Grotius upon the NetherLanders delivering themselves from the [...] of Spain. We Fought (says he) to save the Tenth part of our Estates; and now that we have got the day, we have Compounded [...] th'other Nine.

Here is a Criminal, and a Dangerous, but (I hope) an Impra­cticable Proposal set afoot; But brought in, God knows, by Head and shoulders, under the Countenance of Religion, and Succession. It is possible there may be no more in it then a Well-meaning mis­take. But there must be an Infinite. Tenderness of Conscience, and a most untainted Loyalty to justify the Authour. But to return to my Character.

As to the Influence which a Popish Successour may have upon Ec­clesiastical matters, (as in the Character) there needs no more to be sayd in't then this; that the King hath been gratiously pleased to offer the Passing of any Bill for securing the Protestant Religion▪ without barring, or diverting the Succession. And such Expedients have been also fram'd to that effect, as have been by great Authori­ty judg'd Competent for the Obviating of that Difficulty.

As to the Rest, I will not deny but that it is a hard thing for a Prince to [...]eize and persecute a People of his own Religion, pure­ly eo nomine for their being so: And it is very Probable too that he will connive at men of that Perswasion, in many Cases, where the Law directs a Punishment. And what is there more in this the [...] what has been done already more or less from the Date of the Sta­tutes themselves to This very day: and what is done by the Govern­ment it self toward the Non-Conformists, at this Instant? where is the great hurt now (upon this Admittance) in not punishing [Page 18] the Papists; so long as the Protestants are not Persecuted? Where­as the Fanatical Papists did not only in defiance both of Law, and Gospel, engross all Offices, Benefits and Priviledges to themselves, but without Mercy or Distinction destroy'd the rest of their Bre­thren.

Char. A very pretty Chimaera! Which is as much as to make this Popish King the greatest Barbarian in the Creation; a Barbarian that shall cherish and maintain the Dissenters from Truth, and punish and con­demn the Pillars of Christianity, and Proselites of Heaven: Which is no other then to speak him the basest of Men, and little lesse then a Monster. Beside, at the same time that we suppose that King, that dares not uphold nor encourage his own Religion, we render him the most deplorable of Co­wards; a Coward so abject, that he dares not be a Champion even for his God. And how consistent this is with the Glory of a Crowned Head, and what hope England has of such a Successour, I leave all men of sense to judge. Fol. 3.

Behold here's the upshot of this high-flown Paragraph. [A Popish Prince that puts the Laws in Execution for the punishing of Papists, and for the protecting and countenancing of Protestants, is little less then the basest of Monsters.] How comes it then that the Crown of France has not treated the Protestant Subjects there, as this Pi­cture-drawer pronounces, that a Popish Successour would treat his Protestant Subjects here? The Protestants have now and then been severely handled I know in France; as the Papists, upon some Jun­ctures have been in England; And now of late worse then usual. All which has been Influenc'd well by Reasons of State, as by Im­pulse of Religion. But shall we Pronounce the most Christian King the greater Monster, for his better usage of us? If a potent Aversion to us in matter of Religion had transported the French King's into so mortal a Detestation of us to all other purposes, they would never have committed so many Eminent Charges both in Councells and in Arms, to the Honour and Trust of Protestant Of­ficers and Commanders. But the Convenience and Utility of the State preponderated against Disagreements in Religion. The Bar­barisms of the Holy League were the Results of a Sanguinary Facti­on as well in Civil Government, as Religion. And one Egg is not Liker another then the League of these Dissenting Papists to the Covenant of our Jesuitical and Dissenting Pseudo-Protestants.

To come now to the Reason and Conscience of this Elaborate Pa­dox. [Page 19] Taking His Position for granted, that a Popish Prince is bound by his Religion, contrary to Oaths and Promises, Honour and Justice, the Dictates of Nature, the Laws of Nations, and the Bonds of Humane Society; contrary to all This (I say) and to his Interest also; to break Faith with Protestants; and those Prote­stants, his Subjects too. He must be unman'd, as well as Unchri­stian'd; an Excomunicate to Humane Nature, and excluded from all the Benefits and Offices of Mankind. And yet, we are not with­out many Instances, in the French League, and the Scottish Covenant, of an abandon'd Perfidy even to this degree. It must be a strange Digestion sure, that can put over all other Impieties, and turn the violation of all that is Sacred in Nature into a meritorious Virtue.

Char. Besides what mismatch'd incongruous Ingredients must go to make up this Composition a King! His Hand and Heart must be of no Kin to one another: He must be so Inhumane to those very dar­ling Jesuites, that, like Mahomets Pidgeon, infus'd and whis­per'd all his Heavenly Dreams into his Ears, that he must not only clip their wings, but fairly Cage 'em too, even for the Charming Ora­cles they breath'd him: And at the same Minute he must leave the wide and open Ayr to those very Ravens that daily croak Abhor­rence, and Confusion to them, and all their Holy Dreams, and their false Oracles. Thus, whilest he acts quite contrary to all his Incli­nations, against the whole Bent of his Soul, what does he but publike­ly put in force those Laws for the Protestant Service; till in fine, for his Nations Peace he ruines his own, and is a whole Scene of War within himself? Whilst his Conscience accusing his sloth on one side, the Pope on the other, Rome's continuall Bulls bellowing against him as an undutifull Son of Holy Mother-Church, a Scandal to her Glory, a Traytor to her Interest; and a Deserter of her Cause; one day ac­cusing the Lukewarmnesse of his Religion; another, the Pusillanimity of his Nature; all Roman-Catholick Princes deriding the Feeble­nesse of his Spirit, and the Tamenesse of his Arm; till, at long run, to spare a Fagot in Smithfield, he does little lesse then walk on hot Irons himself. Thus all the pleasure he relishes on a Throne is but a kinde of Good-Fryday-Entertainment: Instead of Royall Festival, his Riot­ing in all the Luxury of his Heart, to see Rome's Dagon worshipp'd; Rome's Altars smoke; Rome's Standard set up; Rome's Enemies de­feated, and his victorious Mother-Church Triumphant; his abject, and poor-spirited Submission denyes himself the only thing he thirsts for: and whilst the Principles he suck from Rome do in effect, in the Prophets. [Page 20] Words, bid him Rise, Slay, and Eat; his fear, his unkingly, nay, un­manly fear makes him fast and starve. Fol. 3.

This Passage is only the same thing over again, in a diversity of Words and Phrase. But it is well enough to answer the Ends it was intended for; the tickling of the Phansy, and the moving of a Popular Passion, without one syllable of weight to strike the Judgement. My Reply upon the Last Paragraph shall serve for This too; which I have not here Recited, as requiring any An­swer; but to shew what pains he has taken with the Ornaments of his Rhetorique, to supply the Defect of Argument. I cannot liken it to any thing better then the Gaudy Glittering Vapour that Children are used to Phansy in a Cloud. They'l Phansy Lions, Pea­cocks, in it, or what other Figures they Please; but the first Breath of Ayre scatters the Phantastique Images, and resolves the whole into its original Nothing. And just so it is with this Character. There are many things in it finely enough sayd, to work upon a partial and an Easy Imagination; and to mislead a body at first fight into an Opinion that there may be something of weight and Sub­stance in it; but upon a second Thought it seems to be only a plausible Strain of Words, which the Authour has as well Colour'd yet, as the matter will bear.

It serves however in English well enough for an Incentive and Appeal to the Multitude: But if it should happen to be turn'd into French or Latin, it would become as ill as Office to the Pro­testants abroad, as it is here to the Government. For what could be of a more pernicious Consequence, from an unknown and pri­vate Pen, then for one of the Reform'd Communion to tell the French King, that if he suffers one Protestant Subject to live in his Dominions, he is all those Vile, Impious, and Abject things that the Authour has here bundled up in the Character of his Popish Successour.

But for this Popish Successour of his, which is a Figure that has no Being in Nature, but in his own Brain; what if I should match it now, in Flesh and Bloud? But it must be then among the Jesuite [...] Successour of Knox, and Buchanan; and the Spawn of that King-killing Race. There are mismatch'd Ingredients in abundance, Christ upon his Tribunal, (as they prophanely ascribe to their General Assembly) authorizing Bloudshed, Schism, and Disobedience; a Treaty with the King at Breda, and the Murther of the Brave M [...]ntrosse, both in a breath. Were ever hand and heart lesse Akin, [Page 21] then when they subscrib'd Loyalty and Obedience with the One, and at the same time meditated and Resolved Treason with the Other? Then when they Extirpated what they Swore they would only Reform; and utterly destroy'd that Freedom and Property, which they Pretended to preserve? Then when instead of advan­cing Purtity of Doctrine, and the Kingdom of Christ, they fill'd the Pulpits with Jugglers, that imposed upon the People the directi­ons of their Standing Tables, or the Close Committee, as the Dictates of the Holy Ghost; and in place of the Prophets words, Rise, Slay and Eat, cry'd out, Cursed be They that keep back their Sword in this Cause. You know the Story of Gods Message unto Ahab for letting Benhadad go upon Composition, Stricklands Thanksgiving Sermon. Nov. 5. 1643. De Justice to the Greatest, says Herle before the Commons, Nov. 5. 1644. Sauls Sons are not spar'd; no nor may Agag, or Benhaded, though themselves Kings. Zimri and Cozbi (through Princes of the People,) must be persu'd into their Tents. This is the way to Consecrate your selves to God. And what was the Ground of all this Fiercenesse; but a Popish King, (though the Glory of the Reformation) for want of a Popish Successour?

The Kings Counsels and Resolutions are so engaged to the Popish Party (they say) for the Suppression and Extirpation of the True Religion, that all Hopes of Peace and Protection are Excluded; and it is fully intended to give satisfaction to the Papists, by alteration of Religion; and to the Cavaliers and other Soldiers, by exposing the Wealth of the Good Subjects,Declarat. & Prot. of Lords and Com­mons, to the King­dom, and the whole world. Octob. 22. 1642. Exact Coll. pag. 664. espe­cially of This City of London, to be Sack'd, Plunder'd, and Spoyl'd by them. And then again, His Majesty endeavoured to keep off all Jealousies and Suspicions, by many fearfull Oaths and Im­precations, concerning his purpose of maintain­ing the Protestant Religion, &c. Ib. pa. 665.

This is enough to convince the world that the very Sound of Popery will do the businesse, as well Without a Ground, as With it: And whoever goes about to allarm the People upon This Des­perate point, had need give very good Security for his Allege­ance. But if it should prove to be the work of some Good-Old-Gaus [...]n, the very fact it self is not Clearer then the Designe. But however it is, the Authour has endeavour'd to prevent any such Conjeeture, by a Complement upon the Memory of the Fa­ther, [Page 22] to make the better way to the venting of his spleen against the Successor here in question.

If there can be a Son of that Royal Martyr Charles the First (says he) a Prince so truly pious, that his very Enemies dare not asperse his Memory or Life, with the least Blemish of Irreligion; A Prince that Seal'd the Protestant Faith with his Bloud; who in his deplorable Fate, and Ignominious Death, bore so near a resemblance to That of the Savi­ours of the world, that his Sufferings can do no lesse then Seat him at the Right hand of Heaven. If (I say) there can be a Son of that Royall Protestant of that Vncharitable Faith, who by the very Tenets of his Re­ligion dooms (for deems I suppose) all that die without the Bosome of their Church irreparably damned: Then Consequently he must barbarously tear up his Fathers Sacred Monument, brand his Blessed Memory with the Name of Heretique; and to compleat the horrid Anathema, he most impiously execrates the very Majesty that gave him Being. Fol. 11.

The Authour has wrought up This Phansy to a high Pitch, as well in respect of the Father, as of the Son; and he has shew'd his skill in't too, for the more he advances the Reputation of the One, the more scope he has, upon the Opposition, to depresse the Esteem of the Other. I would charitably believe that he means good Faith in the Honourable Mention he makes of that Venerable Martyr: But yet there are some passages in this Discourse that would make a man half suspect This Flourish upon the Last King to be intended as a Blind, to give him Opportunity of getting a fairer Marque at This. For he [...]s here upon a subject where 'tis a Common thing to have the Heart and the Hand as far as Heaven and Earth asunder. Witnesse the Close of the Declaration before-mentioned, Pag. 666. We do here Protest before the Ever-Living God, that the Chief End of all our Councels and Resolutions, is to secure the Per­sons, Estates, and Liberties of all that joyn with us, and to procure and establish the Safety of Religion, and Fruition of our Laws and Libertyes, in This and all Other his Majesties Dominions, without any Intention or desire to hurt or injure his Majesty, either in his Person, or JUST Power.

Let any man consider, that at This very time, they were de­stroying the Church; In Arms against the King; Plundring and Imprisoning those that would not joyn with them; and lastly, that they order'd this Declaration to be forthwith Printed, and [Page 23] Read in all Churches and Chappels in England and Wales: calling Heaven and Earth to Witnesse the Integrity of their Souls, un­der all these Gross, and Scandalous Contradictions.

Now to the Latter part of his Paragraph, First, he lays down a false Supposition, and then he raises out of it a most uncharitable Consequence. For the very Position that there is no Salvation out of the Church; is qualifyed yet with an Exception, in case of an Invincible Perswasion; But if this be so lew'd a Principle, in One Religion, why is it not so in Another? There is not a fouler Character in Hell, then he has drawn here of a Popish Successor. and he founds it upon the Irresistible Impulses and Dictates of the Religion. which being admitted, involves every Individual member of the Church of Rome, in the same Condemnation. So that he himself damns all the Papists, as well as he makes Them Damn all the Protestants.

So much for the Son of that Royal Protestant, as he expresses it. But he says nothing all this while of the undutifull Subjects of that bles­sed Martyr: Those that actually divided his Sacred Head from his Body, and then glory'd in it as an Acceptable Sacrifice unto the Lord.

But was This Prince so pious, does he say, that his very Enemies dare not asperse his Memory? &c. What if I should shew him now (to convince him of his Mistake) three or four of the Fiercest Sticklers we have for the Phanatical Interest, that have pass'd their Appro­bation upon that Execrable Murther?

Char. However (says he) if there be such a King in Nature, as will not Defend his Own Religion, because he dares not; but Sneaks upon a Throne, and in Obedience to his Fear shrinks from the Dictates of his Conscience: If like Jupiters Logg, Such a King can be; and Fate has ordain'd us for a Popish Prince; Pray Heaven shroud the Imperial Lyon in this Innocent Lamb-Skin. (Fol. 3.)

He does well enough to pray for Jupiters Logg, considering what Havock the Republican Storks have made with us Allready. But is it so Base a things (says he) for a Prince to shrink from the Dictates of his Conscience? What if his Majesty himself should make it a point of Conscience not to entertein any Project for the Uniting, as they call it, of Protestant Dissenters; in regard both of the Publike Peace, and the Heretical Opinions that must be indulg'd under that Denomina­tion? [Page 24] Would not the Kings concessions in that point bring him with­in the Equity of this Successours Character?

Char. But I have heard (says he) a great many say, it cannot enter into their Thoughts that a Popish Successour will ever take such an Inhu­mane, and so unnatural a Course to Establish Popery, it being so abso­lutely against the English Constitution, that it can never be introduced with lesse then a Deluge of Bloud. Surely his very Glory should withhold him from so much Cruelty, &c. Fol. 5.

The Glory of a Papist! (says he, in Reply upon himself,) a pretty Aiery Notion. How shall we ever expect that Glory shall steer the A­ction, of a Popish Successour, when there is not that thing so Abject, that he shall refuse to do, or That Shape or Hypocrisie so Scandalous, he shall not assume, when Rome or Rome's Interest shall Command; nay, when his own petulant Stubbornnesse shall but sway him? As for Example; for One Fit he shall come to the Protestant Church, and be a member of their Com­munion, notwithstanding at the same time his Face belies his Heart, and in his Soul he is a Romanist. Nay, he shall vary his Disguises as often as an Algerine his Colours, and change his Flag to conceal the Pyrat. As for Instance, Another fit, for whole years together, he shall come nei­ther to One Church nor th' other, and participate of neither Communion, till ignoble he plays the Vnprincely, nay the unmanly Hypocrite, so long, that he shelters himself under the Face of an Atheist to shroud a Papist; a Visor more fit for a Banditto then a Prince. And This methinks is so Wretched and despicable a Disguise, that it looks like being asham'd of his God. Fol. 5.

If a Popish Successour will do any thing, though never so Abject, he will comply then, and make his Religion Truckle to his Interest: But how comes he to be so Abject, and Yielding in One Line, and so Stubborn in the Next: If it be True that he will so Scandalously play the Hypocrite as to Change his Shape, and Act any part for his Advantage, which Rome, or Romes Interest shall Impose upon him; what should hinder him from making himself a Protestant to the Law, though he continue a Papist still in his Heart? And where's the Outcry then, against the Popish Successour? If he will do This, the Exception is Remov'd; For he's no longer, in Construction of Law, a Papist: And if he will not do it, he has great Wrong done him in the Character. The Policy, or in Truth the Probability of his running from One Communion to Another, I must Confesse I do not understand. For if he can dispense with shuffling and shifting; his [Page 25] way would be to shift once for all into the shape of a Protestant; (For That's a Turn would gain him his Point) and not to wander thus from One Church to Another, to no manner of Purpose. Up­on the whole Matter, the Authour methinks might have treated the Brother of his Sovereign with a little more regard to the Terms of Decency, and Respect, and kept himself to the Cause, without betraying so great an Animosity to the Person. But having to do with a Prince of his own Creating, he thinks he may deal with him at what rate he pleases.

Char. Besides, If Glory could have any Ascendant over a Popish Suc­cessor, one would think the word of a King, and the Solemn Protestations of Majesty ought to be Sacred and Inviolable. But how many Presidents have we in Popish Princes to convince us that their strongest Engagements and Promises, are lighter then the very Breath that Vtters them. As for Examples sake, How did their Saint Mary of England promise the Norfok and Suffolk Inhabitants the unmolested Continuation of the Protestant Worship; calling her God (that God that saw the Falsenesse of her Heart) to witnesse, That though her own Perswasion was of the Romish Faith, yet she would content her self with the Private Exercise of her own Devotion, and preserve the then Protestant Government, with all her Subjects Rights and Priviledges, un-in­jur'd. Vpon which, those poor, credulous, honest, deluded Believers, on the Security of such Prevalent Conjurations, led by the mistaken Reve­rence they paid to a Protesting Majesty, laid their Lives at her Feet, and were the very men that in That Contest of the Succession plac'd her on a Throne: But immediatly when her Sovereign Power was securely establish'd, and his pious Holinesse had bid her safely pull the Vizor off, no sooner did Smithfield glow i'th Piles of Blazing Hereticks; But Chronicles more particularly observe, that no people in her whole Kingdom felt so signal marks of her Vengeance, as those very Men that raised her to the Throne. Her Princely Gratitude for their Crowning her with a Diadem, Crown'd Them with their Martyrdoms.

But since we have mentioned her Princely Gratitude, 'twill not be a­misse to recollect one Instance more of so Exemplary a Virtue. In the Dispute betwixt Her's and the Lady Jane Grey's Title to the Crown, it was remarkable, that all the Judges of England gave their Vnanimous Opinions for the Lady Jane's Succession, except one of them only, that as­serted the Right of Mary: But it so fell out, that This man proving a Protestant (notwithstanding of all the whole Scarlet-Robe he had been her only Champion) was so barbarously persecuted by her, that being first [Page 26] degraded, then imprison'd and tortur'd for his Religion, the Cruelty of his Torments was so savage, that with his own hand he made himself a way to escape 'em. And well might the violence of his Despair testifie his Sufferings were Intolerable, when he fled to so sad a Refuge as Self-Murther, for Deliverance. Fol. 5. & 6.

See how he Confounds himself here in his way of Reasoning: Because Q. Mary was not so good as her Word; therefore No Popish Prince values himself upon his Honour. 'Tis true, she brake her Promise with Norfolk, and Suffolk (as he Reports it) that gave her the First Lift toward the Crown: But it is more then he can justifie to make it a premeditate Perfidy; as he renders it. For it is the O­pinion of our best Writers, that she was rather wrought upon, ex post facto, to that Violation; But a Violation it was however; and there's no Excuse for't. And it was a mean Ingratitude to the Ge­nerous Loyalty of those People, whom (under favour) she did not treat worse then Others, but she did ill in not using them better.

As to what concerns the matter of Title, the Lady Mary, claim­ing to the Crown upon a Statute of 35. Hen. 8. and Edward the Sixth, being prevail'd upon afterward in his Death-sicknesse, contrary to the Intent and direction of that Statute, to transfer the Succession, by Will, to the Lady Jane Grey, in favour of a Faction that labour'd the Disinheriting of the Ladyes Mary and Elizabeth; all the Judges subscribed to the Disinherison of the Sisters, save only Sr. James Hales; (Justice of the Common Pleas) who refused, upon a Con­science of the Right, without any regard to the Person of the Lady Mary. This same Sr. James Hales, for giving a Charge afterward, Derogatory to the Supremacy of the Pope, was commited to Prison; but received Good Words and fair usage, some time after. He Fell however into a deep melancholly, and in the Conclusion Drown'd himself. But I see no warrantable Authority for the Re­port of his being put to the Torture; only the Authour of the Cha­racter finds it convenient to have it so, for the better grace of his Story. But we need not trouble our selves to look so far back for In­stances of Breach of Faith; this Last Age having made us Famous for Perjurious Practises, beyond all that ever went before it. Wit­ness the whole Tract of our Late Troubles. But now comes Ano­ther Objection of his own, with His Reply upon it.

[Page 27] Char. Suppose (says he) that the Conservation of a Nations Peace, the Dictates of a Princes Glory, and all the Bonds of Morality, cannot have any Influence upon a Popish Successour; yet why may there not be that Prince, who in veneration of his Coronation-Oath, shall defend the Pro­testant Religion, notwithstanding all his Private regret and inclinations to the Contrary? When, rather then incur the infamous Brand of Per­jury, he shall ty himself to the Performance of That which not the force of Religion it self shall violate. And Then, how can there be That Infi­del of a Subject, after so Solemn an Oath, that shall not believe him?

Why, truly, I am afraid there are a great many of those Infidells, (says he) and some that will give smart Reasons for their Infidelity: For, if he keeps his Oath, we must allow, that the only Motive that Prompts him to keep it, is some Obligation that he believes is in an Oath. But con­sidering he is of a Religion that can absolve Subjects from their Allegeance, to an Heretical, Excommunicated Prince, nay Depose him, and take his very Crown away: Why may it not much more release a King from his Faith to an Excommunicated, Heretical People; by so much as the Tyes of Vassals to Monarchs are greater then those of Monarchs to Vassals.

By the Obligation of an Oath, I presume he means the Religious Ob­ligation of it; because he speaks of That Obligation from which the Pope pretends a power to absolve him. Now if this be his Mind; That Obligation is not (as he says) the only Motive to the keeping of his Oath; but there is a Super-Additional Reason of State, and Political Contemplations, over and above. Take that for gran­ted once, that there's no Trusting to the Oath of a Roman Catholique Prince; and ye cut the very Ligaments of Society, and Commerce. There's an End of All Treatyes, and Alliances; amicable and mutual Offices betwixt Christian Princes, and States: Nay, in One word, erect but This Maxim; you turn Europe into a Sham­bles, and put Christendom, without any more ado, into a State of War. For where there's no Trust, there can be no Security: And then we know upon Experience, that the Outrages of Jelou­sy, for the Preventing of Imaginary Evills, are actually the most dreadfull of Real ones themselves. This Opinion makes us a Scorn and a Prey to Infidels, and Strips us of all that is Divine, and Rea­sonable in us, together.

I am nor ignorant yet, either of the Doctrine, or of the Practice of several Profligate Wretches of the Roman Communion, in This Impious Particular. But they are such then as are wholly lost in Brutality and Blindnesse, and [Page 28] I neither do, nor can believe all Papists to be equally suscepti­ble of That Unchristian Impression. It is a Position that may be made use of at a Dead Lift, to serve a Political Turn. And the Trick will not passe neither, but upon some Enthusiastique Sick­headed Zealot, that takes all his Dreams for Visions, and the Vapours of his Distemper for Revelations. We have had of these Romish Dispensations and Absolutions in abundance, among our Own Fanatical Jesuites, and not only the Doctrie asserted, but the Duty also of abjuring our Oaths of Allegiance and Canoni­cal Obedience inculcated, and press'd upon the pain of Impri­sonment, Plunder and Damnation. Yet God forbid that the Acts of the Conclave of a Close Committee, and the Determinations of an Ignatian Assembly of Divines (the True Counter-Part of the Holy Society;) the Lord forbid (I say) that This Cabal of audacious Extravagants, that took upon them to Discharge us from the Obligations of the Ten Commandements, as well as of the Laws of the Land, should reflect a Scandal upon the whole Body of our Communion, as if Their Warrant were a Legitima­tion of Perjury and Rebellion, and the Doctrine of King-killing, and Violence, were the Dictate of our Profession.

He touches a little lower upon the French Kings breaking in up­on Flanders, contrary to his Oath. [All the Motives (says he) that could provoke him to the Breach of his Oath, were only his Ambi­tion, a Lust of being Great, &c. Fol. 6.] So that he has now found out a Popish Prince, it seems, that sacrifices his Conscience to his Glory, though but a little before he made it the Character of a Popish Successour to sacrifice his Glory to his Religion. Now by the way, I look upon Majesty as a Sacred Character, and not to be handled but with Veneration: Wherefore whether his Assum­ption be True of False, I shall speak to it only as a Supposition. He proceeds now to the ballancing of the matter.

If (says he) a Roman Catholique can break an Oath only for the Pleasure of Conquering, which he knows is doing Ill; Shall not a Popish Prince in England have ten times more Inclination to break an Oath for the Propaga­tion of his own Faith, which his Conscience tells him is meritorious?

I Answer, that the breaking of an Oath, out of a Lust of being Great, is the Crime properly of an Ambitious Prince, not of a Po­pish: For he does not consult his Religion, but only his Glory, in the Committing of it. And the same Thirst of Dominion, with the same degree of Indifference, as to the Businesse of Right or wrong, [Page 29] in concurrence with the same Advantages of Power and Opportuni­ty, would have produced the very same essects in a Prince of any o­ther Judgment. Well, but he does an Ill thing knowingly; and so are most of the Ill things that are done in the World, without any regard to the difference of Protestant or Papist. But Then his Ap­plication of This Ill thing done to another Prince of the same Per­swasion is only the cutting of One Diamond with another; and no­thing at all to our Case.

But much more will a Popish Prince in England (says he) &c.—Does it follow Here that because a man would rather forswear him­self to bring a Good thing to pass, then a Bad one, (though we are to do no evill at all that Good may come of it) that therefore for the compassing of a good end a man will forswear himself? Nei­ther have I ever as yer heard of the Merit of propagating any Reli­gion, by Perjury: Or that the Consciences of any sort of Christians could justifie them in a Crime which even Infidels themselves by the meer instinct of Nature have in extreme abhorrence. And he follows the point yet further.

Char. He has Religion (says he) to drive the Royal Jehu on; Religion that from the beginning of the world, through all Ags, has set all Nations in a Flame; yet never confessed it self in the Wrong.

These are strange words to come from the mouth of a pretender to Scruples, and a Protestant Advocate. His Quarrel is not now so much to a Popish, as to a Religious Successour. Nor is it any longer Pope­ry, but Religion it self, that he strikes at, as the dangerous and Ob­stinate Incendiary. Nay and since Religion was in the world, it was never otherwise he says. So that here is a very fair expedient hinted, for the good of Christendom, to exterminate this Spirit of Discord (RE­LIGION) from off the face of the Earth. If he had said only the Pretext of Religion, he might have Appeal'd, either to the Clamour of his Bre­thren, or to his own Papers. For it is the Pretext that both Furnishes the Fewel, and blows the Coal: while Religion lies burning in the Furnace.

Char. Beside (says he) how can a Popish Prince, in attempting to E­stablish his own Religion, believe he does his Subjects an Injustice, in that very thing in which he does God Justice; or think he Injures Them, when he does their Souls Right? Fol. 6.

This Pretense of doing God Justice, and the Souls of men Right; will entitle a Prince, with a much more plausible Colour, and a better Grace, to the breaking in upon the Territories and Subjects of o­ther Princes and States, under Countenance of the same Design: For in that case, there's no Bar of an Oath upon him; whereas the [Page 30] same Violence upon his own Subjects renders him Guilty of a mani­fest Perjury.

But what does he mean by an Attempt to establish his own Re­ligion? If it be by way of Argument; 'tis well. But if he makes use of any compulsive act of Authority, contrary to his Oath, he stands accountable to God for breach of Faith; and does no Justice to God in it neither, nor Right to the Souls of his People. For where's the justice to God, in making use of his Name to an Imposture? and in rendring him not only a Witness, but in some sort, a Party to a Cheat? And where's the Right to his Peoples Souls, in forcing them to the Profession of a Religion with their Lipps, which they abhor in their Hearts? Or, in fine, how can a Popish Prince so much as pretend, either to the one, or the other, against so clear a Light, both of Scripture and Nature? In short, either he is indispensably bound to do the thing, or at liberty whether he will do it or no: If the former, his Oath must be either a Nullity or a Fraud; and if the other, his antecedent Obligation has determin'd that liber­ty. [But Religious Phrenzy (says he, Fol. 7.) leaves that eternal in­toxication behind it, that where it commits all the Cruelties in the World, 'tis never sober after to be sorry for't.] How truly, and how severe­ly is this said? Witness the impenitent Ends and Courses of all the Kings Murtherers, both Dead and Living. And now again [Thus (says he) Whilst a Popish King sets his whole Kingdom in a Combust­ion; how little does he think he plays a Second Nero? Good Conscienti-Man, not he; Alas! He does not Tune his Joys to the Tyrannick Ne­ro's Harp, but to David's milder and more sacred Lyre; whilst, in the height of his pious Extasy, he sings Te Deum, at the Conflagration. ib.] Turn but Popish King here, into Popish, Phanatical Faction, and what an admirable illustration is this of the Brethrens Exultations and Thanksgivings, for the Ruine of their Sovereign, the Holy Church, and Three Kingdoms? Nay, and the florid humour goes on with him still. [Thus (says he) with an Arbitrary, unbounded Power, what does his Licentious holy Thirst of bloud do less, than make his Kingdoms a larger Slaughter-House, and his Smithfield an Origi­nal Shambles? Thus the Old Moloch, once again revives, to feast and riot on his dear, human Sacrifice: And whilst his fiery Iron hands, crush the poor Victim dead, the PROPAGATION of RELIGION, and the GLORY of GOD (as he calls it) are the very Trumpets that deafen all the feeble Cryes of bloud, and drown the dying Groans of what he Murthers. Ibid.] Can any Man read this Pathetical Figure of Tyranny and Desolation, without turning the OLD MOLOCH [Page 31] into the GOOD-OLD-CAVSE; and calling to mind the Glori­ous Sacrifices that were offer'd at White-Hall-Gate; upon Tower-Hill; Cheap-side; Charing-Cross; and in a word, in all the Quarters of His Majesties Dominions, to that Mercyless and Insatiable Idol? To say nothing of those Whole-Sale Carnages, at Edge-hill, New­bury, Marston-Moor, Navesby, &c. where the blood of loyal Sub­jects, and true Protestants, was spilt like Water, and the Priests of Baal, all this while, with the PROPAGATION of RELIGION, and the GLORY of GOD in their Mouths, celebrating, in their Pulpits and Festivals, these Barbarous Triumphs. And yet a­gain;

Char. Thus (says he) whilst the bonds of Faith, Vows, Oaths and Sacraments cannot hold a Popish Successor; what is that in an Imperial Head, but what in a private Man we punish with a Jail and Pillory? whilst the Perjur'd Wretch stands the Vniversal Marque of Infamy, and then is driven from all Conversation, and like a Monster hooted from Light and Day.] Pray'e correct the Errata's of this passage, thus: For Popish Successor read Jesuitical Covenanter; and for an Imperial Head read a Committee of Safety: And then ye have the Mystery uncipher'd. [But the Pope (he says) and a Royal Hand, may do any thing; there's a Crown in the case, to guild the deeds his Royal Engines act.] This Pope and Royal Hand should have been their General Assembly; and their (Pretended) Christ upon his Throne; and then Gods Cause, and according to the Covenant hallows the Se­dition

—Et quod.
Turpe est Cerdoni, Volesos, Brutosque decebit.
One Verse more would have expounded the whole business.
Ille Crucem sceleris Pretium, tulit, Hic, Diadema.

Char. They are still (says he) that adorable Sovereign Greatness we must kneel to, and obey. What if a little Perjur'd Villain has sworn a poor Neighbour out of a Cow or a Cottage! Hang him, inconsiderable Rogue! His Ears deserve a Pillory. But to VOW and COVENANT and FORSWEAR THREE KINGDOMS OVT OF THEIR LIBERTIES AND LIVES; that's Illustrious and Heroique. There's Glory in great Atchievments, and Virtue in Success. Alas! a vast Imperial Nimro [...] hunts for Nobler Spoils; flyes at a whole Nations [Page 32] Property and Inheritance. A Game w [...]rthy a Son of Rome, and Heir of Paradise. And to lay the mighty scene of ruine secure, he makes his Coronation-Oath, and all his Royal Protestations (those splen­did Baits of premeditated Perjury) the Cover and Skreen to the hidden fatal Toyl, laid to ensnare a Nation. fol. 7.

Never were those Illustrious and He [...]oick Vowers and Covenanters, that for swore three Kingdoms out of their Liberties and Lives, drawn so to the Life; and five hundred Nimrods too upon the chase of our Property and Inheritance. And it was a Game worthy of the Sons of Buchanan; and (if they may be their own Godfathers) the Children of the Lord too, under the Cover of their ambiguous Protestations; and their Holy League-Bands of Confederacy; they c [...]nceal'd the Snare of that premeditated Perjnry, which was fol­low'd with so many dreadful judgments upon the Nation.

He prosecutes his Subject with a Reply to the Objection, that 'its impossible for a Popish Successor to introduce Popery into England. That the Jesuits, had such a design; & that the whole Party believ'd it practicable, he evinces from the Plot; and the prospect of a presumptive Popish Heir, render'd them more confident of succeeding in it, fol. 7. and 8. And yet four or five Lines further, he represents the difficulties of restoring Popery into England to be almost insuperable: and so with just reflections upon the Paris, and Irish Massacres; Villanies of Gun-powder Treasons, Confla­gratiens, and Plots against Kings and Kingdoms. He finishes that Paragraph.

I shall easily agree here to all the Ill that he says of the Seditious and pragmatical Papists, without disputing one syllable of it. And yet I think it very well worth our care, to distinguish betwixt zeal and clamour; and not over-hastily to give credit to That Sort of People, whose method it is; first, to make Papists odi­ous; and then to make the Church of England Popish. And this is not said neither to divert any man from a reasonable apprehen­sion of the other danger. There never was a greater noise of Popery, than in the Prologue to the misfortunes of the late King. And what was the Ground, or what the Issue of it? There was a Conspiracy to undermine the Government, and no way but that to put the People out of their Wits, and out of their Du­ties together; and the Project succeeded, to the actual subversion [Page 33] of the Government. And when the Zelots had possessed them­selves of the Quarry, they shar'd both publick and private Re­venues among themselves, and fell afterward to the cutting of one another's Throats, for the Booty; without one word more of Popery. In Brief, to joyn in an Out-cry against Papists, with those that Reckon Episcopacy to be Popery, is to assist our Enemies toward the putting on of our own Shackles. And it is gone so far too, that the Libellers, and their Dictators range them hand in hand already; and you shall seldom see a Blow made at the Pope, without a Lick at the Bishops. But the Project begins now to open.

Char. Let us now rightly consider how far the first Foundations of Popery (vix. Arbitrary Power) may be laid in England. First, then, if a Papist Reign; the Judges, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and all the Judiciary Officers are of the King's Creation: and as such, how far may the influence of Preferment; on baser Constitutions, cull'd out for his purpose, prevail even to deprave the very Throne of Justice her self; and make our Judges use even our Protestant Laws them­selves to open the first Gate to Slavery.

We are just now upon a Preliminary to the Nineteen Old Propo­sitions over again. For fear of an Arbitrary Power, the King was not to be trusted with the Choice of his own Officers. But no though taken for the securing of the Government from Popular Tumults and Insurrections; in case of lodging that trust in any o­ther hand. Beside the putting of the King into an incapacity of providing for the justice, and security of the Government. But he is so far however in the right; that the perverting of that pow­er may endanger the State. And for that consideration, it is a Trust not to be parted with, lest it should once more be re-apply'd to the destruction of the King and People, as it was before. It is a certain Truth, that a Prince, by the abuse of his Power may prove a Tyrant. But it is as certain again, that there is not any form, or temperament of Sovereignty imaginable, that is not lyable to the same possibility. For Tyranny it self, is only the straining of the Essential and necessary powers of Government beyond their pitch. We have experimented the worst effects of Usurpation, and Corruption; and of turning the Equity of the Law against the Letter of it; nay of setting up the Laws themselves against [Page 34] the very authority that made them. And all this would never have done the work neither, if the faction had not supply'd the want of Laws for their purpose in some cases, and superseded o­thers that were against them, by an Arbitrary Device of Votes, and Ordinances. So that the hazard is nothing so great as he repre­sents it, in the hand of a Prince, for want of that power of Enacting and Repealing, which the Faction possessed themselves of by an U­surpation. But alas! (says he, Pag. 8.) The Laws in corrupted Iudges hands have been too often used as barbarously as the Guests of Procrustes, who had a Bed for all Travellers; but then he either cut them shorter, or stretch'd them longer, to fit them to it,

And is not this very charitably done now; to imagine the worst things that either ever were or can be done; Of a Prince, (ad­mitting my Author's supposition) whose Empire, Safety; Do­nions; and the wel-fare of whose People, are all dependent upon his good behaviour, and justice? So that he ventures his All on the one side, to get nothing on the other, Here is the fansie of remote and uncertain difficulties, oppo'sd to our present security and well-being! and after a Capital Sentence, pronounced with a for­mality of Law, upon an Imperial Prince, as a Traytor to the So­vereignty of the People; We are now opening the way to bring a­nother Prince to the Scaffold. For that's the Scope of several Vi­rulent Libels, both printed and written, that have at present, their free course without controll? These are the Incendiaries I speak of, and no other. [Well (says he again) but if the publick Ministers of Justice betray the Liberty of the Subject; The Subject may Petition for a Parliament to punish 'em for't. But what if he will neither hear one, nor call the other? who shall compel him?] This is a very artificial way of getting a shoot at the King through the Duke; and to intimate the Exercise of an Arbitrary Power, by this manner of supposing it. It was by these very steps of accu­sing evil Councellours; crying out for justice against them; and for a Parliament to punish them; that the Faction mounted the Government, and strip'd his Majesty; first of his Friends; then of his Revenue; next of his Liberty; and lastly of his Life, and all this was actually done, for fear of no body knew what. Ther's no doubt (says the Character) but hee'l find sufficient assistance from the Pope, English Papists, and Foreign Princes; beside the Revenues of the Crown. And then having but a prudent eye, and a tenacious hand to [Page 35] manage his Exchequer; we shall find hee'l never call that People he shall never have need of, fol. 8.] He supposes here an assistance for a Prince in possession of his Crown. But an assistance for what, unless in case of a Rebellion? Or is it an assistance to enable him to live without Parliaments? As if Foreign Princes would be at that charge, to be never the better sor't. Or if he means a Mi­litary Assistance toward the settling of him in the Possession of an Absolute Power; his Interest undoubtedly will be much greater in the supporting of him as an Heir, than in advancing him as a Tyrant; beside, that for one English Man to serve him in such an unwarrantable design, he will have an hundred, in case of any unjust delusion, to stand by him in the defence or recovery of an nndoubt­ed Right. This is only the quitting of one Pamphlet with ano­ther; and to make use of that liberty my self which is allow'd to others. [But all this while (says he) the Pope is not Absolute. There wants a Standing Army to Crown the Work: And he shall have it, for who shall hinder him? Nay, all his Commanders shall be present qualifi'd, even by our Protestant Test, for the employment.] We have not forgot the Time when one standing Army was Raised for fear of another; and between Thirty and Forty Thousand Men kept in Pay for a matter of thirteen or fourteen years together, when the War was over, and not one Enemy left in the Field; one King imprison'd, and another in Banishment; Taxes multi­ply'd; The People peel'd to the very Bones; and the Persons and Estates of Free-born English Men subjected to the most Scan­dalous Tyranny that ever was inflicted upon reasonable Creatures. And what was the Ground and Foundation of this Calamity? The Multitude were Buzz'd in the Head, that the King was Popish­ly inclin'd, and govern'd by Jesuitical Councels; nothing but Papists about him, and two or three Antichristian Bishops (a Pack of Tories, and Tantvies) and a mighty noise there was of German Horse, and the bringing of an Army up to Town to awe the City, and the Parliament: and the very fear alone of these shadows Transported them into the uttermost extremities of rage and confusion. 'Tis true, there was no Plot afoot then, as there is now; but they made sufficient shift, without it, to do their own, and the Kingdoms business. You shall now see the Com­position of his Popish Successor's Standing-Army. He shall have e­nough Men of the Blade out of one half of the Gaming Houses in Town, to [Page 36] Officer twice as many Forces as he shall want: 'Tis true, they shall be men of no Estates, nor Princples, &c.] He should e'en have gone on, when his hands were in, and quarter'd his new Leveys in Lam­beth House, or Pauls, as in the days of his Forefathers. But is not this better yet, than Spiriting away of Apprentices from their Masters; decoying the poor Wenches out of their Bodkins and Thimbles, and squeezing a Rebellion out of the Gospel? We have seen an Army of pretended Saints, to the value of Twenty or Thirty Thousand in a Body; and as many Religions, as Men: every Article of the Creed call'd in question; and the Lord's Prayer exploded as a stinting of the Spirit. This and a great deal more, and worse, is true, to the very Letter. But for­ward [And that this Army may be more quietly rais'd; how many ho­nourable pretences may be found, fol. 9.] Very right. As the fet­ching of the King home to his Parliament; the delivering of him out of the hands of Papists. The defence of his person, and just rights, in the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion; and all this, in the Stile of his Majesties most humble, and obedient Subjects. [Perhaps (says he) the greatest and most importunate preservation of the Kingdom shall call for't and then upon second thoughts, instead of defeating some Foreign Enemy, they are opportunuely ready to cut our Throats at home; if we do not submit, and give all that this King shall ask, bid.] This ingenuous Author has directly Tran­slated the true History of the Rise and Advance of the late Re­bellion, into a Prophetical Computation of the Methods and Pro­ceedings which the World is to expect from a Popish King. Did not they seize those very Arms that the King had provided for the Relief of Ireland? and employ them against his Majesties very Person at Edg-hil? And were not those very Troops that were Raised, as they swore, for the defence of the City of London, Quarter'd upon the Citizens, to Ruine, and Enslave them.

Char. Thus far (says he) we have given the Pourtraicture of a Popish King: And now, let us take a draught of his Features in his Minori­ty; that is, while he is only a Popish Heir Apparent, I.d.

After the Preamble of an Imaginary Prince, elevated to the height of a Generous and a glorious Character; with a Supposal of [Page 37] a People too not unworthy of the blessing of such a Sovereign; and a smooth Reproach in the end of it, to intimate how much he is beholden to them; he advances as follows.

Char. Now (says he) let suppose, after a long Tranquility of this matchless Monarchs R [...]ign, that the immediate Heir to his Crown, and a part of his Bloud, by the Sorceries of Rome is canker'd into a Papist.] His meaning is easily suppos'd, by stabbing of the very Paper, whenever he comes near him. [And to pursue this Land [...]hape, suppose we see this once happy Flourishing Kingdom (so far as in all Du­ty and Reason bound) concern'd for themselves, their Heirs and their whole Countries Safety; till with an honest, cautious, prudent Fear they begin to inspect a Kingdoms Vniversal Health; till weighing all the Symptoms of its State, they plainly descry those Pestilential Vapours fermenting, that may one day infect their Ayre, and sicken their World, and see that rising Eastern Storm engendring, that will once bring in those more then Egyptian Locusts, that will not only fill their Houses, and their Temples, but devour their Labours their Harvests, and their Vintages] Here's a Period for an Apothecary. The Inspectors (I sup­pose) of our Body politick may be Three or Four of our Anabap­tistical Protestant Intelligencing VVater Casters of the State. And these are the men that so plainly descry the pestilential vapours, he speaks of, which in effect are no other then the Breath of their own Lungs. But is it an Eastern Storm that they see engendring? why then the wind is turn'd, I perceive, for the Locusts of 40 and 43 came out of the North; and did us all the mischiefs too, of his E­gyptian Locusts. And now he has given us the State of our Disorder; he is so kind as to pr [...]scribe toward our Relief, which is in a few words, That the Nation [like true Patriots do anticipate their woes, with a present sense of the future miseries they foresee, fol. 9.] which is as much as to say: Vp. and be dring, Now again

Char. VVhat is This Popish Heir in the Eye of England, but per­haps the greatest, and only Grievance of the Nation; the Vniversal Object of their Hate and Fear, and the Subject of their Clamours and Curses? (methinks he might afford the Kings Brother a little better Language) at whose door, ly [...]their Discontents and Murmurs; but 'tis murmurs so violent, that they thrust in amongst their very Prayers (So did Curse ye Meroz) and become almost a part of their Devotions.

[Page 38] (The Prophet Davids Curse is faln upon them, Their Prayer is turn'd into Sin) Murmurs so bold, that they dare approach the very Palace, nay Throne and Ear of Majesty, fol. 10.] Here's a large step advanc'd up­on the King himself; but you shall see him come closer by and by, [Whenever (says he▪) the People of England reflect on this Heir as their King in reversion, they have reason to look upon him as no better than Jupiter's Stork amongst the Froggs. Yes, notwithstanding all his former Glories and Conquests, his whole Stock of Fame is so lost, and bury'd in his Apostacy from the Religion; and conseqnently, the Interest of these Protestant Kingdoms, that all his Services are Cancell'd, and his whole Masse of Glory corrupted, ibid.] I find some People of Opinion, that this King in reversion is of the same Perswasion at this day; that he was, when he acquir'd all those Glories: But let that pass, and see now what's the sum of all this Flourish, but a labour'd Piece of spiteful Art, to render the Brother of his Sacred Majesty as o­dious as the soulest Character, and Calumny can make him You shall fee presently that This Venom against the Duke will terminate in the King; and that instead of a Christian, and pious Zeal for Re­ligion, the end of it is to inflame a desperate Distemper in the State. It is, in short, a Character of the worst of men, adapted to a suitable Religion: And expos'd to the World, in an uncharitable account of things, which he cannot possibly foreknow. His next sup­posal is a Rhetorical Speculation; and not without Reflexions bold enough, upon the unchangeable affection of his Majesty to his Royal Brother.

‘What (saith he) can the consequence of this unhappy Friend­ship be; but that the very Souls and Loyalties of almost a whole Kingdom are stagger'd at this fatal Conjunction; till I am afraid there are too many, who in detestation of that one Gangreen'd Branch of Royalty can scarce forbear (how undutifully soever) to murmur and revile even at that Imperial Root that cherishes it? Ibid.] What a strange Usurpation is this, not only upon Majesty, but Human Nature; not to allow a Prince the freedom of those affections which he can no more put off than his Reaso­nable Being? But this is the Loyalty of the Old Stamp, that still gives the Sign with a Hail Master, and a Kiss. But how comes this Pamphlet to undertake for the sense of the whole Kingdom? It is not that he finds them so much dis-affected, but he endeavours [Page 39] to make them so; by teaching and animating the Sedition that he would be thought to fear. Nay, so far is he from being afraid of the undutiful murmurs he seems to apprehend; that it is scarce possible to do more toward the creating of them. And look now how he grows upon His Majesty. [‘Those very Knees (says he) that but now, would have bow'd into their very Graves to serve him, grow daily and hourly so far from bending (as they ought) to a Crown'd Head, till they are almost as stubborn as their Pe­titions and Prayers have been ineffectual.’] What is this to say, but in his way of intimation to insinuate—what the Reader will easily understand, though more than I am willing to express.

Char. Thus (says he) whilst a Popish Heirs extravagant Zeal for Rome, makes him shake the very Throne that upholds him, by working and encroaching on the affections of His Majesty, for that Protection and Indulgence that gives birth and life to the Heart-burnings of a Nation; what does he otherwise than in a manner stabb his King, his Patron, and his Friend, in his tende­rest part, his Loyal Subjects hearts? which certainly is little less than to play the more lingring sort of Parricide; a part so strange­ly unnatural, that even Salvages would blush at, yet this Religi­on, ncorrigible remorseless Religion never shrinks at.’ Folio 10.

It is worth observing, that throughout this whole Character of a Popish Successor, the Author of it lays more load upon the Heir than upon the Religion; for he treats the Latter still in the terms of a fair and generous enemy; but when he comes to the Other, he shoots Poyson'd Arrows, Parricide, Gangreen'd, and the like, without any respect either to Modesty or Honour. And what is the whole Tract indeed, but an artificial Declamation, without so much as one ill thing in't, bating the Perswasion, that is either li­able to a proof, or possible for him to know: And yet he does as boldly pronounce upon things to come, as if he had the Book of Fate in his Pocket. He charges the Successor here, with encroach­ing upon the Kings Affections.

It was a little while agoe, only the invincible tenderness of His Majesty; but it is now turn'd into the working and insinuation of his Brother: who stabbs the King (says the Character-Writer) in the Hearts of his Loyal Subjects. But what if it should happen that the King should be here stabbed thorough the Duke? It was at this rate, that Laud and Strafford stabb'd the late King too. And [Page 40] what was the end on't; but that when the Kings Friends were re­mov'd, under the Character of his Enemies; his Sacred Majesty left naked and defenceless, those Hypocrites that had nothing in their Mouths, but Loyalty and Religion; those were the very Men that stabb'd him themselves. This is the plain Historical Fact, with­out either amplifications or colours.

But if you'll see a figure upon the Stretch; observe his next fan­cy; where he makes the Duke a Parricide for killing the King in the hearts of his People, by his applications and respects to His Maiesty. And a Parricide (as he phrases it) so strangely unnatural too, that even Pagans would blush at it. Is this Jest or Earnest now? is it a pang of Duty and Conscience? Or is it not rather the Luxu­riancy of a high-flown thought? How comes it to be so flagitious a crime, for one brother to love another, that Humane Nature must be startled at it? Or that a Prince may not presume to ven­ture upon the Duties of Christianity, Natural Affection, Friend­ship, Honour and Humanity, for fear of being call'd to account for't in a Pamphlet? Well! but he tells us of the Heart-burnings of the Nation at this conjunction; and for that reason, he expects, it seems, that His Majesty shall relinquish his Brother. But what if a Man should ask him, First, How he knows this to be the sence of the Nation? Secondly, What Commission he has to tell the World so? And Thirdly, How he comes so positively to assert that it is so; when it is clear, on the contrary that it is not so? For the Peoples quarrel is to the Religion only, whereas the Authors is principally to the Duke. But let us give him these Heart-burnings for granted; and see how far a concession upon that point will car­ry us at last. First, The Duke Marches off; and then the Kings Ministers back after him; and then goes the Militia: and so in course, the Bishops, the Revenue, &c. To the end of the Chap­ter of Forty Eight: and all this, to gratify one longing after ano­ther, till, in the conclusion, another Government turns up Trump. Plato Redivivus has the whole Scheme of the Project ready cut and dry'd. This was the very Method of our Ruine; and the name of Religion led the way to't. A Covenanted, and, in his own Words, an incorrigible, re [...]orseless Religion. But why these Heart­burnings, now the Duke is out of the Kingdom? unless they would him out of the World too? And that would not serve neither; for so long as there is a Service-Book, a Surplice, or a Canonical Habit in the Kingdom, and this Humour kept a foot, there shall [Page 41] never want Popery to work upon. The next clause speaks the plain­est English we have had yet.

Char. ‘The Nation in studying to prevent Tyranny grew jealous of Monarchy, and for fear of their Moneys going the wrong way they will give none at all, but rather triumph in His Majesty's great­est wants, even when his glory, nay possibly when his nearest safety calls for their assistance.’ Fol. 11. This way of saying that they will not give Money, (which is more yet than he knows) carries the force of an Advice that they should not; which is the thing that this passage manifestly intends and designs. So that is the rest of the Nation were of his mind, the French King might have this King­dom for the asking; for both King and People upon these terms are manifestly abandon'd as a sacrifice to this jealousie.

Toward the bottom of the same page he brings in a Deliberation to this effect: This Popish Prince cannot either help his Persuaasion or relinquish it; nor is it a thing to be exacted from him that he should. The Grievances of the Kingdom may be his unhappiness and not his fault; for he is onely passive, and lives to himself, without meddling to encourage or favour Popery in the least. But how does it follow (says he Fol. 12.) that if we do not plainly see him act, that he does not act. But how does it follow on the other side, say I, that he does act if no body can prove it? It is the rule of Christian Charity in doubtful cases ever to judge the best, but the Author of this Character does not think fit to walk by this rule; for first he casts with himself what is the worst that can happen, and then he im­proves the far-fetch'd possibility of that worst of Events into a Pre­diction, that certainly that thing shall come to pass. And then he considers how mean and wicked it is possible for Flesh and Bloud to be, and those Vices and Imperfections jumbled together are the In­gredients that make up his Character.

Char. ‘But to the Objection (says he) the Grievance of a Nation may be his unhappiness, and not his Fault, &c. That is in short; He cannot help it. Very right. And so when This Popish Heir comes to the Crown, and promotes the Romish Interest with all the severity, In­justice and Tyranny that Religious Cruelty can invent. His Answer will be, He cannot help it; or at least cannot withstand those irresi­stable Motives that prompt him to their Execution; which is the same thing.’

[Page 42] Will he have it then that our Actions and our Thoughts are bound up alike, under a determinate, and insuparable necessity, of our do­ing this or that, as well as of thinking so or so? Or will he call those mo­tives, irresistible, that do only prompt, and invite us to the doing of any thing? He has screwed up Tyranny and injustice here, to the highest degree of cruelty and terrour. And now if this barbarous rigour be so inseparable from the Genius of the Religion; how comes it that a French Popish King should be better natur'd to his Subjects of the Reform'd Religion, then he will allow an English Po­pish King capable of being toward his Protestant Subjects. [The same impulse of Conscience (he sayes) that makes a man a Roman Catholique, will make him Act like one, when opportunity serves. Ibid. That's very Right; but I cannot yet think that any Party of men will pretend explicitely to authorize the putting of Christians to death, purely upon a Consideration of Religion, and Conscience, in order to the pro­pagation of the Gospel. And yet I know, the Jesuits, of both Churches have gone a great way towards it. Cursed be he (says Case, in the late Rebellion) that witholdeth his Sword from Blo [...]d; that spa­reth when God saith strike, &c. [The Papist (he says) is of a Religi­on that makes humane merit the Path of Salvation:] and so he passes into a very florid descant upon the Abuses, in the Church of Rome, of this wonder-working merit. And our dissenting Papists, in the late times, came not one jote behind them, in making it the dayly Theme of the Pulpit, to Preach Salvation to all that di'd in the Cause.

Char. ‘And then again, Popery is a Religion that does not go al­together in the Old Fashion Apostolical way of Preaching and Pray­ing, and teaching all Nations, &c. But scourging, and racking, and broiling 'em into the fear of God. A Religion that for its own propagation, will at any time authorize its Champions to divest themselves of their Humanity, and act worse than Devils to be Saints.’

These are dreadful Cruelties; but if this fierceness arise from any principle of rigour in the System of their Faith, methinks they should treat all alike; for if it be upon an Impulse of Conscience, it be­comes a Duty. The Jesuits here in our Covenant Pers [...]cution were pretty good at this way of Discipline too. There was no scou [...]ging, racking, and broiling, 'tis true; but there was plundering, sequester­ing, [Page 43] starving, imprisoning, poisoning in Gaols, and refusing the Holy Communion to Anti-Covenanters upon their Death bed. There was a general Massacre propounded of all the Cavaliers that had been in arms, which I am well assur'd was carried but by one voice in the negative. There were upward of a hundred sequester'd Mini­sters crowded into a prison, where they knew there was a raging Plague; and, as I am credibly inform'd, there was not a thirtieth part of them came off alive. And for these Diabolical Actions the Persecutors were enroll'd into the number of the Saints.

Char. ‘Nay (says he) the very outrage of Thefts, Murthers, Adulteries, and Rebellions are nothing to the pious Barbarities of a Popish King. The Murtherer and Adulterer, may in time be reclaim'd by the Precepts of Morality, and the Terrors of Conscience. The Thief, by the dread of a Gallows, may be­come honest. Nay, the greatest Traitor, either by the fear of Death or the Apprehensions of Hell may at last Repent: But a Papist on a Throne has an unconsutable Vindication for all his Proceedings, Challenges his Commission, even from Heaven, for all his Cruelty he dares Act; and when all the Inchantments of Rome have touch'd his Tongue with a Coal from Her Altars, what do his Enthusiasms make him believe, but that the most savage, and most hellish Dooms his blinded Zeal can pronounce, are the Immediate Oracles of God:’ fol. 13.]

If it had not been for Popish King, Papist, and Rome, I should have taken this last Paragraph for the Picture of a Kirk-Conclave. For first, though there was Theft, Murther, and Rebellion, abun­dantly in their proceedings; yet so Transcendent was the wick­edness of their blasphemous Bands and Associations; so horrid the Forms of their Calling the Searcher of all hearts; with hands lifted up to the most high God, &c. to witness the joyning of them­selves in a holy Covenant unto the Lord; (which holy Covenant was yet in the very first conception and intent of it, a premeditate Complottery to destroy That in Effect, which in Terms they swore to defend) All other sins (I say) were as nothing, in the Bal­lance against this Catilinary, and bloudy Sacrament. And so re­markable was the Reprobated Impenitence that follow'd upon it, as if the Devil himself had come in, to the Signing and Sealing [Page 44] of that Religious Mockery, both upon God and Man; and turn'd the Hypocritical Covenant into a Magical Contract.

As for those that took it with good meaning, or perhaps out of weakness, and surprise; (though I my self was none of the number) I make no doubt, but that God hath given to many of them a true sence of their mistake; but for those that design­ingly, and frankly leagu'd themselves in that Combination; I am at a loss, even according to the largest allowances of Christi­an Charity, where to find three Converts; the Living persisting still in the obligation of that Oath; and those that were taken off by the hand of justice, asserting it to the Death. I bear my Te­stimony, (says Kid, that was Executed in Scotland, as a Rebel; Spirit of Popery, fol. 7. to the Solemn League and Covenant, as it was profess'd and sworn in Scotland, England and Ireland, in 1643. &c. And again, Ibid) Prelacy, as it is now Establish'd by a pre­tended Law, is destructive downrightly to the sworn Covenants; yea, not only Prelacy, Popery, Malignancy, and Heresie, but Supremacy; and every thing Originally upon, and derivate from it. And further (fol. 17.) The Three Kingdoms are Marry'd Lands; so I die in the faith of it, that there will be a Resurrection of Christs Name, Cause, and Covenant. And so likewse King, that was Executed in Scotland too, (Id. fol. 42.) I bear my witness & Te­stimony to our Covenants National, and Solemn League betwixt the Three Kingdoms; which Sacred and Solemn Oath I believe cannot be dispensed with, nor loosed by any Person, or party upon Earth; (And fol. 43.) I bear witness against the Ancient Christian Prelacy, &c. and against all Oaths and Bonds contrary to our Co­vena [...]t, and Engagement, especially that Oath of Suprem [...]cy, &c. And so Mitchel, Weir, &c. See Ravillac Redivivus. They do all of them sing the same Note.

Now take all together; the deliberate wickedness of their first Resolve upon the Covenant; their prophane and daring Hy­pocrisie in the very Frame, and wording of it; the counterfeiting of Gods Authority for Sacrilege, and Rebellion in pursuance of it: and lastly, the maintaining and defending of all their impie­ties, to the last Gasp. A man may defie all the Story of the world, sacred and prophane, to shew any other Party of Men that we [...]e ever lost under so dreadful a der [...]liction. But yet there is something of a perverse Bravery in renouncing it at last, and after all their [...]ndignities put upon the G [...]d of Truth, in ma­king [Page 45] some conscience yet of keeping Touch with the Spirit of De­lusion. And now to finish the Parallel betwixt our Dissenting Pa­pists, and his Jesuitcal: We have our Enthusiasts too, that vent their Dreams and Vapours for Oracles. But to shorten the mat­ter; Bayli'es Disswasive will abundantly satisfie the Reader upon this Subject.

He passes from hence to a reply upon a supposition, [that such Laws may be made before-hand, as will make it impossible for a Popish King to set up Popery in England] But that (says he) would be like hedging in the Cuckow, &c. for who shall call this King to question for breaking these Laws, if he has the power and will to do it? This Question (fol. 13.) might serve for a piece of an An­swer to a Contradiction he puts upon himself, fol. 20. which we shall handle in course.

If the Law has put it out of his power; there is no longer any place for the supposal of a power; unless by Foreign Force, which would presently improve a private Jealousy of Religion into the publick Rupture of a National Quarrel, to the almost inevitable, and irreparable Loss of his Reputation, his Friends, and his Domi­nions together▪ Now the other way, in case of his being injurious­ly excluded, it would be forty times more easy for Him to recover his Pretensions from abroad, by a Foreign Assistance, in concurrence with such an English Interest, as a generons Compassion to his Wrong, a Respect for his Person, and the Justice of his Title would certain­ly create him, than to erect an absolute Power against the Wills and Hearts of his People: and contrary to all the measures of E­quity and Prudence. And to do all this too, while he might live and reign easily and comfortably to himself and his Subjects, within the limits of a Legal Administration.

And if he can never expect to gain this point, by calling in Aux­illaries from beyond the Seas: much less will he be able to do it, up­on the bottom of his own Interest, and within himself: For there must go a great many more hands than his own to such a work. And to say that he may do it, by his Officers or Ministers, by the force of Gratifications, Pensions, or the Promises and Hopes of Prefer­ment and Advantage: That Objection may be easily obviated: For it is a thing of clear and easy prospect: the Forming of such a Scheme of Laws for securing the Bounds of the Government, as no man that [Page 46] has either a Neck, or a Fortune to lose, will dare to violate.

But the bare Power, if he had it, would signify nothing neither: unless the VVill as he says goes along with it. Now if he may WILL he may NILL too: So that he is left at Liberty to make his Electi­on either of the One, or of the Other, which has, in a great mea­sure, discharg'd him of the pretended Impulse of Religion, and tran­slated the Exception from the Papist to the Person: Founding the ap­prehension upon a pretended Foresight of Tyranny and double Dea­ling, in That Princes Character? which being a thing that is only to be seen with His Spectacles, and a Prognostick Peculiar to His way of Calculation, wee'l go to the next.

‘I will not deny (says he ibid.) but a Popish King may be totally restrein'd from all Power of Introducing Popery, by the Force of such Laws as may be made to tye up his hands: but then they must be such as must ruine his Prerogative, and put the Executive Power of the Laws into the hands of the People.]’ This shift does not at all either weaken, or avoid my Assertion, for the Kings hands are suffi­ciently ty'd, in holding the hands of his Ministers: And This may be done (so far as is necessary for This purpose) without any Dimi­nution to his Royal Dignity. If the transferring of the Executive Power to the People, that is to say Deposing of him, would do the Job, the Character will shew us by and by, how That may be done, without need of New Laws, and in spite of Old Ones.

‘But what Monarch (says he) will be so unnatural to his bloud: So ill a Defender, and so weak a Champion for the Royal Dignity he wears, as to sign and ratify such Laws as shall entail That Effemi­nancy, and that Servility on a Crown as shall render the Imperial Majesty of England but a Pageant, a meer Puppet upon a wire?]’ He does well to presume that a Prince will not Unking himself: but he would do better yet to keep himself clear from such Propositions and Principles as lead to that D [...]posing End. For whatsoever strikes at the Crown, in a Papist, falls, upon the Rebound, on the Royal Au­thority in a Protestant. (‘But (says he, ib.) If no King will assent to make Laws to do it this way, and no Laws can do it t'other, all Laws against Popery, in case of a Popish Successor, are as I told you before, but building the Hedge, &c]’ This Author seems to scrupulize more then needs upon the fear [...] Cramping the Prero­gative: For he himself will shew us by and by how to do that with­out a Law, which he despairs of ever seeing done by one. If he had [Page 47] thought of what the King has lately parted with out of his Prero­gative, for the begeting of a Plenary Trust and Confidence in his People, he would not have despair'd of any Condescension from his Majesty, for the securing of his Subjects in their Properties and Religion, after so much more done for them already than that, which is here propounded, amounts to. He tells us (fol. 14.) of the dan­ger of the Pop [...]s Supremacy; and I must tell him, that within the Kings Dominions, the Supremacy of the Kirk is every jote as dan­gerous. Wherefore let us look to our selves both ways; as well a­gainst those Papists that did murther the Last King, as those o­ther Papists that are in the Plot to destroy This. No doubt (Says he) but the Fire that burns the Heretique Law-makers, shall give their Laws the same Martyrdom.] If they have power, 'tis probable e­nough that they will: But their's a great difference in the case, be­twixt a Prince and his own Subjects, and the Pope, and Stranger He­tiques: The one destroyes his Enemies, the other, his Friends: The Pope is in One Barque, the Heaetiques in [...]onother, and the one may Sink, and the other Swim; now the King being in the same bottom with his People, if he runs the Vessel upon a Rock, they are all cast away together.

Ch [...]r. With this certain prospect, both of the ruine of their Estates, Lives and Liberties, where lies the Sin in the Commons of England, to stand upon their Guard against a Popish Successor? Aye, a Gods name let them stand upon their Gaurds, and use all expedients to keep out Popery and Tyranny; provided still that we preserve the sacred Succession in its right line, for that we are told, both King and People a [...]e obliged in conscience to defe [...]d and uphold.

This clause has both more and less in it, than a body would ima­gine; and a man hardly knows either how to meddle with it, or how to let it alone. He begins with the assumption of a thing cer­tainly prov'd; though without any colour, that I can find, of make­ing it out to be so much as probable; and barely possible, is the mos [...] that I can make on't. Nay, and it is not that neither, without imputing more of Ranc [...]ur and Implacable Virulency of Nature to his Popish Successor, than ever any Man yet discovered, either be­fore, [...]r beside the Author of this Character. But however, upon that substratum, he takes up the Quarrel (as he would have it un­derstood) of the Commons of England. Where lies the sin (says [Page 48] he) in the Commons of England, to stand upon their Guard against a Popish Successor] This is only a Gin set for a Wood­cock, under the Equivoque of the Commons of England; so that if a Man speaks only to the Multitude, and he applys it to the Representative, there may be matter pickt out of it for an Enformation; Why, who says there's any sin in't? And then there's Guard and Guard. People are said one way to be upon their Guard with their Swords in their hands; and another way, with their eies in their heads. But I presume he speaks to the multitude; and he speaks too in the Stile of Authority. Let them stand upon their Guard (says he) as if he were giving Orders. He might as well have said, Let them stand to their Arms: and his expression (of all expedients) expounds it so, even allowing him to be his own In­terpreter; for the business is to keep out Popery and Tyranny. And he makes it one expedient, (fol. 2.) and an essential one too, to act the Offensive part as well as the Defensive; ‘Provided still (says he) that we preserve the Sacred Succession in its right Line; for that we are TOLD, both King and People are oblig'd in Conscience to defend and uphold.]’ That same little word TOLD, is a most Emphatical Mockery: and then, provided that the Succession be secur'd, all other expedients are pronounced lawful. Methinks he might have thought of a Proviso too for the securing of the Kings Honour, Dignity, Person, Government, and the Peace of his Dominions: which are, at the rate of his latitude of allowance, all of them equally concerned in the danger with the Succession.

He proceeds now to debate the matter of Conscience: And if we find him as Tender as he is Zealous; as good a Christian on the Sub­jects side, as on the Patriots; as careful to uphold the Sacred Cha­racter of Majesty, as to prevent the Excesses of Tyranny; and fi­nally, as clear a Casuist, as he is a powerful Orator, there will be no contesting any further with him.

Char. ‘First then (saith he) let us fancy we see this Popish Heir on his Throne, and by all the most illegal and Arbitrary Means contrary to the whole Frame and Hinges of the English Govern­ment, introducing Popery with that Zeal and Vigour till his in [...]atuated [...] Conscience has perverted the King into a Tyrant.’

[Page 49] What a phancy of a phancy is here! that for want of fact and ar­gument is fain to have recourse to Imaginations and Dreams. And to what end is all this, but by disgusting of the People at the ways of Providence, set them a hankering after State-Wizzards again, and Strange-Gods, for the knowledge of things to come? where­fore let me once again inculcate that of 27 Jer. Hearken not ye to your Prophets, nor to your Diviners, nor to your Dreamers, (which is the same with phansiers) nor to your Inchanters, nor to your Sorcerers, which speak to you saying, you shall not serve the King of Babylon. Fo [...] they Prophesie a Ly unto you; to remove you far from your Land. Let us, for the Honour of our kind, either live and act and reason like Men, or else down upon all four, and away into the Woods and Rocks, and hunt and growl'd and tear one another to pieces like Beasts. But we'll discourse the matter a little.

Well! The English are certainly the Freest and the Happiest People upon the Face of the Earth. Ay; but we shall be all Slaves e're't be long. When's that? When the Popish Heir comes to the Crown. Ay; but when's that again? When the King is dead. Well, but when is the King to Dy? Nay, I cannot tell that. How long has the Popish Heir to live? I cannot tell that neither. Will the Queen have any Children? Nor that neither. How long will the Queen live? How should I know that? Will the King survive her or not? I cannot tell. Will he Marry again if he does? I cannot tell that nei­ther. Will he have any Children if he Marrys again? Who knows? But what if the Heir should not live to come to the Crown? but it may be he may though. And it may be he may not. Ay, but I PHANSY that he will.

Well! But suppose he should come to the Crown. What then? Why then he will set up Popery and Tyranny. Not whether he can or no. Why, how did Queen Mary? She had the odds on her side; for the Papists were then, in a manner, as the Protestants are now. And yet, coming in betwixt two Protestants, Popery, ye see, went off as it came on. But still there was a Persecution. 'Tis true, there was; but all Princes are not alike. Q. Mary Persecuted the Prote­stants; Henry the Fourth of France did not so. And it is as good an inference from the instance of Henry IV. that the Popish Heir will not be a Persecutor, as from that of Queen Mary that he will. But where the Popes Authority intervenes, both King and People are bound to obey. And yet you see that for all the Power of the Pope, and the [Page 50] Covenant of the Holy League to boot, the People of France, though Roman Catholiques, would not submit to the Dis-possessing of a Protestant Successor; neither did that generous Prince, upon the Reconciling of himself afterward to the Church of Rome, exercise any one act of Tyranny over his Protestant Subjects; which is e­nough said upon this point. Well, but I PHANSY it will be Popery and Tyranny yet, for all this.

Well! but to go a little further with you, now suppose it should come to a down right Persecution? Aye, but we must stand upon our Guards to prevent it. That would be more than ever the Primitive Christians did under the Ten Persecutions: And we have not only their Example, but their Express Doctrine against it. And we are never the better Protestants for being the worse Christians: So that here's only Phansy set up in opposition to Religion, Reason and Ex­perience. And That's enough in all Conscience too: For there needs no more then the Flames of a distemper'd Spleen to cause an Earth-quake in the Government: What are Fears but Phansies? What are Jealousies but Phansies? What Original had they? Phan­sies again. And what was the Consequence of them? Sum up the Sins and the Calamities of the worst of People, and of Times; Those Crimes and Those Miseries, were the effect of Those Phansies. They were Hag-ridden and Night-mar'd with Goblins and Apparitions; and haunted in their Beds with the Images of those Visions and illusi­ons which they had taken down from the Press and Pulpit waking. The brave Strafford was a Sacrifice to the Phansy of Arbitrary Pow­er, and the Venerable Laud; a Victim to the Phansy of Popery. They Phansy'd AntiChrist in the Hierarchy; the Rags of the Whore of Babylon in a Surplice; Popery in the Common-Prayer; the Sacra­ment of Baptism they phansy'd little better than an Exorcism; the Lords Prayer well enough for a Christian Primer, a School-boy Form that might do so so, till People came to be better gifted. When they had Phansy'd the Heads of these great men off their Shoulders; the Bishops out of the House of Peers; they went on Phansying still; They Phansy'd Episcopacy out of the Nation, and their Scotish Presbytery into it; the Clergy out of their Living [...] ▪ the King him­self and his Loyal Subjects out of their Lives, Liberties and E­states; the Crowns, Churches, and the Peoples Monies into their own [...]ockets; the House of Peers into a Cypher or Nullity; the House of Commons into a Secret Committee; the Monarchy into [Page 51] a Republick; the Laws into Votes and Ordinances; their Com­mitte into a Rump-Assembly; That Rump into a Protector, and that Protector again into a Committee of Safety. And all this was done by the Power of Imagination, and a strong phansy of Tyranny and Popery. And why may not all this he phansy'd over again? But pray let me Phansy a little on the other side.

Let us Phansy his Majesty to Survive his Brother; Let us Phansy an Heir Apparent either by her Majesty in being, or by the pro­vidence of a Second Marriage; or the Successor to be a person of Honour, Conscience or Prudence, whatever his Religion be: And that in Honour and Conscience he will govern himself by the Tyes of his Word and his Duty; and that in Prudence he will not venture upon a Project so impracticable as an attempt of Subverting the Religion and Government, when every mans Neck shall lye at stake, that shall but dare to assist him in't; which might be suffi­ciently provided for by some previous Act that (saving the Kings Prerogative in the Case) might secure their not being pardon'd in That particular. We shall now Counterpoise Dangers to Dan­gers.

Here is a present opposed to a future; a Certainty to a Possibility; a Greater to a Less; and a Protestant King to a Papist.

The Present danger is the probable Effect of these Intoxicating Methods to the People. If Phansy was Poyson to the Multitude, under the late King; the same Phansy in a larger Dose, and with less Corrective to it, will be at least as strong a Poyson to the People un­der This. If the Fact on the one side be true; the Reason, on the other side is not to be deny'd. The dismal Calamities that ensu'd upon it I have [...]et forth already.

Now what is there in the future, to weight against the Life of the King, the Safety of the Church, the Law and the Government, the Peace of the Kingdom? There may possibly be a Popish King; and there may probably not. And that King may Possibly have a Will to change the Government; but probably not; in respect of the very Im­morality of Inclining to such a Violation of his Trust and Word: But all most certainly not, in regard of so manifest an Inability to bring it to pass.

[Page 52] When I say a Certainty, I mean only a Natural Train of Events in the Application of Actives to Passives; which, in a high degree has taken place already: For the People are almost Raving mad at the apprehensions of these Stories; the Feaver encreases upon them; and they grow every day Hotter and Lighter-headed than o­ther. So that we are in Forty times a greater danger of a Sediti­on at hand, than of a Popish Successor at a Distance. As to the Bal­lance of a greater danger, and a Less, we'l e'en take the matter as they suppose it. A King upon the Throne, that's Principled for Ar­bitrary Government and Popery; But so clogg'd and shackl'd with Popular and Protestant Laws, that if he had never so great a mind to't, there is not a Subject in his Dominions that would dare to serve him in his Design. But, on the other hand, there's no King at all, no Church, no Law, no Government, no Magna Charta, no Petition of Right, no Property, no Liberty, &c. PROBATVM. Be­side that the Phansy comes to no more in Effect, than if the sky fall we shall catch Larks.

But once again yet. Here's a Protestant Prince expos'd for fear of a Popish one. Is the Chimera of a future danger of more value to us then the Conscience of an incumbant and indispensable Duty? shall we take pet at God Almighties providence; and not go to Heaven at all, unless we may go our own way. Shall we Level a shot at the Duke, at a distance; if there be no coming at him but through the Heart of our Sovereign? shall we actually break in up­on the Protestant profession, which stands or falls with the Church of England, because the Author of the Character phansies the hazard of a Popish Religion in the Moon; and by the unavoidable Con­sequence of a Misgovernment under this apprehension, draws the very plague upon us that we pretend to fear: While we thus go on, exposing both our Temporal and Eternal peace for shadows,.

The Writer of the Character had most Rhetorically amplifi'd, in his Calculations upon his Popish Successor; but so Oversiz'd the fi­gure that when ever the people come to their wits again, they will look upon the story of Garagantua, as not much the less Credible of the Two: For his dangers are all out of Ken; his Thunder [...]s in the Clouds; and the Multitude are all turn'd Star-Gazers, and gaping after ill-boding Conjunctions, and malevolent influences, while with [Page 53] him in the Fable, They are tumbling into a Precipice as deep as Hell, and take no notice of it. Here is a danger suggested; and such a means intimated for the prevention of it, as makes the Remedy worse than the Disease; for the very Expedient undermines the Go­vernment. But first, a word of the dangers on the other side.

There are several ways started for the disappointing of this inconve­nience One by Attainder, upon 23. & 13. of Eliz. Another, by a Bill in Parliament for diverting the Succession. And some of the Li­bellers fall down right upon a Third Proposal of the peoples preven­ting the Succession, though without or against Law. And Fourthly, either to expel the Successour, or to keep him out, in case of Sur­vivorship.

To the first, of these ways I shall speak, when the point comes on. As to the second, which is matter of Parliamentary Cognizance, I reckon it my duty to acquiesce in the Legal Issue of their Debates; as an Authority to which I have ever paid a Duty, and a Venerati­on. This only I shall take the freedom to say, that there is a vast difference betwixt their Deliberations that purely regard the prospect and interest of both Church and State, in what concerns the Popish and Protestant Religion; and the passionate excursions of private men on the wrong side of the Parliament Door [...], that thrust them­selves into the Controversie rather out of envy to the Person and fame of the Successour, than to promote the more important cause of Religion; (like men that crow'd into a Church for company to pick a pocket) and this to, without any respect to the King himself, in the person of his Brother; or to the measures of duty to the Go­vernment. Now as to the two last ways of proposal, which are ei­her for prevention or exclusion; I have this to say;

If there be danger from a popish Successour, during his expectan­cy, within the Kingdom; the danger is infinitely greater, if he be driven out of it. For, first, (as supposing it to be the peoples Act) There must be an illegal and popular violence to accomplish it; and there's the peace of the Government broken already. Be­side, that the Authours of that Violence can never be secure, but by following it with more and greater. And this comes presently to be a natural transition from a murmur against the Successour, to a Tumult in the State: In which Case, the King has only this Choice [Page 54] before him, either to part with every thing for the asking, or to stand the shock or a Rebellion. Now take it either way; here's much a greater mischief incurr'd, than that we feared; beside, a Sanding-Army, Taxes, and Oaths that follow in course; and a new Set of Liberty-keepers, and Major-Generals to preserve the peace. I speak this in the contemplation of a violence without a lawful Au­thority to back it; which is the thing that some people have in pro­spect.

This is the Scene of things at home and abroad, we shall undoubt­edly see the Successours Interest and Reputation, e [...]creasing daily, in regard of his Sufferings, his Title, and his Religion: having Scot­land to friend, over and above: and probably, (as it is at present) the place of his Residence. But these are, as yet, all dormant Inte­rests, and not to be employ'd, till either his duty to his Majesty, or Justice to his own pretensions shall require their Aid.

Take it the other way now: In the case of a Pop [...]sh King, who is either kept out (as I said before) or d [...]iven out from the exercise of his right, by the tumultuary licence of the Rabble; an Oath of Abjuration in case of any fair opportunity for him to assert his Claim with his Sword in his hand, will be so far from engaging any man against him, that yielded contrary to his conscience to swallow it for the saving of his stake, that he will find no firmer Friends to his Cause and Interest, than those men that are stimulated both by Ho­nour and Revenge to the execution of their Duties. For there is no hatred so fell and deadly, as that which has for the object of it the Au­thors or Contrivers of our damnation; and the hazard is so much the greater, in regard of the difficulty to discover either the per­sons or the strength of their Enemies. And whether that King makes any attempt or no, the Nation must be at the charge, at least of a defensive war, and of Impositions to maintain it. And this will be the inconvenience even in the bare prospect of the state of the Nation without a blow striking. But from Scotland at least, if not from Ireland too, they must expect to be ply'd with continual Al­arms, till the insupportable expence of guarding the Borders and the Coasts; shall make them as sick of their new Patriots as ever they were of their old ones; and force them at last (or perhaps sooner than they are aware) to render themselves and their Spoil to their irresistible conjunction of so many Powers, as will be then Con­federate to their destruction.

[Page 55] And then comes in the Popery in earnest, that was dreaded but in fancy before. When this new King shall by the proper act and for­feiture of a seduc'd and unforeseeing people, be deliver'd from the Fetters of both Honour and Laws; who brings in Popery then, but they that discharg'd him from those sacred Bonds by the solly and con [...]umacy of their own inconsiderate Undertakings? Compare now the dangers of a Popish King bounded by Protestant Laws, and ruling over a Protestant People, where he may be as happy as an Im­perial Crown, and the Affections of his Subjects, can make him. Compare (I say) a Popish King under these gracious and obliging Circumstances, in the quiet administration of his Government, with a Prince that is forc'd to make his way with his Sword for the reco­very of his own, and is not onely prick'd on by the impulses of justice and vengeance, but animated by the Pope himself, and pro­vok'd by indignation to take the utmost advantage of that foolish forfeiture, (the people themselves having cancell'd the Bonds of Au­thority and Obedience.) Let any man compare these two cases, and then speak his opinion.

There is one p [...]int yet behind, that goes further (I think) than any of the rest. If it be reasonable to believe (as we are often told, and no Mortal can deny it) that our Religion is an Eye sore to the Church of Rome, and that this Island would make a considerable addition to our victorious Neighbours late Conquests; what way in the world could be propounded more to the advantage, both of the Crown of France and the Court of Rome, than the bringing of mat­ters to the issue here in question, when in the powerful and liberal Assistances to this supposed King for the regaining of his own, the one and the other are but doing of their own business? This Prince in the mean while being led to the one by inclination, and overborn upon the other by Necessity.

Here's enough said to lay open the miserable effects of popular motions in matters of this high importance; and so I shall pass for­ward, submitting what I have said upon this occasion to the judgment and determination of my Superiours. The remainder of the last Paragraph above cited is fully answered already, bate onely the Clause that I am now about to proceed upon.

Char. Whilest we are thus enslaved (says he) by a medly Go­vernment, betwixt Tyranny and Usurpation, by establishing a Pa­pist [Page 56] on a Throne, we are so far from preserving the Crown, that is, the Imperial Dignity in a right Line of Succession, that we do not preserve it at all; but on the contrary, extirpate and destroy it, whilst by En­throning a Papist, we totally Subvert and Depose the very Monarchy it self. And can it be the Duty of either Englishmen or Christians, to have that Zeal for a Corrupted, Leprous Branch of Royalty, that we must ruine both Religion, Government and Majesty it self to support him?’

It is a strange way this of shewing a Mans Honour for his Prince, by blasting the very Bloud of his Brother; or of expressing his love to Monarchy, by treating Majesty, tho but in reversion, at so course a rate. But it is upon a Principle that may be supported by Im­periousness and Heat; in regard that it will not bear the Test of a modest Debate; and a corrupted, Leprous Branch of Royalty is the dint of the Argument. But what does he mean to confound Civil Power and Religion thus, and impose upon the World a Paradox, that for want of rightly dividing, endangers both?

Government is matter of Publique and External Order; and a Divine Provision for the Peace, Comfort and Security of Man­kind: wherein all the several parts are bound up in one Commu­nity, to attend the Interest and Conservation of the whole. Where­as Religion is the business of every individual apart, and only so far cognizable in a State, as it affects the Civil Power. What can be more gross than to talk of fighting for Religion? or to pretend to the maintaining of that by Arms, that is not liable to Violence? Did ever any Man hear of a Religion that was either shot or cut? Nor can there be any Confederacy or Association purely upon the score of Religion, for how shall People agree to defend they know not what? which is the very case when one Man undertakes for the Religion of another. If our Religion be assaulted by Argu­ment, we may assert it by Redargution: But when the Opposition advances into any over act, the case is no longer Religion, but Political Safety. Beside that Government is Gods Ordinance for the common benefit of Human Society, and of Pagans, as well as of Christians, without any regard to this or that Religion: for Be­dies Politique have no Consciences; but every particular indeed, stands or falls to his own Master.

[Page 57] I cannot but observe through what degrees the Character has ad­vanced the Popish Successor. First, From the possibility of a good Man, and then from bad to worse; till he has made him (fol. 14.) a Corrupted, Leprous Branch of Royalty; and, at next word, a down­right Traitor, upon the Statutes of 23 and 13 of Queen Eliz. and another of Hen. 8. (Fol. 15.)

This matter being, (as I am informed) at present coram Judice, I shall say no more to it than this, that there are two Provisoes in the 5th of the Queen, that make the Case somewhat different from what he has stated it: As for Instance:

Provided alway, that forasmuch as the Queens Maje­sty is otherwise sufficiently assured of the Faith and Loy­alty of the Temporal Lords of Her High Court of Parli­ament; Therefore this Act, nor any thing therein contai­ned, shall not extend to compel any Temporal Person, of or above the degree of a Baron of this Realm, to take or pronounce the Oath abovesaid, (viz. of Supremacy) nor to incur any Penalty, limited by this Act for not taking or re­fusing the same, &c.

II. Provided also, that if any Peer of this Realm shall hereafter offend contrary to this Act, or any Branch or Article thereof, that, in that and all such Case and Ca­ses, they shall be try'd by their Péers, in such manner and form as in other Cases of Treasons they have used to be Tryed, and by no other means.

It would be well if every Man that presses, with this un-prece­dented rigour, upon the Person here in question, would lay his hand upon his heart, and say, if the King has pardoned me Te [...] Thousand times more than this comes to, with what Reason or Conscience can I importune His Majesty thus bitterly against His Brother?

After all these Clamours about a Popish Successor, I would fain know how it is possible for any Man to be other than a Papist, in our present condition of Affairs. A Church-of England-Man is a Pa­pist to the Dissenters; a Presbyterian and an Independent so one to another; a Quaker to both; and among the Eight Score several Sects of Heretiques and Schismatiques that Paget and others, have [Page 58] reckoned up since Liberty of Conscience came in Fashion; there are just so many sorts of Papists among them, in the Opinion of one Sect or another.

He has a Paragraph (fol. 15.) where, under the People of Eng­land, he expounds himself to mean their Representatives; which is a point I am not to touch upon: Only, I must confess, he has drawn the Arrow to the Head, in one expression in it. ‘Why should not they (saith he) the House of Commons) be as active and vigorous for their own Royal Inheritance, and Sacred Succession of Power, as a King for His. What he means by this Royal inheritance, and Sa­cred Succession of Power, I shall remit to the Consideration of the Learned. (Bradshaw indeed pass'd a Sentence upon the Late King, as a Traytor to the ROYALTY of the People.) But the strongest Ar­gument for himself that I find in the whole Book, is five or six Lines lower. ‘If ever a Papist m [...]unts this Throne (says he) then all their Murmurs, their Petitions, Protesting and Associating-Votes will be remembered to the purpose.’ Now what can be a greater indignity to the Justice and Resolution of that Illustrious Body, than to imagine that so narrow a thought could any way influence the Candour and Solemnity of their Debates?

He spends his sixteenth Page upon Instances out of Hen. VIII. to prove the Succession of the English Crown to be wholly subjected to the Disposal, Determinations and Limitations of Parliament. How far his Assertion is right or wrong, I shall not concern my self. But however, as he has ordered the matter, it makes nothing at all for his purpose.

‘The Parliament (he says) 25 Hen. 8.) settled the Crown upon the Heirs of that Kings body by Queen Ann; and in the 28th. Repealed that Act, and Entailed the Succession upon the Heirs of his body by Queen Jane; Mary and Elizabeth being declared Ille­gitimate. And in Case he Died without Issue, then the Parlia­ment empowered him by the same Act, to dispose of the Successi­on by his own Letters Patents, or his Last Will. In the 35th Year of his Reign the Parliament granted the Succession to Ed­ward; and for want of Heirs of his Body, to the Lady Mary, and the Heirs of her body; and for want of such Heirs, to the Lady Elizabeth, under certain Limitations and Conditions contai­ned in that Act.’

[Page 59] From hence he infers, that a Parliament may order and dis­pose of the Succession. But whether they may, or not; here's little or nothing prov'd from these Citations. First, under the ambiguity of the Word Parliament, he would have this thought to be the single Act of the Lords and Commons, when the Enacting Authority of it was solely in the King. And yet he says expresly that Henry 8. was so far from submitting to Parliaments, that he would never have complemented them with a power that was not their due. If that power did belong to the Parliament, what need­ed they the King's authority for the making of it good; or to di­vest themselves of that power, by transferring it to the King, to dis­pose of the Reversion, or Remainder of the Crown, by his Will, or Letters, Patents, to such person as he pleas'd?

Secondly, These Statutes do not so properly transfer a Right as declare and notifie the persons; for the prevention of disputes, and competitions; as appears by the Preamble to that of the 28th.

Wherefore, We your most humble and obedient Sub­jects, in this present Parliament Assembled, calling to Our Remembrance the great Divisions which in Times past have been in this Realm; by reason of several Titles pretended to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, which some times, and for the most part ensued, by occasion of ambiguity and doubts, then not so perfectly declared, but that men might upon froward intents expound them to e­very mans sinister appetite and affection, and posterity of the Lawful kings and Emperours of this Realm; where­of hath ensued great effusion and destruction of Mans Bloud, as well of a great number of the Nobles, as of other the Subjects, and especially Inheritours in the same. And the greatest occasion thereof hath been, because no perfect and substantial provision by Law hath been made within this Realm of it self; when doubts and questions have been moved and proponed of the certainty and lega­llty of the Succession, and Posterity of the Crown, &c.

Now, so far is the intent of this Act from diverting the Suc­cession, that the express end of it was the setting of it right, by the avoidance of a former Settlement upon the nullity of the Mar­riage. [Page 60] And afterward, 26th of the same King, cap. 2. the Act here before mentioned is called, The Act for the Establishment of the Succession of the Heirs of the King's Highness in the Imperial Crown of this Realm. Now there's a great deal of difference betwixt translating the Succession from the wrong to the right, and the diverting of it from the right to the wrong.

Thirdly, this change and disposition of Settlement, tho it pass'd all the formalities of Bill and Debate, yet the first spring of it was from the certain knowledge of the Kings pleasure to have it so, with­out which they durst never have ventur'd upon such a Propo­sition.

Fourthly, Matter of Fact in this case is no proof of Right, and especially a Fact accompanied with so many circumstances of Cross-Capers and Contradictions, as the pronouncing of the same persons to be both illegitimate and legitimate, &c. And a man cannot ima­gine, without a scandal to that grave and wise Assembly, that the levity of those Counsels, and that humour of Swearing and Coun­terswearing, could be any other than the caprice of their new Head and Governour.

Fifthly, with reverence to the Utility and Constitution of good and wholesom Laws, it is not presently to cite a Statute and say, There's a Precedent; for those Laws that are repugnant to the light of Nature and common Right, are N [...]llities in themselves.

Lastly, he brings instances here to prove, that a Parliament may divert the Succession; but he shews withall, that there can be no se­curity even in that exclusion, in shewing that what one Parliament does, another may undo. So that we are now upon equal terms of security or hazard, either in the exclusion of the Successor, or in the restraining of him. For if he be tied up by one Parliament, an­other may set him at liberty; and if he be excluded by one Parlia­ment, another may take him in again. But he that shapes his own Premises, may cut out what Conclusions he pleases.

Char. ‘If then (says he, which no man in his right wits can de­ny) our Religion, Lives. and Liberties, are onely held by a Pro­testant Tenure; and the Majesty of Englfnd not onely by the force of his Coronation Oath, but by all the Tyes whatever, ought to be the Pillars and Bulwark of the Protestant Faith; and at the same time granting, that we have a Popish Prince to inherit the Im­perial [Page 61] Crown of England; he ought certainly in all justice as little to ascend this Throne, as Nebuchadnezzar ought to have kept his, when the immediate Blast of Heaven had made him so uncapable of Ruling as a King, that he was only a Companion fit for Brutes and Savages. fol. 17.’

It is true, that we hold the exercise of our Religion by a Pro­testant Tenure, with a respect to a political union: but every man holds the Religion it self that he ventures his Soul upon; not on the Tenure of Laws and Constitutions Humane, but on the Te­nure of the divine will and pleasure: Providence having dealt so graciously with Mankind, that, albeit in our Bodies and Estates, which are only corruptible, and temporary, we lye exposed to Torments, Persecutions, Violence, and the Iniquities of Times and Seasons; Our Nobler Part is yet exempt from the Out­rages, either of Men or Beasts; and our faith, hope and charity, treasur'd up, where neither Rust nor Moth doth corrupt, and where Thieves do not break through and steal.

As for our Lives and Liberties; we hold them by the Common Tenure of Government; the Common Right of men bound up in a Civil Society; and under the Protection of such and such Laws and Provisions, for the Common Benefit and Security of the Whole, and Every part: And all this, clearly abstracted from this or that Religion. In the cases of Treasons, Felonies, Riots, false Oaths, Forgeries, Scandals, and other Misdemeanours, that endanger the Publick peace; I do not find that the Law puts any Difference betwixt Criminals, because they are of several Religi­ons; The Protestant Tenure of the King's Judges signify'd no more in the eye of the Law, than if they had been Powder-Plot Jesuites.

But to come now to his Protestant Tenure; and to close with him upon it too. (But as a Supposal not to be supposed.) If he means by this Protestant Tenure, the Protestant Religion of the Church of England as Established by Law; and that it is by this Tenure, that we hold our Religion, Lives and Libertiers; it will concern us to support this Tenure; but in such manner yet, as the Law directs: For to set up a Tenure without a Law, or to assert a Tenure against a Law, will not be for the credit of our Authors Preten­sions. If he means the Dissenting Protestant Tenure; He removes the Very Basis of all our Laws and sets up the Title of the Mul­tiude against that of the Government.

[Page 62] And further; this Protestant Tenure of his, cannot be under­stood barely of the Doctrine of the Church of England; (as in Our Nine and Thirty Articles) for first, there are several points of them that are opposed and rejected by the Men that value them­selves upon this Character; And Secondly, Our Laws fall not shorter in any thing perhaps, of so great Importance, than in the point of Competent Provisions for the Suppressing and Punishing of Heretical, and Blasphemous Doctrines. So that this Protestant Tenure must of Necessity have a Regard to the Vniformity of wor­ship, according to the Forms, Rights, and Ceremonies by the Law in that case provided: And in this sence I must confess that our Lives, Liberties, and the Religion of the Government (tho' not directly, yet in a most Rational Consecution of dangerous Probabilities) lye all at stake. Wherefore again and again I say▪ let us joyn with our Author in the maintaining of this Protestant Tenure. For tho' the intent of it be only to intimate a Jelousy of Popery to the multitude; we shall yet find it, upon Examination, to have a Loyal Aspect toward the Government.

Here is an Vniformity prescrib'd; which is neither a New thing to us, nor an Vnnecessary. Not a New one; for it has descended to us from the time of Edward the Sixth; and it was the only Ex­pedient that Queen Elizabeth could find out, for the safety of her Person, and Dominions: That Excellent Queen Elizabeth, (as our Author says, fol. 17) Vnder whose long and gracious Reign, England was so highly blessed. Nay, and so sacred is the Providence of Order, that Notwithstanding all the fulminations of the Pope, and the Numbers, as well as the dangerous Practices, of the Papists, on the one hand; and the Impetuous Clamours and Importunities of dissenting Protestants on the other, Charging both her self and her Ministers with Popish practices and designs. This steady Queen did yet (I say) preserve her Princely dignity, and the Reputation of her People, both at home and abroad▪ and at the same time, maintain her ground against two potent Factions; by standing firm to the Rules, and Methods of her Ecclesiastical Discipline, And it is Remarkable, that the state has still been more or less at ease in measure, as That Discipline has been either upheld, or Relaxed.

[Page 63] In Forty and Forty one this fence was thrown down; and I need not say, after the overturning of that Bank, what Monsters were bred out of the Mud, upon that Innuundation. In the 14th. of his Majesties Reign, and after his blessed Restauration, This Unifor­mity was re-inforc'd; and in the 16th. follow'd an Act for sup­p [...]ssing Sedicious Conventicles. And now you shall see how much it behoves us to stand by our Protestant Tenure, and how far our Reli­gion, Lives, and Liberties are concerned in so doing.

The Reformed, or Protestant Religion, both in Doctrine and Discipline, as it is settled by Law; is the Protestant Tenure here in question: And what Party soever enterprizes upon the worship here Establish'd, usui [...]ps upon this Protestant Tenure. It has been the wisdom of the Government, from time to time to require an Vniformity, in the manner and circumstances of our Worship; and upon what motives and apprehensions they were induced to ob­serve those measures, will best appear from the Acts them­selves.

To begin with the Act of 1 Ed. 6. it was intended for the gain­ing of an Vniform, godly and quiet Order. 35. Eliz. There was a Provision made for the preventing and avoiding such great inconveniences and perils as might happen, and grow by the wicked and dangerous practises of Seditious Secta­ries, and Disloyal Persons, &c. Where it was made penal so much as to be present at a Conventicle. In the same year of the Queen, there was an Act against wicked and seditious per­sons, who termed themselves Catholicks, and being in­deed Spies and Intelligencers, not only for her Majesties foreign Enemies, but also for Rebellious and Trayterous Subjects born within her Highnesses Realms and Domi­nions; and hiding their most detestable, and devilish purposes, under a fair pretext of Liberty of Conscience, do secretly wander and shift from place to place within this Realm, to corrupt and s [...]ouce her Sajesties Subjects, and to stir them to Sedition and Rebellion, &c. 3 Jac. An Act for discovering and repressing Popish Recusants, 14 Car. 2. The intent of this Act was the settling the Peace of the Church and allaying the present distempers which the indisposition of time had contracted. Many People in [Page 64] the late Troubles having béen led into Factions and Schisms, to the great decay and scandal of the Reform­ed Religion of the Chnrch of England, and to the haz­zard of many Souls. And lastly, 16 Car. 2. An Act for suppressing Conventicles, providing for further and more spéedy Remedies against the growing and dangerous Pra­ctices of seditious Sectaries, and other disloyal persons, who under pretence of tender Consciences, do at their Méeting contrive Insurrections, as late Experience hath shewed, &c..

From these Citations we may collect both the intent and the ne­cessity of an Vniform Worship, and upon what Considerations these Acts were made; and it appears undenyably from those Outrages that follow'd upon the Peoples breaking loose from this restraint, that the Lawmakers were not deceived in their foresight. Nor could any other be expected, but a liberty of practice after a licence of profession, and that after a dissolution of the Law there should be no longer any regard had to Religion or Manners.

But what do we talk of Religion in a Tune? The sounds of things and empty words, when they come once to be followed with flagiti­ous actions and execrable effects? Was the Venom of the Cove­nant ever the less Diabolical for the holy Style of it? Will [Your Majesty's most humble and obedient Subjects] attone for the robbing and the murdering of their Soveraign? Christ and his Truths is every jot as good a Claim as a Protestant Tenure. And yet I'le shew you here the Contumacy of Lucifer himself under that Mask, and the very Soul of their Hands-up-lifting Covenant; which tho under the name of Cargils Covenant, is the Old Covenant still, onely a little rank with keeping.

The last Speech and Testimony of WILL. GOGOR, one of the three desperate and incorrigible Traytors execu­ted at the Grass Market in Edinburgh, March 11. 1681, for disowning His Sacred Majesty's Authority, and own­ing and adhering to these bloudy and murdering Principles, contained in that execrable Declaration at Sanquhat, Car­gils Traitorous Covenant, and Sacrilegious Excommuni­cating of the KING, by that Arch Traytor Cargil, and avowing of themselves to be bound in Conscience, and by their Covenant, to murder the KING, and all that serve under him; being Armed (the time they were appre­h [...]nded) for that purpose.

Men and Brethren,

THese are to shew you, that I am come here this day to lay down my Life for owning Christ and his Truths; and in so much as we are caluminiated and reproached by lying upon our Names, and dread­ful upbraiding of us, with saying, That we are not led by the Scriptures; and say, We have taken other Rules to walk by: I take the Great God to be witness against all and every one of them, that I take the Word of God to be my Rule, and I never designed any thing but ho­nesty and faithfulness to Christ; and for owning of Christ and the Scriptures this day I am murder'd, for adhering to the born-down Truths I am condemned to die; and I also leave my Testimony, and bear witness against all the Apostate Ministers this day, that have taken favour at the Enemies hands, The onely thing they take away my Life for is, because I disowned all those bloudy Traytors not to be Magistrates, which the Word of God casts off, and we are bound in Conscience and Covenant to God, to disown all such as are Ene­mies [Page 66] to God, and which they are avowed and open Enemies to Christ; And they have made void my word, saith the Lord. Say what ye will Devils, say Wretches, say Enemies, say what ye will, we are owning the Truth of Christ and his written Word; and condemn me in my Judgment who will, I leave my Bloud on one and all that say we are not led by the Scripture; I leave my Bloud upon you again to be a Witness against you, and a Condemnation in the great day of Judgment. I have no more to say, I think this may mitigate all your rage; and so forth. I leave his Enemies to his Curse, to be unished into everlasting wrath for now and ever. Amen.

Sic subscribitur Will. Gogor.

Methinks this Specimen of an Enthusiastick Zeal should make men wary how they deal with these guilded Pills after so damn'd an operation. And it is not to say, that this is the transport of a mad man; but it is the effort of the very Principle, and the whole strain of them that has been taken off by the hand of Justice, (not for treasonous words neither, but actual rebellions) have so behaved themselves at the last cast, as if the whole Schism were upon a vie who should damn bravest. These stories are no Meal [...]tub Shams; Death and Damnation are past [...]oolling.

But how comes it that we that wear Christ in our Foreheads should carry Antichrist in our Hearts? and under the name of Christians walk so contrary both to the Doctrine, and to the Example of our suffering Saviour? As if the mere Profession of the Gospel did not onely make void the Scope and Precepts of it, but extinguish in us the very Dictates of right nature; and then as Protestants under the pretended abomination of Popery to set it up; that is to say, upon impulse of Religion to do in any sort whatsoever a manifest wrong. Let the end be never so good, it must yet upon the score of Con­science be warranted by lawful means, and with such a regard to Prudence too, that the means we make use of toward a good end, may not be imployed to a bad one. One man wishes a Reforma­tion [Page 67] in the Government, another skrews himself in under the same Pretence, but to destroy it.

It would be endless and nauseous to farce up a Pamphlet with Citations, in a case where the whole Story of the World is so full of Precedents. How came it that Hen. 8 when he was suspected to be more than half a Protestant, proceeded so quietly and with­out Opposition, in Declaring and Limiting the Succession? and then that the Lady Elizabeth (his Daughter) being a profess'd Protestant and the Major Party of the People Papists, came to the Crown, without any considerable Objection to her Religion? We do not find, notwithstanding the Branded Apostacy of Jeroboam, that made Israel to Sin, that his People yet laid hold of any pretence to Rebel against him. We do not read in the Story of Ethelbert King of Kent, upon his being Converted to Christianity by Angustin the Monk, that his Subjects, though Pagans, ever took up Arms against him for't. Nor that the Pagan Subjects of any of the Other Saxon Kings in their Heptarchy, opposed their Sovereigns, for Change of Religion; neither was there any Persecution on the King's Side, for matter of Religion. Bonos principes (says Tacit. Hist. Lib. 4.) Voto expetere debemus, &c. We are to pray to God for Good Kings, but to submit to them whatever they are. Tertullian (Apolog. 30.) Christi­anus nullius est hostis, &c. The Christian (says he) is no Mans Ene­my, much less the Emperors: for knowing that he Governs by Gods Ap­pointment, he cannot but Love, Reverence, Honour and Wish him well, with all that belong to him, and therefore we pay that Veneration to him that belongs to him, as being next immediately under God; what he has is from God, and God is only his Superiour, &c. And so far were the Primitive Christians from opposing their Superiours, that they would not allow so much as a dis-respectful word to be given them. There was no turning of Princes in those days, a grazing with Nebuchadnezzar among the Beasts; no calling of them Gan­green'd, and Corrupted, Leprous Branches of Royalty. But the very Apostles Canons provided against those rude indecencies that re­flect not only upon his Popish Successor, but upon all the Crowned Heads of Christendom of that Perswasion. Quisquis Imperatorem, &c. (says the Canon) Whosoever shall speak ill of the Emperor, or of the Magistrate, let him be punsh'd. If a Clergy-Man, Depos'd; if a Lay-Man, Excommunicated.

[Page 68] But what needs this recourse to the Examples and Judgments of Antiquity for the clearing of Christianity in a case where the common Principles of Human Nature are sufficient to set us right?

First, There is the violation of a Gospel-Precept, in doing evil that good may come of it, As certainly the divesting of a Prince of his right, in an unwarrantable way of doing it, is a very ill thing. I speak all this while to the Character of a Popish Successor; which pu­shes on the People, hand over head, to the end, without that re­gard to the Means, which the Cause, I think, does require: But af­ter this, when a lawful Authority intervenes, the state of the Que­stion is quite another thing; for it is no longer Religion, but Policy that will be the Subject then in consideration.

Secondly, The admittance of this Position does in a Complement to Christianity, overthrow all Religion, and puts all Christians in­to a state of Hostility: for there are some particulars, undoubted­ly, of all Perswasions that do firmly believe themselves to be in the Right. And then consequently, every divided Party is that to the other which a Popish Successor is to the Author of the Character. And at this rate Christians are in the worst condition of all Mortals, by making it a point of Conscience to Enter worry one another. To say nothing of the Scandal they bring upon the Gospel, by erecting this Rigorous and Sanguinary Doctrine upon the Foundations of Meekness, Charity and Peace.

And this Position does not only confound the Harmony that ought to be among the Disciples of Jesus Christ; but superinduces an utter Subversion of the Fundamentals of Government and Obedi­ence. For to say that a Prince of another Faith may be Deposed, or Secluded for his Religion, does not only Authorize, but provoke a Prince of another Perswasion to render the same measure to his People; and it absolves both the One and the Other from the ob­ligation of that mutual Correspondence which is necessary betwixt them for the conservation of the Community.

Nor is it all, that the Maxim it self is pernicious, (which many times is the ill hap of a fair intention;) but there is so gross a Par­tiality in the Conduct of this Character, that a Man must have a great deal more Charity than appears in the Author of it, to allow it so much as the possibility of a good meaning.

[Page 69] Here's a Clamour advanc'd in the Name of the English Pro­testants, against a Popish Successor. But upon what ground? Because it is a Persecuting Religion. Well! and what Religion is it in a Successor that would please them? The Protestant Re­ligion. But the Religion of the Church Protestants will not please the DISSENTING PROTESTANTS; and then, 'tis impossible for the Dissenting Protestants to please one another; and as impossi­ble for a Successor of any one Religion to please them all. But now which of these Protestant Religions must he be of? for there are a matter of Two Hundred Divided Sects that list themselves under that denomination. Well! but if they be True Protestants they'll Vnite against Popery. Yes, As the Fellow united his Ratts, he put them all into a Tub together, and then they eat up one another. View them well, and you shall not find above three of four of them that have any consistence one with another. And which are they? nay, that's a Secret. But if Popery be so dreadful, because it is a Persecu­ting Religion; why is not the Writer of this Character as sensible of 150 Persecuting Religions on the one side, as of One Persecu­ting Religion on the other? God preserve the Church of England, I say, from both. Or if that bitter Cup be our Lot, the Lord in his Mercy grant that we may not add Sedition to Persecution. It were no Ill Embleme of the Original of our Late Troubles, to phancy a Man in a Fright, and leaping from a painted Lion upon a Wall into a Bed of Vipers. And no better are the pragmatical part of the Revolters from our Communion, while in the mean time, Thou­sands and Thousands of the Credulous and Well meaning Multi­tude are by them inveigled to their destruction.

About the middle of the 17th Page, the Character-Man is either laid down to take a Nap, while some other less skilful hand supplys his place; or else he writes on in his Sleep. And it would have been well, if all the rest too had been no more than a Dream. There is a Finical Marchpane Spark here about the Town, that takes a huge deal of pains to get himself suspected for the Author of this Book; he makes me think of a little Gentleman in a Yellow Coat, that would still be talking how rarely he plaid o'th' Organ; and this poor Wretch phancied that he made all the Musique, when it was his part only to draw the Bellows. He has done some very pretty things, they say, upon Touzer. But for this Character, I dare ven­ture to be his Compurgator; at least to the middle of the 17th [Page 70] Page. But further I dare not undertake; for the next two ra­ges and a half, a Man may trace them upon the Hoof to the very Ink-pot. His Story of Paris's Mother, (some body should have told him that it was Hecuba) that dream'd she was deliver'd of a Fire-brand. His Debate upon the Parallel betwixt the dis-inherit­ing a Private Popish Heir, and a Popish Successor. His Proposal of the Successors following Curtius into the Gulf; the Third-bare Story of Damocles's Sword. And then his Argumentum à fortiori: These fragments might possibly be the Fruit of his own Minerva. But now, toward the bottom of the 19th Page we have the First Hand again.

Char. ‘But to Sum up all; (says he) if no reason must or shall prevail; and that right or wrong a Papist must succeed: when all the inseparable Cruelties of Pope and Popery shall surround us; suppose the worst that may be, that the dreadful approach of cer­tain Slavery, so opposite to the Free-Born Genius of England, has exasperated them into a Spirit of Rebellion: What is it but the Pestilential Ayer of Reigning Popery, that bloats and swells them into that Contagion? And if this Popish King Summons all his Thunder to punish them for't, what can the greatest Favourer of Rome make more on't, than that he warps them crooked, and then breaks them to pieces because they are not streight.’ [Just as he serves his Popish Successor; he draws ye the Picture of a Tyrant, and then Deposes him] ‘And what's the whole Sum of a Revolting Nation under a Popish Tyrant? but using a violent Cure to expel an Uni­versal Poyson.’ Fol. 19.

This Clause is only Buchanan, Janius. Brutus, &c. Translated into English, and for brevity sake, a fair hint toward a Rebellion, and an Apology for it, both in one. As who should say, If it must come to a Popish Successor the English Genius would never brook it, and there's no remedy but one, that is to say, a Revolt; which they may e'en thank themselves for. And then, up goes Forty One again [...] the Fa­ctions dismount the Government, set up for themselves, and so go on, plucking down him still that is uppermost till they come from Re­forming to Levelling; and there is an end on't. I would he had not been so positive upon the Free born Genius of England; for we have been inveigled actually into a slavery under Cobblers, and Tink­ers. We that with so much Indignation at present, oppose ourselves [Page 71] to the bare Possibility of a Royal Successor. And that have Sacrificed three Kingdoms already to those degenerate fears.

Char. But here (says he) will some pretended, Pious, Objector say; How shall we dare to Revolt? Remember we are Christi­ans, and we must Obey; or at least yield a Passive Obedience to our King; be his Religion, Principles, or Government, never so Ty­rannique, He is still the Lords Anointed, and our Native Sove­reign.

I would ask (says he) what this Lords Anointed is. And who tis is our Native Sovereign. When instead of being free-Subjects, Pope and Tyranny shall rule Over us; and we are made slaves, and Papists?

That Person is the Lords Anointed who by Gods Providence, and a Legal Succession of right to the Crown, is the Supreme Ma­gistrate; whom, if we may cast off for Popery and Tyranny, we may depose at any time, by saying That's the Case: For 'tis but saying so, to make it so. Nay, and he goes further yet. For here's a Prince Depos'd, for fear he should be so; without any allow­ance for intervening Contingences. Or any Limits to the Extent of the Prospect. So that 'tis but the carrying on of our Jealousies to future times, and without any more to do, dissolve the Monarchy upon the self-same Contemplation. It would be as pertinent a que­stion now, what are those Free Subjects, as what is This Lords a­nointed? If by this Freedom he would intimate an Exemption from the Law; His Free-Subject is a palpable contradiction▪ For in This Case he makes the Lords Anointed the Subject; and his Free Subject the Lords Anointed.

Char. ‘We are bound indeed (says he) by our Oaths of Alle­giance to a constant Loyalty to the King and his lawful Successors. Very Right. By that Oath we are bound to be his lawful Suc­cessors Loyal Subjects; but why his Loyal Slaves? Or how is an Arbitrary, Absolute Popish Tyrant any longer a Lawful Successor to a Protestant Established, and bounded Government? When lawfuly Succeeding to this limited Monarchy, he afterwards violently, unlawfully, and Tyrannically overruns the due b [...]unds of Power, dissolves the whole Royal Constitution of the Three Free-States [Page 72] of England, and the Subjects Petition of Right? whilst wholly abandoning those Reins of Government, which were his Law­ful Birth-Right, and making New ones of his own Illegal Crea­tion, he makes us neither those Free-born Subjects we were, when we took that Oath, nor himself That King we swore to be Loy­al to.’

What have we here but a Jesuitical Dispensation for the break­ing of an Oath, and slipping our Necks out of the Collar of our Allegiance by a Mental Reservation? First, We swear in this Oath (as in all others) to the Sense of the Authority that imposes it. And can any body imagine that the Government impos'd this Test of Allegeance upon the People, to leave them still at Liberty to play fast and loose with Reserves and Qualifications of their own: And so to frustrate the main intent of the Oath, by accommoda­ting the Exposition of it for the serving of a Turn, or a Faction? The Oath binds them to Subjection; and they absolve themselves of That Subjection by giving it the Name of Slavery. And so eve­ry man is left at pleasure to take off his own Shackles. But what if it were Slavery it self? The Prince were to blame for straining his Authority, but the Subjects nevertheless Criminal, on the other side for withdrawing their Duty.

He has found a Loop-hole to evade This Oath, by turning SVB­IECTS into SLAVES. But That will not do his business, without turning a Lawful Successor to a Protestant Establisht and bounded Go­vernment into an arbitrary, absolute, Popish Tyrant. In which sup­position he holds forth This Doctrine to the People; that in This Case, there is a Forfeiture of the Government; and that this is the very Case which we have now before us; wherein, contrary to Law, Reason and the Fundamental Essentials of all Government, he does, as much as in him lyes, authorize and incite the Multi­tude to a Sedition.

I answer, that the Law is clearly against him; for tho the Prero­gative is bounded, the Duty of the Subject is yet left unconditional, there being no Law, nor so much as the colour of any, incase of the Kings passing his legal Limits, to absolve the People of their Alle­geance. And it is not the Plea of Provocation, or the exercise of a [Page 73] Tyrannical Power, that will save the Subject from the Sentence o [...] the Law, in case of any disloyal act of Assault or Resistance.

It is against Reason likewise, that the Inferiour shall overrule the Superiour, and invert the last Resort of Decision and Judgment from the Prince to the Subject.

It is, lastly, destructive of Government it self, to suppose such a Reserve in a Political Constitution, as carries the last Appreal to the People, which is the case in this Proposition. The King as a Trustee that abuses his power incurrs a Forfeiture, (as our Author will have it) of that Trust; and so all subordinate Trustees may incurr the like Forfeiture, till all Communities are melted down again into the ridiculous conceit of the Original Soveraignty of the Multitude, which is onely a Chaos of Anarchy and Confusion.

He is over again here with the Royal Constitution of the three free States of England; which must be understood either of the Lords Spiritual, Temporal, and Commons; or of the King, Lords, and Commons, reckoning His Majesty to be one of the three Estates. Take it the former way, and instead of Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons in Parliament, (which was the style even of the last Rebellion it self) the Petition should run t'other way, and say, The humble Petition of Charles the second, to your Majesties the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons [...]ssembled in Parlia­ment. Now take it as accounting the King to be one of the three Estates, that Imaginary C [...]ordination leaves him at the mercy of the other two whensoever they please. The Learned and the Right Re­verened Bishop of Lincoln, in his Discourse of Popery, pag. 4. Eng­land (says he) is a Monarchy, the Crown Imp [...]rial, and our Kings Supreme Governours, and sole Supreme Governours of this Realm, and all other their Dominions, &c. In our Oath of Supremacy we swea [...], That the King is the Only Supreme Governour, Supreme, so none (not the Pope) above him▪ and Only Supreme, so none Coor­dinate or equal to him.

The Character brings in the Subjects Petition of Right for a fur­ther countenance to his pretension; but what noise soever it makes in the cars of the people, there is not one syllable in it that appears in his favour. And yet once again upon the presumptions ascresaid he grounds this Assertion, That in such a case neither is he the same King that we swore to, nor we the same Subjects that took the [Page 74] Oath. If this be not Rome against Rome, and Popery against Po­pery, I know not what is. But at the worst it is but paraphrazing upon the Oath of Allegiance as they did upon the Covenant. Give me leave now to retort the Argument. His Popish Success [...]r will be a Tyrant, (he says) for it is a Tyrannical Religion. But after all the stress of [...]rreverent Language upon his R. H. he cannot charge any thing in the worldupon him, that looks that way, in his inclination. But yet here's enough (says he) to conclude the Reason and the Necessity of his Seclusion. The Compiler of this Character would take it ill now, on the other side, if a man should say that his very argument against the Duke, holds as true against the Author of the Character. For that Dominion is founded in Grace, is the Principle both for which, and by which he pretends to Supplant the Successor. Now why may we not appre­hend Sedition from the one, as well as Tyranny from the other? Nay and with more Justice too; considering that there is but a bare Con­templation the One way, and the Practice of an enflaming Discourse over and above that Contemplation, the other.

Char. ‘But alas! (says he) that Bug-bear, Passive obedeience, is a No­tion crept into the world, and most Zealously, and perhaps as igno­rantly defended. Fol. 20.’

This Period brings him well nigh to his Journeys end: For, till now, he contented himself with only opposing the primitive Practi­ces, and the Common Principles of Christianity, in justifying a Vio­lence, upon an Impulse of Religion: But the making of Passive Obe­dience only a Bug-bear, and the Defence of it an effect of Ignorance, brings it home to the very person of our Saviour, and to the Do­ctrine that was delivered by those Holy Lips. ‘So far (says the Learned Prelate above mentioned, Pag. 55.) was St. Paul from be­lieving those Popish Rebellious Principles, (Denying the Superiority of the Civil power) and from Dissoyalty or Disobedience to that Im­perial (tho' Pagan) Power under which he Lived; that he publick­ly acknowledged, and humbly submitted to it. Nor was he only in his own Person Obedient, and a Loyal Subject to the Emperor, but (writing to the Romans) he did, as an Apostle of Jesus Chr [...]st, command them also to be Loyal and Obedient. Let every Soul (e­very man) be Subject to the Higher (the Supreme) Powers, &c. [Page 75] And then he adds, that they should render to them Tribute, Cu­stom, Fear, Honour, and all their Duties. By Supreme Power there, he means men possessing Supreme power, and the Su­preme power, under which He and the Romans then were, was Ne­ro, a most Impious Pagan, and Persecutor of Christ, and Christians; and yet every Soulq within his Empire, (even Peter as well as Paul) was (by the Law of God, and the Gospel) to be Subject to Him, to Fear, Honour, pay him Tribute, and Legally obey him. Nay the same reverend Prelate, (Pag. 54) in confirmation of this Do­ctrine, cites the Precept of our blessed Saviour himself, as well as St. Paul. Our blessed Saviour (Says he, whose Vicar the Pope pre­tends to be) does himself pay Tribute to Caesar, (Tho' a Pagan, and Idolat [...]r) leaving us an Admirable, and most Pious Example of that obedience, and Loyalty due, even to Impious and Pagan Princes: N [...]r is this all; for he further gives express Command, that all should render to Cesar the things which are Cesars. He acknowledgeth the Imperial rights of C [...]sar, of which his Impi­ety and Idolatry did not deprive him.’

Our Author said but just now, that Passive Obedience was no more then a Bug-bear, and a Doctrine groundless, and only slipt into the world as by the By. But he tells us now (Fol. 20. toward the bot­tom) that in case of a Vow'd Allegiance to an Absolute and Arbitrary King, a Passive Obedience was due: But what's this (says he) to a King of England? With his leave I take it to be the same thing as to the Peoples Obedie [...]ce or Submission; tho' in respect of the assu­ming, and Exercising that Power, the Case, on the Kings side, is greatly differing, for the question is not whether the King does Well or Ill in forcing his Authority beyond the due hounds, but whether the Tyranny, on the one side, will justify an undutiful behaviour, on the other? And the Law it self will easily determine. This Contro­versy. If the Subject be ty'd up by the Law to an Allegiance un­conditional, (as aforesaid) and without any Exception, or qualifi­cation, to discharge him of that Duty, in any Cace whatsoever, the Cause is clear against him. And this is enough said to shew, that un­der the Masque of a zeal to crush one Sort of Popery, there is a de­sign Carryed on for the introducing of another. See now what he says of Monarchy.

[Page 76] ‘Monarchy (says he fol. 21.) can be acquir'd but by two ways. First, By the Choice of the People, who frequently, in the beginning of the World, out of a natural desire of Safety, for the securing of a Peaceful Community and Conversation, chose a Single Per­son to be their Head, as a Proper, Supream Moderator in all Diffe­rences that might arise to disquiet that Community: Thus were Kings made for the People, and not the People for Kings

This Principle of Popular Liberty, and placing the Original of Government in the People, is highly derogatory to the Providence of God; contrary to the express Letter of the Text, and destruct­ive of the very Being of Human Society, First, By implying Man­kind to be cast into the World unprovided for. Secondly, It makes Magistracy, which the Apostle tells us; (Rom. 13. 2.) is the Ordinance of God, to be of Human Institution, or at best, Nature's second Thought; but in truth, an effect either of Tumult or Chance, ac­cording as Men were led to't either by Choice or Necessity. Third­ly, in supposing Power to be radically in the People, and the grant of it to be only an act of conveyance by common Consent, and with a power of Revocation, upon certain equitable Conditions, either express'd or imply'd; there goes no more than the Peoples recalling of their Power, to the dissolving of all Commu [...]ities; and Humane Society, at this rate, lyes at the Mercy of the Multitude. But how this Revocation shall be notify'd, unless by way of Advertisement in one of the True Protestant-Anabaptist-Mercurys, I cannot ima­gine.

But then consider again, That this Grant and Revocation must Pass with a Nemine Contradicente; nay, and a Nemine Absente too: for one single Diss [...], or the want of one single Vote, spoils all; and makes, void both the Original Grant, and all that was done subse­quent upon it: for by reason of that defect, it is no longer the act of the People.

It may put a Man in admiration, to see what Credit this Phan­tastique and Impracticable Conceit has got in the World, if he does not observe the Address in the Application of it, and the use that is made of it. All violent Motions of State (we see) are wrought and brought about by the Favour and Assistance of the Peo­ple. And there can be no readier way in the World to make them sure, then either to calumniate, or otherwise to lay open the Na­kedness [Page 77] of the Government, and to tell them that Princes are on­ly Trustees for the Peoples good; the Sovereignty in themselves; and that if Governours break their Trust, the People may resume their Power. When the Multitude has once imbib'd this Doctrine, the next work will be to set up for the recovery of their inheritance: and when it comes to that once, we need but look behind us to see the end on't.

Our Author has already admitted, (upon this mistake of the Fountain of Power) that the People may yet pass away their Original Right, without power of Revocation. Here indeed, (says he, speak­ing of a Concession of Absolute Power) a passive Obedience was due; but what's this to a King of England? Now though the Doctrine of this Passage (fol. 20.) seems to clash with an Equity of Resumption, reserved to the People in the last Paragraph above-recited, (fol. 21.) I shall yet lay no hold of that implication, but turn the force of his own allowance against himself. If the Peoples alienation of their Power to a Prince, without conditions, shall stand good against them; so shall the alienation of their Power also to a Prince, under conditi­ons, stand every jote as good, within the limits of those condi­tions. And where shall we find those conditions, but in the Establish'd Law, which marks out the bounds, both of King and People? Now if the Law Pronounces the King to be Supream in all Causes, and over all Persons, &c. and yet with some Limitations and Restraints upon his Prerogative: Suppose he passes those Terms, who shall judge him, but God if he be Supream, and has no other Power a­bove him? Or if the People have reserved, in such a case, any con­trouling Power to themselves, how comes it that the Law takes no notice of it; but on the contrary, makes the Subjects accounta­ble for any act of Disobedience or Violence to, or upon the Person, or Authority of the King, upon what pretence soever? So that un­der the colour of opposing or preventing an Arbitrary Power; the Law is subverted (here) at a b [...]ow; and a Foundation laid of the most per­nicious and shameful sort of Tyranny.

He says that Kings were made for the People, and not People for the Kings, which is well enough, if he means that Kings were made for the Government of the People, which is the great Blessing of Man­kind; and not People for the Government of the King; which turns Society into Confusion.

[Page 78] But after all these words, to shew that Government Originally was not Popular; I shall add a few more, to prove the Institution of it to be purely Divine: which opinion, in truth, needs not a­ny other Support, than the Authority of the Holy Scriptures. By me Kings Reign, &c. I have made the Earth, the Man, and the Beasts that are upon the Ground by my great Power, and my Outstretched arm, and have given it to whom it seemed meet unto me, Jer. 27. 5.

That which we now call Kingly Government was at first called Paternel, and after that Patriarchal, &c. And we find, by the Powers they exercised (as Life and Death, War and Peace, &c.) that their Paternal Power did Then extend to all the Acts of our Regal Power; The Objection is, could there be a King without a Peo­ple? Which is all one with the Supposal of a Father without a Son. But This does not at all conclude that Adam had not both a Regal and a Paternal Power, before he had either People or Children, actu­ally to govern, and exercise it upon: It being a thing so consonant also, to the Methods of the Divine Wisdom, to supply him previ­ously with all needful Abilities and Authorities for the Discharge of his Fatherly and Governing Office: The whole Race of his Posterity, lying open, even before they had any Existency in Na­ture, to the Omniscience of God, with whom there is no PAST or FUTVRE, but all things, always PRESENT.

Again, if Adam did not bring his Authority into the World with him, when did he receive his Commission? Or, if he had none at all, how could he justifie the Arbitrary Rule he exercis'd over those People that were only his Fellow Subjects, under the same God, and without any Subordinate Ruler over them? Or if Adam was vested with a Right of exerting the Power he exercis'd; how came our Authors Imaginary Multitude to chuse a Governor of their own, in opposition to the appointment of Providence? Or who absolved them from the Bonds of their filial and primary Duty and Obedience?

What he says afterward of Conquest, (which he calls his Other Ac­quisition of Monarchy) serves only for an occasion to tell us, that our Last Norman Conquest was little more than a Composition: which is an error and nothing at all to the point here in hand, which re­fers [Page 79] only to the constitution, and Settlement of the Government, as now it stands, without any respect to the manner of acquiring it. But he is now drawing to a conclusion.

Char. ‘If now at last, (says he) Popery must and shall come in, (as by law it cannot) and consequently must be restored by Arbitrary Pow­er. If a new Monarchy, then a new Conquest, and if a Conquest, Hea­ven forbid we should be subdu'd like less than English-men; or be debar'd the Common Right of all Nations, which is, to Resist, and Repel an Invader, if we can, fol. 21.’

This is spoken upon the supposition of a Popish Successors coming to the Crown, whom he calls an Invader; (though qualifyed with a Legal Title) and he incourages Violence against him, tho' in this case the Law pronounces him a King: and this Resistance to be made like English-men too, that is to say English-men of the late stamp. So that there goes no more (I perceive) to the destruction of a Law­ful Prince, but to say that he either is or will be this or tha [...]: And the King himself stands in as much danger, upon the admittance of this Principle, as his Royal Brother.

But before Subjects proceed to these terms, which without a le­gal Authority are criminal in any case whatsoever, Malice it sel [...] will not deny, but that there ought to be an infallible certainty of the Inconvenience: whereas (as I have said before) this is a case lyable to many disappointments; the prospect of it remote, the ex­pedient unwarrantable, and the danger it self at last not so mortal as it is represented. He supports his presumption upon this ground for granted, that a Popish King must do whatsoever the Pope will have him do, and subject his people to the Tyranny as well as the Religion of the Church of Rome. What does he say to the French Kings Pyramid then, and the vindication of himself and his people in divers other cases, from the Insults of Rome; and to several other instances already given in this particular?

Char. ‘But to summ up all this (says he) I must say, the most vehement Disputants against the Peoples right of defending them­selves, must at length ac [...]nowledge thus much, that whenever a Papist King shall by Tyranny establish the Popes Jurisdiction in Eng­land, [Page 80] undoubtedly in the eye of God he is guilty of a greater sin than that People can be, that with open Arms oppose that Tyran­ny.’; Fol. 22.

This is a clause of double consolation: First, to the Author, that this Popish King shall be damn'd the deeper of the two. And, Se­condly, to the People, that they shall go to the Devil in good com­pany.

Char. ‘The very Essence (he says) of a Popish Successor is the greatest Plot upon England since the Creation; a Plot of God him­self to scourge a Nation, and make three Kingdoms miserable.’

This must be a very great Plot, if it be the greatest Plot that we have seen even in our days: a Plot upon our Laws, and it subverted them; upon the Church, and it destroyed it root and branch; upon our Estates, and it took them away by violence; upon our Liber­ties, and it enslav'd us; upon our Lives, and it was made death to do our Duties. It was a Plot that left us no other choice in many cases but Death or Damnation.

If I had ask'd my revenues (says the late King, [...]sect. 24.) my power of the Militia, or any one of my King­doms, it had been no wonder to have been denied in those things, where the evil policy of men forbids all Restituti­on, lest they should confess an injurious Usurpation. But to deny me the Ghostly comfort of Chaplains, seems a great­er rigour and barbarity then is ever used by Christians to the meanest Prisoners, and greatest Malefactors, whom, tho' the Justice of the Law, deprives of worldly Comforts, yet the Mercy of Religion allows them the benefit of their Clergy: as not aiming at once to destroy their Body [...], and to Damn their Souls. But My Agony must not be Reliev'd with the Presence of any one Good Angel; (for such [...]account a Learned, Godly and Discreet Divine [...] & such I would have all Mine to be;) They that envy my being a King, are loth I should be a Christian, while they Seck to deprive Me of all things else; they are a [...]a [...]d I should save my soul.

[Page 81] Has the Author of the Character heard of this Un-Christian Barbarity toward a Prince of the most Exemplary Goodness and Piety (one of them) that ever liv'd: And how he was yet, after all this, Murther'd on a Scaffold, in the Name, and under the pre­tended Sovereignty of the People of England? How has he then the hardness of Heart to set up that Regicidal Principle afresh; and to pronounce the Government of a Popish Successor to be a greater Plot upon England, than the Execrable Bloud-shed of that Protestant Prince? And yet he carries it one step higher. A Plot of God (he calls it) and at the same time lays the Foundation of it in Hell, and most Heroically opposes it. From hence to the end both of the Page and Book, there's only more variety of flourish to the same pur­pose.

MY pretending to Answer this Discourse, looks methink, as if a Man should Reply upon an Alman [...]ck (for several Years to come) it runs altogether upon Phansys, Suppositions, Predict [...]ons, &c. And there's no dis-proving of a Prognostication; nor hardly any reasoning against it; but so far as it is Calculated according to Rules of Art: And wheresoever I have found any thing that looks like a Logical Connexion, I have spoken to those Passages what I thought convenient. But for the rest; my business has been to encounter the drift of it, and to expound the danger of these pre­sent Iealousies, by referring People to the miserable effects of the same Jealousie in the Late Times. It is an easie thing for People to foretel Calamities and Judgments of their own Contriving.

There is not any Man Living that more passionately desires the Ripping up of this Dam [...]'d, Hellish Plot to the bottom, than my self; but I must confess withal, that I am for Suppressing the Malice of Pope [...]y, as well as the Name; and utterly against the Damning of any Position in a Papist, that I practice my self. The best way to discover a Jesuite, is by his Principle; for it is the Doctrine, and not the Order, or D [...]n [...]mination, that creates the Danger. So that we are never the nearer for rocting out the One, unless we purge our selves also from the Leagen of the Other. Which will be the o [...] ­ly safe way of faci [...]itating a Comprehensive Union of those Consci­entious Dissent [...]rs that wish well to the King and his Government. And in Order to this Discrimination, I shall give the Reader here [Page 82] a Taste of the Harmony and Agreement betwixt the Jesuites of the Society, and those of the Covenant. That is to say, such other Je­suites, as, under the Cover of Dissenting Protestants take advantage of the Credulity and Weakness of the Common People, toward the working of Distempers in the Nation.

Popish and Jesuitical PRINCIPLES.

DOminion is founded in Grace; (says the Romish Jesuite) and up­on That Principle, Deposes Protestant Princes. But the Co­venanting Jesuite is even with him, and upon the same Principle de­poses Popish Princes: as Knox and those of the Congregation in Scotland depos'd the Queen Regent (Cambden's Eliz. An. 1559) Penry told the Lord President of Wales, That without advancing the Pres­byterian Discipline he could have no Commission to Rule there; for ha­ving rejected Christ, he was but the Lieutenant of Satan. And our Cha­racter does pretty well too, in ranking a Popish Prince with Nebu­chadnezzar, fol. 17.

The Pope may deprive a King of his Royal Dignity for Heresie, Schism, &c. (B. of Lincoln's Popish Principles, pag. 20.) and after Excommunication (says Mariana) in case of Obstinacy, the People may take away his Life. Now says the Covenanting Jesuite; All men as well Magistrates, as Inferiors, ought to be Subject to the Judg­ment of General Assemblies (See Bishop Bramhal pag. 501.) Mini­sters (says Buchanan de Jur. Reg. page 70.) may excommunicate Princes; and when they have cast them into Hell, they are not worthy to live any longer upon Earth.

Pius Quintus absolv'd the Subjects of Q. Eliz. from all their Oaths of Allegiance to her for ever. And now (says Knox to England and Scotland) If Princes be Tyrants against God and his Truth, their Subjects are Free from their Oath of Obedie [...]ce. And our Jesui­tical Covenanters did the same thing too, with a Penalty, in abolish­ing the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, and setting up their Covenant.

[Page 84] We command (says the same Pius Quintus) all the Peers, People and Subjects of England not to pay any Obedieuce to the Queen, her Com­mands, or Laws. And was not this the same thing that our Cove­nanting Jesuites did, in commanding upon pain of Imprisonment, and Sequestration, not to obey the Kings Proclamations, and in making it Death without mercy for any man that had taken the Co­ve [...]ant to go, without a Pass into the Kings Quarters?

Pope PAVL 3d. Interdicted all publick Prayers for Henry 8. or his Adherents, after his Denyal of the Popes Supremacy, to the whole Na­tion. And did not our Scottish Jesuites the same thing in refusing to to pray for the Mother of King James, when she was in her Distress though the King desired it? and did not our English Covenanting Jesuites make it Malignancy and Sequestration, to pray for the King in their Churches?

If a Clergy-Man Rebel against the King, it is no Treason▪ (says E­m [...]nuel Sa) because Clergy-Men art not the Kings Subjects. The Je­suits of the Kirk told King James, That He was an incompetont Iudge of Matters in the Pulpit, wich ought to be exempted from the Iudgment and Correction of Princes. And the Assembly brought off Gibson and Blake, for Cursing and Railing at the King in the Pul­pit, upon the same Plea. And the Late King had as little Remedy for Treason deliver'd in the Pulpits here.

The Papal Power (says Sciopptus) is Supream, and the Pope has a Right to Direct and C [...]mpel, and a Power of Life and Death. And did not Our Jesuits in the Assembly, and the Two Houses Practice the same Usurpations in 1642? Does not the Kirk, in the Cases of Bloud, Adultery, Blasphemy, &c. take the Pardoning-Power out of the King's Hand? Did not the Scottish Jesuits in 1638. Prote [...]t against Proclamations, make void Acts of Parliament, Levy M [...]n, Monies and Arms, for the Glory of God, and preservation of Rel [...]gi­on? Kings Declaration. Pag. 415. Do they not claim Power to Abrogate and Abolish what Statutes and Ordinances they please, concerning Ecclesiastical Matters? See Bishop Brambal, Fol. 497. &c. And in short, in ordine ad Spiritualia, take into their Cognizance all matters whatsoever.

[Page 85] Snarez, approves of a Subjects killing his Prince in his own defence; and much more, if it be in defence of the Publique. Buchanad Seconds him, and would have him rewarded for it, as if he had kill'd a Wolf or a Bear. For (says he, in his de jure Regni) the People are as much above the King, as he is above any one Person. Which Our Jesuits have Translated into Singulis Major, Vniversis Minor. Does not our Assembly set up for Infallible, as well as the Pope. And have not Our Jesuites their pious Frauds as well as those of the Church of Rome; their Dreams, Visions and Revelations? Where was there ever more Equivocation, or mental Reservati­on, then in their swearing to preserve the King, with a Design to destroy him? Where did the Pope himself ever take more upon him, as to the Indicting of Assemblies, abrogating Acts of Par­liament, and in the Exercise of all other the Ensigns of Royalty? Does not our Assembly expect to be submitted to with as implicite a Faith, and as blind an Obedience as the Pope himself? We must [...]sign up our Judgments (says the Church of Rome) our VVill, and our Vnderstanding in a deferencé to our Superiors. To which purpose (as I find it in Lysimachus N [...]canor page 48.) Andrew Cant when he found he could give no reasons for subscribing the Covenant, told his Congregation at Glascow, that they must deny Learning and Rea­son, and help Christ at a Lift: and told them further, upon the same occasion, that he was sent to them with a Commission from Christ to bid them subscribe the Covenant, which was Christs Contract, and that he himself was come at a Wooer to them for the Bridegroom; and called upon them to come to be Hand-fasted by Subscribing That Contract: and told them plainly, that he would not leave the Town till he had all their Names that refused to Subscribe; and that he would complain on't to his Master.

It would be endless to run out the Parallel at length, so far as This Argument would carry a man. But this will suffice, I hope, in some measure for a Caution, that while we are running down of One Sort of Jesuites we do not Incorporate our Religion with Ano­ther.

The End.

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