LET me employ some few Moments in venting my Thoughts to you at a di­stance, upon that Subject which has taken up so many of our Hours while we were together. The Impression grows stronger upon me now that I am alone, and left to the mercy of tormenting Re­flections. The Ruin, which you and I have often bemoaned, vi­sibly threatning our Church, is exceedingly magnify'd, and im­bitter'd to me, and must be to us all, when we sadly consider how we have been led on in our Simplicity, like the Men that fol­lowed Absalom, to be the Instru­ments of our own Destruction: And have been engaged so far in it, before we were aware, that we are now afraid to look back, though we are astonish'd to think what the end of all may be.

I am sufficiently assured, That much the greatest part of the Clergy have come in to the Go­vernment, as you and I have [Page 2] done, out of a Prospect to pre­serve the Church: For if all had stuck out, we did dreadfully ap­prohend that the Presbyterians, considering our King's Educa­tion and Biass that way, and their great Merit in the Revolution; (for we were but drawn in, and that late, by a seeming necessity, and unwillingly.) Our Reluc­tance, which we could not con­ceal (and at first many of us did not desire to conceal it) was the publick Discourse of the Nation; and so much taken notice of, that the Act imposing the Oaths did not suppose that all the Cler­gy would take them, and there­fore left a Provision for a certain Number of such of them as should refuse the Oaths (which I am heartily sorry has not been ap­ply'd;) and those of us who took the Oaths, did it with such Distinctions, and Declarations, and Salvos, as made it plain to all the World, That we were not hearty in it, but had a doubting, which is a resisting Conscience. Whereas the Presbyterians, and Common-wealth men, (with some Atheists and Latitudina­rians, who call'd themselves of our Church, though no other­wise than because it was Esta­blished by Law) were at the bot­tom of the whole Contrivance of the Revolution; and Derided us to see into what a Noose they had brought us, that we knew not what to Resolve upon: Whe­ther to venture the Reproach of the Nation, by a Change of Prin­ciples (at least as it would be thought) and to go in to the Government; or to leave K. Wil­liam wholy in their hands who brought him in, and to run the hazard of all the Consequences would follow from his looking upon the Church of England as his Enemies, and the Presbyte­rians as the only Church which would stick by him▪ I say, these Considerations, joyned with his own Inclination, and the little Zeal of the Generality of the Laity for any Church or Reli­gion, farther than suited with their Interests, made us to ap­prehend. That if we had not ta­ken the Oaths, the whole Church might have been over-turn'd all at once; and Presbytery, or Something like it, s [...]t up in its Place, as has been done in Scot­land.

When these Considerations had determined us in this matter, we were not yet without great Fears what might be the Consequence, on the other hand, that K. Wil­liam could not possibly but see that our Conversion was Forced, and Counterfeit, and would (as such Conversions always do) make us greater Enemies to him than we were before: And that therefore having served his Ends by us, he would watch his time [Page 3] to destroy us. That he might compass it more easily, though may be not so speedily by our Compliance, having by that made us cheap, and broken our Authority with the People. And (O my Friend!) how has he succeeded in that! If that was his Design. I believe no Age can produce so sudden and great a Change, as 'twixt the Affections of the People to us at this time, and what they were while King James was here. I am sure it is a changed World with us, what­ever it may be to others! We were then Hosanna'd, and now it is next door to Crucify, while they cannot refrain shewing a Concern and Reverence for our Depriv'd Brethren. So that it is plain, the Cause of our Contempt is our Compliance with those who do now Reproach us: And it is needless to argue, That they are in the same Fault, and were first in the Fault, and drew or forced us in. They say we were their Guides, and ought to have led them, and not to have been led by them. They think it no great matter for them to be in a Fault; they think they have a Privilege to be less strict than the Clergy; and to be severe upon our Miscarriages, seems, in some sort, a Vindication, at least an Alleviation of their own: Which, though a very bad Argument, yet we suffer under it.

And it terrifies me to consider how much we may yet suffer by it, when I reflect that the Incli­nation of the People was made a sufficient Pretence to Root out Episcopacy in Scotland, notwith­standing that the Prince of O­range's Declaration to that King­dom from the Hague, before he came over, bound him to pre­serve their Church, as then Esta­blished by Law, as well as ours.

If you think that the Inclina­tions of the People can never be made a Pretence against Episco­pacy in England; you will alter your Opinion when you see how little Reason there was for that Pretence in Scotland; as it is made fully appear in the Defences and Apologies of the Episcopal Church of Scotland, which have been printed Here since this Re­volution: Which also give an Account by what Means and Methods a Convention was ob­tained there, which should Vote against Episcopacy.

As to the first, The Inclinations of the People; take the Account given in one of their Apologies, which was Digested into Ten Questions, and printed Here, An. 1690. which informs us,

‘That the Nobility, of the Kingdom, (a very few, not above a Dozen excepted) had all sworn the Oath, commonly called the Test, wherein all Fa­natical Principles and Covenant [Page 4] Obligations were Renounced and Abjured: That not one of Forty of the Gentry, but had sworn it also; and that not Fifty (Gen­tlemen) in all Scotland (out of the West) did upon the Indul­dence Granted by King James, An. 1687. forsake their Parish Churches to frequent Meeting Houses.’

‘That the Generality of the Commons live in Cities, and Mar­ket Towns; that all who could be of the Common Council in such Corporations, or were able to follow any ingenuous Trade, were obliged to take the Test (and had generally done it:) That the Clergy stood all for Episco­pacy, there being of about a Thousand scarcely Twenty Trim­mers betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyterian Moderator: Which Twenty, together with all the Presbyterian Preachers, could not make up the Fifth part of such a Number as the other Side amounted to. That in all the Universities, there were not Four Masters, Heads, or Fellows, inclined to Presbytery: That the Colleges of Justice and Physick at Edenburgh were so averse from it, that the Gene­rality of them were ready last Summer (viz 1689.) to take Arms in Defence of their Epis­copal Ministers.’

Thus that Author. And, which is yet a far greater Confirmation of all this to us, his spiteful Pres­byterian Adversary, G. K. in his first Vindication of the (Presbyte­rian) Church of Scotland, which was writ in answer to these Ten Queries, and printed here in Lon­don, 1690. and reprinted at Eden­burgh, 1691. gives such an Answer to this, as is a plain Confession of it. He yields plainly, all the Gang of the Clergy, (as he calls them) except a few: The Uni­versities, and College of Justice, at least, as lately stated; and the Ge­nerality of the Burgesses.

But then he endeavours to make some Amusements as to the so universal Defection (in his Sense) of the Nobility and Gentry; not only in taking the Anti-Pres­byterian Tests, in the Reign of King Charles the Second (as Fear, Interest, and such sordid Excuses) but in adhering still to the Epis­copal Communion after King James's Free Indulgence, 1687. for which no Reason can be given but their own Inclinations; the Favour from Court lying then ra­ther on the other side.

In another of these Scots Tracts, called, An Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland, published 1690. there in the third Letter we read,

‘That in the Years 1687, and 1688, when the Schism was in its Elevation, there were but some Three or Four Presbyterian Meeting houses erected on the [Page 5] North-side of Tay, i. e. in the greater half of the Kingdom; and these too very little fre­quented or encouraged. And that on the South-side of that River (except in the Five asso­ciated Shires in the West) the Third Man was never engaged in the Schism.’

In short, we are assured, as well by these Authorities in Print, as by Gentlemen of Sense and Reputation out of that Coun­try, the not a Fifth or Sixth part of the People of Scotland did joyn, at that time, with the Presbyterians.

And that was the Time to shew their Inclinations, when they might not only do it without Fear or Hazard, but with all the Prospects of Advantage and Pre­ferment.

How much more constant and firm were they to the Church in that Kingdom than in this! We did not bear the Temptation with so little Loss as they.

Every Toleration and Indulgence which has been granted in Eng­land has made much more Ha­vock, and brought more Ruin to the Church, than we find this (the most dangerous one.) has done in Scotland. We have not yet Recover'd from the Mischief of that in 1672. Before which our Church seemed to have taken some Root, and the Dissenters were wearing much out of Fa­shion; many of the Chief of whom, seeing a fair likelihood of the perpetuity of the Church, were content to suffer their Chil­dren to be Educated in our Com­munion; though themselves were ashamed to comply, after the long Oppositions they had made: Which shewed they were con­vinced both of the Lawfulness and Expediency of Conformity.

But Fire amidst Gun-powder does not work its destructive Ef­fect more suddenly, than that To­leration-Shook and Rent, and al­most Over turn'd our Church. The very next Sunday after it was known, the Churches in many Places were almost quite Deser­ted, and the Meeting-houses, which before were Neglected, and Re­sorted to by but a few, and those little Regarded, were like Tren­ches, when the Sea has broke the Dykes, swoln and over-flown in a Moment.

And Toleration upon Toleration has brought Ruin upon Ruin since; that we are now Loose at the very Roots, and at the Mercy of every Wind and Wave.

And by the Accounts we have given us of Scotland, they are both more universally and more zealously Episcopal (especially if you consider the Gentry and No­bility) than the People even in England.

Of which there is another ve­ry great Instance, since the Scots [Page 6] Treatises above quoted were wrote. And that is, That, not­withstanding the several Acts of Parliament there for Abolishing Episcopacy, and Settling the Pres­byterian Government, and all the fiery Zeal of the Covenanters now in Possession, yet, through most parts of the North, and many o­ther parts of Scotland, they, to this day, refuse to admit the Presbyterian Ministers who were sent to them, or to part with their old Episcopal Clergy, though they neither Swear nor Pray ac­cording to the Acts: But keep them still in Possession of their Churches, and Renounce the Au­thority of the General Assembly, as not being Lawfully Constitu­ted without Bishops. And have lately published a Paper in the Name of the whole Ministers be-North Tay; and Twelve Mini­sters at Aberdeen gave it, in their own Names, and the Names of all the rest, to the Commissioners of the General Assembly, wherein they stand still by their Depriv'd Bishops: And as the Representa­tion of the (said) Committee of the Assembly for the North of Scot­land, to the Privy Council of that Kingdom, printed now by Au­thority in London this October 94. does express it, They not only plainly question their Authority, (viz. of the General Assembly) but the Authority of the Law where­by the Government of this Church is settled. Nay more, the Deprived Bishops there do not only conti­nue to confer Holy Orders, but to fill the Churches with those so Or­dain'd; and the People keep them in. As it is complained of in the said Representation which has been Dispersed by the Presbyterian Faction through the Coffee-houses in London, as an Aggravation of the Obstinacy of the Scots Episco­palians against the Government, as they would have it under­stood; with some Queries▪ ad­ded, to Disengage us who have complied with this Government, from any concern for the Scots Episcopalians.

But if the Presbyterian In­terest is so Low in Scotland, how came they of late Years to make so great a Noise here? Were They not the People who formed the Rebellions of Pent-land Hills, and Bothwell Bridge?

Yes. And were so easily quel­led, as shewed the Party to have neither Interest, nor Conduct, nor any other Qualification to ren­der them Considerable, besides that of a mad Zeal; like our Fifth-monarchy Man, which, grafted upon Praefervidum Scotorum In­genium, & ad audendum aptum, produced horrid Assassinations and desperate Rebellions, with­out any apprehension of Danger or Impossibilities: For quicquid Scots agunt, valde agunt; The Scots do every thing to the utmost.

[Page 7]But how came that Party to gain such a Convention there, as to Vote Episcopacy a Grievance, and contrary to the Inclinations of the People, as it is expressed in their Claim of Right? This looks like Management, or else was ve­ry good Luck.

There was Both in it, as the Scots Episcopal Apologists do ex­plain it to us; and shew the Arts of the Ministers of State who were employ'd in that Affair. That poor Rabble of Covenanters in Scotland were but the Tools who followed the Cue given them; they had other help than their own.

But there were some Concur­rents in that Juncture, which con­tributed more than all the Poli­ticks.

The Nation was in a violent Ferment; and every one almost, except those of the Cabal, were unwilling to Dip themselves in the First Act of a New Constitu­tion, nor knowing where it might end. Besides, the Episcopalians were, and are still, generally af­fected towards King James; and took as much Pains to keep them­selves out of that Convention, as the Presbyterians did to come in­to it. All which did not (it could not) prevent many more of the Episcopalians to be Return'd than of the Presbyterians; the Episcopalians being so very much the major Number, especially among the better sort. But ma­ny of the Episcopalians would not Sit; and many who Sat once, quitted the House, and would appear no more; thinking it culpable to be there. And others were forced away to save their Lives from the Fury of the Fana­tical Rabble, who were arm'd, and made the Guard of the Con­vention, as that extraordinary Man Sir George Mac Kenzie, and others. Sir George Lockhart, a most eminent Lawyer, and who violently opposed the Vacancy of the Throne, was assassinated in the Streets of Edenburgh; some say it was only through a private Pique, but that did not appear to all. The Archbishop of Glas­gow, and others of the Clergy, were openly Insulted in the Streets, and no Remedy. And before the Convention was turn'd into a Parliament, the Bishops were, by particular Instruments sent to Duke Hamilton, then Commissioner, excluded from their Right of Sitting in Parliament.

Yet notwithstanding of all this purging, they could not get that Parliament so model'd, that, if but Half of them had Sat, they would ever have abolished Epis­copacy, or set up Presbytery: And the Scots Episcopal Party do vouch, That there were not one Third part of the Members pre­sent, when Presbytery was there Establish'd.

[Page 8]I am not now meddling with their Reasons, why they would not venture to Sit and Vote, at all Hazards. This is only to shew that no Parliament can be had in Scotland, which if Freely Sitting, would Abolish Episco­pacy: And that the Inclinations of the People cannot be justly col­lected from what was done by that. Less than a Third part of a Parliament; and that gather'd together by strange Artifices, as the Scotch Accounts do inform us, as plain as they dare speak, in the Management of their Elec­tion, and of the Prince of Orange's circular Letter, by which that Convention was call'd, being sent where Preparations were made for its Reception, by some Places later, and to some not at all, who yet had Right of Electing Members for Parliament.

Yet all this could produce no such Appearance in the Conven­tion as would answer their De­signs, but they were forced to take into that Convention Men Out-lawed for Treason, and under other Legal Incapacities to Sit in Parliament, by the Laws and Tests then in Force; as my Lord Argile himself, who, before his Attainder was taken off by the Parliament, Sat in that Convention, and was sent up Hi­ther with the Tender of the Crown of Scotland.

And when they had done all, tryed all their Ways and Means, Legal and Illegal, what a con­temptible Appearance was it which they were able to procure, at the first opening of the Con­vention or Meeting of the Estates, (as they stil'd it) which was the 14th of March, 1688.

Of this we have a certain Re­cord, which is the Acts and Orders of the Meeting of the Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland, extracted out of their Register, and prin­ted by Authority in Edenburgh, 1690.

There in the Act Declaring the Meeting of the Estates to be a Free and Lawful Meeting, the 16th of March, 1688. all there present do subscribe the said Act, and all their Names are printed in the said Act. And there were but Fifty Burgesses in that Con­vention.

Neither must we reckon up­on all that small Number it self, as appears by their Fourth Act, which is entitled, An Act for putting the Kingdom in a Posture of Defence, the 19th of March, 1688. wherein we are told that several of the Members who had subscri­bed the former Act, had (in that three Days time) Deserted the Meeting of the Estates, and pre­sum'd openly to correspond with the Duke of Gordon, since the Procla­mation of Intercommuning against [Page 9] him, and to Retire from this Place (Edenburgh) in form of Weirt; and therefore commands all from Sixteen to Sixty to Arm, &c.

The Matter was, many of those Few who came to the Con­vention did not know the Designs of the Managers; which, assoon as they perceived, and that there was a Form'd Party to carry it on, they immediately quit the Convention, in Form of War (as that Act says) and openly De­clared for King James. Among these was my Lord Dundee, who sat the first Day of the Conven­tion, and his Name is among those who subscribed the first Act above-mentioned.

There were likewise Seven Bi­shops, whose Names are printed the First of the Subscribers.

But their Archbishop (of St. An­drews) as ours, would not come into the Convention at all; and it seems all the rest, but the 'bove­said Seven, were of his mind. And that even these Seven were of those who (as Lord Dundee &c) immediately quitted the Conven­tion. I say, immediately; for they subscribed on the 16th of March, and the Hue and Cry after them was in the 'bovesaid Act of the 19th of the same Month

So that if we are to make any Computation of the Inclinations of the People from this Convention, it will operate rather against the present Establishment There, from the small Appearance of the Bur­gesses, and their great and sudden Desertion.

But if the Inclinations of the People is best known by the Sense of Parliaments, then it must fol­low, That all along since the Re­formation the Inclinations of the People of Scotland have been for Episcopacy; which has been rati­fied and confirmed by 27 Parlia­ments in that Kingdom, (as they are Reckon'd up in these Scotch Episcopal Papers) and where no such Objections, as in the present Case, can be Alledged. Add to this, what I think a plain Con­fession, That the Presbyterians dare not trust a Free Parliament in Scotland; and that is, that notwithstanding the great Ob­jection of a Convention (not cal­led together in the Legal Form) becoming a Parliament by a Vote of their own, who were not a Parliament before that Vote, or any otherwise than by that Vote, by virtue only of the Words themselves pronounced, when they said Hoc est Parliamentum, (which some have compared to Transubstantiation;) I say, not­withstanding that the Convention-Parliament in England found it ne­cessary, for this Reason, to have the Convention-Parliament dissol­ved, and a new Parliament cho­sen by the King's Writ, in the usual Form: Because (as was truly alledg'd) the Convention [Page 10] was but in the Nature of a Vo­lunteer, no Man being obliged to obey the Circular Letters of a Foreign Prince before he was de­clared our King. Nor did his Circular Letters import any other than a Voluntary Compliance which he expected should be paid to them. And therefore the Subjects would not think their Liberties preserved, unless they had the Antient Freedom of Elec­tion Re [...]erved to them, to chuse Members to serve in Parliament, knowing before hand that it was to be a Parliament: For a Con­vention was new, both Name and Thing; and few understood ei­ther the Nature of it, or the Ends and Purposes for which it was summon'd; and to metamor­phose that into a Parliament, and then to continue it as such, would be understood as a plain Cheat to Trick the People out of their Votes. Yet all these (obvious) Reasons, and the Example of England notwithstanding, the Presbyterian Managers in Scotland dare not summon a new Parlia­ment, but keep on still the old Convention with the new Name of a Parliament: And though they know that many of the Episcopal Perswasion There, are so Zealous, upon the point of the Government, that they would not come in, though there were a new Parliament, yet the Presby­terians dare not trust those that might come in, against all their own Strength, and all the Trim­mers they could Bribe or Frigh­ten to their side. For they could never, by their Arts, compass such a Parliament as would not spue out Presbytery, as a Yoke which neither they nor their Fathers were able to bear. They know it to be utterly impossible for them ever again to get such a Com­pany of Conventioners, as by their secret Intelligence laid (without opposition or suspition of the Episcopal Party) leap'd toge­ther, and chose one another, up­on the Prince of Orange's Circular Letters, which were left wholy to their Management.

If all this be causelesly alled­ged; let them convince us with the Free and Impartial Election of another Parliament.

Or give any other Reason why they will not, than that they dare not Trust the Inclina­tions of the People; which they know to be the most averse to them, and most deservedly.

There is another Thing which extreamly shews the Weakness of the Presbyterian Interest there: And that is, That they would never have been able to have planted Presbyterian Ministers there, if the Right of Patronages had continued; for there were but very few Gentlemen in that Kingdom, to whom Advousons did belong, who would ever [Page 11] have presented any Clerk that was Presbyterianly inclin'd. Therefore all Patronages were taken away by Act of this Parliament.

After which one would have expected that the Free Election of the People should have been set up in its full Extent and Prero­gative; because this was it for which the Presbyterians chiefly contended; they made it to be Jure Divino, and call'd it, Christ's Legacy to the People, and said it was Indefeasible and Unalienable from them.

But yet they were forced to Dispense with it, at the First, and put the Calling of Ministers into the hands of the Presbytery: For they found the Inclinations of the People Run against them, at least of much the major Number, as well as of the Nobility and Gentry; and therefore this Method was necessary (though Antichristian, by their own Principles) for the first planting of the Gospel (as they stile the Preaching of the Covenant) in that Prelatical Country.

Neither durst they, for the time to come, trust the People with their Divine Right of Electing their Ministers, without clogging this Legacy of Christ (as they call'd it) with such Limitations as they could not pretend and to be found in Scripture. That none should Vote in the Election of Ministers till they first swore the Oath of Allegiance to K. William and Q. Mary, and sign the Assu­rance, for which an Act of Par­liament is passed accordingly.

Yet, with all these Bars and Defences, they found very great Difficulties in planting those Churches, which they have planted with Presbyterian Mini­sters.

Who were so few in that Country, That they were forc'd to Ordain young Lads from Shops, or the Plow, as they could get them Gifted, without any University Learning: For these Springs, as themselves confess, were all corrupted; that is, in their Sense, were wholy Epis­copal.

And in the North of Scotland (as confessed in the Presbyterian Representation above-told) they have got little or no Footing to this Day. In which parts they are so strongly Episcopal, that, as I read in a very accurate and in­genious Account of the Proceed­ings there about the Convention time. It were no hard Task, says he, to give a just Account how it only happen'd that there was so much as one Northern Member (who was not such by Birth) of the Presbyterian Perswasion in the Meeting of the Estates.

But there can be no such De­monstration, as their preserving their Episcopal Clergy, and keeping out the Presbyterian, against Re­peated [Page 12] Acts of Parliament; and that the Privy Council (which has There almost the Power of a Par­liament, in the Intervals of Par­liament) have interposed their Authority to Ratify the Decrees of the Presbytery.

Nay, even in their own Dear West Country, the Presbyterians found so much Difficulty, in some Places, particularly near Edenburgh, to perfect their Re­formation, that they were forced to fill a Church there with Sol­diers to fright the People from Singing the Doxology, from which they could not otherwise be Re­duced. Was not this some­thing like Dragooning! But I go on.

It may be thought Strange (Things being as here told) what Ground or Pretence could be found for Representing Epis­copacy to be contrary to the In­clinations of these People.

And herein appears a Subtile but very wicked Politick of the Managers then at Helm.

They first had Arms put into the hands of the mad Cameronian true Presbyterian Rabble of the West, and then set them on to Mob the Episcopal Clergy, in those Fanatical Shires, which they ex­ecuted in a most Savage Man­ner: And from thence they Re­presented the Inclinations of the People to be irreconcilable to Epis­copacy. And upon Enquiry, I cannot find that there is any now, who insist longer upon that common Place of the Incli­nations of the People of Scotland: It, like some other Stories has serv'd its Turn, except one Syco­phant, who had Presbyterian Education, and from his Infan­cy was taught to Hate and De­spise Episcopacy, who has Deser­ted his Church in East Lothian, and was Expell'd neither by Force, nor by the Rabble, nor any Sentence of any Presbyterian Judicature; but fearing that the Gentry of his Parish, to whom he was always most Disagreable, would lay hold of the present Opportunity to turn him out, when their Inclinations was made the Standard, he thought it con­venient to leave the Place with less Disgrace.

And he is now encouraged by a certain Minister of State, to propagate that Notion here in England, that the Temper of the People in Scotland is against Epis­copacy, and most inclin'd to Pres­bytery. And the Rabbling of the Episcopal Clergy in some parts of the West, is all the Argument.

This is all, and every bit of, the Ground the Convention, or any other, had to Represent the Inclinations of the People as averse to Prelacy.

Nor had they had this Pre­tence it self, if All the People even in those same Fanatical Shires, [Page 13] had been left to their own Incli­nations: For when the College of Justice in Edenburgh, and others (in whom remain'd what was left of any Right to Govern, after King James quitted England, and before any other Establishment was Fram'd) took Arms against this murdering Rabble, in the De­fence of the Episcopal Clergy, and Themselves, (for such an Inun­dation threatened All) a Procla­mation came out from the Prince of Orange commanding All to lay down their Arms. This was obey'd by the College of Justice, and the rest of the Episcopal Par­ty: (as thinking it tending to­wards Peace and Settlement:) But not at all by the others Say­ing they knew it was not inten­ded against Them. And accor­dingly made use of it (their Ene­mies being thus Disarm'd) to commit more insolent Barbari­ties against the Clergy than be­fore.

And in Reward for their Zeal, were not only continu'd in Arms, but made the Guard of the Con­vention, which soon after met, under their Gracious Protection, and acted by their Influence. Theirs! who thought it Merit, and the Cause of God, to assassinate the Archbishop of St. Andrews on the High-way; and declared it their Principle to murther, by whatever means, every Bishop; and every King and Man who took their part. Theirs! who for Declaring and Acting pursuant to such Diabolical Principles (though All the Genuine Effects of their common Mother the Covenant) were (out of meer Shame) dis­own'd by other their Pharisee Brethren of the Presbyterians for throwing off the Sheeps Cloathing, and acting the Wolf so plainly and above Board: For Abdica­ting not only the Simplicity of the Dove, but the Prudence of the Serpent, of whom they retain'd nothing but the Sting. And who could have any other thought than that Episcopacy was Reser­ved only for Execution, when it was placed under such Camero­nian Guards?

And when the most Violent and Bigotted Phanaticks were made the Principal Ministers of State?

But who was it chose those Ministers? That must be the Kings Inclination. He chose them according to his own Inclinations; and then took their Word, for the Inclinations of the People.

And can we think his Inclina­tions are different in England, otherwise than as Reason of State moves him?

The Experiment must Begin in Scotland: And according to the Success there, the Measures are to be taken here.

And do we not see the same Measures taken here, though [Page 14] perhaps in somewhat a slower March?

Has not a certain great Man, of an Interest very contrary to that of the Church; one whose Treachery towards it has made him an irreconcilable and inve­terate Enemy to it, been brought from behind the Curtain, where he acted so much Mischief un­seen, and now in a manner pub­lickly set upon the Stage? Has he not acted indeed as one des­perate, and that knows himself unsafe under any thing but a Fa­natick Party established in both Kingdoms; as one that can hope for no forgiveness from another Interest which he has so perfidiously treated, and where all those that are leading and re­spected Men know him so well, have felt him, and are sure nei­ther to be imposed upon by him more, nor ever to forget what he has done to the Church, and against them as the Patrons of it? Have we not seen how things have turn'd since this? Was not not the whole Ministry changed to bring in that Gang? How had such a Fellow as Jack Tren­chard, or Somers, been hoisted upon a sudden where they now are, but meerly on this Accompt, that they only were thought deep enough in a Fanatick Interest to ca [...]ry on this Design, and to support this new Foundation of some great Men, who must make good what they are engaged in, and secure themselves by thorow work, or soon fall, and come to that end which they deserve?

My Lord Nottingham, a Man who they offer to reproach with nothing but his Fidelity to our Church, and his constant Care of its Interest; one of such allow'd Capacity, Vigilancy, and inde­fatigable Diligence in his Office, and of such known Fidelity to the Crown and this Govern­ment; such a Man as this we see of a sudden removed, and without any reason given (but what is thus plainly left for any one to infer) thrust out of his Employment, disgraced, and driven at as one ready to be Im­peached; which Design it was no great wonder to see carried on under such as could not pre­vent their being themselves Im­peached, were the Government as it ought to be, or the Church restored to that Place which it ought to have, and which one may very justly say it must have, unless Monarchy be design'd for Ruin.

The Justification which the Parliament last Year gave to the Admirals, after the most mali­tious and false Aspersions imagi­nable, did not hinder their be­ing thrown out with all the Dis­grace that could be put upon them. At least those Two that were the Chief, and chiefly [Page 15] noted for their Firmness to the Church, were so served. What are the rest of the Changes in the Admiralty, and every where else? What are the Russels, and the Whartons, that are now in such Credit, and have their Friends every where advanced? Who knows not the Cabal at Court, and that Lord Sh— who first went out of Court upon this bottom, and is now returned again upon the same, is of this Confederacy; and both too early, and too deeply, engaged with this Party to be a Head or a leading Man any where else?

Our Friends are shifted out apace. And now openly, and above Board, there have been new Regulations of all the Com­missions of the Peace and Militia through England; of the Lieute­nancy of London, the Customs, &c. on purpose to fill all with the Fanatical and Whiggish Tribe; who have out-grown us, and are too many for us, in all Places of Trust and Profit. ^*

[Page 16]Little needy Fellows are put into Employments of greatest Honour and Import, so they be but Fanatick enough.

As Johnston Secretary for Scot­land, who the other day meerly for Bread travell'd with Sir Rob. Barnard, his Condition being then very necessitous, though he is now one of the chief Mana­gers in both Kingdoms. His only Merit is the new fashion'd Theism, grafted upon rigid Fanaticism; the last of which he derived from his Father, that Arch Rebel Wariston, who was Clerk in ordi­nary to the Presbyterian General Assembly in his time, and as fu­rious against the Mitre as the Crown.

Such another is that Infamous James Stuart, an Inveterate Rebel, and pardon'd by King James, now Knighted (forsooth!) and fills the Place of Lord Advocate, which answers to that of Attorny General here; but of greater Ho­nour and Interest in the State.

Castairs, a Super-presbyterian, that is, a Cameronian Preacher, attends K. William's Person, both at home and abroad, like a Jewel in his Ear: We make a Show in the Chapel, but He Exercises the Office of Confessor in the Closet.

His Advice is taken in all the Spiritual Promotions of our Church; and we feel the Effects of it very sensibly.

We see among the new made Bishops those who were former­ly Fanatical Preachers; and those who, of all our Number, are least Zealous for the Church, and most Latitudinarian, for a Comprehen­sion of Dissenters, and a Dispensa­tion with our Liturgy and Disci­pline. The Archbishop himself has put on a strange Moderation that way.

The Tide runs strong both in Church and State towards a Fana­tical Level. And the Pattern of the Scotish Reformation stares us in the Face, more Glaringly than in 42.

And let us remember, That the Covenant (now Rampant in Scotland) obliges them to carry on the work of that Reformation in England, as well as in Scotland, as they did before: And they have the Impudence to pray pub­lickly for it now in their Churches, for our Conversion (as they call it) from Prelacy, which they call Popery; and Idolatry, that is, our Liturgy.

And yet their Agents there would make us believe, That they intend no Alteration of our Constitution in England.

But are we to be so Deceived now? Have we never been De­ceived [Page 17] by them, in the same manner, before? How often did they protest to Marquiss Ha­milton, Commissioner for King Charles the First, That they did not intend to abolish Episcopacy? [Large Declaration, 114, 115. 69. and 173.]

And they used to perswade the Scrupulous, That they might take the Covenant without pre­judice to Episcopacy.

In their Answer to the Fourth Reply of the Doctors of Aber­deen, they say, You will have all the Covenanters against their Inten­tion, and whether they will or not, to Disallow and Condemn the Arti­cles of Perth, and Episcopal Govern­ment.— But it is known to many Hundreds, that the Words were pur­posely conceived for Satisfaction of such as were of your Judgment, that we might all joyn in one Heart and Covenant.

They had Lower and Higher Senses of this Oath. Any thing to get you once within their Circle; and though they press the Obligation of it upon all alike, like the Artifice of some of the Romish Emissaries, who, to a Person tenacious of the Re­formed Doctrins, represent the Church of Rome as little or no­thing differing from us in Funda­mentals, as they call them; and will let him keep all the Opinions they can't perswade him from, only be reconciled to the Church, to avoid Schism: But when he is once in, then there is no stop, they can Drive him to the ut­most. They bring in many Hun­dreds of their private Doctors for the lower Sense of their General Councils; as their Spawn of the Covenant do leave their many Hundreds of private Persons, who they at first pretended knew their Minds in wording of the Cove­nant, to be much lower than the Letter of the Oath seemed to im­port.

But yet they would never af­terwards allow any such private Interpretations, as the true and natural Sense of the Oath. But boldly charged them of Perjury, who in the least Tittle departed from them.

And how many Oaths and Protestations had we from our English Parliament in 42. That they never intended the Aboli­tion either of Episcopacy, or the Liturgy? But, on the contrary, they expressed a great Zeal for Both; till they had got a Set of Fanatical Ministers in the State, and They then soon introduced Ministers of the same Kidney in­to the Church.

And did not they then set up the Inclinations of the People on their side? And did not they carry it?

And yet they had not half the Pretence as now. For, before that Rebellion, England had been [Page 18] long in the quiet Possession of Episcopacy, without almost any Grumbling against it; and that but of so small and inconsider­able a Party, as did not seem worth notice. These Monsters were Bred, and Grew up, in the Storm: But since the Over-flow­ing of that Schismatical Rebellion; our Land has been Fertile of as many Heterogenious Productions, as the Mud of Nilus leaves upon Egypt. There are almost as ma­ny various Sects and Armies of Dissenters now, as there were single Mutineers at that time.

And oh! the Difference! Eng­land had a King then who was Bred from his Childhood in the Episcopal Communion, and zea­lous for it, even to Martyrdom.

But our present King had the Misfortune (to himself, and to us) to be Educated under the Geneva Model, made Erastian in Holland: And it cannot be ima­gined, That the Alteration of his present Circumstances have wrought as great a Change in his Principles: That would be (if not a Miracle) to suppose him to be wholy Latitudinarian, and indifferent to all Religions; at least as to Church Government, which is the Point We are con­cern'd for.

But (alass!) the Measures he has taken in Scotland, and here too (as fast as it can go) has sadly undeceived us; and given Demonstration, That he is as zealous for his Religion, as any other King at least.

In short, it is evident, That King James never took more Pains to place such Ministers in the State, and Bishops in the Church, as were, if not Popishly af­fected, yet least Inclin'd against it, than K. William has done, by the same Method, in Favour of Presbytery.

And there is yet a farther Rea­son for him to put himself In­tirely into their hands as soon as he possibly can; and that is, That he can never Trust to Us. He sees (we cannot keep it con­ceal'd) that much the major Number of the Swearing Clergy in England, and those who are upon the Foundations of the U­niversities, are Jacobites in their Hearts; and many of them have not the Continence to keep it to themselves, but Blab it where­ever they go: Insomuch that the Nation has it by the End, That we are all Jacobites; at least, we are all (except a very few) Sus­pected, and that is equal to Guil­ty, in the Argument I am now upon.

Well, but whatever are the King's Inclinations or Designs as to the Church, we Trust to the Inclinations of the People that they are all for Us; and that there­fore his Interest will perswade him to comply with them.

[Page 19]First, We have many and abundant Instances, since the Be­ginning of this Revolution, how far he can prevail with the Peo­ple, at least with their Representa­tives in the House of Commons, to comply with his Interest or In­clinations.

Secondly, We have found the Inclinations of the People turn a­gainst us, in the late Rebellion against King Charles the First, when they were much more uni­tedly for us than they are at present.

Thirdly, The Inclinations of the People may be pretended, when it is not True, as we have seen in Scotland: And a Set of Fanatical Ministers of State may set up such a Pretence when they please. Pretences are the easiest found Things in the World; as we say, It it no hard matter to find a Stick to beat a Dog.

But towards making the most True and Impartial Computa­tion that can be, as to the Incli­nations of the People in England at this Day, in reference to Episco­pacy, and the present Establish'd Church; Let us first take a View of the Nation in the General, and particularly of London, (and that not only as to the Differences betwixt Us and the Dissenters, but [...]ith regard likewise to their In­clinations as Divided betwixt Us and our Deprived Fathers and Brethren,) then of the Two Houses of Lords and Commons: And these are the surest Steps I know whereby to compute the Inclinations of the People of Eng­land.

Now to take a General View of England; we sadly find, That the Reverence to Religion in the General is mightily abated, and, amongst very many, quite lost. And therefore a Dispute only about Church Government will be thought of very little Conse­quence with these.

There is a Spirit of Atheism gone out into this Land, espe­cially amongst the Gentry of the first Magnitude; and Books are daily published, and greedily bought up, to render what they call Priest Craft, the Object of all Peoples Hate and Contempt.

And will those who have no Regard for Religion, have any Reverence for Church-men? Those, who think Them and their Pro­fession Useless, and a Cheat? And consequently an unneces­sary Burden and Charge to the People, and therefore necessary to be removed. That they are kept up only by the Folly and Superstition of a few Bigots, who dare not Think out of the Road of their Forefathers; whom these Vertuosos have taken all imagi­nable Pains to undeceive, and convert them to the generous Latitude and Largeness of Thought (as they call it) That if they [Page 20] cannot get rid of All Religions, to be Indifferent towards All; and to look no farther than the Legal Establishment; or to con­sider of Religion no otherwise than as it is part of our Property, made so by the Laws, and which therefore may be Alter'd by the Laws: At least, as to Church-Government.

And how can we deny this, who have allowed of Lay-Depri­vations?

Nay, Brother, I must tell you, That this Latitudinarian Principle has strangely prevailed even a­mong our Clergy; chiefly of the first Form, in whose hands all our Concernments lie, and the publick Affairs of the Church.

And now as to the Third Estate of Men in the Kingdom, the Commonalty; What can we expect from them, but to be led by their Clergy, their Nobility and Gentry? And do we not find it so? Some think our Party great from the Appearance in our Churches here in London. But the Churches in London will not hold the Tenth part of the People in London: And therefore a small Proportion of the People will make a great Shew in our Chur­ches. Besides, the Generality of the People do give themselves a Latitude to go to Church or Meet­ings indifferently; and since both are now equally Tolerated by the Law, they do not think it a Fault, at least they cannot be Censured, nor they think so much as justly Blamed for it. I know several, even of the first Rank of the Gentry, who not only go to hear Sermons, but Receive the Communion, both at Church, and at the Meetings. This is a strange prostitution of our Discipline▪ But we must not now pretend to Power, if we can Live, we must let Live. Those Days of the Au­thority of the Church are over: We now seem to be in the Height of the Laodicean State.

Again. Many of the Common-wealth Party (who canot love our Constitution) come to Church; some to preserve their Places, and in reverence to the Sacra­mental Test; others, for meer Fashion sake; and not a Few, on purpose to Watch, and Report, and find Objections, or to make them.

By these means our Churches are fill'd. But when we have sub­stracted All, but who came hi­ther out of a pure Principle of Religion: And again, when we have subdivided from these, those who think not that Religion consists in Episcopacy, or any Form of Church-Government, but look only to the Devotional part, which they may think might be preserved under any other Form of Government in the Church, as well as that of Episcopacy; though they may (perchance) like that [Page 21] Best, as being most used to it. (All who were strictly princi­pled in the Divine Right of Epis­copacy, and consequently its In­dependence upon the State, are gone from us into the Separate Com­munion of the Depriv'd Bishops: And many, though they keep in our Communion, are with them in their Hearts.)

I say, when we have substrac­ted from those who make their Appearance at our Churches upon solemn Occasions, All, except those who would be content to struggle for Episcopacy, and for us now in Possession, in opposi­tion to the Depriv'd Bishops, to struggle for us, as the Episcopal Laity have done in Scotland a­gainst the Laws in Being, and the Reigning Ministers, to the Ha­zard of their Persons and Estates; when All but such as these are substracted from our Congrega­tions, I am afraid we shall have but little Reason to Boast of our Numbers.

And though Mens coming to Church is no sure Sign of their being true Church-men; yet their Forsaking, or Neglecting the Church, is a certain Demonstra­tion that they are otherwise.

Add to this, a very Fatal Di­lemma in which the Dissenters have Caught us, and have Im­prov'd it amongst the People, to our no small Prejudice. For if we stick to Passive Obedience in the High Sense, as it is contain'd in the Homily against Rebellion, we must condemn what we have done, and what we still conti­nue to do. But if we call that an Error, then we own that our Church has been all along, before this Revolution, a false Guide; and that the Dissenters have taught the Truth, in this point of Doc­trine: And then the People them­selves make the Application, that it is safer trusting to Them than to Us in other Doctrines. For, say they, the Dissenters never went over to you, in any of their Doctrines; but you have gone over to them in This, which you Formerly pressed as Possitively and Zealously as any other Doc­trine of the Gospel; nay, more than most others, and as In­dispensibly necessary to Salva­tion.

And will a People thus preju­diced against us, be zealous for us? Zealous against the Dissen­ters to whom we have at last sub­mitted, in our so long boasted Characteristical Discrimination of Passive Obedience? How shall we retract all the hard Words we have given them for opposing that Doctrine which we now pro­fess! For using those same Di­stinctions which we now set up! And what Argument can we find to perswade the People that we may not Deceive them in other Doctrines, as well as in this? Why [Page 22] they should Adhere to us, against the Dissenters, who have kept their Ground, and not contra­dicted their own Doctrines?

Indeed our Case here is very difficult. It is needless now to Blame the Preaching of Passive Obedience so high in the former Reigns: The Fault is commit­ted, we cannot deny it; and we must suffer under the Shame of it. And we have lost exceed­ingly in the Hearts and Inclina­tions of the People now towards us, upon that account. They look upon us Inconstant, and Time-serving. And that Charac­ter to a Clergy-man must forfeit all Mens Value and Esteem for him: And consequently for All that Clergy, or Church, of whom they have conceived such an Opinion.

And tho you and I can vin­dicate our selves as to the Preach­ing of Passive Obedience in former Times; What is this to all that Generality of the Clergy who were never Weary, nor would give over upon that Subject? Who found it in every Text they could meet with? And pressed it oftener, and more patheti­cally, than any Article of the Creed?

And though we did not preach for it, yet we did not preach a­gainst it. We let it go: Which the People think we should not have done, if we thought it to be an Errour; and so Fatal a one as it must be, if it can be an Errour. They call this Time-serving in us then, as much as in the others now: And then our Subscriptions to the Homilies, and Reading the Declaration of its not being Lawful, upon any Pretence, to take Arms, &c. are thrown in our Dish.

And it is needless here to insist upon our Defences; for the En­quiry we are now making, is not the truth or untruth of the Case, but only as to the Inclinations of the People [...]; that is, How They take it, not how it is in it self.

Thus far we have observed concerning the People in Gene­ral, and in London: But let us now come nearer, and observe their Countenance in the Great Representative of the People, The Parliament.

And Here, like drawing near to an ill Daub'd Landskip, the Strokes appear more Gross and Disproportion'd,

What a contemptible Figure do our Bishops now make in the House of Lords! It was never so known before. No! Never! They are obliged either to quit their Seats in that House, or to bear the Railery of the Lay-Lords eve­ry Day, who think them a Dead Weight amongst the Peers; of whom the greatest part would be glad to be rid of them, not [Page 23] only out of their House, but out of the Nation.

And it may here be noted, That Episcopacy was in greater Perfection, and more primitive Independency, in Scotland, than with us here in England; and likewise as much fortified by the Civil Law, and set higher in the State, than (since the Reforma­tion) in England.

The Clergy, there, are a Di­stinct Estate by themselves, and preferr'd, in all things, to the Temporal Nobility: For not only the two Archbishops, (as in Eng­land▪) but every one of the Bi­shops, do Sign before all the whole Temporal Lords; as may be seen in the Act above-mention, 16th of March, 1688 where all the Con­vention subscribed their Names; and the Seven Bishops who was there, did subscribe before Duke Hamilton (though then President of the Convention) and all the Lay-Lords. And their Subscrip­tions are thus Indorsed in the said Act: The Clergy and Nobi­lity subscribed thus. When the Rolls in Parliament are cal­led over, the Bishops are all first called.

The Bishops chuse Lords of the Articles out of the Temporal Estate of the Lay Lords.

In all things, the Bishops there are distinguished more plainly as a Separate Estate, and the First of the Three Estates, than with us.

But they have a yet much greater Advantage above our Bi­shops in their Ecclesiastiacal Au­thority.

They have no Prohibitions from the Secular Courts to hang up their Excommunications, or inter­meddle in their Spiritual Cen­sures.

The Bishops there are Absolute Judges of the Fitness of Clerks, presented to them for Livings▪ Nor give any Account hereof to the Secular Courts.

Nay more; they can Tran­splant any Priest in their Diocese from one Parish to another, as they shall judge their Labours to be more profitable in one Place than another, and there lies no Remedy for the Priest so Tran­splanted from the Secular Courts; of which I have been told In­stances.

The Civil Law has made no such Inrodes upon the Episcopal Authority in Scotland as in Eng­land; and therefore our Bishops can plead no Exemption (more than they) from being cast out of the Church, whenever a House of Commons shall please to have it so.

There is, as St. Cyprian says, but one Episcopate in the whole World, of which every Bishop partakes Severally, yet in Com­mon. Episcopatus unus est, cujus a singulus, in solidum, pars tene­tur. Cyp. de unit. Eccles.

[Page 24]Therefore the Case of Scot­land, at present, is not only proxi­mus Utalegon to us; but 'tis our own very Case, upon the com­mon Bottom of Christianity.

For if we give up the Jus Di­vinum of Episcopacy in Scotland, we must yield it also as to Eng­land. And then we are wholy Precarious.

And if in the Church, much less let us think that Bishops are so essential to Parliaments, but that (as in England in 42. and now in Scotland) they may be Dispenc'd with.

And the House of Commons, as well as of the Lords, have, up­on several Occasions, minded them of their Frailty: And that what has been done, may be done, as well in this as in o­ther Things. But more than all this, both Houses of Commons and Lords have shewn their Love to us, and high Regard of our Constitution, in that they have divested us of all our Authority over the People, by their unli­mited Act of Indulgence to all Sorts and Sizes of Dissenters; and commanding that the Ecclesiasti­cal Courts shall have no Power to proceed against any of them. And giving Power to the Justices of Peace, at their Sessions, to Li­cence Teachers and Preachers, as it is in the Act of Toleration, 24 May, 89. prim. Guliel. & Mar. This has render'd our Church a perfect Cypher: And if any, or all, of our Flocks should Desert us to morrow, and go over open­ly to the Dissenters, we have no Power left us, by this Act, to restrain any of them by Ecclesi­astical Censures, or any other way; and the whole Nation have Li­berty to believe any of their Communions to be as safe a way to Heaven as our own. And they have made full use of that Liberty: For how many do we meet with who do not believe it? And think it a thing indif­ferent which of our Churches they go to, as they term the Dissenters and ours. They think them all to be Churches; and the Law gi­ving equal Liberty to All, who dare quarrel with any for taking that Liberty to go to Any or All of these Churches?

Who can say the Parliament has done Ill? For if Episcopacy be not Jure Divino, why are they bound to set it up more than Presbytery, Independency, Quakerism, or any other Sort? Why have we made such Contests about it, these Ages past?

But if it be Jure Divino, then it is out of the Parliaments Power to Abolish it; or even to Dispence with, or Tolerate, any other Form of Government in the Church.

So that we must either Con­demn what they have done in Scotland, and in England too, by this Toleration; or otherwise we [Page 25] must give up our Jure Divino Right, which we have endea­vour'd to hold out so long against the Dissenters; and profess to hold hereafter by no other Te­nure than that of an Act of Par­liament, which now Grants equal Liberty to the Dissenters as to our selves.

But this Law does not only proclaim Liberty and Indemnity, but proposes Rewards and Ad­vantages to all who shall leave us. Any, of any Sort, in Orders or out of Orders, who please to set up for Teachers, are, by this Act, exempted from serving upon Juries, or from being Church war­dens, Overseers of the Poor, or any other Parochial or Ward Office, or other Office in any Hundred of any Shire, City, Town, Parish, Division, or Wapentake. And these being Offices of Charge and Trouble, we shall be in a little time left to serve our selves; or the whole Burthen lie upon those Few whom their Neighbours will call Fools for not easing themselves of it, as they have done. The Effect of this may not appear considerably at first: But when the Taxes have Reduc'd more to Poverty; and the Envy and Spite to see their richer Neigh­bours excused, may operate more than we are yet well aware. If you think that no such Incon­siderable People will be allow'd of for Preachers: The Act ex­cepts none. And the Allowance is Granted to the Justices of Peace: And there is no stint of Num­ber. I can tell you an Instance came in my way at the Easter Sessions 92. in St. Albans; there came three poor Fellows for Li­cences to be Preachers, Two of them set their Marks instead of their Names, for they could neither Read nor Write, and they had their Licences: And one of them being after Return'd up­on a Jury, pleaded his Privilege as a Preacher by the Act, and had it allow'd him. Nor indeed can the Justices Refuse either to give them Licences, or allow them the Privileges granted by the Act. One of these Preachers Names, I remember, was one Bocket; he lives in St. Stephen's Parish near St. Albans, and is a Ditcher, and Day-Labourer.

There are many such Exam­ples through the Kingdom.

We may now see where our Authority is going, not to men­tion Christianity, at this Rate. That Bocket is now as Legal a Teacher as the Archbishop of Can­terbury. This, Brother, is a fair Indication of the Inclinations of the Parliament towards us, of their Zeal to support the Autho­rity and the Reputation of our Church.

Well: But they have left us in Possession of the Rents and Revenues of the Church.

[Page 26]That is indeed All that we have left. And how long shall we keep that, when the only Ground and Foundation of it is gone? that is, The Authority and Discipline of the Church, and the supposed Necessity there is of our Church. This is all the Ground and Reason there is for suppor­ting and maintaining our Church more than any other Church; or for having any Church more than no Church. If none of them be Necessary, or ours no more than another, why should we expect to Enjoy such great Riches more than others? The Nation is not, or soon may come not to be, in a Condition to allow such great Pensions, when they are meerly Honorary, and of no Necessity to the Nation.

The Bishops Lands (as now in Scotland) may be sold, either for the Carrying on the War, or to Reward many of those Necessi­tous and Sacrament taking Fana­ticks for Places of Advantage. There is no other visible Fund for them; and they Expect it; and refrain not sometimes to Express it. Our Titles being Jure Divino will not do: The Impropriations have spoil'd that. The Church, though over-run with Errors, was in far greater Authority and Reverence than now, when Henry the Eighth seized her Revenue; and had more and greater Friends to stand by her: The Pope, and all the then Chri­stian Princes, did Detest his Act as Sacrilegious, and were highly Concern'd to have it Rectified. And it was thought abominable by all England, except those a­mong whom he Divided the Spoil. But is there one Man in the World would be Concern'd for us, or Pity us, if we lost all! Yet the Inclinations of the People is all we pretend to Trust to. How have I heard some repeat with Pleasure, that Prophecy which they ascribe to old Merlin?

By Churches and Bells they un­derstand the Episcopal Church and Ceremonies; and there has been enough done in Scotland to fulfil the Prophecy, but that it was spoke of England. And they think that Henry the Ninth, and the time is now come. I lay not stress upon these sort of Prophe­sies, but they shew the Inclinations of the People, when they are plea­sed, and no body displeased with Trumping up such stuff up­on us.

Add to this whatever stress you will lay upon the confident Boasting of those Dissenters who are most in K. Will's Interest and Councils, that all will be their [Page 27] own they make no doubt of it; only they would manage, as they think, wisely, and worm us out by Degrees. They told us, from the Beginning of this Revolution, that K. William would take his time to bring them into the chief Places and Offices of Trust; which we Thought, in our Ho­ney Month, to be nothing but the vain Humour of that Party, and to create Jealousies betwixt the King and us, when we were endeavoring to exceed one ano­ther in our Caresses; which if they were meant no more sin­cerely on his side than they were by some of us, it was a Force on both sides; and not like longer to last, than the first Opportunity either could get to put them­selves into hands they could bet­ter Trust.

They told us too, That he would begin with Scotland, and according to the Success he had there would take his Measures as to England.

There is not a Step has been made, which they have not faith­fully and truly foretold. It is easy for Managers to be Prophets of what is design'd.

I wish what is to Come of their Prediction, may not prove as True as what is Past. That is, That, having Divided the Church of England among themselves, they would, through Fears or Hopes, gain the major Number to come over to their Doctrine of Resistance; whereby, having proclaimed themselves to have been False-Teachers heretofore, they would easily prevail with the People not to Trust them for the time to come: And so, by consequence gain the Cry on their side, and have their turn in setting up upon the Inclinations of the Peoples; and overturn Epis­copacy here, as they have done in Scotland.

Indifferency in Lovers is a cer­tain Forerunner of a Breach. And the People of England, who were so excessively Enamour'd of us, when the Bishops were in the Tower, that they hardly forbore to Worship us, are now, I wish I could say but Cool, and very In­different towards us.

What the End of all these Things will be, is what, dear Bro­ther, has tortur'd my Thoughts, and makes me vent them so freely to you, who, I know, par­take, in a great measure, in them with my self.

But, O good God! If we have not been Sincere with Him, he knows our Hearts! If Tem­poral Advantages have been any Biass to us! Or if, as Uzzah, we have put forth our hand, be­yond our own Rank and Order, going but in the least out of the plain Road of our Duty, tho, as we thought, to save the Ark from falling, oh! what will our Judg­ment [Page 28] be! if those Methods we have taken to preserve the Church, prove, as it sadly now threatens, to her and our own utter De­struction! We see the Enemy already Roar in the midst of our Congregations, and they have set up their Banners for a Token: We seem now to hold our Post but at their Discretion, till they are ready to give the Word, as in Scotland, No more Episcopacy! No more Church of England! But we shall not fall like them: They fell altogether, every Bishop in the Kingdom, and almost the whole Number of the inferiour Clergy. They may rise again, and will rise Glorious, asserting still the same Principles as we did before in the Restoration, 1660. But as for us now, Whe­ther shall we cause our Shame to go? Will not the Scots upbraid us? Where was our Zeal for Episco­pacy, or Foresight of our own Danger, when we stood silent by, and saw their Fall, without putting in one Address, or shew­ing the least Concern for our Brethren? They will mind us (for we have not thought of it) of the Zeal which the English Bi­shops shew'd in the Case of the Archbishop of Glasgow, unjustly Depriv'd by Lay-Authority in the Reign of Charles the Second, though there was an Act of Par­liament there to countenance it; they Espous'd it as their own Cause (for so indeed it was) till they prevail'd with the King to have him Restor'd. But now we could see not only all the Bi­shops in that Kingdom, but our own Renowned Metropolitan, and near half of the then Bishops of our own Kingdom, Depriv'd by meer Lay-Authority, (not to men­tion the Dispute of the Validity of that Lay Authority, and the Cause, which none of us did think sufficient for a Depriva­tion) without Interposing one Word on their behalf; or so much as for having that Allow­ance made good to them which was provided for them by the Act of Parliament, either by K. William to whom the Act en­trusted the Disposing of it; or if not from his Justice, yet at least from the Generosity of those who came, Unwilling and Sorrowful, as they pretended, into their Places. Nor did our Convocation once complain of the Absence of their Archbishop, and so many of their other Bishops, or make any Address on their behalf, or de­sire any Conference with them, to know their Reasons, and en­deavour any Accommodation. No; we did none of these things: We were seized with, I know not what, panick Consterna­tion. Though all were well In­clin'd, and every one would gladly have been a Second, yet none durst Begin. We were [Page 29] Passive here to a superlative De­gree: Our Courage and our Souls have left us. We lie under the Load, though we see our selves sinking with it. What is this but Infatuation! and the End must be Destruction. But now, at last, if we have any Spirit left; though we have not made any Address, or shewn our selves Concern'd for the Case of our Brethren in Scotland, or for our Depriv'd Bishops and Clergy here; yet let us not sit still, and, by a supine Negligence, be so wanting to our selves, as at least not to Petition, to Represent our Fears and our Danger to the King and Government, to De­sire some Redress to our just Grievances; That there may be an Alteration of the Persons em­ployed in publick Offices, and such only set at the Head of Affairs as are sincerely for the Church of England; and let us make our Exceptions against those whom we know to be of a quite different Interest. We ventur'd upon all this, and more, to King James, and had good Success in it. Who knows but upon our appearing Zealous and Active for the Safety of the Church, others of our Flocks may joyn with us? At least, they will Approve and Justify us in assert­ing our and their true Interest. But who will stir for us, or stand by us, if we Dare not so much as open our Mouths in our own Behalf? It is our Office to Lead and Instruct them: They will love us the better for it. And we may, by this, Recover ma­ny whom we have lost. But we shall loose all, if we Render our selves wholy Insignificant and Insensible of the Encroachments which are daily made upon us: And our Posterities may curse us, in whose Power it was to have stem'd this Tide, if we had taken it in time. The People will never believe that we can be hearty to them, and stand in the Gap for preservation of their Rights and Privileges (as we have heretofore done, and were Honour'd for it) while they see us so very Dispirited and Negli­gent in our own.

At least this we shall Gain by it, That if a Deaf Ear be given to all our Applications, we may then rest assur'd of what is De­termin'd against us.

17 July, 1694.