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A Collection of Dr. Jacksons WORKS

[Page] A COLLECTION OF THE WORKS OF THAT Holy Man and Profound Divine Thomas Iackson, D. D Late President of CORPUS CHRISTI Colledge In OXFORD. Containing His COMMENTS Upon the APOSTLES CREED, &c. First Volume. With the Life of the Author, and an Index annexed.

LONDON, Printed by R. Norton for Timothy Garthwait at the little North-Door of S. Pauls Church. 1653.

To the Christian Reader, more designedly, to the Younger sort of Students in Divinity, and Academicall men.
Grace, Mercy, &c. With this Account of the Designe.

IT is a part of Ingenuity to acknowledge the Parties by whom a man hath benefited. See his Meditations in English, & in Greek and Latin, put out by learned M. Casaubon. M. Aurel. Antoninus mentions with a Gratefull and particular Memoration, some single Princi­ples of Morality, which He received from Such, and Such, the prudent Instructors of his Youth.

It is a piece of Charity to shew unto others those Mines that have enriched our selves: or the Fountains out of which we have drunk, Cleansing, quenching, and healing Waters.

We do not well to Conceal from those in the City (though they have shut us out as unclean) the great good we have dis­covered during our exclusion. (Thus much in effect) said the Samaritan Lepers, 2 King. 7. 9.

O that my Lord was acquainted with the Prophet in Israel (said Naamans little captive Maid) He would cure my Ma­sters Leprosie, 2 King. 5.

Come see a Man that told me all that ever I did, said the Sa­maritan woman to her neighbours, Joh. 4. 29.

If I mistake not, I shall in some acceptable measure at once performe (at least resemble) all the forementioned Offices, when I have in short told the Christian, more signally the Learned, or Reader willing to learn, Thus much: That, What [Page] acquired skill I have in Theologie, what understanding I have got in Holy Scripture, (under God) I owe it all to this Authour. Hic vir, Hic est. This is the Man I acknowledge to have been my Master, and Mystagogus in Divinis. From him I learned how to use my small Stock of Humane learning in the pursuit of Divine. By him was my soul convinced of the Truth of Scriptures, and stored with Arguments to perswade others, that at least, it was worth their Labour to Try whether practise of Scripture Rules would not produce submission to the Au­thority of Scripture. I did not know what a Monster that Idol Infallibility was, till I saw it drawn out by his Pencill. I had swallowed, and as I thought concocted, the common Defini­tion of Faith, by a Full particular Assurance. But when I read this Authour, I perceived that Plerophorie was the golden Fruit that grew on the Top­branch, Faith is an Assent to the Truth or Goodnesse of what God Revealeth in his Word, be it History, Mystery, Precept, Pro­mise, or Threat. not the First seed, no not the spreading Root, of that Tree of Life, by feeding on which the just doth live, and that, true Fidu­cia can grow no faster then, but shoots up just parallel with Fidelitas; I mean, that true Confidence towards God, is ad­aequate to sincere and conscientious Obedience.

Before I had Read this Authour, I measured Hypocrisie by the grosse and vulgar Standard: Thinking the Hypocrite had been one that had deceived men like himself, but in this Author I found him to be a Man that had attained the Magi­sterium Satanae, even the Art of deluding his own Soul, with unsound, but high perswasions of Sanctity: and that, not by the Cubeia, or Cogging of unrighteousnesse, but by vertue of some One (or more) excellent Quality, wherein he out-strips the very Saints of God.

From Him I learned many instances and exemplifications of that Holy, but heavie Doom, of our Judge, and Saviour, Luke 16. 15. The things which are in high esteem with men, are abo­mination [Page] in the sight of God. And that, the Common Receipts (if not the Notions) of the World touching Good and Evil, are as distorted, and monstrous, as if a man should define an Humble meek man, by Cowardise: or a Prudent Christian, to be One, That had conquered his Conscience.

To end this First Stage of the Preface; I must professe that I have not onely reaped from this Authors sowen fields, an Harvest of knowledge, but some weighty sheaves of consolati­on too: He hath so convincingly (above others) proved out of Moses, the Prophets, and the Psalms, and the Jews also; That our Blessed Lord Jesus is the Christ, That my soul Rests upon it as upon a Basis, or Centre immoveable; And I am perswaded, were his Works translated into Latin, the Christi­an world, (of what Division soever, that keeps the foundation) would confesse it self Confirmed by him, and a Debtor to him.

And now having this opinion rooted in my heart, I hope the Reader will approve, at least pardon; if I pronounce this Au­thour, The Divine, of his Rank, and Age: and if in token of my private thankfulness for good received from him, I breath out, first towards Heaven, Benedic Anima mea Domino, &c. Psal. 103. and then towards men on earth, tokens of good will, and wishes.

Ovid. Met. 4. l.
—qui Te genuere Beati.
Et mater Foelix & fortunata profecto
Siqua Tibi soror est, & quae dedit ubera Nutrix.

Happy were the Parents that had such a Son of understanding. Blessed was the womb that bore him, and the paps that gave him suck. Blessed was that Alma mater, that had such a name writ in her matricula, (in whose blessing her other sister was blessed also) and that Phrontisterion, who had him first a nur­sling childe, and then a nursing father of her children. Blessed were the Places where these Apostolical Feet of Beauty trod, [Page] when he went abroad Evangelizans pacem, Evangelizans Bo­na. And blessed be the memory of that man, whose hand (like the hand in the Margin) pointed out first unto me this Author. His name is sweet, and his Bones N. F. shall one day flourish out of their Dust.

If Others at the first view, (Nay after some Readings and Reviews) of this Author come not up to my Rate, or esteem of Him, I have their Excuse as ready in my Pen, as mine own Blame is fresh in my memory. For when a Fatherly friend of mine (Mr. F. of happy Memory, thinking my younger yeers had need of such an Instructor) commended this Au­thor unto my Reading; for some good time after, I wished he had lent me his understanding together with this Book: Yet with constant and frequent Reading, I first began to like, at last I mastered, and made mine own, so much of him as ena­bled me to improve, and impart his Sence to others: I often took his matter, and preparing it to their Capacity, preached it in popular Auditories. I shame not to tell this, because I know my Title to it was just by Donation, not by Plagium. The Author intended it for this purpose: His very designe be­ing to afford helps to younger Students; to the Abler, Hints and provocations for searches into the lesse beaten but more profitable paths, the abstruser but Richer veins of Theologie.

It is to be expected that two Objections will militare against the Labours of this great Authour, and either break the Arms, (weaken the hands at least) or Dazel, if not darken, the Eyes of the Industrious Reader. The One is, That his Stile is obscure. The Other, That his Doctrine is Arminian. The second part of this Preface will endeavour (with humility and Reason) to satisfie them. And to the former of these I answer; His Stile is Full and deep, which makes the Purity of it seem a kind of Blacknesse, or darknesse; and though it abound in substantiall adjectives, yet it is more short then other Authours, in Relatives, in Eeking and helping par­ticles, because he writ to Schollers. His stream Runs full, but alwayes in it own Channel, and within the Banks; if any will yet say it overflows, He must give me leave to tell him, It then inriches the Ground. His Pen drops Principles, as frequent as ordinary mens do sence. His matter is rare; His Notions, uncouth parcels of Truth, digged [...] profundo, and so at first Aspect look like strangers to the Ordinary Intellect, but with Patience and Usance will cease to be so. And the Reader shall assuredly find this most certain token of true Worth in Him, that the more he is [Page] acquainted with, the better he shall like Him. The probability of this proof I ga­ther from one of those Responsa prudentum, which long since I read in Plutarch. A professed Orator had made a speech for One, who upon the first reading, went about the conning of it with much cheerfulnesse and contentment; but after 2 or 3 dayes familiarity and Repetition, had begot a Fastidium, he came to the Orator and told him; Sir at the first or second reading, I liked this Oration very well, but now, I am quite of another mind, to say the truth, I loath it heartily; Well sayes the Ora­tor, how oft mean you to speak this Oration to the People, any more then Once? No, said he, But once onely. Go your way then, They will like it as well as you did at first Time, I warrant you. But Reader, if thou wilt believe above twenty yeers Experience or Conversation with this Author, Thou wilt find at every return, new matter both of Observation and delight in Him.

Now for the second Objection. It will be found a meer Noise; The phansie of a pre­judicate mind. The Reader must in justice Examine the particulars, before he passe his judgement, and then in wisdom, not suffer himself to be deprived of a rich Treasure, upon poor Pretences. It would fret a son of Valour, to find himself Robbed by a weakling and a Coward, that had first possessed his phansie that some Visors (supported with stakes in the Twilight) were stout Fellows ready to come in, if he did not deliver his Gold.

2 I may with modesty averre, That there is not one word in this Volume, that (to my thinking) can possibly be so forced, or wrested by the dissenting, as to take of­fence thereby.

3 I find him through the whole Body of his Writings most Religiously Carefull to give unto God the Things that be Gods, even the glory of his Grace, his most Gra­tuitous Grace in Christ preventing, exciting, furthering, and making to persevere in all works or courses of Christianity, and that so requisite and intrinsecall to every holy Action, that all our sufficiency is from it. By the Grace of God we are what we are, and do what we do. And surely had the great Goodnesse of the Lord been Taught and tendered, in such manner as this Author sets it forth, This Age had felt it self better Thriven in Christianity, and in the power of godlinesse, then it now is. Sin had not so abounded, but Grace had superabounded, and reigned through righteousnesse unto eternall life by Jesus Christ our Lord.

4 Nor can any man (think I) produce one passage, that intimates, much lesse in­ferrs any inordinate prelation of The strength of Nature, He making the chief use of that poor Remnat of Free-will left in us sons of Adam, to consist not in me­riting or preparing, but, in our not being so untoward patients as we might possibly be, in not doing that evil which is in Our power to do.

5 Nor will any man speak evil of Him, but he that himself narrows the Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and engrosses that plenteous ransome he paid for all the sons of Adam to some small number of such he conceits himself to be.

Finally, if the worst be Given, that this Objection pretends to, The offence will be much asswaged, if the ordinary Reader do but know, That the Lutheran, i. e. A consi­derable part of the Reformed Church is of that opinion, and that the other name is used mostly to inflame the Odium.

In summe, This Man of God knew he might not Strive, nor multiply questions to gender strife: therefore he demands but two postulata of the dissenting man. 1 That God hath a True freedom in doing good. 2 That man hath a True freedom in doing evil. From him that agrees with him in these two, he wil not dissent in other points. Epist. before the Attributes.

But from such as teach, That all events are so irresistibly decreed by God, that none can fall out otherwise then they do. Or, That nothing can be amended that is a­misse; He justly differs. For, besides that the Tenets be See Busbequius Epist. 4. Turkish, [Page] being pressed they yield a morbid bitter juice, and put out a Forked sting. Their Consequent being, that either, There is no morall evil under the Sun; or, That the Fountain of Godnesse (who is Ultor & intentator malorum) his will is the cause of such evil.

I beseech the Readers Pardon, that I come but now to the last part (the most proper Business) of the Preface, to give account of the Designe, dispatched, and, cum Bono Deo, intended.

This Great Author, having framed to himself an Idaea of that compleat Body of Divinity which he intended; for his own more Regular proceeding, and our better understanding, did direct all his lines in the whole Peripherie of his studies, un­to the Heads conteined in the Creed, as unto their naturall Centre. He published in his Life time Nine Books of Comments upon the Creed. Viz.

  • These Three now Reprinted.
  • 4 Justifying Faith.
  • 5 A Treatise of Unbelief.
  • 6 Of Gods Essence and Attributes.
  • 7 Of, The knowledge of Christ.
  • 8 The Humiliation of Christ.
  • 9 The Consecration of Christ.
  • Together with some other Treatises and Sermons, Appendices to the former, which indent with, and like Tallies, owne the Treatises to which they Relate, very ap­positely. viz.
    • A Treatise of the Holy Catholick Church, which is part of the twelfth Book of Com­ments intended.
    • Christs Answer to Saint Iohns Disci­ples.
    • Diverse Sermons preached before the King.
    • Two Sermons. Bethlehem and Naza­reth.
    • And, The Woman a True Comfort to Man.

He left unpublished, according to the Account following.

  • The tenth Book of Comments, Ready for the Presse: Conteining the Manner how sin found Entrance into the World. Of the nature of sin. Of our first servitude to it. Of that poor Remnant of Free-will left in the sons of Adam, with direction to use it aright. And how we are set Free by the Son of God.
  • The eleventh Book in Adversarijs. Conteining a Treatise upon the Articles of Christs comming to judgement, The Resurrection of the dead, and Life everlasting.
  • The twelfth of the Catholick Church, part whereof is Printed and mentioned above.
  • Besides a great number of Treatises and Sermons, respective Appendices to the Books aforesaid: So many, as would fill a Page with a Particular Catalogue. For the Publishing whereof in due Time, and manner, and suiting with this Volume, The Worthy persons, whom the Author made Supervisors of his Will, will be con­scientious and Prudent Accountants to the Church of Christ, And some others, Pious and Learned men of that University, Chearfull Assistants thereto.

[Page] But here, if the Reader be of my Temper, Secretum peto. I must lead him aside a little to Condole the losse (the Great loss) of one most Considerable piece, Finished and (Alas for the Day!) lost some yeers ago. It was, The Treatise of Pro­digies, or, Divine Forewarnings, betokening Blood. I am bold to say: Reader, Write this a Prodigie. And to render it the more Prodigious, take notice, that it was lost in the Authors Life Time; as his ingenious Amanuensis (Mr. B.) told me, inqui­ring after it above 9 yeers ago. What shall be said or thought of This? Surely, The World was not worthy of such a Blessing! It sentenced it self unworthy thereof, by the stu­pid totall neglect of what he Preached at Court, and Printed at Oxon: in the Yeer 1637. about The Signes of the Times, a Subject neer of Kin to that Treatise.

The longing impatient desire of Retreiving this Treatise, makes me not blush to transform this Preface into a kind of Proclamation: [...], or rather into a most humble and earnest Supplication, unto the Person that hath this Treatise in keeping, (if yet it be kept from the Malice of the Destroyer) That he will please to bring it in unto the Stationer, for whom this Book is Printed, upon assurance to receive it again; or for it, twelve or twenty Copies, (or a sum of Money Aequi­valent) if it be Printed: For it is the desire and designe of more, and more able men, then my self, to Collect and Pub­lish This Authors Works as Compleat as possibly may be.

The Earnest whereof is Given in this First Volume; with this further Account. The Quarto Impression was scarce and dear, and ill Printed. The weighty and many Quotations of Authors so exceeding falsly figured, (and disfigured too) that it cost so much Time and great Turning, sometimes to finde out One single place, as none can believe, that hath not tried the like: nor could all the Authors be found in London. This the Famous Library of Oxon: and the chearfull Candor of a learned Friend there supplied.

[Page] I am hopefull that the Authors Sence is not altered in the least measure, (for the least sin in that kind is sacriledge.) I am sure, I was so scrupulously carefull of changing, as that I have omitted what I thought necessary correction. For example, in the Epistle to the Reader, line 12. I think, I ought to have changed the word Conscience, into Conscious, or, lesse conscience, into more conscientious; unlesse you will say, Conscience there signifies Guilt. So Page the 12. Line 3. after And yet—These two words, They persecuted, should be inserted, as I conjecture; unlesse the comparison betwixt the Roman and Turkish Emperours Subjects make them needlesse. So in the 250 page in the Margin, surely it ought to have been R. P. but it was R. B. in the old Copie, and in the search of Parsons Resolutions, not finding absolute evidence that he was the par­ty meant, I let R. B. stand.

Yet have I added now and then, a Citation or Note in the Margin. As where the Great Businesse of Charles Martell is Related page 110. I have cited divers Authours, whom the Reader may consult, for his own better satisfaction.

To conclude, There is a saying, and men may think, [...]. But, the pecuniary profit be to the Tradesman. If my heart deceive me not, as divers Nutus Dei did invite the beginning, and many remarkable momenta providentiae did encourage the Progresse, (in a Time of greatest trouble for outward estate) so the Glory of God Almighty, the Benefit of his Church and Children, the doing of some small Thing (in a Time of Cashierment) that may tend to the discharge of a most unprofitable servants account at the last Day, is the gain aimed at. And if our Pr: Brethren (Sons of the same Fathers with us) that cast us out, viewing well the second and third Books, and being here advertised, That twenty of those men, whom they have put from the Stations (where­in God had set them in the Church of England,) as Factors for [Page] the Church of Rome, have contributed each man their Sym­bolum, to this Impression, will by this be brought to see their mistake; and taking this [...] for [...], confess themselves deceived, and unwittingly made Proctors for [...] and transported in this particular, became partial, and [...]; it will be an Accession above expectation.

The Good Lord lay not this sin to their Charge, but reconcile them to their former selves, and be Reconciled both to them and us in Christ, and prosper the work both dispatched and intended to his Glory, and the good of his Church, for our Lord Jesus's sake.

The Prayer of the most unworthy One of all his servants. B. O.
[...].’Plutarch [...], 483.

If I shall find favour in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again, and shew me both the Ark and his Habitation.

But if he say, I have no delight in Thee—, Let him do to me as seemeth good unto Him. Good is the Word of the Lord.

The Law of the Lord is an undefiled Law, converting the soul. The Testimony of the Lord is sure, and giveth wisdom to the simple.

Let the Word of God dwell in you plenteously.

Search the Scriptures—Which are able to make thee wise unto salvation.

In which are some things hard to be understood, which the unlearned and unstable wrest, as they do also the Other Scriptures, to their own destruction.

Remember them which are the Guides, or have the Rule over you.

The Priests lips should keep knowledge: and they should seek the law at his mouth.

He that heareth you, heareth me—.

Lo, I am with you alway, even to the End of the World.

THE LIFE and DEATH of the Venerable, Dr. JACKSON, Dean of PETERBROUGH, and President of Corpus-Christi Colledge in OXFORD.

BEing earnestly desired by an intimate and Power­ful Friend, to deliver some Character of that Reverend and Learned Doctor Jackson, (late President of our Colledge) I might very well excuse my self from my unworthiness to under­take so weighty a Task. I must seriously confess, it was not so much the Importunity of that Friend, which prevail­ed with me, as the Merit of the man which Extracted it, and made me resolve rather to run any hazard of my own Reputation, then not to pay the Honours due to his Memory. The Respect and [Page] Interest which he gained in the hearts of all men that he conversed with, (and most from them that knew him best) was too great to be buried in this Grave, or to be extinct with his Person. A good Name is compared to a rich and pleasant Odour, which not only affects the Sense, whilest he that wears it, is in presence, but fils the the house, and makes you enquire, who had been there, although the Party be gone out of the Room. For his Birth, He was de­scended from a very worthy Family in the Bishoprick of Durham, His Life seemed to be Consecrated to Vertue, and the Liberal Arts, from his very child-hood: He had a natural Propensity to Learn­ing from which no other Recreation or Employment could divert him. He was first designed (by his Parents) to be a Merchant in Newcastle, where many of his near Friends and Alliance lived in great Wealth and Prosperity; but neither could that Tempta­tion lay hold upon him.

Therefore (at the instance of a Noble Lord) he was sent to the University of Oxford, for which highly esteemed Favour he returns his solemn thanks, in the very First Words, and Entrance of this Book. He was first Planted in Queens Colledge, under the Care and Tuition of the Profound D. Crakanthorp, and from thence removed to Corpus Christi Colledge, who although he had no notice of the vacancy of the Place, till the day before the Electi­on, yet he Answered with so much readiness and applause, that he gained the admiration, as well as the Suffrages of the Electors, and was chosen with full Consent, although they had received Letters of Favour from Great Men for another Scholer. A sure and Honourable Argument of the incorruptedness of that Place, when the peremptory Mandamus of the Pious Founder, Nec pre­ce, nec pretio, (presented with the Merits of a young man and a Stranger, shall prevail more then all other Sollicitations, and Par­tialities whatsoever. This Resolution hath been often assured un­to me from one of the Electors (yet living) M. John Hore of West Hendred, a man of Reverend years and Goodness. There [Page] was now a welcome necessity layd upon him, to preserve the High O­pinion which was conceived of him, which he did in a Studious and Exemplary Life, not subject to the usual intemperances of that Age. Certainly the Divel could not find him idle, nor at leisure to have the Suggestions of Vice whispered into his ear. And although many in their youthful times have their Deviations, and Exorbitancies, which afterwards prove Reformed and Excellent men. Yet it pleased God to keep him in a constant Path of Vertue and Piety.

He had not been long admitted into this place, but that he was made more Precious, and better Estimated by all that knew him, by the very danger that they were in suddenly to have parted with him: For walking out with others of the Younger company to wash him­self, He was in imminent peril of being Drowned. The Depth closed him round about, the Weeds were wrapt about his head. He went down to the bottom of the Mountains, the Earth with her bars was about him for ever, yet God brought his soul from Corruption, Jonah 2. 5, 6. that (like Moses from the flags) for the future Good of the Church, and Government of the Colledge where he lived, there might be preserved the meekest man alive, or (like Jonas) there might be a Prophet revived (as af­terwards he proved) to forwarn the people of ensuing destru­ction, if peradventure they might Repent, and God might revoke the Judgements pronounced against them, and spare this great and sinful Nation. It was a long (and almost incredible) space of time wherein he lay under water, and before a Boat could be procu­red, which was sent for, rather to take out his Body (before it floa­ted) for a decent Funeral, then out of hopes of recovery of Life. The Boatman discerning where he was by the bubling of the water, (the last signs of a man Expiring) thrust down his hook at that very moment, which by happy Providence (at the first Essay) light­ed under his arm, and brought him up into the Boat. All the parts of his Body were swollen to a Vast proportion, and although by [Page] holding his head downward they let forth much water, yet no hopes of Life appeared, therefore they brought him to the Land, and lapped him up in the Gowns of his Fellow-Students, the best shrowd that Love or Necessity could provide. After some warmth and former means renewed, they perceived that Life was yet within him, conveyed him to the Colledge, and commended him to the skil of Doctor Channel, an Eminent Physitian of the same House, where with much Care, Time, and Difficulty, he recovered to the equal joy and wonder of the whole Society. All men concluded him to be reserved for High and Admirable Purposes. His grate­ful Acknowledgements towards the Fisherman and his Servants that took him up, knew no limits, being a constant Revenue to them whil'st he lived. For his thankfulness to Almighty God no heart could conceive, nor Tongue express it but his own, often commu­nicating the Miracle of Divine mercy in his deliverance, and resolving hereafter not to live to himself, but to God that rais­eth the dead. Neither did he serve God with that which cost him nothing; I must ranck his abundant CHarity, and Riches of his Liberality amongst the Virtues of his first years, as if he would strive with his Friends, Patron, and Benefactors, Utrum illi largiendo, an ipse dispergendo vinceret, Whether they should be more bountiful in giving, or he in dispersing: Or that he was resolved to pay the Ransome of his life into Gods Ex­chequer, which is the Bodies of the Poor. His heart was so free & enlarged in this kind, that very often his Alms-deed made him more Rich that received it, then it left him that gave it. His pro­gress in the study of Divinity was something early, because (as he well considered) the journey that he intended was very far, yet not with­out large and good Provisions for the way. No man made better use of Humane knowledge, in subservience to the Eternal Truths of God, produced more Testimonies of Heathens to convert themselves, and make them submit the Rich Presents of their Wise-Men, to the Cradle and Cross of Christ. He was furnished with all the [Page] Learned Languages, Arts, and Sciences, as the praevious disposi­tions, or Beautifull Gate which led him to the Temple; but espe­cially Metaphysicks, as the next in attendance, and most necessary Hand-maid to Divinity, which was the Mistress where all his thoughts were fixed, being wholly taken up with the Love and ad­miration of Jesus Christ, and him Crucified. The Reading to younger Scholers, and some Employments imposed by the Founder, were rather Recreations and Assistances, then divertisements from that intended Work. The Offices which he undertook (out of Du­ty, not Desire) were never the most profitable, but the more ingenuous; not such as might fill his Purse, but encrease his knowledge. It was no small accession of Respect unto him, (or rather a consequent of the good Repute which he had already gain­ed) that those two Noble Hostages, (M. Edward, and M. Richard Spencers, Sons to the Right Honourable Robert, Lord Spencer, Baron of Wormleighton) were commended to his charge, whom he restored fully instructed with all good Literature, the glory of Learned and Religious Nobility, and the very Orna­ments of the Countrey where they lived; for which faithful dis­charge of his great Trust, he (and his Memory) were ever in singular Veneration with that whole Family, and their Alliances. His Discourse was very Facetious (without offence) when Time, and Place, and Equality of Persons permitted it. He was Entre­gens, (as our Neighbours speak it) a man (upon occasions offered) of Universal Conversation. When he was chosen into Office, the Governour of the Colledge was wont to give this Testimony of him, That he was a man most sincere in Elections, and that in a Du­bious victory of younger wits, it was the safest experiment for an happy choise, to follow the Omen of his Judgement. He read a Lecture of Divinity in the Colledge every Sunday morning, and an­other day of the week at Pembroke Colledge (then newly erect­ed) by the instance of the Master, and Fellows there. He was cho­sen Vice-President for many years together, who by his place was to [Page] moderate the Disputations in Divinity. In all these He demea­ned himself with great depth of Learning, far from that Know­ledge which pusseth up, but accompanied with all gentlenesse, courtesie, humility, and moderation. From the Colledge, he was preferred to a Living in the Bishoprick of Durham (in their Do­nation) and from thence (with consent from the same Colledge obtained, where no request could be denied him) removed to the Vicaridge of New-Castle, a very populous Town, furnished with multitudes of men, and no small variety of Opinions. It was a difficult task, (and onely worthy of so pious an Undertaker) so to become All Things to All men, that by all means he might gain some. This was the place where he was first appointed by his friends to be a Merchant; but he chose rather to be a Factor for Hea­ven. One precious soul refined, polished, and fitted for his Ma­sters use, presented by him, was of more value to him, then all other Purchases whatsoever. He adorned the doctrine of the Gospel (which he preached and professed) with a sutable life and con­versation: Manifesting the signes of a true Apostle. In all things shewing himself a Pattern of good-works; In doctrine incorrupt­nesse, gravity, sincerity, sound speech that cannot be condemned, that they which were of the contrary part might be ashamed, ha­ving no evil thing to say of him, Titus 2. 7, 8.

I lately received letters from a Gentleman, who lived there at the same time with him, who gave this Testimony of him. He was a man very studious, humble, courteous, and charitable. At New-Castle (when he went out) what money he had, he usually gave to the poor, who at length flocked so unto him, that his servant took care that he had not too much in his pocket. At a certaine time Doctor Henderson, the Towns Physitian, his neighbour and inti­mate acquaintance, (having made a Purchase) sitting sad by him, and fetching a sigh, he demanded what was the reason? He said, that he had a payment to make and wanted money: Doctor Jack­son bad him be of good chear, for he would furnish him; and cal­ling [Page] for his servant, told him the Physitians need, and asked what money he had. The man stepping back silent, the Doctor bids him speak, at length the man said, Fourty shillings; he bad him fetch it, for Master Henderson should have it all: at which Master Henderson turned his sadnesse into laughter Doctor Jackson de­manded his reason. He said, that he had need of 400. pound, or 500. pound. Doctor Jackson answered, that he thought fourtie shillings was a great summe, and that he should have it, and more also if he had had it. Thus in a place of busie Trade and Com­merce, his minde was intent upon better things, willing to spend and to be spent for Them, not seeking Theirs but Them. Af­ter some years of his continuance in this Town, he was invited back again to the University by the death of the President of the same Colledge, being chosen in his absence, at so great a distance, so unexpectedly without any suit or petition upon his part, that he knew nothing of the vacancie of the Place, but by the same Let­ters that enformed him that it was conferred upon himself. A pre­ferment of so good account, that it hath been much desired, and eagerly sought after by many eminent men, but never before, went so far to be accepted of. Upon his return to Oxford, and admissi­on to his Government, They found no alteration by his long absence, and more converse with the world, but that he appeared yet more humble in his elder times; and this not out of coldnesse and remis­sion of spirit, but from a prudent choice and experience of a better way: not without a great Example of Paul the Aged, who when he had Authority to command that which is convenient, (yet for loves sake) chose rather to beseech, Epistle to Philemon. He ru­led in a most obliging manner, the Fellows, Schollers, Servants, Te­nants, Nemo ab eo tristis discessit, no man departed from him with a sad heart, excepting in this particular, that by some misde­meanour, or willing errour, they had created Trouble, or given any offence unto him. He used the Friends as well as the Memorie of his Predecessors fairly. He was Presidens pacificus, a lover [Page] and maker of Peace. He silenced and composed all differences, dis­pleasures, and animosities by a prudent Impartiality, and the ex­ample of his own sweet disposition. All men taking notice that no­thing was more hatefull unto him then Hatred it self, nothing more offensive to his body, and mind, it was a shame and cruelty (as well as presumption) to afflict his peaceable spirit. It is a new and pe­culiar Art of Discipline, but successefully practised by him, that those under his Authority were kept within Bounds and Order, not so much out of fear of the Penalty, as out of love to the Governour. He took notice of that which was good in the worst men, and made that an occasion to commend them for the goods sake; and living himself, tanquam nemini ignosceret, as if he were so severe, that he could forgive no man, yet he reserved large Pardons for the imperfections of others. His nature was wholly composed of the properties of Charity it self. Charity suffereth long, and is kind, &c. Beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endu­reth all things. I can truely avouch this testimony concerning him, that living in the same Colledge with him, more then twenty years, (partly when he was Fellow, and partly when he returned Presi­dent) I never heard (to my best remembrance) one word of Anger, or dislike against him. I have often resembled him in my thoughts (with favour of that honourable Person, be it spoken) to him (whose name sounds very near him) who being pla­ced Dr. Juxon. in the upper part of the World, carried on his Dignity with that Justice, Modesty, Integrity, Fidelity, and other gracious plau­sibilities, that in a place of Trust, he contented those whom he could not satisfie, and in a place of Envie procured the Love of them who amulated his greatnesse, and by his Example shewed the preheminence and security of true Christian Wisdom, before all the sleights of humane Policie, that in a busie time no man was found to accuse him; So this good Man (in that inferiour Orb which God had placed him) demeaned himself with that Christian Inno­cencie, Candor, Wisdom, and Modesty, that malice it self was more [Page] wary then to cast any aspersions upon him. I shall willingly associ­ate Him to those other Worthies his Predecessors in the same Col­ledge (all living at the same time) To the invaluable Bishop Jewel, Theologorum quas Orbis Christianus per aliquot an­norum centenarios produxit maximo, as grave Bishop Good­win hath described him, the greatest Divine that for some former Centuries of years the Christian World hath produced. To the famous Mr. Hooker, who for his solid Writings was sirnamed, The Judicious, and entitled by the same, Theologorum Oxonium. The Oxford of Divines, as One calls Athens, The Greece of Greece it self. To the learned Dr. Reinolds, who managed the Government of the same Colledge, with the like care, honour, and integrity, although not with the same austerities.

He willingly admitted (and was much delighted in) the ac­quaintance and familiarity of hopeful young Divines, not despi­sing their youth, but accounting them as sonnes and Brethren, en­couraging and advising them what Books to read, and with what holy preparations, lending them such Books as they had need of, and hoping withall that (considering the brevity of his own life) some of them might live to finish that work upon the Creed, which he had happily begun unto them. This was one of the special advi­ses and directions which he commended to young men. Hear the Dictates of your own Conscience: Quod dubitas ne feceris, making this the Comment upon that of Syracides, In all thy mat­ters trust (or beleeve) thine own soul, and bear it not down by impetuous and contradictious lusts, &c. He was as diffusive of his knowledge, counsel, and advice, as of any other his works of Mercie.

In all the Histories of learned, pious, and devout men, you shall scarcely meet with one that disdained the World more generously: not out of ignorance of it, as one brought up in Cells and darknesse, for he was known and endeared to men of the most resplendent For­tunes; nor out of melancholy disposition, for he was chearfull and [Page] content in all estates, but out of a due and deliberate scorne, knowing the true value, that is, the vanitie of it. As perferments were heaped upon him without his suit, or knowledge, so there was no­thing in his power to give, which he was not ready and willing to part withall, to the deserving or indigent man. His Vicarage of St. Nicholas Church in New-Castle, he gave to Mr. Alvye of Trinity Colledge, upon no other relation, but out of the good opi­nion which he conceived of his merits. The Vicarage of Witny neer Oxford, after he had been at much pains, travail, and expence to clear the Title of the Rectory to all succeeding Ministers, when he had made it a Portion sitting either to give, or keep, he freely bestowed it upon the worthy Mr. Thomas White, then Proctor of the University, late Chaplain to the Colledge, and now Incumbent upon the Rectory. A Colledge Lease, of a place called Lye in Gloucestershire presented to him as a gratuity by the Fellows, he made over to a Third, (late Fellow there) meerly up­on a plea of Poverty. And whereas they that first offered it unto him were unwilling that he should relinquish it, and held out for a long time in a dutifull opposition, He used all his power, friend­ship, and importunity with them, till at length he prevailed to sur­render it. Many of his necessary friends, and attendance have professed that they made severall journeys, and employed all pow­erfull mediation with the Bishop, that he might not be suffered to resigne his Prebendship of Winchester to a Fourth; and upon knowledge that by their contrivance, he was disappointed of his reso­lution herein, he was much offended that the Manus mortua, or Law of Mortmain should be imposed upon him, whereby in for­mer dayes they restrained the liberality of devout men toward the Colledges, and the Clergie. But this was interpreted as a discur­tesie and dis-service unto him, who knew that it was a more Bles­sed thing to give then to receive. But that which remained unto him, was dispersed unto the Poor, to whom he was a faithfull dispenser in all places of his abode, distributing unto them with a [Page] free heart, a bountifull hand, a comfortable speech, and a cheerfull eye. How disrespectfull was he of Mammon, the God of this world, the golden Image which Kings and Potentates have set up? before whom the Trumpets play for Warre and slaughter, and Nations and Languages fall down and worship, besides all other kinde of Musick for jollity and delight, to drown (if it were possible) the noise of Bloud, which is most audible, and cries lowdest in the ears of the Almighty. How easily could he cast that away, for which others throw away their lives and salvation, running headlong into the place of eternall skreekings, weeping, and gnash­ing of teeth. If it were not for this spirit of Covetousnesse, all the World would be at quiet. Certainly (although the nature of man be an apt soil for sin to flourish in, yet) if the Love of money be the root of all evil, it could not grow up in him, because it had no Root: and if it be so hard for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of God, and the narrow gate which leads unto Life, then he that stooped so low by humblenesse of minde, and emptied himself so neerly by mercifulnesse unto the Poor, must needs finde an easier passage: Doubtlesse, they that say and do these Things, shew plainly that they seek another Countrey, that is, an heavenly, for if they had been mindfull of This, they might have taken op­portunity to have used it more advantageously.

His Devotions towards God were assiduous and exemplarie, both in publick and private. He was a diligent frequenter of the publick Service in the Chappel, very early in the Morning, and at Evening, except some urgent occasions of Infirmity did excuse him. His private Conferences with God by Prayer and Meditation were never omitted, upon any occasion whatsoever. When he went the yearly progresse to view the Colledge Lands, and came into the Tenants House, it was his constant custome (before any other busi­nesse, discourse, or care of Himself, were he never so wet or weary) to call for a retiring room to pour out his soul unto God, who led him safely in his journey. And this he did not out of any specious [Page] pretence of Holiness, to devour a Widows House with more faci­lity, Rack their Rents, or Enhance their Fines, for excepting the constant Revenue to the Founder (to whom he was a strict ac­countant) no man ever did more for them, or less for himself. For thirty years together he used this following Anthem, and Col­lect (commanded by the Pious Founder) in Honour and Con­fession of the Holy and Undivided Trinity. Salva nos, Libera nos, Vivifica nos, O Beata Trinitas, &c. Save us, Deliver us, Quicken us, O Blessed Trinity. Let us praise God the Fa­ther, and the Son, with the Holy Spirit, let us praise and Su­per-exalt his Name for ever. Almighty and everlasting God, which hast given unto us, thy servants, Grace by the Confes­sion of a true Faith, to acknowledge the Glory of the Eternal Trinity, and in the Power of the Divine Majesty to Worship the Unity: We beseech thee that through the stedfastness of this Faith, we may evermore be defended from all Adversitie, which livest and raignest, &c.

This he did perform, not onely as a Sacred Injunction of the Founder (upon him and all the Society) but he received a great Delight in the performance of it. No man ever wrote more highly of the Attributes of God then he, and yet he professes that he alwaies took more comfort in admiring, then in disputing, and in praying to, and acknowledgeing the Majesty and Glory of the Blessed Trinite, then by too curiously prying into the Mysterie. He Composed a Book of Private Devotions, which some judi­cious men (having perused the same) much Extolled and Ad­mired, as being replenished with Holy Raptures, and Divine Meditations, which (if it be not already annexed to this Book) I hope the Reader will shortly enjoy in a Portable Volume by it self.

Thus have many other Famous Scholars and Polemical men (in their Elder times) betaken themselves to Catechizing, and De­votion, as Pareus, Bishop Andrews, Bishop Usher, and Bel­larmin [Page] himself seems to prefer his Book De Ascensione Mentis ad Deum, Of the Ascension of the Soul to God, before any other part of his Works. Books (saies he) are not to be estimated, Ex multitudine foliorum, sed ex fructibus, By the multitude of the Leaves, but the Fruit. My other Books I read onely up­on necessity, but this I have willingly read over three or four times, and resolve to read it more often; whether it be (saies he) that the Love towards it be greater then the Merit, because (like an­other Benjamin) it was the Son of mine old age.

He seemed to be very Prophetical of the Ensuing times of trou­ble, as may evidently appear by his Sermons before the King, and Appendix about the signs of the Times, or Divine Fore-warnings therewith Printed some years before, touching the Great Tempest of Wind which fell out upon the Eve of the Fifth of November, 1636. He was much astonished at it; and what apprehension he had of it appears by his words.—This mighty Wind was more then a Sign of the Time, the very Time it self was a Sign, and portends thus much, That though we of this King­dom were in firm League with all Nations, yet it is still in Gods Power, we may fear in his Purpose to plague this King­dom by this or like tempests more grievously then he hath done at any time by Famin, Sword, or Pestilence, to bury many living souls, as well of Superiour, as of Inferiour Rank, in the Ruin of their stately Houses, or meaner Cottages, &c. Which was observed by many, but signally by the Prefacer to M. Her­berts Remains, I shall not prevent the Reader, or detain him so long from the Original of that Book as to repeat the Elogies which are there conferred upon Him; I cannot forbear one passage in that Preface wherein he makes this profession. I speak it in the pre­sence of God, I have not read so hearty, vigorous a Champion against Rome (amongst our writers of his rank) so convincing and demonstrative as D. Jackson is. I bless God for the confir­mation which he hath given me in the Christian Religion a­gainst [Page] the Athean, Jew, and Socinian, and in the Protestant a­gainst Rome.

As he was alwaies a Reconciler of differences in his Private Go­vernment, so he seriously lamented the Publick Breaches of the Kingdom. For the Divisions of Reuben he had great Thoughts of Heart. At the first Entrance of the Scots into England, he had much compassion for his Countrymen, although that were but the beginning of their Sorrows. He well knew that War was com­monly attended with Ruin and Calamity, especially to Church and Church-men; and therefore that Prayer was necessary and becom­ing of them, Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris, &c. Give peace in our time, O Lord, because there is no other that fighteth for us but onely thou, O God, One drop of Chri­stian blood (though never so cheaply spilt by others like water upon the ground) was a deep Corrosive to his tender heart. Like Rachel weeping for her children, he could not be comforted. His body grew weak, the chearful hue of his countenance was impaled and discoloured, and he walked like a dying Mourner in the streets. But God took him from the evil to come; It was a sufficient De­gree of punishment for him to foresee it; it had been more then a thousand Deaths unto him to have beheld it with his Eyes. When his Death was now approaching, being in the chamber with many o­thers, I overheard him with a soft voice repeating to himself these and the like Ejaculations. I wait for the Lord, my Soul doth wait, and in his Word do I hope; my Soul waiteth for the Lord more then they that watch for the morning. As for me, I will behold thy face in righteousness, I shall be satisfied when I awake with thy likeness. And he ended with this Cygnean Cantion, Psal. 116. 5. Gracious is the Lord and righteous, yea our God is merciful. The Lord preserveth the simple, I was brought low and he helped me. Return unto thy Rest, O my Soul, for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee. And ha­ving thus spoken, soon after he surrendered up his Spirit to Him that gave it.

[Page] If you shall curiously enquire what this Charitable man left in Legacie at his death, I must needs answer, that giving all in his Life time, as he owed nothing but Love, so he left nothing when he Dyed. The Poor was his Heir, and he was the Administrator of his own Goods; or (to use his own Expression in one of his last Dedications) he had little else to leave his Executors, but his Papers onely, which the Bishop of Armagh (being at his Fune­rals) much desired might be carefully preserved. This was that which he left to Posterity in pios usus, for the furtherance of Piety and Godliness, in perpetuam Eleemosynam, for a perpetual deed of Charity, which I hope the Reader will advance to the utmost im­provement. He that reads this will find his Learning Christening him The Divine, and his Life witnessing him a man of God, a Preacher of Righteousness, and I might add, a Prophet of things to come. They that read those Qualifications which he in his Se­cond and Third Book requires in them which hope to understand the Scriptures aright, and see how great an insight he had into them, and how many hid Mysteries he hath unfolded to this Age, will say his Life was good, Superlatively good. The Reader may easily perceive that he had no design in his opinions; no hopes but that blessed One proposed in the beginning, that no preferment nor desire of Wealth, nor affectation of Popularity, should ever draw him from writing upon this Subject; for which no man so fit as he, because (to use his own Divine and high Apothegme) No man could properly write of Justifying Faith, but he that was e­qually affected to Death and Honour.

Thus have I presented you with a Memorial of that Excellent Man, but with infinite disadvantage from the unskilfulness of the Relator, and some likewise from the very disposition of the Party himself. The humble man conceals his perfections with as much pains, as the proud covers his defects, and avoids observati­on as industriously, as the Ambitious provoke it. He that would draw a face to the Life, commands the Party to sit down in the [Page] Chair in a constant and unremoved Posture, and a Countenance composed, that he may have the full view of every line, colour, and dimension; whereas he that will not yield to these Ceremonies, must be surprized at unawares, by Artificial stealth, and unsuspected glances, like the Divine who was drawn at distance from the Pul­pit, or an ancient man in our daies, whose Statue being to be erect­ed, the Artificer that carved it, was enforced to take him sleeping. That which I have here designed (next to the Glory of God, which is to be praised in all his Saints) is the benefit of the Christian Rea­der, that he may learn by his Example, as well as by his writings, by his Life as well as by his Works, which is the earnest desire of him who unfaignedly wishes the health and Salvation of your Souls.

E. V.
THE ETERNAL TRUTH OF SCRIPTURES, AND CHRISTIAN BELIEF, thereon wholly Depending: manifested by its own LIGHT.

THE ETERNAL TRVTH OF Scriptures, AND CHRISTIAN BELIEF Thereon wholly depending, Manifested by it own light. Delivered in two Books of COMMENTARIES upon the Apostles Creed. The former, Containing the positive grounds of Christian Religion in general, cleared from all exceptions of Atheists or Infidels. The later, Manifesting the Grounds of Reformed Religion to be so firm and sure, that the Romanists cannot oppugne them, but with the utter overthrow of the Romish Church, Religion, and Faith.

By THOMAS JACKSON, D. D.

LONDON, Printed by R. Norton, for T. Garthwait, 1653.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE, RALPH Lord EVRE, Baron of MALTON and WILTON, Lord President of his Majesties Court established in the Principalitie and Marches of Wales: My singular good LORD.

RIGHT HONORABLE,

THough few others would, I trust Your Lordship will vouchsafe countenance to these Commentaries, rude and imperfect I must confesse, but whose untimely or too hastie birth (if so it prove, and must be censured) hath not been caused by any inordinate appetite, but onely from a longing desire of testifying that love and duty which I owe unto your Honourable Familie and Person, as in many other respects, so chiefly in this: That being inga­ged unto a more gainfull, but not so good a course of life, and well-nigh rooted in another soil; I was by your Lordships favourable advice and countenance trans­planted to this famous Nursery of good learning. Wherein (by his blessing who onely gives increase to what his servants plant or water) I have grown to such a de­gree of maturity, as these raw Meditations argue, or so wild a graft was capable of Course and unpleasant my fruit [Page] may prove: but, whiles it shall please the Lord to continue his wonted blessings of health and other opportunities, alto­gether unfruitfull (by his assistance) I will not, altogether idle I cannot, be. Such as these first fruits are (much bet­ter I dare not promise,) the whole after-crop (I trust) shall be: both, for the sincerity of my intention, accepta­ble (I doubt not) to my God; the later, I hope, more ripe in the judgement of men, then can in reason be expected the first fruits of the same mans labours should be. Thus hum­bly beseeching your Honour to accept these as they are, and to esteem of them (howsoever otherwise) as an undoubted pledge of a minde indeavouring to shew it self thankfull for benefits already received; and much desiring the conti­nuance of your honourable favours: I continue my pray­ers unto the Almighty that he would multiply his best favors and blessings upon you.

Your Lordships much devoted Chaplain, THOMAS JACKSON.

TO THE CHRISTIAN READER.

IGnorant altogether I am not of the disposition, though not much acquainted with the practises of this present age: wherein, to have meditated upon so many several matters as I here present unto thy Christian view, will unto some (I know) seem but an effect of melancholie, as to have taken the pains to pen them, will argue my want of other imployments, or forlorn hopes of worldly thriving. Unto others (and those more to be regarded) so soon in print to publish what had been not so well concocted, and more rawly penned, will be censured as a spice of that vanity which usually haunts smatterers in good learning, but wherewith judicious Clerks are seldom infected. To the former I onely wish mindes more setled, or lesse conscience of their own extravagancies and care­lesse mispence of choicest time, faults apt to breed a mislike of others indu­strie in such courses as will approve themselves in his sight that sits as Judge and trier of all our wayes, howsoever such as desire to be meer By-standers as well in Church as Common-wealths affairs, may upon sinister respects, mutually misinform themselves. For many of the later, I am afraid, lest, being partly such and so esteemed, they preposterously affect not to be taken for more judicious scholers then indeed they are: for the fostering of which conceit in others, their unwillingnesse to publish what they have conceived aright, may well be apprehended as a means not improbable. Not to expose their Meditations to publick censure, is and hath been (as the Christian world too well can witnesse) a resolution incident to men of greatest judgement: though no such essential propertie, as necessarily argues, either all so minded to be, or all otherwise minded, not to be, alike judicious. Certain it is, the more excellent the internall feature of mens minds is, the greater disparage­ment to them will an ordinary representation of it be, and to adorn their their choice conceits with such outward attire as best beseems them, would require too great costs and charges. Thus from perfection oft-times springs defect: whilest judgement, too much over-growing fancie, and drying up that kind affection, whereby the fruit and vertue of one soul is diffused unto another, makes men more jealous of diminishing the high estimate of their fore-prized worth, then zealous of their inferiours good, which many times might be reaped in greatest abundance from such labours as yeeld least con­tentment to their Authors. In this respect alone can I gratulate my imperfe­ctions: hoping that as my meditations can neither please the delicate, for their form, nor inform the judicious for their matter, so they may prove nei­ther offensive for the one, nor unfruitfull for the other, unto many of a mid­dle and inferiour rank.

At the least (I trust) they will occasion some others, whom God hath blessed with better abilitie and opportunitie, to hunt that out which in this long range I may chance to start, or make full conquest of that goodly field [Page] wherein that inestimable pearl lies bid, for whose discovery these my tra­vels may happily yeeld some observations not impertinent. To this end have I purposely trained my wits to untroden pathes, to adventure on new passa­ges, unto that true treasure which all of us traffick for, oft-times one to ano­thers hindrance, the more because we beat one place too much, when as many others might afford us the same or greater commodities better cheap. Though the truth be one: yet it is not alwayes of one shape, whiles we look upon it divers wayes. The Mine wherein it lies, is inexhaustible; oft-times more full of drosse and rubbidge, where most have digged: and, though the inward substance of it be the same, yet the refining of it admits variety of inventions. Do not prejudice me (charitable Reader) so much as in thy secret censure, as if these premises might seem to argue my dissent in any conclusions which our Church professeth: the event (I trust) shall acquit me, and condemn all my accusers, if any I have; and how I stand affected in points of spiritual obedience to my superiours, thou mayest be informed, if it please thee but to peruse some few sheets of these my first-fruits, which I presume thou wilt, surely thou oughtest, ere thy censure passe upon me. If in the explication of some Points I fully accord not with some well estee­med domestick Writers: I trust Sarahs free-born children may enjoy that priviledge amongst themselves, which is permitted the sons of Hagar, in re­spect of their brethren, though all absolute bondmen to their mother. Yet that I do not thus far dissent from any of my mothers children, upon emu­lation or humour of contradiction, thou wilt rest satisfied upon my sincere religious protestation, That the whole fabrick of this intended work was set, and every main conclusion resolved upon, before I read any English Writer upon the arguments which I handle. From some indeed which had written before me, I have since perceived a direct dissent in one or two points of moment; but wherein they had (in my judgement) contradicted the most judicious Writers of our Church and all Antiquitie I am acquainted with, more rashlie, then I would do the meanest this day living. Yet shall they, or whosoever of their opinion, find the manner of my disputing with them, such as shall not (I trust) exasperate, howsoever the dissonance of mat­ter may dislike them. For outlandish or forrain Latin Writers, I must inge­niously confesse, when I first laboured to be instructed in the fundamental principles of faith and manners, some points which I much wished, I found they had not handled, in others, wherein I misliked nothing as unsound, I could not alwayes find that full satisfaction, which (me thought) a more accurate Artist (for a mean one I was then my self) would require. The greater since hath been my desire either of giving, or by my attempt, of pro­curing satisfaction. But will not others, when I have done my best, so think and say of mine, as I have done of these much better indeavours? It were great arrogance to expect any lesse. Notwithstanding, if what they shall find defective in my labours, move them to no worse patience, then what I thought (at least) was so in theirs that every way go before me, hath done me: nor I, nor they, nor the Church of Christ, (by this means partaker, and free to dislike or approve of both our labours) shall (I trust) have any great cause to repent us of our pains. For thy better satisfaction, I will ac­quaint thee with the particulars which moved me to write.

First, in unfolding the nature and properties of Christian Faith, to omit the errours of the Romish Church, (wherein it is impossible it should ever come to full growth,) many in reformed, too much followed in particular Ser­mons, did strive to ripen it too fast. I have heard complaints immediately from [Page] the mouthes of some yet living, of others deceased, that they had been set too farre in their first Lessons: that the hopes they had out of hand directly built upon Gods general promises applied to them by their Instructours, were too weighty, unlesse the foundations of their faith had first been more deeply and surely planted. That cer­tainty of justification and full perswasion of inherent sanctifying grace, where­at these Worthies (whose footsteps I precisely track not) aim, is (I pro­test) the mark which I propose unto my self, but cannot hope at the first shoot to hit; if at the second, third, or fourth (as shall please God,) it must content me. In the mean time (I hope) I shall neither offend him, nor any of his, as long as I gather ground of what I prosecute, and still come neerer and neerer the proposed end. The first step, me thought, that tended most directly to this certain apprehension of saving faith, was our undoubted Assent unto the divine truth of Scriptures in general: and for the working of this as­surance, means subordinate I could conceive none better for the kinde (par­ticulars others happilie may finde more forcible,) then such as I have prose­cuted at large in the first Book: not ignorant, that such as moved me more, might move others lesse, those every man most, that were of his own gathe­ring, wherein the disposition of the divine providence (alwayes concurrent to this search so men would mark it) is most conspicuous. For this purpose I have proposed such variety of Observations, as almost every one able to read the Scriptures or other Authors, of what sort or profession soever, stu­dents especially, may be occasioned to make the like themselves, well hoping to find a Method as facile and easie for establishing the assent of the simple, and altogether illiterate, unto those articles whose distinct explicit knowledge is most necessary to salvation. But many (I know) will deem the broken traditions, or imperfect relations of heathen men (for these I use,) but weak supporters for so great an edifice: nor did I intend them for such service. Their ignorance notwithstanding, and darkned minds, do much commend the light of divine truth, so may the experience of their vanity dispose our minds to embrace the stability of Gods Word with greater stedfastnesse. We know the vertue and benefit of the Sun, not so much by looking upon it self continually or directly, as by the variety of other objects or colours, all plea­sant with it to the eye, but altogether invisible or indistinguishable without it: so for mine part, I must professe, that such historical narrations, poeti­cal fictions, or other conceits of Heathens as they themselves knew little use of, nor should I have done had I been as they were, being compared with this heavenly light of Gods Word, did much affect me even in my best and most retired meditations, of sacred mysteries, their observation, as it were, tied my soul by a new knot, or fest, more surely unto that truth, which I knew before to be in it self most sure, most infallible. Yea even in points wherein my heart, unto my seeming, was best established, it much did nou­rish, augment, and strengthen belief already planted, to observe the per­fect consonancie, of profane with sacred Writers, or the occasions of their dissonancie, to be evidently such, as Scriptures specifie: that of many events wondred at by their Heathenish relators, no tolerable reason could be given, but such as are subordinate to the never-failing rules of Scripture. And who­soever will, may (I presume) observe by Experiment, the truth of what I say. There is no motive unto belief so weak or feeble, but may be very avail­able for quelling temptations of some kind or other, either in speculation or practise; oft-times such as are absolutely more weak or feeble, more effe­ctuall for expelling some peculiar distrust or presumption, then others farre more forcible and strong for vanquishing temptations of another kinde, in [Page] nature most grievous. Many, half students, half gallants, are often tempted either to distrust the commendations of this Eden which we are set to dress, or distaste the food of life that grows within it, from delights suggested by prophane books, wherewith commonly they are first acquainted, and hence much affect the knowledge their Authors profer, as likely to Deifie them in the worlds eies. Our proneness to be thus perswaded, is a witness of our first parents transgression, and these suggestions as reliques of Satans baits, whereby he wrought their bain. But what is the remedy? not to tread in any heathenish soil, lest these serpents sting us? rather the best medicine for this malady would be a confection of that very flesh wherein such deadly poyson lodged. Other arguments may more perswade the judicious, or such as in some measure have tasted the fruits of the spirit: But none the curious artist better, then such as are gathered from his esteemed Authors. Even such as are in faith most strong, of zeal most ardent, should not much mispend their time, in comparing the degenerate fictions, or historical relations of times ancient or modern, with the everlasting truth. For, though this method could not add much encrease, either to their faith, or zeal: yet would it doubtless much avail for working placid and milde affections. The very pen­cilmen of sacred writ themselves were taught patience, and instructed in the waies of Gods providence, by their experience of such events as the course of time is never barren of, not alwaies related by Canonical Authors, nor im­mediately testified by the spirit, but oft times believed upon a moral certain­ty, or such a resolution of circumstances concurrent into the first cause or di­sposer of all affairs, as we might make of modern accidents, were we other­wise partakers of the spirit, or would we mind heavenly matters as much as earthly.

Generally two points I have observed, not much for ought I know, if handled at all by any writer: albeit their fruit and use would fully recom­pence the best pains of any one mans life-time, though wholly spent in their discussion, whose want in my mind hath been the bane of true devotion in most ages. The first is an equivalencie of means in the wisedome of God so proportioned to the diversity of times, as no age could have better then the present, howsoever they may affect the extraordinary signs and wonders of former generations. Of this argument here and there, as occasion shall serve in this work; elsewhere at large, if God permit. The second is, an equiva­lencie of Errors, Hypocrisie, Infidelity, and Idolatry, all which vary rather their shape then substance, in most men, through ages, nations, and professi­ons, the ignorance of God remaining for the most part the same, his attri­butes as much (though in another kind) transformed by many in outward profession joyned with the true Church, as in times past by the Heathen. The truth of which assertion, with the original causes of the error, and means to prevent it, are discussed at large in the article of the God-head. Many like­wise for ought their conscience (because not rightly examined) will witness to the contrary, are strongly perswaded they love Christ with heart and soul, and so detest as well the open blasphemy, or professed hatred, which the Jew; as the secret enmity the Jesuit or other infamous Hereticks, bear against him: when as oft times the onely ground of their love to him, is their spite to some or all of these, as they are deciphered to them in odious shape, the onely original of their despite to these, the very dregs of Jewish, Popish, or other Heretical humours in themselves, by some light tincture of that truth which they outwardly profess, exasperated to more bitter enmity against them with whose internal temper they best agree, then otherwise they could [Page] conceive; as admission to place of credit or authority makes base minds, con­scious of their own forepast villanies, more rigid censurers of others misde­meanors, or cruel persecutors of such malefactors, as themselves in action have been, and in heart yet are (were all occasions and opportunities the same) then any moderate or sincere man in life and action could be. Of the original of this disease, with the crisis and remedy, as also the tryal of faith in­herent, in the articles concerning Christ and remission of sins.

From the manner of Jerusalems progress to her first destruction, and dis­covery of the Jews natural temper (the principal subject of my subcisive or vacant hours from these meditations, and other necessary imployments of my calling) I have observed the original as well of most states, as mens mis­cariages professing true religion, to have been from presumption of Gods favour before dangers approach, and distrust of his mercy after calamities seiz upon them: The root of both these misperswasions to be ignorance or error in the do­ctrin of Gods providence, whose true knowledge (if I may so speak) is the fertil womb of all sacred moral truths, the onely rule of rectifying mens wils, perswasions, and affections, in all consultations or practises private or pub­lick. Unto this purpose much would it avail to be resolved, whether all things fall out by fatal necessity, or some contingently; how fate and contingency (if compatible each with other) stand mutually affected, how both subordi­nate to the absolute immutability of that one everlasting decree. Want of re­solution in these points, (as far as my observation serves me) hath continually bred an universal threefold want: of care and vigilancie for preventing dan­gers in themselves avoidable: of alacrious indeavors to redeem time in part surprized by them; of patience, of hearty submission to Gods will, and con­stant expectation of his providence, after all hope of redemption from tem­poral plagues long threatned by his messengers, is past. For here we suppose (what out of the fundamental principles of Christian religion shall in good time be made evident) that in all ruinated states, or forepast alterations of re­ligion from better to worse, there was a time wherein the possibility of mis­fortunes which afterwards befel them, might have been prevented, a time wherein they might have been recovered from eminent dangers, wherewith they were encompast, a time after which there was no possibility left them of avoyding the day of visitation, never brought forth but by the precedent ful­ness of iniquity, but alwaies necessarily by it. In the discussion of these and o­ther points of like nature (because more depending upon strict examination of consequences deduced from the undoubted rules of Scripture, then upon authorities of antiquitie, skill in the tongues, or any other learning that requi­red long experience or observation) I laboured most, whilest those Arts and Sciences which are most conducible to this search, were freshest in my memo­ry. And could I hope to satisfie others in all or most of these, as fully as I have long since done my self, I should take greatest pleasure in my pains addressed to this purpose. But would it please the Lord in mercy to raise up some English writer, that could in such sort handle these points, as their use and consequence, or necessity of present times requires: succeeding ages (I am perswaded) should have more cause to bless the day of his nativity, then of the greatest States-mens or stoutest Warriors this land hath yielded since the birth of our Fathers this day living. It shall suffice he to begin the offering with my mite, in hope some learned Academicks (for unto them belongs the conquest of this golden fleece) will employ their Talents to like publick use. What I conceive, shall be (by Gods assistance) unfolded in as plain and unoffensive terms, as the nature of the subject will bear, or my faculties reach unto, partly [Page] in the Article of Gods providence, partly in other discourses directly subor­dinate unto it.

Lastly, for the full and perfect growth, at least for the sweet and pleasant flourishing of lively Faith, one of the most effectual means our industry that can but plant or water, attains unto, would be to unfold the harmony betwixt Prophetical predictions, and Historical events concerning the Kingdom of Christ, and time of the Gospel: a point, for ought I know, not purposely handled by any modern writer, except those whose success cannot be great, until their delight in contention and contradiction be less. Notwithstanding, whatsoever I shall find good in them or any other, without all respect of per­sons, much more without all desire of opposition, or occasion of contention (a matter alwaies undecent in a Christian, but most odious and lothsom in a subject so melodious and pleasant,) I will not be afraid to follow, intending a full Treatise of the divers kindes of Prophecies, with the manner of their interpretations, before the Articles of Christs Incarnation, Passion and Ascen­sion.

These are the especial points, which for the better confirmation of true Christian faith, and rectifying perswasions in matters of manners or good life, are principally aimed at in these meditations. The main obstacle the A­theist stumbles at, is the Article of the bodies resurrection. Whose passive possibility shall by (Gods assistance) be evidently demonstrated against him by the undoubted rules of nature, whose Priest or Minister he professeth himself to be. That de facto it shall be, the Scriptures, whose truth ere then will appear Divine, must assure us; Nature cannot, though thus much were in some sort known and believed by many natural men from traditions of the ancient, or suspected from some notions of the law of nature not quite oblite­rated in all sorts of the heathen, as shall in that Article (God willing) be ob­served. But why our Assent unto this and all other Articles in this Creed, be­ing in good measure established, the momentary hopes or transitory pleasures of this world, should with most in their whole course of life, with all of us in many particular actions, in private and secret temptations, more prevail, then that exceeding weight of glory, which Christian hope would fasten on our souls, to keep unruly affections under, hath often enforced me to wonder, and wonderment hereat first moved me to untertake these labors, if by any means I may attain unto the causes of this so grievous an infirmity, or find out some part of a remedy for it. Doubtless, had the heathen Philosophers but known or suspected such joyes, as we profess we believe and hope for, or such a death, or more then deadly torments, as after this life ended we fear; their lives and manners would as far have surpassed the best Christians now living, as their knowledge in supernatural mysteries came short of the most learned that are or have been in that profession: and yet whatsoever helps any Christian or heathen had for encreasing knowledge or bettering manners, are more plentiful in this then any precedent age, so that the fault is wholly in our selves, that will not apply medicines already prepared, as shall (God prosper­ing these proceedings) be declared in the last Article of this Creed.

For controversies betwixt us and the Romish Church, besides such are di­rectly opposite to the end and method proposed, I purposely meddle with none: of that rank, some (as that of the Churches infallibility) undermine the very foundation, others (as the doctrine of merit and justification, the propitiation of the Mass) unroof the edifice, and deface the walls of Christian faith, leaving nothing thereof but altarstones for their idolatrous sacrifices. For this reason have I built with one hand, & used my weapon with the other: lay­ing [Page] the positive or general grounds of Faith against the Infidel or Atheist in the first Book, and gaurding them in the second by the sword of the Spirit, a­gainst all attempts of Romish Sanballats, or Tobiahs, who still labor to per­swade our people the walls of Christs Church here erected since our fore-fa­thers redemption from captivity, unless supported by their supposed infallibi­lity, are so weak, Nehem. 4 5. That if a Fox should go upon them, he should break them down. In the third (which was at this time intended, but must stay a while to bring forth a fourth) I batter those painted walls, whose shallow foundations are discovered in the second. The other controversies about the propitiatory sa­crifices of the Mass, Merits, and Justification, I prosecute in the Articles of Christs Passion, and of final judgement.

By this (beloved Reader) thou mayst perceive my journey is long, and may well plead my excuse for setting forth so soon: but from that course which I have chosen, or rather God hath set me, I trust nor hopes of preferment, nor any desires of worldly wealth nor affectation of popularity, by handling more plausible or Time-serving arguments, shall ever draw me away. So far I am from aiming at any such sinister end, That since I begun to comment upon the na­ture of Christian faith, I never could, nor ever shall perswade my self it possibly can find quiet lodging, much less safe harbour, but in an heart alike affected to Death and Honour; alwaies retaining the Desires, and fear of both (either seve­rally considered, or mutually compared) in equal ballance. Both are good when God in mercy sends them; both evil, and hard to determin whether worse, to unprepared minds, or whilest procured by our sollicitous or importunate suit or bestowed upon us in their Donours anger. Onely this difference I find; death is mankinds inevitable doom, but worldly preferment neither so com­mon to all, nor so certain to any: the less (in reason) should be our endeavors either for providing it, or preparing our selves to salute it decently, though comming of it own accord to meet us. But what meditations can be too long, or what endeavors too laborious for gaining of an happie end, or giving a messenger of so importunate and weighty consequence as death one way or other brings, cor­respondent entertainment? This Christian modesty I have learned long since of the heathen Socrates, to beseech my God he would vouchsafe me such a portion of wealth, or whatsoever this world esteems, as none but an honest, upright, religious mind can bear: or, to use the words of a better teacher, That of all my labours under the sun, I may reap the fruit in holiness, and in the end, the End of these my present meditations, Everlasting Life.

Thine in Christ, THOMAS JACKSON.

A Table of the Several Sections and Chapters in the 2. Books following.

The first Book divided into two general parts: The one explicating the nature of Belief in general: the other shewing the Method, how our Assent unto the divine truth of Scriptures may be established.

The first general part contained in the first and second Sections.

SECT. I.
  • CAP. 1. THE definition of Belief in general, with the explication. [from parag. 1. to the 12.] The diverse objects and grounds thereof, and by what means it is increased. parag. 12, &c. Page 2
SECT. II.
  • CAP. 2. Of Assent unto objects supernatural, or, unto what a natural Belief of such Objects, or a bare acknowledgement of Scriptures, for Gods Word, binds all men. pag. 7
  • CAP. 3. Of general incitements, to search the truth of Scriptures, or Christian Belief. 9

The second general part, containing the Heads or Topicks of such obser­vations as may confirm the divine truth of Scriptures, of which some are External, some Internal.

SECT. I.
  • Of Observations internal or incident unto Scriptures, without reference to any relations or events other then are specified in themselves. 13
  • CAP. 4. Of Historical Characters of sacred Antiquities. 13
  • CAP. 5. Of the Harmony of sacred Writers. 17
  • CAP. 6. Of the Affections or dispositions of sacred Writers. 19
SECT. II.
  • [Page]Of Experiments and Observations external, answerable to the rules of Scriptures. page 25
  • CAP. 7. Containing the Topick, whence such observations must be drawn. 25
  • CAP. 8. That Heathenish Fables ought not to prejudice divine truths. 26
  • CAP. 9. Observations out of Poets in general, and of dreams in particular. 27
  • CAP. 10. Of Oracles. 30
  • CAP. 11. Of the apparitions of the heathen Gods, and their Heroicks. 34
  • CAP. 12. The reasons of our mistrusting of Antiquities. 37
  • CAP. 13. Of the diversity of events in different Ages. 39
  • CAP. 14. Of the original and right use of Poetry, with the manner of its cor­ruption by later Poets. 42
  • CAP. 15. Of some particular Fables resembling some true stories of the Bible. 47
  • CAP. 16. Of Noahs and Deucalions floud, with other Miscellane observa­tions. 50
  • CAP. 17. Of Sacred Writers sobriety and discretion in relating true miracles, compared especially with later Heathens vanitie, in coyning fruitless wonders. 57
The third SECTION of the second general Part.
  • Containing Experiments drawn from the revolution of States, or Gods publick judgements, but especially of the estate of the Jews from time to time. 61
  • CAP. 18. Of the state of these Jews before our Saviours time, gathered from heathen Authors, with Tullies objection against them. 61
  • CAP. 19. The ill successe of Pompey the great for his going into the Sanctum sanctorum: the manner of his death witnessing his sin: the miscariage of Crassus, (parallel likewise to the manner of his offence against Jerusalem) with the like disasters of other Romans that had wronged or molested the Jews. 63
  • CAP. 20. Tacitus objections against the Iews refuted by their palpable grosseness, and more competent testimony of other heathen writers. 69
  • CAP. 21. The means of these Iews thriving in captivity: In what sence they might peculiarly be termed a mighty people: wherein they did exceed or were exceeded by other nations. 73
  • CAP. 22. That all the heathens objections against, or doubts concerning the Iews estate, [...] prevented or resolved by Iewish writers. 78
  • CAP. 23. The fulfilling of Moses and other prophesies, touching the desolation of [...]ewr [...], and destruction of Ierusalem: and the Signes of the Time witnes­sing Gods wonderful hand therein. 83
  • CAP. 24. The fulfilling of our Saviours prophecie Matth. 24 with others con­cerning the time ensuing Ierusalems destruction. That those signes in the Sun and the Moon are long since past, as may appear from our Saviours words (expounded parag. 3.) compared with the Prophet Joels, parag. 8. 90
  • CAP. 25. That the Saracens are the true sons of Ismael: Of their conditions and manners answerable to Moses prophecie. 103
  • CAP. 26. The beginning and progresse of Ismaels greatnesse. 107
  • [Page] CAP. 27. The persecutions of the Iews by Traian: and the desolation of their Country by Adrian: their scattering through other Nations, foretold by Moses. 111
  • CAP 28. Of the Iews estate after the dissolution of the Roman Empire, gene­rally thorowout Europe, until their coming into England. 114
  • CAP. 29. Of the fulfilling of other particular prophecies of Moses in the Iews persecutions, in England, Germany, France, and Spain. 120
  • CAP. 30. General collections out of the particular histories before mentioned; the strange dispositions of the Iews: and Gods judgements upon them; all te­stifying the truth of divine Oracles. 129
LIB. I. SECT. IIII.
  • Of Experiments in our selves, and the right framing of Belief, as well unto the several parts as unto the whole Canon of Scriptures. 140
  • CAP. 31. Shewing the facility and use of the proposed Method, by instance in some, whose belief unto divine Oracles hath been confirmed by Experiments answerable unto them 140
  • CAP. 32. Containing a brief resolution of doubts concerning the extent of the general Canon, or the number of integral parts. 145
  • CAP. 33. A brief direction for preventing scruples, and resolving doubts con­cerning particular sentences or passages in the Canon of Scripture. 148
  • CAP. 34. Concluding the first Book with some brief admonition to the Reader. 149

The Second Book. How far the ministery of Men is necessary for planting Christian Faith, and retaining the unity of it planted.

SECT. I.
  • What obedience is due to Gods Word, what to his Messengers. Pag. 154
  • CAP. 1. The sum of the Romanists exceptions against the Scriptures. 155
  • CAP. 2. The former objection as far as it concerns illiterate and Lay-men re­torted and answered. 156
  • CAP. 3. The general heads of Agreements, or differences, betwixt us and the Papists in this argument. 162
  • CAP. 4. Of the two contrary extremities; the one in excesse proper to the Papists, transferring all obedience from Scriptures to the Church; the other in defect proper to the Anti-papist, defrauding the Church of all spiritual authority: That there is some peculiar obedience due unto the Clergie. 165
  • CAP. 5 Of the diversitie of humane actions: the Original of their lawfulnesse, unlawfulnesse or indifferencie: which without question belong to the proper subject of Obedience, which not. 168
  • [Page] CAP. 6. That sincere obedience unto lawful authority makes sundry actions law­ful and good, which, without it, would be altogether unlawful and evil. pag. 170
  • CAP. 7. That the Apostles rule (Whatsoever is not of faith is Sin) doth no way prejudice the former resolution: What actions are properly said to be, not of faith: In what case or subject, doubt or scruple make them such. 177
  • CAP. 8. That such as most pretend liberty of conscience from our Apostles rule, do most transgresse it; with general directions for squaring our actions unto it, or other rules of faith. That by it the flock stands bound to such conditional assent as was mentioned, Chap. 4. 185
  • CAP. 9. Of the nature, use, conditions, or properties of conditional assent or obedience. 189
  • CAP. 10. Wherein this conditional belief differeth from the Romans implicit faith. That the one, is, the other, not, subordinate to Gods Word, or Rule of faith. 196
  • CAP. 11. In what sence we hold the Scriptures to to be The Rule of Faith. 198
SECT. II.
  • That the pretended obscurity of Scriptures is no just exception, why they should not be acknowledged the Absolute Rule of Faith, which is the Mother-objection of the Romanist. 201
  • CAP. 12. How far it may be granted the Scriptures are obscure; with some pre­monitions for the right state of the question. 201
  • CAP. 13. The true state of the question about the Scriptures obscuritie or per­spicuity: unto what men, and for what causes they are obscure. 206
  • CAP. 14. How men must be qualified, ere they can understand Scriptures aright: that the Pope is not so qualified. 210
  • CAP. 15. The Romanists objections against the Scriptures for being obscure, do more directly impeach their first Authour, and his Messengers their Pen-men, then us, and the cause in hand. 220
  • CAP. 16. That all the pretences of Scriptures obscurity, are but mists and va­pours, arising from the corruption of the flesh, and may by the pure light of Scriptures rightly applied, easily be dispelled. 223
  • CAP. 17. That the Mosaical writings were a most perfect rule, plain and easie to the ancient Israelites. 229
  • CAP. 18. Concluding this controversie, about the obscurity of Scriptures, accor­ding to the state proposed, with the testimony of Saint Paul. 233
SECT. III.
  • That the continuall practise of Hereticks in urging Scriptures, for to establish Heresie, and the diversity of opinions amongst the learned, about the sence of them, is no just exception, why they should not be acknow­ledged as the sole, entire, and compleat Rule of Faith. 235
  • CAP. 19. Containing the true state of the question, with the adversaries gene­rall objections against the truth. 236
  • CAP. 20. That the former objections, and all of like kind, drawn from the cun­ning practise of Hereticks, in colouring false opinions by Scriptures, are most pre­gnant to confirm ours, and most forcible to confute the adversaries doctrine. 239
  • [Page] CAP. 21. The pretended excellencie of the supposed Roman rule, for composing controversies, impeached by the frequencie of Heresies in the Primitive Church, and the imperfection of that union, whereof since that time they so much boast. Page 242
  • CAP. 22. That our Adversaries objections do not so much infringe, as their practise confirms the sufficiencie of Scriptures, for composing the greatest con­troversies in Religion. 247
  • CAP. 23. The sufficiencie of Scriptures for final determination of controver­sies in Religion, proved by our Saviours and his Apostles authority and pra­ctise. 254
  • CAP. 24. That all their objections, drawn from dissentions amongst the lear­ned, or the uncertainty of private spirits, either conclude nothing of what they intend against us, or else more then they mean, or (at the least) dare avouch, against Gods Prophets and faithfull people of old. 260
  • CAP. 25. How farre, upon what termes or grounds, we may with modesty dis­sent from the Ancient or others of more excellent gifts than our selves: That our adversaries arguments impeach as much the certainty of human sciences as of private spirits. 266
SECT. IIII.
  • The last of the three main Objections (before proposed) which was con­cerning our supposed defective means for composing controversies, or retaining the unity of faith, fully answered and retorted: That the Ro­man faith hath no foundation. 271
  • CAP. 26. Containing the true state of the question, or a comparison betwixt the Romish Church and ours, for their means of preventing or composing con­troversies. 272
  • CAP. 27. That the Romish Church hath most need of some excellent means for taking up of contentions, because it necessarily breeds so many and so grie­vous. 275
  • CAP. 28. Of two sences, in which the excellencie of the Romish Churches pre­tended means for retaining the unity of faith, can onely possibly be defended, the one (from the former discourse) proved apparently false, the other in it self as palpably ridiculous. 278
  • CAP. 29. That their arguments, drawn from conveniencie of reason, or pre­tended correspondencie between Civil and Ecclesiastical Regiment, do prejudice themselves, not us. 282
  • CAP. 30. That the finall triall of this controversie must be by Scriptures: that the Jesuites, and modern Papists, fierce oppugning all certainty of private spirits in discerning the divine truth of Scriptures, or their true sence, hath made the Church their mother utterly uncapable of any Plea by Scriptures for establishing her pretended infallibility. 285
  • CAP. 31. The insufficiencie of the Roman Rule of faith, for effecting what it aims at, albeit we grant all they demand in this controversie: The ridiculous use thereof amongst such as acknowledge it. The sufficiencie of Scriptures for composing all contentions, further illustrated. 297
  • CAP. 32. Brieflie collecting the summe of the second Book. 306

[Page 1]THE ETERNAL TRUTH OF SCRIPTURES, AND CHRISTIAN BELIEF, thereon wholly Depending: manifested by its own LIGHT.

The first Book of Comments upon the Creed. First Generall Part.

SECT. I.

I believe in God the Father, &c.

IF in any at all, most of all in this present argument, may the truth of that usual Axiom best appear, ‘Dimidium facti qui benè coepit, habet.’ ‘Whats well begun, is well-nigh done.’

If God shall enable me rightly to unfold the contents and meaning of this first word [Believe] I may justly presume, the one half of this intended work to be finished in it, seeing it is an essential part of every Article in the Creed: such a part, as, if it be un­derstood amisse, we cannot possibly understand any one proposition of this whole confession aright. I shall not therefore seem tedious (I trust) unto the judicious Reader, although I be somewhat long in unfolding the nature and conditions of belief; the divers acceptions and degrees of the same; with the means how it is, or may be wrought in our hearts.

Whether we speak of the Act, and operation of believing, or of the dispo­sition, and inclination of the minde, whence this operation proceedeth, it skil­leth not much: he that knoweth the true meaning of the one, without any [Page 2] further instruction may know the other. And because the Act or Operation is more easie to be known, let us begin with the most common and general, that is, with the best and most usually known acception or notion of belief.

CAP. I.

Of Belief in general.

TO believe a thing, is to assent unto it as true, without any evident certainty of the truth thereof, either from our sense or under­standing.

2 That belief is an assent; that to believe is to assent, all agree: but what more besides assent is required to some especi­ally to Christian belief, is much controversed among Divines: of which (God willing) in the Articles following.

3 That evident certainty, either of sense or understanding, must be excluded from the assent, which is properly called belief, is evident and certain by our usual and common speech. Thus whiles we demand of him that relates any thing unto us for true (as news or the like) whether he know his relation to be certainly true, or no: if he neither have immediately heard, nor seen the things which he relates, but have onely taken them at the second hand, his usual answer is: Nay, I know not certainly, but I verily believe they are true for divers reasons and credible reports: but if he had either seen or heard them himself, he would not say, I believe, but, I know they are most true. For evident certainty doth drown belief.

4 Yet is this evident knowledge (whether sensitive or intellectuall) to be excluded onely from the thing it self which is to be directly believed, not from other things that are linked or united to it by nature.

5 That which we evidently know, may oft-times be the cause, why we believe some other matters that have affinity with it. As he that seeth it very light in the morning, when he first openeth his eyes, may probably believe the Sun is up, because he evidently seeth the air to be light. But no man (if you should ask him the same question) would say, that he believed the Sun was up, when either the heat thereof doth scorch his face, or the beams dazle his eyes; for now he knoweth this truth directly and evidently in it self. Nor is there any man that hath his right minde, that will say he verily believeth twice two make four: for this is evident, and certain to ordinary capacities, and he that onely believeth this, knoweth nothing. For what men know cer­tainly and evidently, they will not say, they onely believe, but know: what they so know not, they may truly and properly say, they believe, if their assent to it be greater then to the contrary.

6 Some again distinguish this unevident assent (which is properly called belief) from other assents or opinions, by the grounds on which it is built. The ground of it (in their opinion) is Authoritas docentis, the authority of the teacher or avoucher of the points proposed to be believed.

7 This distinction in some cases is true, but it is not necessary to all belief; nor doth it fully and properly distinguish belief from other unevident assents or perswasions. For even those assents or perswasions, which seem most to rely upon authorities, may be strengthened by other motives or inducements: yea our belief, or relying upon authorities, usually (alwayes if it be strong) [Page 3] ariseth from experiment of our Authors fidelity and skil, as shal appear here­after. For our present proceedings we take it here as granted or supposed, that this word [Belief] as it is usually taken, is more general then that As­sent or perswasion, which relies upon authoritie; yet not so general as to comprehend these assents or perswasions, which are evidently certain.

8 It may be objected, that the Apostle calleth evident knowledge, belief, when he saith, The Devils believe there is a God, and tremble. For it should seem, that the Devils know as evidently that there is a God, as we do that the Sun did shine but yesterday, or this morning. For they once en­joyed the presence of God, and saw his glory, and since have had evident ex­perience of his power.

9 Of Gods Being (no doubt) they have evident certainty; albeit of his other attributes their knowledge is not so direct nor evident, but conjectural, or a kinde of Belief. Wherefore unto this place of our Apostle we may an­swer two wayes: Either that under this word [Belief] he comprehends not onely their assent unto the Being, or existence of the Godhead, but their as­sent unto other Attributes of God, which they know not so evidently, and therefore may be said to believe them. Or if he understand onely that as­sent, which they gave unto the existence or Being of the Godhead, he calleth this (though joyned with evident knowledge) a Belief, in opposition or with reference unto the Belief of Hypocrites (against whom he there speaks) which was much lesse then this assent of Devils. For albeit that which is greater in the same kinde, cannot be properly and absolutely said to be the lesse; as we cannot properly and absolutely say that four is three, but rather contains three in it: yet upon some reference of the greater unto the lesse contained in it, or unto some other third, we may denominate the greater with the name of that which is lesse in the same kinde: as we may say of him that pro­mised three and gave four, that he gave three, because three is contained in four. So the Philosopher saith, that Habitus est dispositio, every habit is a disposition, not absolutely and properly, for it is more; yet because it is more, with reference unto that which is lesse, or unto the subject in whom it is, we may say it is dispositio, that is, it contains disposition in it, albeit no man would say that habitus were dispositio, if he should define it.

10 And men usually object to such as scoff at matters of Religion, that the day will come, wherein, if they repent not, they shall believe the things which now they little regard. Albeit they cannot be said in that day to be­lieve them, if we speak properly and absolutely, without reference to their former incredulity. Our meaning is, they shall do more then believe them, for they shall feel them. Nor can we say properly that the Elect after the re­surrection shall believe the articles of faith: seeing all agree, that of these three principal vertues, Faith, Hope, and Love, onely Love shall then re­main. The reason is that which you have heard alreadie; because evident knowledge must be excluded from the nature of faith and belief; and the godly shall then clearly see Christ face to face, and fully enjoy the fruit of his Passion, which now they onely believe.

11 As for certainty, We may not exclude it from the nature of belief, unlesse this speech be warily understood. For the certainty of the Articles of our Faith ought to be greater, then the certainty of other knowledge; for we must be­lieve them, although they be contrary to the capacity of our understanding: for even this must we believe, that many things (as all supernatural things) surpasse the reach of our understanding. Yet this we may safely say, that the certainty of the articles of our belief, [as of Christ his death, of his and our [Page 4] resurrection,] cannot be so great to us in this life, as it shall be in the world to come, when we shall evidently know them. This rule then is infallible; That the knowledge of any thing is more certain, then the belief thereof: although the belief of some things (as of Christ his Passion) be more certain, then the know­ledge of other things; as namely, then the knowledge of humane sciences. So then out of this it is evident, that belief taken generally, doth neither ex­clude all certaintie, nor necessarily require any; seeing some belief hath a kinde of certaintie adjoyned with it, and some cannot admit it. Wherefore it remaineth, that Assent is the essence of belief in general; I say, such an assent, as is not joyned with evidency.

12 This Assent may be weaker or stronger, and so come nearer unto, or be fur­ther from certainty, according to the nature of that object, whereunto we give as­sent; or according to the nature of that, whereupon our belief is grounded; or lastly, according to our apprehension either of the object, or that which is the ground of our assent. Excesse in the first of these [to wit, in certaintie or stabili­tie of the object] doth rather argue a possibility of firmer belief, or more credibi­lity, not more firm or actual belief. For as many things are more intelligible then others, and yet are least understood of many: so many that are most credible, are least believed.

13 Excesse in the second of these, whence the assent of belief may be strengthned, [that is, in the ground of belief,] doth rather argue a stronger hypothetical belief, then any absolute belief; unlesse the apprehension or conceit of this ground be strong and lively. In ordinary reports or contracts, it skils not of what credit the partie be, unto whose credence or authority we are refer­red for the truth of any promise or report; unless we have good induce­ments to think, that he did either say, or promise as we were told. If we be not thus perswaded by some apprehension of our own; we give onely condi­tional assent unto the report or promise, and believe both with this limitati­on [if he say so, whose credit we so esteem.] But if we can fully apprehend that he said so, we believe absolutely.

14 As in science or demonstrations it is requisite, both that we know the true cause of the effect, and also that we apprehend it certainly as the true cause; (otherwise we have onely an opinion:) so in true and absolute belief it is requisite, that we have both a sure ground of our belief, and a true appre­hension of that ground; otherwise our belief must needs be conditional, not absolute. It remaineth therefore that we set down, first the nature of the objects that may be believed: secondly, the several grounds of belief: and thirdly, the manner of apprehending them; albeit in some the apprehension of the object it self, and the ground of belief, are in a sort all one; as in that belief which is not grounded upon the authoritie of the teacher. This rule is general; Where­soever the objects are in themselves more credible, the ground may be more strong, and the apprehension more lively, so men be capable of it, and industrious to seek it: and equal apprehension of such objects as are more credible in them­selves, (upon such grounds as are more firm) makes the belief stronger, then it could be of objects lesse credible, or upon grounds lesse firm. Caeteris pari­bus, every one of these three: First, Greater credibility of the object. Secondly, Su­rer ground of belief. Thirdly, more lively apprehension of the object or ground, en­crease belief.

15. For the Objects of belief, (whence this assent must be distinguished,) they are either natural, or supernatural; but first of that which is natural. The [...] of natural belief are of two sorts, either scibilia, or opinabilia; either such things as may be evidently known in themselves, but are not so appre­hended [Page 5] by him that believes them; or else such things, as we can have no evi­dent or certain knowledge of, but onely an opinion. And of this nature are all the monuments of former ages, and relations of ancient times, in respect of us which are now living: all future contingents, or such effects, as have no necessary natural cause why they should be, nor no inevitable let or hinde­rance why they may not be; as whether we should have rain or fair weather the next moneth, whether such or such Nations shall wage war against each other the next year. These matters past, and contingent which are not yet, but may be, albeit they agree in the general nature of opinabilia, that neither of them can be exactly known, but onely by opinion believed: yet both dif­fer in that which is the ground of our assent or belief. The ground or reason why we believe things past, (as that Tully lived in Julius Caesars time, or that the Saxons inhabited this land,) is the report of others. The ground or reason why we believe future contingents, is the inclination or propension which we see in second causes to produce such effects; or the coherence betwixt any na­tural or moral contingent cause, and their possible or probable issue. As if we see one Kingdom mighty in wealth, and at peace and unitie in it self, bearing inveterate hate to another; or if we know that the one hath suffered wrong, not likely to be recompenced, and yet able in politick estimation to make it self amends: we beleeve that such will shortly be at open hostilitie one with another. Or if we see the air waterish, we believe it will shortly rain. Yet are not the grounds why we believe things past, and the grounds of believing future contingents, alwayes so opposite, but that they may jump in one, and conspire mutually for the strengthning of belief. For we would believe our former conjecture of war or weather a great deal the better, if a cunning States-man should give judgement of the one, or an Astronomer, or some that we know very weather-wise, his opinion of the other. For now besides the probability of our own conjectures, we have other mens authority to confirm our belief. In both kindes, (either where the grounds of each are several, or where both conspire together) as the ground of belief, or our ap­prehension of the ground is greater, so our belief waxeth stronger. Thus we believe the Roman stories of Caesars times more firmly, then the relations of Herodotus concerning matters of Egypt, or other countries; because more Writers, and they such as are lesse suspected of vanity or imposture, do te­stifie the truth of Roman affairs.

16 Other things, which are credible, or may be believed, are (as we said) scibilia; such things as may be exactly known by natural reason, though not of the party which onely believes them; (for exact knowledge alwayes ex­pels meer belief of the same thing in the same party.) That the Sun is bigger then the Earth, or that the motion thereof is swifter then any Arrows flight, may be known exactly by a Mathematician; but ordinary Countrey-men (such as are not rustically wayward) do believe it; evidently and exactly know it they cannot. The ground of their belief in such a case is authoritas do­centis. And this authoritie of teachers, or others, upon whose assertions we relie, consisteth partly in a perswasion of the teachers or relators skill in those matters which he teacheth or relateth; and partly in his honestie, fidelitie, or veracitie in his dealings or sayings. And as these are reputed greater, so do we more believe him in these things which he avoucheth for true, and re­lie more securely upon his authoritie. For as we said before, Caeteris paribus, the certainty of belief encreaseth as the ground of belief doth, both for the number of points believed, and for the firmnesse of the belief it self. If two of the same facultie teach us divers things, whereof we have no other ground but their [Page 6] assertion, we believe him better, whose skill and fidelitie we account of bet­ter; and the more the parties be that report or avouch the same thing, the more we believe them, if they be reputed skilful and honest. And where the authoritie is the same, both for extension and degrees, yet we believe the things taught, better, from the better or more immediate apprehen­sion of the authoritie. As if Aristotle, Euclide, or Archimedes were alive, and in that reputation for skill in their several professions, which their works are in; we would believe those conclusions which we heard them teach, better than such as we had from them by others, or (as we said) at the second hand. For though the authoritie in both cases were the same: yet should not our apprehension of it be so, but more immediate in the former. We see by dai­ly experience, how opinions onely grounded upon the authoritie of teach­ers for their skill in such matters well reputed of, do enforce others (especi­ally inferiours in that kinde of skill) to give an assent unto the same truth, al­though they have good shew of reason to the contrarie. As what Countrey­man is there, but would think he might safely swear, that the Earth were an hundred times greater then the Sun? yet if an Astronomer, (of whose skill he hath had experience in other matters, which he can better discern) one whom he knew to be an honest plain dealing man, not accustomed to cog with his friend, should seriously avouch the contrarie, that the Sun is bigger than the Earth; few Countrey-men would be so wayward as not to believe their friend Astronomer, Albeit (his authoritie set aside) they had no reason to think so, but rather the contrarie. And it were a signe of ignorant arrogancie, if Punies or Fresh-men should reject the axiomes and prin­ciples of Aristotle, usual in the Schools, because they have some reasons a­gainst them, which themselves cannot answer. For reason might tell them, that others (their betters) which have gone before them, have had greater reasons to hold them, then they can yet have to deny them. This perswasion of other mens skill or knowledge will win the assent of modest and ingenuous youths, unto such rules or Axiomes, as otherwise they would stiflie denie, and have wittie reasons to overthrow. But albeit this assent, which men give to conclusions, they know not themselves, but onely be­lieve upon other mens asseverations, may be very great; as many Countrey-men will believe an Astronomer affirming that the Sun is greater then the Earth, better then they will the honestest of their neighbours in a matter that may concern both their commodities: yet if the relators or avouchers could make them conceive any probable reason of the same conclusions, [as if the Astronomer in the mentioned case could shew, how everie bodie the further it is from us seemeth the lesse, and then declare how many hundred miles the Sun is from us:] Mens mindes would be a great deal better satisfied, and this assent or belief, which formerlie did onely relie upon authoritie, would be much strengthned by this second tie or hold-fast. And if we would ob­serve it, There is usually a kinde of regresse betwixt our Belief of authorities, and our Assent unto conclusions taught by them. First, (usually) we believe authority, and afterwards the conclusions taught by it, for the authorities sake. But after we once finde experiment of the truth of conclusions so taught, we believe the autho­rity the better from this experimental truth of the conclusion.

17 Out of all these acceptions & degrees of Belief or Assent, something may be gathered for better expressing the several degrees of true Christian belief; which like Jacobs ladder reacheth from Earth to Heaven. The first step whereof is belief or assent unto things supernatural.

The first general part. SECT. II.

CAP. II.

Of assent unto objects supernatural.

THings supernatural we call such, as the natural reason of Man can­not 1 attain unto; or such, as naturally can neither be known or as­sented unto as probable, but are made known or probable by revelation. Such are the mysteries of our salvation, and the Arti­cles of Christian Belief. For no Article of our Belief (if we consider them with all the circumstances, and in that exact manner as they are proposed in Scripture to be believed) could ever have come into corrupted mens cogitation, unlesse God had revealed it unto him. Seing then we cannot know them in any sort by hu­mane reason and authoritie; neither can humane reason or authoritie be the ground of our assenting to them; it remaineth then, that Authoritas docentis, The word of God, be the ground of our belief.

2 Here then must you call to minde what we said before that authoritas docentis did consist in two things; namely in the skill, and fidelity, or sincerity of the Teacher: and by how much we know those to be greater, by so much is our as­sent or belief strengthned. Now it is evident to reason, that God is infinitely wise, and therefore cannot be deceived; whence necessarily it followeth, that he knoweth, and can tell us the truth. Again, it is evident that God is most just and true, and therefore will not deceive us, but will tell us the truth if he professe so. Again, we cannot conceive of God aright, but we must con­ceive of him as omnipotent, and full of power; and consequently such an one as needs not in policie, or jealousie of our emulating him in knowledge, to tell us otherwise then he knows. And therefore Aristotle reprehends the Metaphys. Lib. 1. cap. 2. Poets for saying, that the Gods did envie Men knowledge. His resolution is in English to this effect,

That Poets should the Gods belie,
[...].
More like, than Gods should Men envie.

3 And if the Heathen were of opinion, that the Gods did not envie Men knowledge; then must they needs believe, that if they taught them any, they would teach them true knowledge. Wherefore this must be laid down as a certain ground, That whatsoever God teacheth us, is most true. Nor is there any, (admitting there were a God) but would assent unto this. But here is the difficultie. How can we be assured that God doth teach us any of these things? Or, how shall we know that this we call Scripture, is the Word of God? If our apprehension of this ground be sure, our faith is firm and abso­lute: if our apprehension hereof be doubtful, our faith must needs be unsta­ble, or, at the best, but conditional.

4 Let us first therefore look what this conditional assent or belief doth binde us unto.

Although many, that firmly beleeve, whatsoever God saith, is true, either do not acknowledge or do not firmly believe that these Scriptures are the [Page 8] Word of God: yet thus much in all sense and reason any natural man will grant; there be great presumptions and probabilities, why they should be taken for the Word of God. And he that doth acknowledge but thus much, doth by this acknowledgement binde himself to reverence them above all humane writings. For all men naturally know, that if they be Gods Word, they are worthie all possible reverence. Wherefore if a man suppose it only as probable, that they are, or know nothing to the contrarie why they may not be Gods Word: he is bound to reverence and esteem them above all words or writings of man. As for example; If any Subject in this land should receive Letters concerning some lawful and indifferent request from any other his equal or fellow subject, whom he had great reason well to re­spect; suppose he certainly knew that they were such a mans Letters, and no counterfeit: yet if he should receive Letters in his Majesties name, containing the same or other as reasonable request: although he knew not so certainly that these were his Majesties Letters, as that the others were some well-re­spected Subjects, yet is he in dutie bound to use them with greater respect and reverence, than the former. The bare presumption and probabilitie that they were the Kings Letters, doth binde him to enquire further, whether they were his Letters or no: nor were his fault excusable, if he should shew any signe of disloyaltie, or irreverence towards them, until he knew that they were not such, as their Title or superscription did import.

5 He that hath but the same probabilitie, that the Scriptures contain in them Gods own words, as that Livie his Histories contain the Roman af­fairs, must needs esteem of them infinitely above all humane works. And This fruit hypothetical or supposed Belief may bring forth, even in the unregene­rate or natural man. And what hath been said of reverence to the Scriptures upon this supposal, is also most true of mans actions. If men do but believe it as probable, that the Scriptures are the Word of God: this belief will procure ma­ny good moral actions, and much amendment of life, though not such spiritual perfection, as God in his Word requireth. And the reason of this assertion is evident. For we see daily, that men undertake actions of great difficultie and danger, not so much according to the probabilitie of attaining some good, as according to the greatness of that good which possibly may be at­tained. So we see many, that might live in ease at home with certaintie of moderate gains, to undertake voyages to the West or East Indies, only upon this resolution, That if it be their luck or lot to be rich, there they may have enough, although the adventure be subject to great dangers, and obnoxious to infinite casualties. And many there be, that will not usually lay out a pen­ny, but upon very fair ground of some gain or saving thrift, who yet will be well content to venture a Crown or an Angel in a Lotterie, where there may be some possibilitie, though no probabilitie, of obtaining twentie or thirtie pounds. These, and infinite other examples, obvious to dailie experience, may serve as a perfect induction of our general assertion. That the meer possi­bilitie of obtaining some great and extraordinary good, is of greater moment in s [...]ying [...]ctions, then certainty of accomplishing pettie desires, or greatest probabilities of purchasing ordinarie commodities or delights. To deduce then out of this general the particular we intended. In the Scripture are promised to all such as love God and do his will, far greater blessings, then humane knowledge could ever have conceived. The like is true in avoiding dangers. [...] undertake matters of more difficultie and charges, to prevent [...] [...] mischances which may insue, then they would do to escape some imminent but ordinarie danger, or to release themselves from some [Page 9] smaller harms that alreadie have befallen them. Could men consider these things seriously, and account of them but as probable: what is there in this life, which in any reason they should not venture for the obtaining of so great a good? Were men but probably perswaded that there were (as the Scriptures and the Articles of our Belief tell us) a life everlasting, full laden with all the fruits of true life, joy, peace, and all choisest pleasures, without any annoyance: how could they not be most readie, and willing to spend this whole transitorie life (whose dayes are but few, and most of them evil, full fraught with grief and distress) in the service of God, who would thus reward them? Yea, how could they not be desirous to lay down this life it self, upon hope of obtaining such a life? For this life compared to that to come, hath not the proportion of a Farthing to whole Millions of Gold, or all the treasures in this World. Nor is the case herein like unto that of adven­tures or Lotterie; where a man may venture his life, or goods if he list, but if he do not, none calleth him to an account for not doing it: But in the Scriptures everlasting torments, grief, and perpetual horror are threatned to all such, as frame not their lives according to Gods will in them revealed.

CHAP. III.

Of general incitements to search the truth of Scriptures or Christian belief.

1 WE may hence clearly see how inexcusable, even in the judgement of flesh and blood, all men are, that either by hearing or reading have any accesse unto the Gospel, and do not use the best endeavours of their natural wit (if God as yet have touched their hearts with no better grace) to search out the truth thereof. For seeing in the Scriptures are pro­posed to every mans choice everlasting life, or everlasting death: what ex­tream madness is it for men to enter into any course of life, or to undertake any matter of moment, which may exact their chief imployments, before they have diligently looked to the main chance? before they have tried the utmost of their wits, and others best advise, to know the tenour of their own estate? We see daily what great pains men of no small account do take in the studie of Alchymie, spending their spirits, and most of their substance in trying conclusions, and searching out the truth of those things, for which they have but weak grounds of Philosophie or reason; onely the conceit of the good they aim at, (which is rather possible then probable for them to at­tain) inforceth a kinde of hope, and encourageth them to go forward.

2 To speak nothing of the good the Scripture promiseth, the very con­ceit of eternal death (me thinks) should move, either the Chymicks, (which spend much gold only upon hope of getting more) or any other man what­soever, to spend all the treasure, whatsoever either this their Art, or all o­ther could yeeld, to secure themselves from such horrible torments, as the Scriptures threaten to their Contemners or negligent Hearers. And why should not all men then in reason bestow most time and pains, in searching the truth of those things, which concern their souls estate? whose securitie in all reason they should purchase with the highest hopes, and utmost aim of all other travails in this life. Here then (as I said) the full height of mans Ini­quity, and his inexcusable Madness, is most plainly discovered; that having these two motives, which in natural reason do sway all Humane Actions, of­fering themselves to encourage him in searching the Scriptures: yet notwith­standing [Page 10] most men bestow less labor in them, then in other ordinary Studies. First, if we compare the good they set before us, as a recompence and reward of our travails, it is beyond all comparison greater then the scope of any o­ther Trade or Science. For here is a double Infinity of solid Good: First, they promise Joy two wayes Infinite, both in Degree and Continuance. Se­condly, they threaten unto their Contemners & despisers death & torments doubly infinite, both in Degree and Continuance. Now if the probabilities of the truth of Scriptures were far less, than is usually found in other studies, or Humane hopes; yet could this in Humane reason be no reason why we should labour less in them, than in other affairs; seeing the incomparable excess of the good they promise, doth abundantly recompence this. But if the Proba­bility of the truth of Scripture, be in natural reason equal to the probabilities which men usually take for their grounds in many greatest attempts; then certainly not to bestow as great pains and travail, in trying the truth of their promises, as in any other Human attempts, or affairs, doth argue infinite Mad­ness. Ask we the Chymick, what reason he hath to toil so much in the study of Paracelsus, or other intricate Writers of his Faculty; (the like we may say of any Physitians:) their answer (as you may reade in their writings) is this: Many Philosophers in former ages have laboured much in this study, and have set down good rules of their experiments; who (as is probable) would never have taken such pains upon no ground. And verily this tradition, or the authority they give to their Writers, is their chief motive. For I think few of their Ancient Authors have bequeathed to their successors any Gold made by this Art, thereby to encourage them. If then tradition, consent of time or ap­probation of Authors, or relation of experiments, be an especial induce­ment for men to adventure their charge, pains, and travel in this Faculty, as in all other affairs: without all controversie the Scriptures in all these motives have an especial Prerogative above all other faculties or sciences, al­beit humane reason were admitted judge. For the Authority of Gods Church is far more general, then the consent of any Writers in any one faculty what­soever. The consent of time likewise is greater. For no Age since Christs time in these civil parts of the World, but by the report of other Writers, as well as Christians, hath yeelded obedience unto Scriptures as the Word of God. Men of most excellent spirits and learning in every Age, have addicted their studies unto this truth. About the time of our Saviours coming, Curi­ous Arts, and other civil disciplines did most flourish. The Grecians sought after Wisdom and secular Philosophy with the like; the Romans after Poli­cy, State knowledge, and discipline of war; all the World almost, (above o­thers, those places wherein Christianity was first planted) was then set upon Curious Arts: yet we see how the study and search of Scriptures in short time did prove, as Aarons Rod amongst the Magitians Serpents. It hath devoured all, and brought them to acknowledge Allegiance unto it; using the help of best secular Arts, as it were Nutriment for the growth of Christianity, and expelling the rest as Excrements out of the Church. Nor can the Atheist name any Age, wherein the Heathen had an Oliver to oppugn our profession, but we had a Rowland to defend it. If they had a Porphyrie or Celsus to oppose Philosophy against it, we had an Origen (a [...] Man by their own, confes­sion, of the most rare wit and hope for Philosophy then living,) to forsake Philosophy and follow Christianity. It was not despair which made him, and many other excellent Scholars, Christians: but the sure hope which they found in this profession, made them contemn all other hopes, and cleave to it with their hearts and souls; albeit their souls should, for so doing be violently [Page 11] separated from their bodies. This trial, I am perswaded, few of their great­est Philosophers would have endured; but they had the Potentates of the World, as readie to applaud them, as to disgrace the Christians; and yet the Christians multiplyed as the Israelites did by oppression in Egypt. How resolute they were, if we may not be believed bearing witness of our own profession, let Epist. lib. 10. ep. 100. ad Tra­jan. aliter Ep. 97. In iis, qui ad me tanquam Christiani de­ferebantur, hunc sum se­quutus modum. Interrogavi ip­sos, an essent Christiani, confitentes ite­rum, ac tertio interrogavi, supplicium mi­natus, perseve­rantes duci jus­si. Ne (que) enim du­bitabam quale­cun (que) esset quod faterentur per­vicaciam certè, et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puni­ri.—Propositus est libellus sine autore multo­rum nomina continens, qui negant se esse Christianos, aut fuisse. Quū praeeunte me deos appella­rent, & ima­ginituae, quam propter hoc jus­seram cum si­mulachris nu­minum adfer­ri, thure, ac vino supplica­rent, praeterea maledicerent Christo; quo­rum nihil co­gi posse di­cuntur, qui sunt revera Christiani, dimittendos putavi. Pliny testifie, in whose judgement, Constancie and Resolu­tion was the onely crime in our Profession deserving punishment. And for this cause, he took want of resolution, in such as had been accused before him under the name of Christians, as a sufficient Argument that they were not Christians in deed or heart; For, such, as he had been enformed, could not be inforced to any such idolatrous practise, as he perswaded these men unto.

3 Lastly, the experiments which are related by Authors of this profession, men (in any reasonable mans judgement) as much to be Believed herein, as any other Writers in theirs; are far more notable and apt to produce belief, and hope of attaining the truth in this profession, than any others can have in theirs. The experiments of others were but ordinary and natural; these are extraordinary and supernatural. If the Atheist should impudently deny the truth of their report: we may convince him with S. Augustines acute Dilemma. If the Miracles related by our Writers be true, they give evident experiment of the truth of Scripture: if there were no such particular miracles, but all feigned; then this was a miracle above all miracles, that Christian Religion should prevail against all other Arts, Power, or Policy, without any extraordinary event or mira­cle. It was not so easie a matter to cozen all the Roman Emperours, and their Deputies, with feigned Tales; the World, which hated Christians so much, was inquisitive enough to know the truth of their reports. I may con­clude; Nisi veritas magna fuisset non praevaluisset. It was miraculous doubt­less, that it should so enrease without arms; without any promise of carnal pleasure, or security: but even against their natural inclination that did pro­fess it, and all the Worlds opposition against it. It had enemies both private and publick, domestick and forraign, even the flesh and sense of those which followed it fought against it.

4 Mahomet since that time hath found a multitude of followers; but all either enforced to follow him by threats of shame, disgrace, and tortures in this life; or else allured thereto by fair promises of carnal pleasures to be perpetual without interruption in the life to come. He hath set his followers such a course, as they might be sure both of wind and tide. And if the Ha­ven whereat they arrive were as safe as their course is easie, they were of all men the most happy. But Christianity from its first beginning, was to row against the stream of flesh and blood, and to bear out sail against all the blasts that the Devil, World, or Flesh could oppose against it. In a word, the increase of Mahumetism hath followed the barbarous Turkish monarchies advancement, as moisture in bodies doth the increasing fulness of the Moon. And it had been an extraordinary Miracle, if a barbarous multitude (never acquainted with any civil pleasures,) should not have composed their mindes unto their Empe­rours, in following a Religion, framed, as it were, to court the senses, and wooe the flesh. But Christianitie then flourished most, when the scorching heat of persecution was at the height: When the countenance of Emperours, as terrible to their foes (for their Heroical valour) as plausible to their friends (for their lovely carriage) were most fiercely set against it. What Princes ei­ther more terrible to their enemies, or more amiable to their friends, than Trajan, Dioclesian, or others of the Christians persecutors were? What man [Page 12] living is there of civil education, that would not have lothed Mahomet, and the whole succession of the Ottoman Familie, in respect of these Roman Princes? And yet a great part of their native Subjects, men, as otherwise ex­cellently qualified, so of a quiet and peaceable disposition, yet readie alwaies to venture their lives for these Heathen Princes, in most dangerous service against the enemies of the Roman Empire, but most readie to follow the Crucisied Christ through fire and sword, against their Emperors command (dearer to them than this mortal life) and all the Worlds threats, or allure­ments. It were sottish to think, that such men had not perfect notice of some Higher Powers Commandment to the contrarie, (whom they thought it safer to obey) when they contradicted the commandments, or fair allure­ments of these supream Earthly Powers. And it were as silly a perswasion to think, that, if the great Turk would change his religion for any other, that might yeeld like hopes of carnal pleasure after this life, any great number of his Subjects would lose their dignities for refusing subscription.

5 The brief of what hath been, or may be said concerning the grounds or motives of our Assent unto Objects supernatural, may be comprised in these four Propositions following; of which the first two are Axiomes evident in nature, and received by all. The two latter undoubted Axiomes amongst true Believers, but suppositions onely to meer natural men, or Novices in Christianity.

6 The first, The Stile or Title of these Sacred Books pretending divine Autho­rity, binde all men to make trial of their truth, commended to us by our Ance­stors, confirmed to them by the Blood of Martyrs their Predecessors, to use the means which they prescribed for this trial; that is, Abstinence from things for­bidden, and Alacrity in doing things commanded by them.

7 The second, Ordinary Apprehension, or natural Belief of matters contained in Scriptures, or the Christian Creed, are of more force to cause men to undertake any good, or abstain from any evil, than the most firm Belief of any ordinary mat­ters, or any points of meer Natural consequence.

8 The third, Objects and grounds of Christian Belief have in them greater stability of truth, and are in themselves more apt to found most strong and firm Belief, then any other things whatsoever meerly credible.

9 For, as the most noble Essences, and first Principles of every Art, are most intelligible: so are divine Truths of all other most Credible. Not that they are more easie to be Assented to of any, at their first proposal, But that they have a greater measure of credibilitie in them: and as their credibilitie and truth is inexhaustible, so Belief of them once planted, can never grow to such fulnesse of certaintie, as not to receive daily increase, if we applie our mindes diligently unto them: so that true Christian Belief admits no stint of growth in this life, but still comes nearer and nearer to that evidence of Knowledge, which shall swallow it up in the life to come. For the conceit of impossibilities or repugnances in nature, objected by the obdurate Atheists to make the Principles of Christian religion seem incredible (that they might like old Truants have the companie of Novices in Christianitie to loiter, or mis-spend good hours with them:) we shall by Gods assistance dispel them, and all other Clouds of like Errours, in unfolding the truth of those Articles, which they most concern.

10 The fourth, The means of apprehending the truth of Scriptures, and ex­periments confirming their divine Authority, are, both for variety of kindes, and number of Individual, in every kinde, far more and more certain, than the means of apprehending the grounds of any other Belief, or the experiments of any other teachers Authority.

[Page 13] 11 Some Particulars of every kinde, with the General Heads or Common places whence like Observations may be drawn, we are now to present, so far as they concern the confirmation of the truth of Scriptures in general. For the experiments, which confirm the truth of such particular places of Scrip­ture, as teach the Articles of our Creed expresly, will come more fitly into the unfolding of the Articles themselves.

The second general part of the first Book.

SECT. I.

Of Observations internal or incident unto Scriptures, without Reference to any relations or events, other then are specified in themselves.

ALthough the Experiments confirming the truth of Scriptures be, as I have said, many and divers; yet all may be reduced into these general heads or kindes. They may be found either in the Stile or Character of these writings themselves; the Affections or dispositions of their Writers; or in Events or Experiments (whatsoever the course of times affords) answerable to the Rules set down in Scriptures.

CAP. IV.

Of Historical Characters of Sacred Writings.

TO any man indued with reason not perverted, the Books of Moses give more perfect proof of matters done and acted, then any other Historie in the World can possibly do: albeit we set aside the secret Characters of Gods Spirit speaking in them, which we suppose can be discerned of none, but such as have the mark of the Lamb answerable to it engraven upon their hearts: But now we seek such inducements to Belief, as may perswade the natural unregene­rate man of the Historical truth of these sacred Volumes.

2 The prejudices arising from the strangeness of matters related by him, the Reader shall finde mitigated in the next discourse. In the mean time I must request him to suspend his judgement of them, and onely to intend the lively Characters of Historical truth in other relations, of matters neither strange nor incredible in themselves. Either Moses wrote a true Historie, or else his words are but a Fiction: either Poetical to delight others, or Political to advantage himself or his successors. Let such as doubt of their Historical truth, duly examine, whether many things related by him can possibly be re­ferred to any of these two ends. As for example, if these relations, Gen. 4. 1. and the 25. had not been either real Adjuncts of some Famous Truth then suf­ficiently known, or else appointed by God to be notified for some special purpose to posteritie: how could it possibly have come into any mans thought, or to what end should it have gon thence into his Pen, to shew the reason why Evah should call her first son Cain, or her third Seth?

3 He that would set himself to contradict, might reply; Moses his inven­tion was so copious, as to forecast that those insertions might make his Histo­ry seem more probable: or that he spake unawares according to the Custom of the times wherein he lived. But why then should he omit the like in all the [Page 14] generations from Cain and Seth unto Noah? the reason of whose name given him by his father he likewise specifies, Genesis 5. 29. Genesis 5. 29. Then Lamech begat a son, and called his name Noah, saying, This same shall comfort us concerning our work, and sorrow of our hands, as touching the earth which the Lord hath cursed. It was doubtless from some diversity in the matter presupposed unto this work, not from the workmans choice or invention, why the reason of these three mens names should be specified, as afterwards will more plainly appear. For the positive notes, or sure tokens of a true Historie, they are most plentiful in the stories of Abraham, Jacob, and Joseph. Each part of which, the Divine Providence, (whereof these are the most Ancient, most perfect, and most lively patterns,) would have set out with such perspicuitie of all circumstan­ces, that the Reader might be an eye-witness of their Historical Truth. The subject and issue whereof is in it self so pleasant, as will ravish sober and at­tentive mindes, and allure them to follow the main current of Divine Myste­ries, which flow from these Histories mentioned, as from their first Heads or Fountains. To point at some few, rather than handle any particulars.

4 If we may judge of the truth of mens writings by their outward form or Character, as we do of mens honestie by their looks, speech, or behaviour: what Historie in the World bears so perfect resemblance of things done and acted, or yeelds (without further testimonie then its own) so full assurance of a true narration, as the stories of Abrahams departure out of his Land, his answers to God, Sarahs distrust upon misconceit of Gods promises; her seeking to fulfil it by giving her Maid to Abraham, the manner of her speech upon her Maids contemning her, the debate and issue of her controversie, the Dialogue between the Angels of God and Abraham, with Sarahs Apology for laughing at their Message; Abrahams journey to Mount Moriah, his servants expedition to Aram Naharim, with his Commission to provide his young Ma­ster a Wife? There appears not in any of these the least surmise of any Poli­tical respect, not any signe of affected delight, or Poetical representations: see­ing this Author falls immediately into other matters, and relates every thing (though many of most diverse natures) with such natural specification of e­very circumstance, as unless our hearts were prepossest with Belief, that he had writ them by his direction, who perfectly knoweth all things, as well sore-past, as present, or to come, we would be perswaded that most of them were relations of such as acted them, uttered to their familiar friends immediately upon the fact, whilest all circumstances were fresh in memory.

5 How others are affected I cannot tell; me thinks when I reade that sto­ry, Genesis 34. I am transformed into a Man of the Old World, and become a neighbour of old Jacob, over-hearing him and his sons debating the slaugh­ter of the Sichemites: The old man complains; Ye have troubled me, and made me stink among the inhabitants of the land, as well the Canaanites as the Perizzites: and I being few in number, they shall gather themselves together against me, and so shall I and mine house be destroyed: and they answered and said; Shall he abuse our Sister as a Whore?

6 Or if this description, though issuing as naturally out of the real dis­position of the true, (no fained) parties described, as brightness out of the body of the Sun, yet because but short, may seem more imitable by Art: I will propose a longer Dialogue betwixt this old man and his sons for a pattern: of which fairest colours, that Art or Invention can put upon any fained Subject, will come as far short, as Solomons gawdy, but artificial attire, did of the native beauty of wild Lillies; or any dy that Art can give, of the natural splendor of finest Pearls, the Onix or other more [Page 15] precious stone. Genesis 42. 29. And they came to Jacob their father unto the land of Canaan, and told him all that had befallen thē, saying, V. 30. the man, who is lord of the land, spake roughly unto us, and put us in prison as Spies of the Countrey. V. 31. And we said unto him, we are true men, and are no Spies. V. 32. We be twelve bre­thren, sons of our father: one is not, and the yong­est is this day with our fa­ther in the land of Cana­an. v. 33 Then the lord of the Countrey said unto us, Hereby shall I know if ye be true men; Leave one of your bre­thren with me, and take food for the famine of your houses, and depart; V. 34. And bring your youngest brother unto me, that I may know that ye are no Spies, but true men: So will I deliver you your brother, and ye shall occupie in the land. V. 35. And as they emptied their sacks, behold, every mans bundle of money was in his sack, and when they and their father saw the bundles of their money, they were afraid. V. 36. Then Jacob their father said unto them, Ye have robbed me of my children: Joseph is not, and Simeon is not, and ye will take Benjamin: all these things are against me. V. 37. Then Reuben answered his father, saying, Slay my two sons, if I bring him not to thee again: Deli­ver him to mine hand and I will bring him to thee again. V. 38. But he said, my son shall not go down with you: for his bro­ther is dead and he is left alone: if death come unto him by the way which ye go, then ye shall bring my gray head with sor­row unto the grave. Cap. 43. v. 1. Now great famin was in the land. V. 2. And when they had eaten up the corn which they had brought from Egypt, their father said unto them, Turn again, and buy us a little food. V. 3. And Judah answered him, saying, The man charged us by an oath, saying, Never see my face, except your brother be with you. V. 4. If thou wilt send our brother with us, we will go down and buy thee food. V. 5. But if thou wilt not send him, we will not go down: for, &c. N. 6. And Israel said, wherefore dealt ye so evil with me, as to tell the man, whether ye had yet a brother, or no? V. 7. And they answered, The man asked straitly of our selves, and of our kinred, saying, Is your father yet alive? Have ne any brother? And we told him according to these words. Could we know certainly that he would say, Bring your bro­ther down? V. 8. Then said Judah, to Israel his father, Send the boy with me, that we may rise and go, and that we may live and not die, both we, and thou, and our children. V. 9. I will be surety for him, of my hand shalt thou require him: If I bring him not to thee, and set him before thee, then let me bear the blame for ever. 10. For except ye had made this carrying, doubtlesse by this we had returned the second time. V. 11. Then their father said unto them, If it must needs be so now, do thus: Take of the best fruits of the land in your vessels, and bring the man a present; a little Rozen, a little Honey, Spices, and Myrth, Nuts, & Almonds. V. 12. And take double money in your hand, and the money that was brought again in your sacks mouths: carry it again in your hand, lest it were some oversight. V. 13. Take also your brother, and a­rise, and go again to the man. V. 14. And God Almighty give you mercy in the sight of the man, that he may deliver you your other brother, and Benjamin: but I shall be robbed of my child, as I have been. The storie is is Genesis 42. from the 29. unto the 15 verse of the 43 Chapter. The circumstances, which I would especially commend unto the Readers consideration, are, first; The old mans jealousie, v. 36. up­on his sons relation what had befallen them in their journey, and the Gover­nours desire of seeing Benjamin, v. 31, 32, 33, 34, 35. His peremptorie reply, v. 33. to Reubens answer, v. 37. The manner of his relenting, chap. 43. v. 6. up­on necessitie of their going for more food; and his sons peremptory refusal to go without Benjamin, in the five first verses of the 43 Chapter. * His con­descending v. 11. upon their just Apologie for mentioning their youngest bro­ther to the Governour; and Judahs undertaking for Benjamins safe conduct back, and forth, in the 10. 9. 8. and 7. verses; lastly, the close or Epiphonema of his speech, v. 13. and 14. Whilest I compare one of the circumstances with another, and all of them with other precedent and consequent, (chiefly with Ju­dahs speech to Joseph, Genesis 44. from the sixteenth verse to the end of the Chap­ter,) although I knew no other Scripture to make me a Christian, this one place would perswade me to become a Pythagorean, and think that my soul had been in some of Jacobs sons, where it had heard this controversie, rather then to ima­gine, that it could have been fained by any that lived long after.

7 Or if we consider not the particular relations onely, but the whole con­trivance and issue of this storie; what patern of like invention had Moses to follow? If the Atheist grant such a Divine Providence, as he describes; let him tell us whence he learned it. If from any more ancient description, let this be suspected for artificial; if not, let this be acknowledged for the first natural representation of it. Without either a former patern to imitate, or true resemblance of such a Divine Providence in events immediately to be re­lated, how could such a Supream Power, governing and disposing all things contrary to the designes and purposes of man, be by mortal man conceived? More probable is the Poets fiction, that Minerva should be conceived in Ju­piters brain; then that Humane Fancie should bring forth a more Omnipo­tent, more wise or excellent Deity, than the Poets make their Jupiter, with­out any true image of his Providence, manifested in the effects? But after the manifestation of it in the story of Joseph, and the live-picture of it taken by Moses; all imitation of it was not so difficult, though he that would seek to imitate him fully should herein come as far short of the solid marks of his historical truth, as the Egyptians Juglers tricks did of true Miracles.

[Page 16] 8 As all these, and many other places yeeld undoubted Characters of true Historical narrations, so do his speeches unto this people, Deut. 29. 30. 31. In­fallible symptoms of a dving man, and one that indeed had born this mighty Nation, as an Eagle bears her voung ones upon her wings. These admirable strains of his heavenly admonitions, and divine prophesies, compared with the live images of former truths, witnsse that he was the Janus of Prophets, Vates oculatus tam prateritorum quain futurorum, one that could both clearly see. what had been done beso [...] what should fall out after his death: Both which shall hereafter (God willing) better appear, by matters related, and event, foretold by him.

9 But to proceed, the whole Historical part of the Bible, not Moses his Books alone, yeeld plenty of such passages, as being compared with other circumstances, or the main drift and scope of the entire stories, whereof they are parts leave no place for imagination, either why they should, or how possibly they could have been inserted by Art or Imitation: or have come into any mans thoughts, not moved by the real occurrence of such occasions as are specified in the matters related. And seeing all of them are related by such as affect no Art; many of them by such as lived long after the parties that first uttered or acted them: we cannot conceive how all particulars could be so naturally and fully recorded, unless they had been suggested by his Spirit, who giveth mouth and speech to man, who is alike present to all suc­cessions, able to communicate the secret thoughts of forefathers to their chil­dren, and put the very words of the deceased, never registred before, in the mouths or pens of their successors for many generations after, as distinctly and exactly, as if they had been caught in Characters of Steel or Brass, as they issued out of their mouths.

10 When I reade that speach in Ovid. 4 Metam. Fab. 8.

Sive es mortalis, qui te genuere beati,
Et Mater foelix, & fortunata profectò
Si qua tibi Soror est, & quae dedit ubera Nutrix.
If mortal thou, thrice happy sure thy Parents be;
Or if thou any Sister hast, thrice happy she;
Thrice happy Nurse, whose breasts gave suck to thee.

I see no inducement to believe this for a true Story, because I know the end and aim of his writing was, to invent Verisimilia, to feign such speech­es, as best besitted the persons whose part he took upon him to express, thereby to delight his hearers with variety of lively representations. But when I reade that narration of our Saviours Apology for himself against the Jews, which said he had an unclean spirit, Luke 11. 14. and a woman coming in with her verdict, Now blessed is the womb that bare thee, and the paps that gave thee suck, v. 27. This unexpected strain, with our Saviours reply un­to it; Yea rather blessed are those that hear the word of God and keep it, v. 28. so briefly inserted into the Story, inforce me to think, that it was penned by one that sought onely to relate the truth, part of which was this womans speech. But with the means of knowing the New Testament to be the Word of God, I will not here meddle: the Old Testament sufficiently proveth it, besides many other experiments to be prosecuted in the unfolding of sundry Articles.

CAP. V.

Of the Harmony of sacred Writers.

AN other Inducement for believing the truth of the Old Testament, is the Harmony of so many several writers, living in such distance of Ages, handling such diversity of arguments, and covering them with stiles, for the majesty of some, and the familiarity of others, more different, then Virgils verses, and the rudest countrymans talk; and yet all of them retaining the self same relish. Whiles we reade Tully, Virgil, Livie, Salust and Ovid, though all living near about one time; yet their writings differ as much as Flesh and Fish. Many learned men like some one or few of these, and yet much mislike others, reputed as excellent writers in their kinde, living about the same time: much more might he that should have read the common or vulgar Historiographers, Poets, or Orators of that time, have contemned them as base in respect of the former. But the Prophets of the Old Testa­ment, and the Historiographers of the same, though differing infinitely in degrees of stile and invention; yet agree as well in the substance or essential quality of their writings, as the same Pomander chafed and unchafed. There is the same odour of life, and goodnesse in both, but more fragrant and piercing in the one than in the other. And no man that much likes the one, can mislike the other: he may like it lesse, but dislike it he cannot, if he like the other.

Omnibus est illis vigor & coelestis origo.

2 Many other inducements of this kinde are set down at large, by that Flower of France, and glory of Christian Nobility, in the 24 and 25 Chapt. of his book of the truth of Christian Religion: as also in Ficinus and Vives, whose labours it is hard to say whether he hath more augmented or graced. One especial motive is from the drift, and scope of all these sacred writings; whether Histories, Prophets, Psalms, or the Gospel. The end and scope of all these, is onely to set out the glory of God, and the good of mankinde. In their most famous victories, and good successe of their best contrived policies, they as­cribe the glory wholly to God. There is no circumstance inserted to erect the praise of man, not of the chiefest managers of such affairs. They ac­count it the greatest praise that can be given unto their Worthies, to let the World know they were Beloved of God, and that God did fight for them. Not one Writer in this sacred volume bewrayes the least signe of envie to­wards others, that lived with him, or had gone before him: Not one that giveth the least suspition of seeking his own praise by lessening others de­serts, as if he had corrected wherein others had erred, or finished what they had well begun, but left imperfect. No intimation in any of them to let posterity understand, that it should think it self beholding to them for their good directions. They seek no thanks, as if they undertook their labours vo­luntarily, only for the good of others; but proclaim a necessity laid upon them, for doing that which they do, and a Wo if they do it not. They spare not to rehearse the iniquity, and shame of their progenitors and nearest kinsfolks, with Gods fearful judgements upon them for the same, to register their Prince and peoples, or their own disgrace (as the World counteth disgrace) to all posterity: so Gods Name may thereby be more glorified, and his Church edisied, Jer. 9. v. 23, 24. Let not the wise man glory in his wis­dom, [Page 18] nor the strong man glory in his strength: but let him that glorieth, glory in that he understandeth and knoweth the Lord. Jeremy himself revealeth his own slacknesse in undertaking his appointed charge, Jer. 20. v. 7. 8, 14, 5, 16, 17, 18. he no where bewrayes any desire of praise, as if he had excel­led all his equals in wit: all that is good in him, or his people, he giveth to God. Daniel, who did excel in the interpretations of dreams and prophe­cies, and had the state of many kingdoms for many years to come revealed unto him; so as if he would have challenged the revelation of his countries return from Captivity, he could not have been disproved, yet ingenuous­ly sheweth that he learned this out of the prophecy of Jeremy Dan. 9. v. 2. Although his measure of knowledge was exceeding great, yet he affects not the reputation of Knowing above that measure, which God hath given him, Ro­mans 12. 3.

3 This one quality (in them all) of not seeking their own, nor their coun­tries praise, but onely the praises of their God, and the profit of his Church (if we consider it well) may sufficiently testifie, that they speak not upon pri­vate motions, who were thus clear from all suspition of private respects. Nor can we suspect, that they should thus conspire together unto one end, from the will and purpose of man. For what man could limit others thoughts, or rule their wits which lived after him? Least of all can Chance be imagined the Author of so many several writers constancy in conspiring thus to one end in several Ages. Let us conjecture what causes we can, S. Peter must resolve the doubt, 2 Peter 1. 20, 21. All of them spake as they were moved by the holy Spi­rit, which was present one and the same to all. If they had not spoken as they were moved by the Spirit, but as if they had moved themselves, to finde out matter, or stretched their wits to enlarge invention: then would the later sort especially have catched at many By-narrations, and inserted many [...], little pertinent to that foundation which others had layed be­fore them. But now we see the continual drift of their writings so seriously set upon one and the self-same end, as if they had all wrought by an others di­ction, who had cast the platform of the edifice himself, not minded to finish his work in any of the first workmens age: and yet will have the later to be­gin where the other left, without any alteration or tricks of their own in­vention.

4 All these properties of these sacred Writers, do sufficiently witnesse their motives to have been Divine, but more abundantly whilest we consider the vanity of the Jewish people, if we take them as they are by nature, not sanctified by the Spirit of God. For naturally they are given to magnifie their own Nation, more then any other people living, yea to make God behold­en unto them for their sanctity: few of them would seek the praise of their God, but with reference to their own Hence our Apostle S. Paul brings it as an argument of the truth of his Gospel, 2 Cor 4 5. in that he did not preach himself but Christ Jesus the Lord, and himself their servant for his sake so doth our Saviour, John 7. v. 18. He that speaketh of himself seeketh his own glory, but he that seeketh his glory that sent him, the same is true, and no unrighteousnesse is in him. This sincerity in teaching, (especially in a man of Jewish progeny) when it is tried to continue without all affectation or dissimulation, is the true [...] or touchstone, the Livery or Cognizance of a man speaking by the Spirit of God. The like live Characters of sincerty are not to be found in any else, save only in these sacred Writers, or such as have sincerely obeyed their doctrine. And in many of those books which our Church accounts Apo­cryphal, there evidently appears a spice of secular vanity; howsoever the [Page 19] Pen-men of them were truly religious sanctified men, and have sought to imitate the writing of the Prophets, and other Writers of this sacred Vo­lume. But much more eminent is the like vanity in Josephus, a man other­wise as excellent for meer natural parts, or artificial learning, as his Country yeelded any, not inferior to any Historiographers whatsoever.

5 Seeing in this whole body of Scriptures there appears one and the same Spirit, albeit the members be of diverse fashion and quality: this sacred vo­lume it self may serve as a lively type or image of that Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of peace, which ought to be in the Church and mystical body of Christ, Ephes. 4. v. 3. They all endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace. None of them presumed to understand above that which was meet for them to understand. All according to sobriety, as God dealt to every one of them the measure of faith. They are as many members of one body, which have not one office, v. 4. And we may see that verified in the Canon of the Old Te­stament, which S. Paul attributes unto the Church in Christ; There are di­versities of gifts, but the same Spirit. And again, To one was given the spirit of wisdom, as unto Solomon; to another knowledge, as unto Ezra Nehemiah; 1 Cor. 12. 4. Vers 14. to another saith, as unto Moses, Abraham; to another prophecy, as unto Esay, Vers 11. Jeremy: All these gifts were wrought by one and the same Spirit, which distribu­teth to every one as he would. The best means to discern this harmony in their several writings, would be, to retain the unity of the Spirit by which they wrote. But alas! we have made a division in the body of Christ, whilest one of us detracts, envies or slanders another; or whiles we wrangle un­mannerly about idle questions, or terms of art, our jars, (ours that have the name of Christs messengers) make all the World besides, and our selves oft-times (we may fear) doubt of the true and real unity betwixt Christ and his members, now eclipsed by our carnal divisions. But howsoever these here mentioned are in their kinde, good motives unto sober mindes; and the more diligent and attentive men are to observe these and the like, the more fully shall they be perswaded, that these writings are the dictates of the Holy Ghost.

CAP. VI.

Of the Affections or dispositions of the sacred Writers.

WIth the Experiment of this kinde we may rank the vehemency of af­fection, which appears in many of these sacred writers, most fre­quent in the book of Psalms. And to distinguish fained or counterfeit from true experimental affections is the most easie, and most certain kinde of Cri­ticism. He that never had any himself may safely swear, that most Poets ancient or modern, have had experience of wanton loves. For who can think that Catullus, Ovid, and Martial had never been acquainted with any but painted women, or written of love matters onely as blinde men may talk of Colours? Or, who can suspect, that either Ovid had penned his books De Tristibus, or Boetius his Philosophical Consolation, onely to move delight, (as children oft-times weep for wantonnesse:) or fained these sub­jects to delude the World, by procuring real compassion to their coun­terfeit mourning? But much more sensible may we feel the pulses of our Psalmists passions beating their ditties, if we would lay our hearts unto them. Albeit wee seek not to prove their divine authority from the [Page 20] strength of passion simply, but from the objects, causes, or issue of their pas­sions. And the Argument holds thus; As the Ethnick Poets passions, expressed in their writings, bewray their experience in such matters as they wrote of; as of their carnal delight in love enjoyed, or of earthly sorrow for their exiles, death of friends, or other like worldly crosses: So do these sacred Ditties witnesse their Pen-mens experience in such matters as they professe; as of spiritual joy, comfort, sorrow, fear, confidence, or any other affection whatsoever. If we compare Ovids Elegy to Augustus with that Psalm of David, (in number the 51.) why should Tr [...]st. l. [...]. 2. we think that the one was more conscious of misdemeanour towards that Monarch, or more sensibly certain of his displeasure procured by it, than the other of soul offences towards God, and his heavie hand upon him for them? Davids penitent bewayling of his souls losse, in being separated from her wonted joyes, his humble intreaty and importunate suit, for restauration to his former estate, argue, he had been of more entire familiar acquaintance with his heavenly, than Ovid with his earthly Lord; that he had received more sensible pledges of his love, was more deeply touched with the present losse of his savour, and better experienced in the course and means of recon­cilement to it again. Have mercy upon me, O God, according to thy loving kind­nesse: Pslam 51. 1. according to the multitude of thy compassions put away mine iniquities. Wash me throughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. For I know Verse 2. Verse 3. mine iniquities, and my sin is ever before me. Against thee, against thee onely have I sinned, and done evil in thy sight. What was it then which caused his present grief? bodily pain? exile, losse of goods, want, or restraint of sensual pleasurs? Yea, what was there that worldly minded men either desireor know, which was not at his command? And yet, he, well for health of body, only op­pressed with grief of mind, most desirous to sequester himself from all solace, which his Court or Kingdom could afford, in hope to finde his company alone who was invisible, and to renew acquaintance with his Spirit. Create a clean heart (O God) and renew a right spirit within me. Cast me not away from thy presence, and take not thy holy spirit from me. He accounts himself but as an exile, though living in his native soil, but as a slave, though absolute Monarch over a mighty people; whilest he stood separate from the love of his God, and lived not in subjection to his spirit. If one in hunger should loath ordina­ry or course sare, we would conjecture he had been accustomed to more sine and dainty meats. Hereby then it may appear, that David had tasted of more choice delights, and purer joyes, then the carnal minded knew, in that he loathes all earthly comfort in this his anguish, (wherein he stood in greatest need of some comfort,) desiring only this of God; Restore me to the joy of thy salvation, and establish me with thy free Spirit. So far was he from distrusting the truth of that ineffable joy, which now he felt not (at the least) in such measures as he had done before, that he hopes by the manifest effects of it once restored, to disswade the Atheist from his Atheism, and cause lascivi­ [...] blood-thirsty mindes to wash off the silth, wherein they wallow, with their cars. For so he addeth, Then shall I teach thy wayes unto the wicked, & sin­ [...] be converted unto thee. Deliver me from blood, O God, which art the God [...], and my tongue shall sing joyfully of thy righteousnesse. Open thou [...], and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise; which as yet he could not shew forth to others, because abundance of joy did not lodge in his heart; for God had sealed up sorrow therein, until the sacrifice of his broken and [...] were accomplished. From the like abundant experience of [...] joy, the Psalmist, Psalm 66. v. 16. bursteth out into like consi­ [...]; inviting us, as Christ did his Apostle Thomas, to come near [Page 21] and lay our hands upon his healed sore, and by the scars to gather the skill and goodness of him that had thus cured him, beyond all expectation: Come Verse 17. and hearken all ye that fear God, and I will tell you what he hath done to my soul; I called unto him with my mouth, and he was exalted with my tongue. Praised be Verse 20. God which hath not put back my prayer, nor his mercy from me. The fulnesse of his inward joyes was such, and Gods providence over him so manifest and wonderful, that the present age wherein he lived could not (to his seeming) but take notice of it, whilest the particulars, wherein the Lord had heard him, were in fresh memory: and all posterity, he presumes out of the abundance of his own belief, should still believe the goodnesse of God, from this expe­rimental relation of his goodnesse towards him. He that hath least experi­ence of the like in himself, would he but attentively mark the fervency of of those mens zeal, and vehemency of their godly passions, expressed in these here mentioned, and many like unaffected strains, could not but acknow­ledge that famous inscription, which a later degenerate lascivious Poet, (out of such a vain-glorious humour, as moves some basely descended to usurp the Arms of Noble men whose names they bear,) sought to bestow on all, even upon such as himself was, Vates in name, but not in quality, to belong of right onely to these Psalmists, or ancient sacred Poets.

Fst Deus in vobis, agitante calescitis illo:
Impetus hic sacrae semina mentis habet.
Sure in your breasts Gods Spirit hath his seat,
Tis Divine motion breeds this heavenly heat.

For who can imagine, that the Author of the 74 Psalm, v. 9. should complain, without some touch of that Spirit, which he knew had been more plentiful in such as had gone before him; We see not our signes, there is not one Prophet more, not any that knoweth how long. V. 10. O God, how long shall the adversary reproach? shall the enemy blaspheme thy name for ever? V. 11. Why withdraw­est thou thine hand, even thy right hand? Draw it out of thy bosome and consume them. v. 12. Even God is my king of old, working salvation in the mids of the earth. These sober and constant motions, as it were of Systoles and Diastoles between Despair and Hope, exprest in this and the 44 Psalm, argue that those won­ders and noble works, which they had heard with their ears, and their fa­thers had told them, were no Fables, but matters truly and really acted, which had left deep impression in their forefathers hearts, who had so tho­rowly felt and tasted the extraordinary Goodness of their God, that the long­ing desire of like Favour is transfused as hereditary to posterity, as the desire of such meats as Parents best affect, and use most to feed upon, usually re­mains in their Children.

2 Or, to use the Author of the 42 Psalm his own comparison; Braying doth not more sensibly notifie the Harts panting after the water brooks, than that Psalm doth his thirsting after the Spirit of Life; which sometime had been diffused through his Faculties, and had fructified in Joy and comfort, but now in these storms of affliction lay hid in his heart, onely supporting it with hopes of like fruit against a better season; as the sap whereby trees flourish in Summer, retiring to the root in Winter, preserveth them sound within, so that although Frosts may nip, and storms outwardly deface them, yet they break forth again, and bear fruit in the Spring. And although I ne­ver mistrusted the truth of that dissension, betwxt the willingnesse of the Spi­rit, and weaknesse of the Flesh, oft mentioned in Scripture; yet I know not how it addeth more life to my Belief, whilest I see this conflict acted by the Author of the 42 and 43 Psalms. The flesh complains, as if his heart were [Page 22] ready to close with dejected fear; My soul is cast down within me, all thy waves and [...]ouds are gone over me. The Spirit like a good Physitian, by reiterating that speech of comfort, Why art thou cast down, O my soul, and why art thou so dis [...]eted within me, raiseth it up again, and dilateth his heart with hope in God against all hope in worldly sight. For so he concludeth both these Psalms, Wait on God: for I will yet give him thanks: he is my present help and my God. Generally, though the Psalmists complaints be oft-times grievous, yet they never end them but with Hearty Prayer; though God oft-times lay great Plagues upon them; yet is their Confidence alwayes as great, that he will heal them. The beginning of their mournful Ditties alwayes repre­sent the storms of grief and sorrow, that had gone over their souls: their end and close is like the appearing of the Morning Star, foreshewing the remo­val of the shadow of death wherein they sate. Their sudden transitions from grief to joy, is even as the breaking out of the Sun from under a thick tempe­stuous Cloud: So that the outward Character of their Songs, is a lively re­presentation of that truth, which one of them out of his inmost experience hath left registred to the World; His wrath endureth but the twinckling of an eye, and in his pleasure is life: heavinesse may endure for a night, but joy cometh in the morning. Psal. 30. 5.

3 This patience in Adversity, and confident expectation of deliverance from above, compared with the Heathens impatience, alwayes ready to ac­cuse their Gods in their unexpected calamities, and seeking to vent their grief in Poetical Invectives against them: infallibly testifie, that the one did onely know the Divine Powers by hear-say, the others by experience; and that God was near to this people in all which they called upon him, and be­held the affairs of the Heathen onely a far off.

4 Yet beside these particular lively Characters of experimental joy or grief, fear, or confidence: their consonancy with the historical truth of alte­rations in the state of Jewry, will much illustrate the former observations. For albeit the Psalmists in their greatest distresses or calamities, murmur not against the Lord God, as the Heathens do: yet the tenour of some late men­tioned, with divers other Psalms, argue that the people of God in those times wherein they were written, either had not such manifest signes of Gods fa­vour; or else found not such speedy deliverance from the dangers feared, or calamities suffered by them, as the Prophet David in the 27 Psalm v. 1. and other of their godly Ancestors had done. The Lord (saith David) is my light and my salvation, whom shall I fear? The Lord is the strength of my life, of whom shall I be afraid▪ Though an host pitched against me, mine heart should not be afraid: though war be raised against me, yet I will trust in this; to wit, upon his former experience of Gods mercies specified v. 2. When the wicked mine mine enemies came, and my soes came upon me to eat up my flesh, they stumbled and fell. But greater was his confidence from the more often experience of Gods favour, when as his case otherwise, for the multitude and malignity of his enemies, was more desperate, Psal 3. v. 1. Many were his adversaries that rose up against him; and many that said unto his soul, (when he fled from his son Absolom) V. 2. There is no help for him in his God. Yet he, as an expert souldier, cannot be terrified with stales or brags, but betaketh himself unto his weapons; V. 3. Thou I ord art a buckler for me, my glory, and the lifter up of my head. So little is he dismaied, that after his prayers he taketh his quiet rest; V. 4. I did call upon the I ord with my voice, and he heard me out of his holy moun­tain. I laid me down and slept, and rose again, for the Lord sustained me. V. 5. I will not be afraid for 10000 of the people, that should beset me round about. The [Page 23] same confidence, raised from the experience of Gods assistance, was in the Author of the 46 Psalm; God is our help and strength, a very present help in trouble: Therefore will we not fear though the earth be moved, and though the mountains fall into the midst of the Sea. The manner of Davids carriage, his confident presaging of good success, in times more apt to breed despair in o­thers lesse experienced in assistance from above, exprest in sundry Psalms, composed when he fled from Saul, yeeld abundance of observations pregnant for this purpose.

5 Otherwiles this Kingly Prophet expostulates the wrongs offered by his enemies so confidently, and relateth his own integrity in such pathetical and serious manner, that unless the inscription of his Petitions, or other histori­cal circumstance, did give us notice, to whom he tendred his complaints, we would think that they had been so many reports, of what he had openly plea­ded at some Bar, or Court of civil Justice, in the personal presence, sight, or audience of some visible Judge, ready to give sentence for him upon the first hearing of his cause. If any civil Heathen, that never had heard of any invisible God, should have taken up some of his Psalms (the ninth for exam­ple) in the streets, he would have imagined that the Author of them had ei­ther heard some supream Magistrate in his time deeply protesting his resolu­tion for righting the poor, or else had been most intimately acquainted with the integrity of his proceedings in matters of Justice, that he durst so confi­dently avouch unto the World on his behalf; Psalm 9. v. 8. He shall judge the world in righteousnesse, and the people with equity. V. 9. The Lord also will be a refuge for the poor, a refuge in due time, even in affliction. V. 10. And they that know thy Name, will trust in thee: for thou Lord hast not failed them that seek thee. So lively was Davids, and other Ancient Psalmists experience of the in­visible Gods assistance alwayes ready, as well in war as in peace, as well in ex­ecuting judgement upon their treacherous, deceitful, or secret enemies, as in giving them victory over their profest and potent Foes.

6 But posteritie had not, oftentimes, so full Experience of the same assist­ance, as appeareth from the manner of their complaints. The reason of this Diversitie, in the Ancient and later Psalmists apprehension of Gods favour; either in delivering them from danger, or righting them from wrong; was from the Diversity of Times, the later not yeelding so manifest and frequent Documents of Gods mercy or justice, as the former had done. As Gods plagues upon the Ancient Israelites were oft-times sudden, and (for the time) violent: so their deliverance from them was speedy, because their stubborn­nesse was lesse, and the sins, for which they were to repent, of lesse continu­ance. But the continual increase of this peoples wickednesse, in their successions, and posterities slacknesse, in sorrowing either for their own or Predecessours sins, made Gods plagues inflicted upon them more durable, as appeareth by the long Captivities and oppressions of this people in later Ages, If we compare them with the often, but short afflictions, which in former times had befallen them. This long durance of great calamities, made Posteritie lesse appre­hensive of Gods promises then their forefathers had been; at the least, whiles these continued, they were lesse acquainted with Gods favour then their Pre­decessors were. And from the want of like sensible Experience of his present help in time of trouble, later generations are more querulous and lesse con­fident in their prayers uttered in their distresse, as we may see in the 98, and other Psalms, conceived by the Godly amongst this people in the calamities of later Times. Thus we may see how truly the diversity of Gods dealing with his people in different Ages, is represented in the Character, Stile, or [Page 24] Affection of these sacred Writers, all much different in former and latter A­ges: much more may we presume, that the general and true Diversity of Times, and GODS divers manner of proceeding with mankinde in their se­veral Generations, is most truly related and exemplified in the Historical relations of the same sacred Volumes; of which in the Section following.

7 Thus much of Experiments, or Observations drawn from the Cha­racter, or tenor of these sacred Writings themselves, or their Writers Affecti­ons represented in them. These I have gathered, not that I can hope to per­swade any man so much by reading them, as by occasioning him to observe the like, whiles he readeth these sacred Volumes. For every man that readeth them with attentive Observation, may apprehend much more for the fra­ming of true Belief in his own heart, then he can expresse to others: yea, to seek to make ful resemblance of our inward Belief, or such Experiments as confirm it, by outward discourse, were all one, as if a man out of the slight impression or transitorie representation of his own face which he had lately beheld in a Glasse, should seek to describe it as fully and perfectly to another mans Apprehension, as if he had looked upon it with him in the same Glass

8 As there presentation of our bodily shape, is lively and perfect whilest we behold it in a true and perfect Glasse; but the Memorial or Phantasie of it when we are gone thence, imperfect and dull: So is the apprehension of our own, or Experiments of others Belief, sensible and fresh, whilest we set our hearts and mindes unto this perfect Law of Libertie, the onely true Glass of our Souls; but more hard to retain in memorie, or to be fully represented to another by Discourse, then our bodily shape is by a bare description. And as in the Art of Painting, general rules may be given for the right drawing of Pictures, yet he that will take any particular mans, must look upon the love face it self, or use the benefit of his Glass: So in this case, there may be good directions given, how men should draw Experiments, or take Observations of this kinde, which being taken, can not be fully imprinted in another, by him that took them: but every man must have continual recourse unto this Spiritual Glasse, which far surpasseth all bodily Glasses in this; that in It we may see, not onely the true shape and proportion of our Souls as they are, or of what fashion they should be; but It hath also an operative force of assimi­lating them unto the paterns of godly and religious mens Souls represented herein, yea, even of transforming them into the similitude of that Image wherein they were first created. The Idaeas of Sanctity and Righteousnesse contained in this Spiritual Glasse, are the causes of our Edification in good life and Vertue: as the Idaea or Platform in the Artificers head, is the cause of the Ma­terial House that is builded by it.

SECT. II.

Of Experiments and Observations External, answerable to the rules of Scripture.

CAP. VII.

Containing the Topick, whence such Observations must be drawn.

1 IF the Books of some Ancient rare Author, who had written in sundry Arts, should be found in this Age; all bearing the Authors name and other commendable Titles prefixed: a reasonable man would soon be perswaded, that they were His whose name they bore; but sooner, if he had any positive ar­guments to perswade himself or their Antiquitie, or if they were commended to him by the authoritie or report of men in this case credible. But, besides all these, if every man according to his Experience or Skill in those Arts and Faculties which this Ancient writer handles, should upon due examination of his Conclusions or discourse, find resolution in such points as he had alwayes wavered in before; or be instructed in matters of his Profession or observati­on, whereof he was formerly ignorant: this would much strengthen his Assent unto the former reports or traditions concerning their Author, or unto the due praises and Titles prefixed to his Works; albeit he that made this trial, could not prove the same truth so fully to another, nor cause him to Believe it so firmly as he himself doth, unlesse he could induce him to examine his writings by like Experiments, in some Facultie wherein the examiner had some, though lesse, Skill. And yet, after the like trial made, he, that had formerly doubted, would Believe these works to be the supposed Authors, and subscribe unto the Titles and commendations prefixed, not so much for the Formers Report or Authoritie, as from his own Experience. Now we have more certain Experiments to prove that the Scriptures are the word of God, then we can have to prove any mens works to be their supposed Authors: for one Author in any Age may be as good as another; He perhaps better, of whom we have heard lesse. We could in the former case only certainly Be­lieve that the Author, whosoever, was an excellent Scholler; but we could not be so certain that it was none other but he whose Name it did bear: For there may be many Aristotles and many Platoes, many Excelllent men in every Profession, yet but One God that is All in All; whose Works we suppose the Scriptures are, which upon strict examination will evince him alone to have been their Author.

2 The meanes then of establishing our Assent unto any part of Scripture, must be from Experiments and Observations agreeable to the rules in Scripture. For when we see the reason and manner of sundrie events, either related by others, or experienced in our selves, which otherwise we could never have reached unto by any Natural Skill; or, generally, when we see any effects or concurrence of things which cannot be ascribed to any but a Supernatural Cause, and yet they fully agreeing to the Oracles of Scriptures or Articles of Belief: This is a sure Pledge unto us, that he who is the Author of Truth, and gives being unto all things, was the Author of Scriptures.

3 Such Events and Experiments are divers, and according to their diver­sities [Page 26] may work more or lesse on divers dispositions; Some may find more of one sort, some of another, none all. Some again may be more induced to Believe the truth of Scriptures from one sort of Experiments, some from others. Those observations are alwayes best for every man, which are most incident to his Vocation. With some varietie of these observations or Experi­ments we are in the next place to acquaint divers Readers.

CAP. VIII.

That Heathenish Fables ought not to Prejudice divine Truth.

1 NOthing more usual to men, wise enough in their generation, then for the varietie or multitude of false reports concerning any Subject to discredit All that are extant of the same. And all inclination unto dif­fidence or distrust is not alwayes to be misliked; but onely when it swayes too far, or extends is self beyond the limits of its proper Circumference, that is, matters of Bargain or secular Commerce. As this diffident temper is most common in the cunning managers of such affaires: so the first degree or pro­pension to it were not much amiss in them, did they not Transcendere à genere ad genus; that is, were not their Mistrust commonly too generally rigid and stiff. For most men of great dealings in the world, finding many slipperie companions, hold it no sin to be at the least suspitious of all: Others, being often cozened by such as have had the name and reputation of Honest men, be­gin to doubt whether there be any such thing indeed, as that which men call Honestie; and from this doubting about the real nature of Honestie in the Ab­stract, they resolve undoubtedly, That if any man in these dayes do not d [...] ill with others, it is onely for want of sit opportunitie to do himself any great good. But as Facilitie in yielding Assent, unless it be moderated by discretion, is an infallible Consequent of too great simplicitie, and layes a man open to a­buse and wrong in matters of this life: so General Mistrust is the certain forerun­ner of Insidelity, and makes a man apt enough to cozen himself, without a tem­pter, in matters of the life to come; though otherwise this is the very disposi­tion which the great Tempter works most upon: who for this reason, when any notable truth of greater moment fals out, labours by all means to fil the world with reports of like events, but such as upon examination he foresees wil prove false: for he knows well, that the Belief of most pregnant truths may be this means be much impaired, as honest men are usually mistrusted when the world is full of knaves. And to speak the Truth, It is but a very short Cut be­twixt general and rigid Mistrust in worldly dealings, and Infidelity in spiritual matters; which indeed is but a kind of diffidence or mistrust: and he that from the experience of often cozenage comes once to this point, That he will trust none in worldly affairs but upon strong securitie or legal assurance, may easily be transported by the varietie or multitude of reports, in spiritual matters, notoriously false, to Believe nothing but upon the sure pledge and Evidence of his own Sense or natural Reason. This is one main fountain of Atheism; of which (God willing) in the Article of the Godhead. In this place I onely desire to give the Reader notice of Satans Policy, and to advertise him withall, that as there is a kind of Ingenuous Simplicity, which if it match with sob [...]ie [...]ie and serious meditation, doth prepare our Hearts to Christian Belief; so there is a kinde of Suspition, by which we may out-reach the old Serpent in his subtiltie, and prevent his former Method of deceit. So, whilest we read or hear varietie of reports concerning any notable Event, or many Writers beat­ing [Page 27] about one matter, every one of which may seem improbable in particular Circumstances, or else their diversitie such as makes them Incompatible; we should be Jealous, that there were some Notable Truth, whose Belief did concern us, which Satan hath sought to disparage by the mixture, either of gross improba­ble fruitless fables, or else of dissonant probabilities.

2 Truth is the Life and nutriment of the world, and the Scriptures are the Veins or Vessels wherein it is contained; which soon corrupts and putrifies, unless it be preserved in them, as in its proper Receptacles, as both the fabu­lous conceits of the Heathen and foolish practises of the Romish Church in many points may witness. But as from Asphaltites, or the dead sea, we may finde out the pleasant streams and fresh springs of Jordan: so from the dege­nerate and corrupted rellish of decayed Truth, which is frequent in the puddle and standing lakes of Heathen Writers, we may be lead to the pure Fountain of Truth contained in these sacred Volumes of Scripture.

3 The Experiments, which now we seek or would occasion others (chief­ly young students to observe, are such as the Heathen did guess at; or men out of the works of nature, by reading of Poets, or Ancient Writers, may yet doubt of: whereas the true resolution of them onely depends upon the Truth set down in Scripture.

CHAP. IX.

Observations out of Poets in general, and of Dreams in particular.

1 THe most exquisite Poems are but a kinde of pleasant waking dream, and the art of Poetrie a lively imitation of some delightful visions. And as nothing comes into a mans Fancie by night in dreams, but the parts or matters of it have been formerly in his outward senses (for even when we dream of golden Mountains or Chimeras, the several ingredients have a real and sensible truth in them; onely the frame or proportion is such, as hath no sensible example in the works of nature:) so in Ancient Poems, which were not made in imi­tation of former, as pictures drawn from pictures, but immediately devised (as we now suppose) from the sensible experiments of those times (as pictures drawn from a living face) many parts and lims have a real and sen­ble truth, onely the composition or frame is Artificial and fained, such as can­not perhaps be parallel'd in every circumstance, with any real events in the course of times. And albeit the events which the most Ancient Poets relate) through long distance of time, seem most strange to us, yet is the ground (of their Devises especially) Such, as upon better search may alwaies be refer­red to some Historical truth, which yielded stuff to Poetical structure, as daies spectacles do unto nights visions. This Aristotle had observed out of the practise of the best Ancient Poets and prescribes it as a rule to Poets, to have alwaies an Historical truth for their ground. Nor durst Poets have been so audacious in their fictions at the first, seeing their profession was but either to imitate nature, or adorn a known truth; not to disparage any truth by prodi­gious or monstrous fictions, without any ground of like experience. For this is a fundamental law of their Art;

Hieron. Vida, Lib. 2. Poet.
Curandum, ut quando non semper Vera profamur,
Fingentes, saltem sint illa Simillima Veri.
Though alls not true that faining Poets sing▪
Yet nought on Stage but in truths likeness bring.

[Page 28] None, I think, will be so foolish as to take Homer in the literal sence, when he tels us how Iris by day, and Sleep by night, run Errands for the greater Gods, and come with these and the like messages unto Kings chambers:

[...].
Why will by counsel guide a State,
Must early rise, and lie down late.

Yet with such Artificial and painted plumes oftentimes are covered true and natural bodies, though the messengers be Poetical and fained; yet these kindes of night-messages had an Historical truth: for not the Poets onely, but many great Philosophers of the old world, have taken Nocturnal presages for no dreams or fancies. Hence did Homer usurpe his libertie, in faining his Kings and Heroicks, so often admonished of their future estate by the gods: he presumed at least, that these fictions might carrie a shew of truth in that age, wherein such admonitions by night were not unusual. And his conceit is not dissonant unto the sacred storie, which bears record of like effects in Ancient times, and gives the true cause of their expiration in later.

2 So usual were dreams among the Patriarchs, and their interpretati­ons so well known, that Jacob could at the first hearing interpret his young son Josephs dream, Gen. 37. 10, 11. What is this dream that thou hast dream [...] Shall I, and thy mother and thy brethren come indeed, and fall on the ground be­fore Gen. 37. 10. thee? Nor did he take it onely for a Fable, no more then his brethren had done his former for a Fancie; for, as the Text saith, his brethren envied him, Ver [...]. 11. but his father noted the saying. And Joseph himself coming to riper year, was as expert in interpreting Pharaohs and his servants dreams, Gen. 40. ver [...] 12, 13. Then Joseph said unto him, this is the interpretation of it: The three branches are three dayes; within three dayes shall Pharaoh lift up thine head, and resiore thee unto thine office, and thou shalt give Pharoahs cup into his hand, after the old manner when thou wast his Eutler. And verse 19. Within three dayes sh [...] Pharaoh take thine head from thee, and shall hang thee on a tree, and the bir [...] shall eat thy flesh from off thee. These considerations will not suffer me mistrust divers Ancient Historiographers, making report, how Princes and Fathers of Families have had fore-warnings of future events, either concerning them­selves, their Kingdoms or Posteritie. Nor were all dreams among the Heathens illusions of wicked spirits: for Elihu spake, out of the common ex­perience [...] of those Ancient times wherein he lived; God speaketh once or twice, (that is, usually) and one seeth it not. In dreams and visions of the night, when sleep falleth upon men, and they sleep upon their beds, then he openeth the ears of men, even by their corrections, which he had sealed, that he might cause man to turn away from his enterprise, and that he might hide the pride of man and keep back his soul from the pit, and that his life should not passe by the sword. A lively experiment of El [...]hu his observation we have, Gen. 20. 3. When Abimelech King of Ge [...]ar had taken Sarah, Abrahams wife, God came to him in a dream by night, and said to him, Behold, thou art but dead, because of the woman which thou haji taken; for she is a mans wife. And again, verse 6, 7. God said unto him by a dream, I know that thou didst this even with an upright minde, and I kept thee also that thou shouldest not sin against me, therefore suffered I not thee to touch her: Now then deliver the man his wife again; for he is a Prophet, and he shall pray for thee, that thou mayest live: but if thou deliver her not again, be sure that thou shalt die the death, thou, and all that thou hast. And Moses witnesseth the ordi­narie Prophecie of Ancient times to have consisted of dreams and visions, [Page 29] Numb. 12. 6, 7. If there be a Prophet of the Lord amongst you, I will be known un­to him by a vision, and will speak unto him by a dream. My servant Moses is not so that is, he is no ordinary Prophet) unto him will I speak mouth to mouth, and by vision, and not in dark words, but he shall see the similitude of the Lord.

3 These allegations sufficiently prove, that night-dreams and visions were frequent, and their observation (if taken in sobriety) to good use, in Ancient times even amongst the Nations, until they forgot, as Joseph said, Gen. 40. 8. That interpretations were from God, and sought to finde out an Art of interpre­ting them: Then night-visions did either cease, or were so mixt with delusi­ons, that they could not be discerned; or, if their events were in some sort fore seen, yet men being ignorant of Gods providence, commonly made choice of such means for their avoidance, as proved the necessary occasions or provocations of the events they feared.

4 Much better was the temper of the Nations before Homers time: They, amongst other kindes of prophecyings and Sooth-sayings, held dreams and their interpretations (as all other good gifts) to be from God. As no evil was done in the Grecian Camp, which the Gods, in their opinion, did not cause, so Homer brings in Achilles, advising Agamemnon to consult their Gods interpreters with all speed for what offence committed against them they had sent the Pestilence into their Camp.

Homer Il. 1.
[...]
[...],
But to what Priest, or Prophet shall we wend,
Or Dreamer? for even Dreams from Jove descend.

All those kindes of Predictions had been in use amongst the Heathens, as they were amongst the Israelites; albeit in later times they grew rare in both: for the encrease of wickednesse throughout the World the multiplicity of bu­sinesse and solicitude of Humane affairs, and mens too much minding of politick means, and other second causes of their own good, did cause the defect of true dreams and other divine admonitions for the welfare of mankinde.

5 This cause the Scriptures give us, 1 Sam. 28. 6. Saul (who had followed the Fashions of other Nations not the prescripts of Gods Word) asked coun­sel of the Lord, but the Lord answered him not, neither by dreams, nor by i. by Priests. Urim, nor by Prophets His sins had made a separation between him and the God of Israel, who for this cause will not afford his presence to his Priests or Pro­phets, that came as mediators betwixt Saul and him; much lesse would he vouchsafe his Spirit unto such Priests or Prophets as were carnally minded themselves. This was a rule so well known to the people of God that Strabo See Strabo. Casaubons Edit. l. 16. p. 761. from the tradition of it (for Moses his story he had not read) reckons up this as a special point of Moses his doctrine, concerning the worship of the God of Israel; his words are to this effect: Moses taught, that such as lived chastly and uprightly should be inspired with true visions by night, and such men it was meet, should consult the Divine Powers in the Temple by night-visions: but others, who were not so well minded, ought not to intrude themselves into this sacred busi­nesse; or, if they would, they were to expect no true visions, but Illusions or idle Dreams; from God they were not to expect any. Yet may it not be denied, but that the Heathens, were oft-times, by Gods permission, truly resolved by Dreams or Oracles (though ministred by Devils) of events that should come; but seldome were such resolutions for their good: So the Witch, which Saul most Heathen-like consulted, when God had cast him off, did procure him a true prediction of his fearful end. This is a point wherein I could be large, [Page 30] but I will conclude. As the Heathens relations of sundry events usual in An­cient times, confirm the truth of the like, recorded in Scripture; so the Scriptures give the true causes of their Being, Ceasing, or Alteration: which the corrupt and Polypragmatical disposition of later Ages, without revelati­on from the cause of causes and disposer of times, could never have dreamed of; as may partly appear from what hath been said of Dreams; more fully from that, which follows next of Oracles.

CAP. X.

Of Oracles.

I Have often and daily occasion (for the satisfaction of my minde in sundry questions that might otherwise have vext me) to thank my God, that as he made me a Reasonable Creature, and of a Reasonable Creature a Student or Contemplator, so He did not make me a meer Philosopher: (though Plato thought this deserved the greatest thanks, as being the greatest benefit be­stowed upon him by his God) but never was I more incited in this respect to blesse the day wherein I was made a Christian, then when I read Plutarchs Tract of the causes why Oracles ceased in his time. Whether Heathen Ora­cles were all illusions of Devils, or some uttered by God himself for their good (though oft-times without successe, by reason of their curiosity and su­perstition) I now dispute not. That Oracles in ancient times had been fre­quent; that such events had been foretold by them, as surpassed the skill of humane reason: all Records of unpartial Antiquity bear uncontrollal le evi­dence. Nor did the Heathen Philosophers themselves, which lived in the Ages immediately following their decay, call the truth of their former use in question: but from Admiration of this known change, they were incited to search the cause of their ceasing. Plutarch, after his acute search of sun­dry causes and accurate Philosophical disputes, refers it partly unto the Ab­sence of his Demoniacal Spirits, which by his Philosophy might dy or flit from [...]ib de Defe▪ ­cta Oraculo­r [...]m. place to place, either exiled by others more potent, or upon some other dislike; and partly unto the alteration of the soyl, wherein Oracles were seated which yeelded not Exhalations of such a divine temper as in former times it had done; and without a certain temperature of exhalations or breathing of the Earth, the Demoniacal Spirits (he thought) could not give their Oracles, more then a Musitian can play without an Instrument. And this decay or al­teration of the soyl of Delphi, and like places, was (in his judgement) proba­ble, from the like known experience in sundry Rivers, Lakes, and hot-Baths; which, in some places did quite dry up and vanish; in others, much decay for a long time, or change their course; and yet afterwards recover their former course or strength, either in the same places, or some neer adjoyn­ing. Thus he expected Oracles should either come in use again in Greece, or else burst out in some more convement Soyl. The Atheists of this Age (our English home-bred ones at least) have altogether as great reason to deny the decay or drying up of Rivers and Lakes, as to suspect the frequency of Ora­cles, or other events in times past: for neither they no [...] their fathers have had any more experience of the one then of the other. Plutarchs testimony (amongst many others) is Authentick for the use and decay of Oracles: but neither his Authority, nor the reasons which he brings, can give satisfaction to any man that seeks the true cause of their defect. He refers it (indeed) in [Page 31] a generality to the Gods; not that they wanted good will to mankinde still, but that the matter did decay which their ministers (the demoniacal Spirits) did work upon, as you heard before. We may upon sure grounds with con­fidence affirm, That even this decay of matter, which he dreams of (had it conferred ought to the use of Oracles) was from God. And he (as the Psal­mist speaks) that turneth the floods into a wildernesse, and drieth up the water Psal. 107. Springs, and maketh a fruitful land barren, for the iniquity of them that dwell therein, did also bring, not onely the Oracle of Delphi, so much frequented amongst the Grecians, but all other kindes of divinations, used amongst his own people in the old World, to desolation: and by powring out his Spirit more plenteously upon the barren hearts of us Heathen, hath filled the Bar­barous Nations of Europe with better store of Rivers of comfort then the Ancient Israel, his own inheritance, had ever known. Or if we desire a more immediate cause of these Oracles defect amongst the Heathens; the time was come, that the strong mans house was to be entred, his goods spoiled, and himself Matth. 12. 29. John 12. 31. bound; now the Prince of this world was to be cast out.

2 Plutarchs relation of his demoniacal Spirits mourning for great Pans death, about this time, is so strange, that it might perhaps seem a Tale, un­lesse the truth of the common bruit had been so constantly avouched by ear-witnesses unto Tiberius, that it made him call a convocation of Wise men, as Herod did at our Saviours birth, to resolve him who this great Pan, late de­ceased, should be. Thamous, the Egyptian Master (unknown by that name to his Passengers, until he answered to it at the third call of an uncouth voice, uttered Sine Authore from the land, requesting him to proclaim the news of great Pans death, as he passed by Palodes) was resolved to have let all passe as a Fancy or idle Message, if the wind and tide should grant him passage by the place appointed: but, the wind failing him on a sudden, at his coming thi­ther, he thought it but a little losse of breath to cry out aloud unto the shoar, as he had been requested, Great Pan is dead. The words, as Plutarch relates, were scarce out of his mouth, before they were answered with a huge noise, as it had been of a multitude, sighing and groaning at this wonderment. If these Spirits had been by nature mortal, as this Philosopher thinks, the death of their chief Captain could not have seemed so strange: but that a far greater then the greatest of them, by whose power the first of them had his being, should die to redeem his enemies from their thraldom, might well seem a matter of wonderment and sorrow unto them. The circumstance of the time will not permit me to doubt, but that under the known name of Pan was intimated the great Shepheard of our souls, that had then layd down his life for his flock; not the fained son of Mercury and Penelope, [...]. Plut. ubi sup. as the Wisemen foo­lishly resolved Tiberius: Albeit even this base and counterfeit resolution of these Heathens coyning, bears a lively image (for the exact proportion) of the divine truth, Charactred out unto us in Scripture. For it shall appear by sufficient testimonies, in their due time and place to be produced, that sun­dry general, confused, or Enigmatical traditions of our Saviours Concepti­on, Birth, and Pastoral office, had been spread abroad amongst the Nations. Hence, instead of Him, they frame a Pan, the God of Shepherds; in stead of the Holy Spirit, by whom he was to be conceived, they have a Mercury (their false Gods fained Messenger and Interpreter) for Pans father; instead of the Blessed Virgin, who was to bear our Saviour, they have a Penelope for their young Gods Mother. The affinity of quality and offices, in all the parties here paralleld, made this transfiguration of divine Truth easie unto the Hea­then; and the manner of it cannot seem improbable to us, if we consider [Page 32] the wonted vanity of their imaginations, in transforming the glory of the Immortal God into the similitude of earthly things, most dislike to it in na­ture and quality. Thus admitting Plutarchs story to be most true, it no way proves his intended conclusion, that the wild goatish Pan was mortal: but the Scriptures set forth unto us the true cause, why both he, and all the rest of that hellish crue should at that time howl and mourn, seeing by the Great Shephe ds Death they were become Dead in Law; no more to breath in Oracles, but quite to be deprived of all such strange motions, as they had seduced the ignorant World with, before. All the antick tricks of Faunus, the Satyrs, and such like creatures, were now put down; God had resolved to make a translation of his Church; and for this cause the Devils were enfor­ced to dissolve their old Chappels, and seek a new form of their Liturgie or Service. Whilest the Israelites were commanded to consult with Gods Priests, Prophets, or other Oracles, before they undertook any difficult war or matters of moment, Satan had his Priests and Oracles as much frequented by Heathen Princes upon the like occasions. So Strabo witnesseth, That the Lib. citato. Ancient Heathen, in their chief consultations of State, did rely more upon Oracles then humane policy. If Moses were forty dayes in the Mount, to re­ceive Plato in Mino [...] Laws from Gods own mouth, Minos will be Jupiters Auditor, in his Den or Cave, for the same purpose. In emulation of Shiloh, or Kiriath-jea­rim, whilest the Ark of God remained there, the Heathens had Dodona; and for Jerusalem they had Delphi, garnished with rich donatives of forrain Prin­ces as well as Grecians; so magnified also by Grecian Writers, as [...] it had been the intended Parallel of the holy City. Insomuch, that Plutarch thinks the Plut. ibid. story, commonly received of that Oracles original, to be lesse probable, be­cause it ascribes the invention of it to Chance, and not to the Divine Provi­vence, or Favour of the Gods, when as it had been such a direction unto Greece, in undertaking wars, in building Cities, and in time of Pestilence and Famine. Whether these effects in Ancient times had been alwayes from the information of Devils (as I said before) I will not dispute. That this Ora­cle had been often consulted, it is evident; and that oftentimes the Devils de­luded such as consulted them, is as manifest. But since that saying of the Pro­phet was fulfilled, I will put my law in their inward parts, and write in their Jer. 31. 33. hearts; since the knowledge of Truth hath been so plenteously made known and re­vealed, and the principles of Religion so much dilated and enlarged by discourse, the Devil hath chosen proud hearts and busie brains for his Oracles; seeking by their subtilty of wit, and plausibility of discourse, to counterfeit and corrupt the form of wholesome Doctrine; as he did of old, the truth of Gods visible Oracles, by his Apish Imitations.

3 This conclusion then is evident, both from the joynt authority of all Ancient Writers, as well prophane as sacred; That God in former times had spoken unto the world by Dreams, Visions, Oracles, Priests, and Prophets; and that such revelations had been, amongst the Israelites, as the Stars or Night-Lamps; amongst the Heathen as Meteors, fiery Apparitions, or wandering Comets, for their direction in the time of darknesse and ignorance. But when both the sen­sible experience of our times, and the relations of former Ages, most unpar­tial in this case, have sufficiently declared unto us, That all the former Twinck­ling Lights are vanished; the reason of this alteration, I see, men might seek by Natural Causes, as Plutarch did; but this doubt is cleared, and the que­stion truly resolved by our Apostle in these words; At sundry times, and in Heb. 1. 1. diverse manners, God spake in the old time to our Fathers by the Prophets: in these last dayes he hath spoken unto us by his Son, whom he hath made Heir of all things, [Page 33] by whom also he made the world: who, being (as the Apostle there saith) the Bright­nesse of his glory, hath put the former lights, which shined in darknesse, to flight. The consideration hereof confirms that truth of our Apostle to all such as are not blinded in heart, where he saith, That the night was past, and the day was come: For the suddain vanishing of all former lights, about this time (assigned by Christians) of our Saviours Birth, abundantly evince, That this was the Sun of Righteousnesse, which (as the Prophet had foretold) Malach. 4. 2. should arise unto the world. It was the light which had lately appeared in the Coasts of Jurie, then approaching Italy, Greece, and other of these Western Countreys, which did cause these sons of darknesse, (the de­moniacal Spirits) to flit Westward, as Darknesse it self doth from the face of the Sun, when it begins to appear in the East. And Plutarch tels us, That after they had forsaken the Countrey of Greece, they hanted Plut. ibid. little desart Islands, near adjoyning to the coasts of this our Britanie; where they raised such hideous storms and tempests, as Navigators report they have done of late in that Island, called by their own Name. Both reports had their times of truth; and the like may be yet true, in some places, more remote from commerce of Christians. But the Heathen (as Heathenish minded men do even to this day) sought the reasons of such alterations from sensible Agents, or second Causes, which have small affinity with those effects: or if they had, yet the disposition of such causes depends wholly upon his will; who, though most Immutable in Himself, changeth times and seasons at His pleasure. And wheresoever the light of his Gospel cometh, it verifieth that saying of our Apostle, Ecce vetera transierunt, & nova facta sunt omnia: And new times yield new observations; which cannot be taken aright, nor their causes known, without especial directions from this rule of Life. By which it plainly appeareth, that the second main Period of the World, since the Floud (whose beginning we account from the pro­mulgation of the Law, and the distinction of the Israelites from other people, until the time of Grace) yields great alteration and matter of much different observation from the former. And in the declining, or later part of this second age, we have described unto us, as it were, an Ebbe or stanch in the affairs of the Kingdom of Israel, going before the general Fulnesse of Time: After which we see the Tenor of all things in Jurie, and of other Kingdoms of the world, quite changed. But the particulars of this change I intend to handle hereafter: I now would prosecute my former observations of the old world.

4 Continually, whilest we compare Ancient Poets or stories with the Book of Genesis, and other volumes of sacred Antiquity: these sacred books give us the pattern of the waking thoughts of Ancient times. And the Heathen Poems, with other fragments of Ethnick writings (whose entire bodies, though not so aged as the former being but the works of men, have perished) contain the dreams and fancies which succeeding ages by hear-say, and broken reports, had conceived, concerning the same or like matters. So no doubt had God disposed, that the delight which men took in the un­certain Glimpse of truth in the one, should enure their mindes the better to observe the light which shineth in the other; and that the unstable variety of the one, should prepare mens hearts more stedfastly to imbrace the truth and stability of the other, when it should be revealed unto them. And, as any man almost, if he be observant of his former actions, cogitations, and oc­currents, may find out the occasion how dreams (though in themselves oftentimes prodigious, absurd, and foolish) come into his Brain or Fancie: [Page 34] so may any judicious man, from the continual and serious observation of this Register of truth find out the Original, at least, of all the principal heads or common places of Poetical fictions or ancient Traditions, which cannot be imagined they should ever have come into any mans fancy, unlesse from the Imitation of some Historical truth, or the Impulsion of real events stir­ring up admiration. I or Admiration (as shall afterward appear) did breed, and Imitation spoil, the divine Art of Poetry.

CAP. XI.

Of the Apparitions of the Heathen Gods and their Heroicks.

1 WEre all the works of Ancient Poets utterly lost, and no tradition or print of their inventions left, so as the art of Poetrie were to begin anew, and the Theatre to be raised from the ground; the most curi­ous wits in this or near adjoyning Countreys, might for many generations to come Beat their Brains, and sift their Fancies, until they had run over all the formes and compositions which the whole Alphabet of their Fan­tasmes could afford, before they could ever dream of bringing the gods in visible shape upon the Stage, or interlacing their Poems with their often apparitions. And unlesse ensuing times should yield matter of much dif­ferent observations from that which these present do, this invention would be accounted dull,, and find but sorry and unwelcome entertainment of the auditors or spectators. That the like invention findes some acceptation now, it is, because mens mindes have been possessed with this conceit from the tradition of their forefathers. For many inventions, which in succession cease to be of like use and consequence as they were in former times, become yet matters of delight and sport unto posterity: as Shooting continues still an Exercise of good recreation to us of this Land, because it hath been a pra­ctise of admirable use and consequence unto our worthy Ancestors. But whence came this conceit of the gods appearing in sensible shapes into Homers and other Ancient Poets heads? How became it a common place of Poetical invention, whilest Poetrie it self was but beginning? Surely, as God had spo­ken in divers manners unto the old world, so had he appeared in divers forms (perhaps) not onely to the Israelites, but unto other nations also, be­fore the distinction of this people from them: howsoever, as the devils had counterfeited Gods manner of speaking to his people, so did they the manner of His, or his Angels apparitions.

2 Such apparitions of God or his Angels, the sacred Storie tels us, were frequent, not onely in Abrahams, Isaacs, Jacobs, and the Patriarchs times, but in the Ages immediately going before the times that Homer wrote of: so that the traditions of these undoubted Experiments (if Greece or Asia had Exod 3. 2. Numb. 22. 22. not the like in Homers time) might then be fresh and unquestionable. So God appeared to Moses in the Bush; his Angel to Balaam, to Gedeon, to Manoah [...]udg. 6. 11. [...]udg. 13▪ [...]. and his wife. The like apparitions in times following were more rare in Isra­el; not that the date of Gods, or his Angels extraordinary presence was ut­terly expired: but their presence was seldom apprehended, by reason of that peoples blindnesse of heart, and want of Prophets eyes. For Elisha's servant had not seen so much as a glimpse of any Angel, albeit a mighty Host of these heavenly souldiers had pitched their tents about him, unless his Ma­ster, by his prayer to God, had opened his eyes. His master and he may [Page 35] be a perfect Embleme of the heavenly and worldly wise. The servant did see the host of the Aslyrians as clearly, perhaps more clearly, at the least he des­cried it sooner then his Master did: And when the servant of the man of God 2 Kings 6. 15, &c. arose early to go out, behold, an Host compassed the City with horses and chariots. Then his servant said unto him, Alas master, how shall we do? And he answered, Fear not: for they that be with us, are more then they that be with them. Then Elishah prayed, and said, Lord open his eyes that he may see. And the Lord opened the eyes of the servant, and he looked, and behold, the mountain was full of horses and chariots round about Elishah. This place, and that other of the Angels appearing to Balaam, may instruct us, that such apparitions might be conspicuous to some one or few whom they concerned, though not to others present with them: and that the eyes of some, which were open enough to worldly spectacles, might be close shut to these celestial visions, as the ears of others have been in like case. For S. Paul onely Heard the voice which cri­ed Acts 22. 9. aloud unto him: though those that were with him saw the light that shone at his conversion, and were astonished at it. From the like experience about Creece or Asia, in his own, or the usual tradition of the like in former times, did Homer bring in Pallas appearing thus to Achilles;

Iliad. 1.
[...]:
Of all the rest not one but he
The Goddesse did, though present, see.

3 As the end and purpose which Homer assigns for these apparitions of his gods; so are both these, and many other particular circumstances of his gods assisting the Ancient Heroicks, such as might justly breed offence to any seri­ous reader, if a man should avouch them in earnest, or seek to perswade him to expect more then meer delight in them. Yet I cannot think, that he would have fained such an Assistance, unlesse the Valour of some men, in former times, had been extraordinary, and more then natural. Which supernatural Excellency in some before others, could not proceed but from a supernatural Cause. And thus far his conceit agrees with Scripture: that there were more Heroical spirits in old times, then in latter, and more immediate directions from God, for managing of most wars. And from the experience hereof, the Ancient Poets are more copious in their Hyperbolical praises of their Worthies, then the discreeter sort of latter Poets durst be, whilest they wrote of their own times. Not that the Ancient were more licentious, or lesse ob­servant of Decorum in this kind of fiction, then the other: but because the mani­festation of a Divine power in many of their victories, was more seen in Ancient, then in latter times: so that such fictions, as to the ancient people might seem (by reason of these extraordinary events then frequent) very probable; would have been censured as ridiculous and apish in succeeding Ages, wherein no like events were manifested. The like extraordinary manifestation of Gods power in Battel, and of this Heroical valour inspired into men, we see most frequent in the Ancient Stories of the Bible, as in the books of Moses, Josuah, Judges, Samuel: some One man in those times, was worth a Thousand others: but in the Histories of the latter Kings of Judah and Israel, such extraordinary Heroical spirits are very rare. The Reader may adde [...]he like observati­on of Giants Frequent in the Times of Moses and Jo­shuah, but af­terwards sel­dom mentio­ned in the sa­cred story. A representati­on of which Historical Truth we have in Two or Three speech [...]s of Nestor [Iliad [...]] in which he inti­mates that in his youth, (which was a­bout Joshuahs time) there had been ma­ny Giants and men of stature and strength unusual in the time of the Trojan wars. His Cyclops's for the man­ner of their habitation & other quali­ties are live pictures of the Anakims expelled He­bron and the mountain Countreys of Judah by Jo­shuah. Vid. Masium in cap. 11. Josuae. vers. 21. & August. De Civit. Dei Lib. 15. Cap. 9. & Vivem in Com­ment. One or two Miraculous Victories Israel had in Elishahs, & Judah in Ezekiahs time: but by the power, of Angels: no extraordi­nary valour of any man was much seen in them. And, these few excepted, their Pattels, their Victories, & manner of fight, come near unto the nature of other nations in the same time. Generally from Rehoboams time, the Histories of [Page 36] Judah and Israel fall much more within the compass of modern and o [...]ci­narie observation, then did the events of former Ages. And if we had any perfect Register of such mattters as had fallen out in other nations and king­doms during the time of Moses, Josuah, and the Judges: we should find them much more consonant to the sacred Stories of these times, then are any Histo­ries of later times, or of former ages, wherin any Historiographer of better ac­count did live. And albeit I cannot excuse Herodotus and Ctesias, either from af­fecting fabulous narrations, or too great facilitie in admitting the superstition report or hear-say-traditions of others: yet is mens mistrust of them usually more universal, then in Scholastick discretion and observation it need to be: onely because the like events have not been usual in any Age throughout these parts of the world, since the times whereof they wrote. No marvel if many since that time suspect the signs and wonders of the old world, when as the Psalmist, that lived before most Heathen Writers that are extant (be­sides such as relate like strange events) complains; Psal 74. 9. We see not our signs, there is not one Prophet more. Generally, after Judah had been capt [...]ved by the Gentiles, That and other Kingdoms lie, as it were, under one Parallel, and may almost be measured by the same line: the elevation of the Jew and Gen­tile is much-what the same, and the same celestial observation may serve for both. The Priests after their return from captivity, were forbidden to eat of the Most Holy Thine, till there arose up a Priest with Urim and Thummim, Fzra 2. 63. But, either no such did arise at all, from the erection of the Second Temple until Christ, time: or, if any did, it was but to give this people a Farewel of Gods extraordinary speaking unto them, either by Priests or Prophets. Josephus consci­seth, that revelations by Urim and Thummim did finally cease 200 years before his time. Put more probable is the opinion of others, that this, as all other kind An [...]. [...]. 3. Cap. [...]. of Prophecies, and many extraordinarie signs of Gods power and presence (sometime most frequent in that nation) did cease with that generation which returned from captivitie, or immediately after the finishing of the Second Temple: as if God during all that time, had appointed a Fast or Vigil, as an in­troduction to the Time of Fulnesse, [...]foel 2. 28. Wherein their sons and daugh­ters should prophecie, and their old men, dream dreams, and their young men see visions, and his Spirit should be poured out on all flesh; as well upon the servant, as the master; as well upon the Gentile, as the Jew, Malach. 1. 11. For this cause, as I said God had enjoyned this long fast in Judah, to humble the Jew, and te [...]u [...]h him, that He was no more his God then the Gentiles; and imposed silence to all his prophets dis-inuring his chosen Israel from his wonted Call: that so this people might grow more mild, and apt to herd together with his other slock, now to be brought into the same fold, wherein both might joyntly hear the great Shepherds voice. As God▪ elsewhere, had threatned, so it came to passe, that visions had ceased in Judah, before the rising of the Roman Empire: and likely it is that presages by dreams, or like means, formerly usual among the Ancient Heathen, did either altogether determine, or much decrease in many Nations about the same time. For which reasons, the Romans of that Age, being the only wise men of the world (given too much by nature unto secular Polic [...]e: did give lesse credit to the relations of the Ancient Greeks, or the events registred by their Ancestours in their own Countrey. The like incre­dulity remaineth in most of us; but may be easily removed by discovering the root of it.

CHAP. XII.

The reasons of our mistrusting of Antiquities.

1 IT is the common practise of men to measure matters of Ancient times, by observation of the times and place wherein they live: as commonly we passe our censure on other mens actions and intentions, according to our own resolutions and secret purposes in like cases. And, besides this general occasion of mistaking other mens actions, and events of other times, every particular sort of men seek to assign causes of things sutable unto their proper Faculties. The Natural Philosopher striveth to reduce all effects to Matter and Form, or some sensible qualitie; the Mathematician, to abstract Forms or Fi­gures, or insensible influences; the Politician thinks no alteration in publick States, or private mens affairs, fals out, but from some Politick cause or Pur­pose of man: and whilest in the Annals of Antiquities he reads of sundry events, surpassing the reach or skill of mans invention, or contrary to the or­dinarie course of nature, he attributes all unto the Simplicity or credulitie of their Ancestors. Albeit, if we should search the true cause of their creduli­tie in yielding assent unto such strange reports, it will easily confute the error of posterity: for this credulity in such particulars, could not have been so great in their Ancestors, unlesse their mindes had been first inclined to the ge­neral, from the tradition of their Predecessors. But why their forefathers should either have invented such strange reports, or be so inclinable to be­lieve them: if we search into the depth or first spring of this perswasion, we cannot imagine any other cause, but the real and sensible Experience of such strange events as they reported to posterity. This did enforce Belief upon the first Progenitors of any Nation: and from the fulnesse of this perswasion, or actual Belief in them, was bred this credulitie or aptnesse in posterity, to be­lieve the like, which yet in successe of time did by little and little wear out. It is great simplicity and uncharitable credulitie in us, to think, that either the most Ancient, or middle Ages of the world, were generally so simple, cre­dulous, or apt to believe every thing, as some would make them. It had been as hard a matter to have perswaded men of those times, that there were no Gods, no divine power or providence: as it would be to perswade the mo­dern Athiests, that there is an Almighty power, which created all things; go­verneth and disposeth of all things to his glory. The most politick Athe [...]st now alive, is as Credulous in his kinde, as the simplest creature in the old world was: and will yield his assent unto the Epicures or other Brutish Philosophers conclu­sions, upon as light reasons, as they did their Belief unto any Fable concern­ing the power or providence of the Gods: the reason of both their credulities in two contrary kindes, is the same. The often manifestation of an extraor­dinary power in Battels, or presence in Oracles, and sensible documents of revenge from heaven, made the one prone to entertain any report of the Gods, though never so strange: and the want of like sensible signs or documents of the same power in our dayes (whilest all mens minds are still set upon poli­tick means and practises for their own good) doth make the other so credu­lous and apt to assent to any Politik Discourse, and so averse from Belief of the Prophets or sacred Writers, which reduce all effects to the First Cause. But this we cannot do so immediately as the Ancient did: because God useth his Wisdom more in the managing of this Politick world, then he did in times of old; and men naturally are lesse apprehensive of His Wisdom, then of His Pow­er; [Page 38] so that his present wayes are not so obvious at the first sight unto sense as some­times they were, though more conspicuous to sanctified reason now at this day then before, and the manner of his proceeding more apt to confirm true Belief in such as follow his [...], then ever it was. For the same reason were the Ancient Israelites more prone to Idolatry, then their successours were, after the erection of the second Temple; or either of them were at any time to serve their GOD. For the sensible signs and bewitching inticements of some ex­traordinary powers, mistaken for Divine, were then most common; and Gods Wonders and miracles grew more rare, because they swarved from his commandments. What Jew was there, almost, in the time of the Maccabees, but would have given his body for an Holcaust, rather then sacrifice to any of the Heathen Gods? The undoubted experience of long Wo and misery for their former Idolatry, made them so averse from this sin. And the certain signs of the Messiahs approach, did support them from falling into Atheism. Such violence as these later willingly suffered at the hands of Heathen Prin­ces, rather then they would consent unto Idolatry, their Forefathers in the wil­dernesse were as ready to offer unto Aaron, for not furthering them in their idolatrous imaginations. So we read Exod. 32. when God had but for a while withdrawn his extraordinary presence from them, and Moses his instrument in working miracles, had been but a short time out of their sight: they com­plain he ta [...]ied long, and gather themselves together against Aaron, and say un­to [...]; Up, and make us Gods to go before us: for of this Moses, the man that brought us out of the land of Egypt, we know not what is become of him. There was no danger l [...]st they should turn Athiests, this was a sin unknown in that age. And this people had experience enough of extraordinary powers in Egypt, which they took for Gods. So far are they from thinking there was no God that guides the world, that they thought there were Many: and if one did withdraw his presence, another might serve to conduct them: one they must have, otherwise all help of man was in vain. As Jannes and Jambres had with­stood Moses Miracles with their Magick; so had the devils, their masters, sought to work wonders about the Egyptian idols, which did stupisie the people. For albeit Their Wonders were not so great, as Gods: yet were they more delightful to their outward sense; for their service for the most part, was sport and play. They were never dainty to shew their jugling tricks, for their own advantage; alwayes pliable to the humours and lusts of men: whereas the Omnipotent Majesty of God would have all to frame their lives and actions according to his written Laws, which might not be altered or mis­interpreted, at the pleasure of men; nor would he vouchsafe to work his miracles in all ages, or unto such as were unworthy spectators of them. Thus had Satan his Oracles and sacrifices oft times better frequented, then God had his; As in these times, such Preachers as will accommodate themselves unto the peoples Humors, are most frequented; but such as hold this sin as Sacriledge and dishonour to their God, are despised and set at nought. And though we may not mitigate Aarons fault, nor diminish these Israelites transgression (as their foo­ [...] pos [...]v doth) by transferring the blame of this idolatrous fact upon the M [...]which followed the Host of Israel out of Egypt: yet it is more then pro­bable from the circumstance of the Text (besides the tradition of the anci­ent Hebrews,) that there was some magical or demoniacal skill practised in the [...] moultin▪ of this Egyptian god, whence this peoples superstition towards it was mer [...]ased. The Heathen Princes of those times were no Babies; as [...] wa [...]y (we may presume) upon what occasion to forgo their children, as mi­sers are to part with money: and yet these were wrested from them, and [Page 39] their bloud shed by their own hands, to pacifie the rage of powers, then ma­nifestly known for supernatural. But when both Gods Wonders grew rare, and the devils tricks waxed scant, either by restraint from above, or of their own free choice, as if by their long continuance they had grown out of re­quest: they see it more boot to draw the Politick world unto Atheism, which never did florish until the rising of the Roman Monarchie. Unto this main in­convenience of the late Romans, and other worldly wise mens distrust of wonders past, this second mischief did accrew, That sundry Writers of those times, did hold it a part of their Profession, to fill their Books with such stuff, as they found in Ancient stories; as if their Histories or Poems had not been Current, without as many parts or heads of invention, as others had in former Ages. And this experience of counterfeit wonders, meeting with the want of experience of any true wonders of that time, did concur as Form and Privation for the producing of Insidelity in mens minds already disposed to this evil by secular Policie. And these were enough to carry our minds below the lowest degree of any credulitie, or suspition of truth, in like reports: unlesse the Scri­pture did forewarn us of this guile and policy of Satan, which we may the better prevent, if we diligently observe; First, the difference of times and places: Secondly, how strange Fables and lying wonders receive Being from notable and admirable decayed Truths, as Baser Creatures, do life, from the dissolution of more Noble Bodies.

CAP. XIII.

Of the Diversitie of Events in different Ages.

THe divers Characters of different times rightly taken, give us as easie and perfect a Crisis between the Fictions of latter, and the true Annals of for­mer Ages: as out of ordinary discretion men usually make between foolish Travailors reports of great wonders in Spain, or France, and the judicious records of uncouth sights, and strange events, in the East and West Indies. And we have altogether as little reason to deny either the general truth of strange events recorded by the Ancient, or the Prototypes of Poetical inven­tions in former times, for the want of like experience in later, as we have to discredit Benzos martyrs, or other late navigators observations of the East and West Indies; because many, who have travelled France, Spain, and Italy, while they make true relations of their travels, relate no such event, as the Indies afford many. And yet Guls, when they flie abroad, will relate (a­mong such as know them not) as strange matters of near adjoyning countreys, as he that hath compassed the utmost ends of the world. Now it were a great folly to discredit all late Navigators for the absurdity of some few Guls, & as great madnesse it were to disparage all Ancient stories, for the absurd and pre­posterous imitation of latter writers, against all experience of later times. For diversitie of times yield as great diversity of observations, as the diversity or distance of place: onely this is the difference; daily observation yields ex­periments of this diversity in place, whereas the word of God alone which en­dures for ever, giveth us the sure rules and grounds of alterations in the events of different ages. And yet in many remote places lately made known unto the inhabitants of Europe, such strange events as Antiquitie hath told us, were sometimes frequent in th [...]se Countreys which we now inhabit, are not at this day altogether unusual. And the face of Time is now there much-what [Page 40] such, as the Ancient Registers of Times have pourtrayed unto us: as if the affairs and fashion of this visible world, were framed according to some invisi­ble patterns or supercoelestial Characters; which varying their aspect in revo­lutions of time, did now (by reflecting that force upon those remote coun­treys, which they did on these near adjoyning in times past) produce the like shape and fashion of things there, as they have done here. And those places shall, in time, come to the self same temper and disposition which we now enjoy: and the posterity of such as now live there, shall hereafter suspect the undoubted stories of our times concerning their Ancestors, as we do many Ancient stories of Jewry, Syria, Asia, or our own countreys, for want of like modern experiments in our land.

2 For the better rectifying of our Assent, which must be by the right balan­cing of Credulity and Mistrust, it shall not be amisse to consider, that, besides these general diversities of times and places, Particular Kingdoms and nations have their several ages proportionable to Infancy, Youth, Virility, and Old Age in men. Nor is the Period either of the whole Age, or the several parts thereof, one and the same in all, but varies in divers kingdoms, as the course of life, or several ages do in divers men. Some Kingdoms bear age well unto a Thousand; Some to six hundred years: Others break and decay in half that time. Again, as in the course of mans life diversitie of ages requires divers manners or con­ditions: so, in the same people or nation, some events are usual, as best befit­ting them in that degree of their growth which answers to Youth, or Infancy, which seldom or never fall out in that part of their age which answers unto mature or Old age in men, because not convenient for their constitution then; and yet the want of like experience makes them as distrustful and incredu­lous of what formerly had been, as old men are forgetful of their own dispo­sition or temper in youth. Generally, when the fulnesse of any nations Iniquity (wherein their decrepit age consisteth) is come, They grow more and more incre­dulous: so as they verisie the Latin Proverb concerning the disposition of old men: Nullus senex veneratur Jovem: more true of states;

As they grow old,
Their zeal grows cold.

3 As the world was redeemed by Christ, so do nations begin a new Com­putation of their ages, from their Admission to Christianity. Some were come to Youth, or Virility in that profession, before others were born in Christ: as Asia and Asrica, for the most part, were Christians before Europe. Again, the Ancient inhabitants in some provinces had been Christians, long before other people that afterward subdued them, and lived in their countreys: as the Brittains in this Island had been long partakers of Gods mercy in Christ, before the Saxons; and the Ancient Gauls, before the Franks, which after­ward seated themselves in their habitations. Generally, Miracles were usual in the Infancy of Christianity, as we read in Ecclesiastical stories: nor can it be certainly gathered when they did generally cease. To say they indured no longer then the Primitive Church, can give no universal satisfaction, save only to such as think it enough for all the world to have the light of the Gospel lookt up in the Chancel of some one glorious Church: for some Churches were but in the Prime, or Change, when others were Full of Christian know­ledge. The use of Miracles at the same instant was befitting the one, not the other. For God usually speaks to new-born children in Christ, by Mi­racles or sensible declarations of his Power, Mercy, or Justice: as parents de­ [...] their children from evil, in tender years, by the rod, or other sensible signs of their displeasure; and allure them to goodnesse with apples, or other [Page 41] like visible pledges of their love: but, when they come to riper years, and are capable of discourse, or apprehensive of wholsom admonitions, they seek to rule them by reason. Proportionably to this course of parents doth God speak to his Church: in her Infancy, (wheresoever planted) by sensible documents of his Power; in her Maturity, by the ordinary Preaching of his word, which is is more apt to ripen and confirm true Christian Faith then any miracles are, so men would submit their reason unto the rules set down in Scripture, and un­partially examine all events of time by them, as elsewhere, God willing, we shall shew.

4 These grounds, wel considered, wil move any sober spirit at the least to sus­pend his assent, and not suffer his mind to be hastily overswayed with absolute distrust of all such Miracles, as either our writers report to have bin wrought in this our land at the Saxons first coming hither, or the French Historiographers record in the first conversion of the Franks, or in the Prime of that Church.

5 And the Franks and Saxons before their conversion to Christianity, were much-what of that temper, in respect of their present posterity, as Greece was of in Homers, or Italy in the dayes of Romulus, in respect of Cicero's, or Plutarchs time: nor would I deny, but that admonitions by dreams were usual amongst them, as they had been amongst the Eastern nations.

And, without prejudice to many noble Patriots and worthy members of Christ this day living in that famous Kingdom of France, I should interpret that dream of See Aimoin­us (aliter Anno­nius.) de Gestis Francorum Lib. 1. c. 7. & 8. in the Cor­pus Francicae Histor. print­ed in Folio. 1613. Hano­viae. Bassina, Queen unto Childerick the first, of the present state of France: in which the last part of that threefold vision is more truly verified, then it was ever in the lineal succession of Childerick and Bassina, or any of the Merovingian, or Carlovingian Families.

6 The vision was of three sorts of beasts; The Frst, Lions and Leopards; The second, Bears and Wolves; The third, of Dogs or lesser creatures, biting and devou­ring one another. The interpretation which Bassina made of it, was registred certain hundred years ago; That these troupes of vermin or lesser creatures, did signifie a people without fear or reverence of their Princes, so pliable and devoutly obsequious to follow the Peers or Potentates of that Nation in their factious quarrels, that they should involve themselves in inextricable tumults to their own destruction.

7 Had this vision been painted, only with this general notification; that it was to be Emblematically understood of some state in Europe: who is he that can discern a picture by the known partie whom it represents, but could have known as easily, that this was a map of those miseries that late­ly have befalne France; whose bowels were almost rent and torn, with civil and domestick Broyles? God grant her closed wounds fall not to bleed a fresh again. and that her people be not so eagerly set to bite and tear one a­nother (like dogs or other testie creatures) until all become a prey to Wolves and Bears, or other great ravenous Beasts; which seek not so much to tear or rent in heat of revenge, as lie in wait continually to devour and swal­low with unsatiate greedinesse, the whole bodies of mightie Kingdoms, and to die her Robes, that rides as Queen of Monsters upon that many-Headed beast, with streams of bloud that issue from the bodies squezed and crushed between their violent teeth; yea, even with the Royal bloud of Kings and Princes. Many such examples of admonitions by dreams and other extra­ordinarie signs of future wo or calamities, both foretold and fulfilled many hundred years since Bassina and Childericks dayes, I could bring, which might confirm the Historical truth of the like mentioned in Scriptures to any civil Heathen, as they have inforced such as we most suspect for Atheists, to acknow­ledge [Page 42] a divine power or providence in them. And I know not what reason any professour of truth can have to deny the like presignifications in later times upon extraordinary occasions, or in some transmutations of Kingdoms; if he have so much Religion as not to doubt of Nebuchad-nezzars vision. But of such signs, (whether good, or ominous) and of their lawful use elsewhere. Of the use of prophecies amongst the Heathen and Barbarous people, and of that offence which some take at such as seem to give any credit to them, as if this were against the truth of scriptures, we may perhaps take occasion to speak, when we come to unfold the divers kinds of prophecies amongst the Jews, with their interpretations. Thus much may suffice for the removal of that prejudice, which Atheists, Infidels, and other Worldly-wise men have, of their Ancestors Credulity, or Fabulosity, which were not incident to primary Antiquity, but unto Ages in succession nearer to those times wherein wonders had been plentiful: as commonly the Braggadochian humour doth hant the degenerate race of worthy Ancestors, before their posterity come to be Sneaks or Pesants, which in the race of private persons answers in proportion to Infi­delity, the common Symptom of decrepit Age in Kingdoms.

CAP. XIV.

Of the Original and right use of Poetry: with the manner of its Corruption by later Poets.

1 THe positive truth, which (in the removal of impediments and offences) hath been made more then probable in the former discourse, may yet be made more evident from more particular observations concerning the manner how Monstrous Fables have descended from true Wonders: which will best appear by setting down the Original and right Use of Poetry.

2 A Poet being (as his name imports) a Maker, according to the Latin pro­verb, is not made by Art, but framed to this divine Faculty by Nature. Not that any amongst the Romans became Poets on a sodain: but that many very fruitful wits in all other kindes of learning, could not be forced by any indu­stry, art, or culture to such a temper, as was befitting this plant of Eden, which groweth not in any modern brest without more tender care and greater che­rishing, then any other slip or branch of the tree of knowledge; and yet when all is done seldom comes to any proof, unlesse it borrow grounds from the An­cient: as tender plants can hardly be removed from a better soil to a worse, without some of the earth wherein they naturally grow. Were Arts to begin anew, Poetry, which was the first and most common among the Ancient, in all probability, would spring the last, & grow the slowest amongst us. Their wits of old were not naturally or generally better then ours: why then was the way to Parnassus, which unto us using all help of Art and Imitation, is laborious and hard to ascend, so plain and easie to them, without any guide or help; all other Artificial learning being then either unknown, or very scant? Such know­ledge or observations as they had or cared for, they knew not otherwise how to convey unto posteritie, then by Poetical numbers and resemblan­ces. He is a Poet by nature (saith that excellent Poet and divine Philosopher) That is apt to be ravished with the true and native beauty of such Objects as are re­presented to his senses, and can express his conceit by such pleasant resemblances, as often as he shall have occasion to utter his minde in writing or set speech. This inclination or disposition is as the ground or soil whereon Poetrie doth natu­rally grow, whether in Ancient or Modern breasts: but the Ancient had this [Page 43] advantage. The Fashion of the world in their times was more apt to ravish their thoughts with Admiration: wonderful Events were then frequent: nor did their frequency abate, but rather increase wonderment, because their va­riety was great, and the apprehension of invisible or Supernatural Powers in them usual. So that admiration was then inforced upon men, and the breasts of such as diligently observed these events, or were any way disposed by nature to the Faculty, were inspired with lively and sublimate affections, apt to vent themselves in such Poetical Phrase and resemblances, as we cannot reach un­to, unless we raise our invention by Art and imitation, and stir up Admiration by meditation and study. And because neither our senses are moved with any extraordinary effects of Gods Power, nor our minds bent to observe the ways of his Wisdom, so as we might be stricken with true Admiration of them, we have fewer good sacred Poems, then of any other kind. But as the Ancients chief learning did consist of Poetry: so the excellency of their Poetry was chief­ly seen in the proper and native subject of this Faculty, that is, in matters of Sa­cred Use or observation: whence the title of Vates did descend unto secular or profane Poets, which retained the number and manner of speech used by the former.

3 That such as were Vates indeed, were taught this sublimity of speech by admiration of extraordinary events, may be confirmed by the Historical nar­rations of the Sacred Story: wherin Poetical Hymns or sons are the usual con­sequents of strange or wonderful events. As, Judg. 5. after the victory gotten over Sisera, Then sang Deborah, & Barach the son of Abinoam, the same day say­ing; Praise ye the Lord, &c. So likewise Hannah after the Lord had heard her prayer, and taken away her barrenness, burst out into the like Poetical Hymn, 1 Sam. 2. So did the Blessed Virgin upon her cosen Elizabeths salutation, and John Baptist springing in her womb, take up her song, Luke 1. 46. My soul doth magnifie the Lord, &c. So doth Zachary, John Baptists father, take up his pro­phecy, Luke 1. 68. and Simeon, Luke 2. 28. So likewise after the manifestation of Gods wonders in the red Sea, all his people (as if they had been baptized in a sacred Helicon) presently turn Poets, Exod. 15. 1. And again, Numb. 21. after they had returned to Beer, the Well which Moses had opened out of the hard rock with his rod, Israel (as if they had washed their mouths in Hippocrene) had their voices tuned to an high strain of Poetry: Then Israel sang this song: Rise up, WELL, sing ye unto it, the Princes digged this Well, the Captains of the people dig­ged it, even with their staves.

4 That the frequent use of Poetry among the Ancient heathen, did arise from like occasions, may be gathered from Strabo: who from Antiquity, better Strabo Lib. 1. Fol. 15. known to him then us, avoucheth it as unquestionable, that all other set speech, whether Historical or Rhetorical, was but the Progeny of Poetry, fal­ling in latter times from its wonted state and dignity; whereas the Ancients knew no other branch of Artificial or set speech, but only Poetry. Albeit to speak properly, it was (in respect of the Efficient or impulsive causes) rather Superartificial, then Natural or Artificial; and Rhetorick and Historie on­ly Artificial. This opinion will not seem strange, if we consider, that the wiser sort in those times did commend such matters onely to writing, as might inflame posterity with devotion and love of vertue. For Poetrie, as the same Author tels us, was accounted by Antiquitie, Prima quaedam Philosophia, a kind of sacred moral Philosophie, appropriated, as it seems, at the first to the relation or representation of supernatural Events or divine matters onely: of which the most Ancient had best experience, and were im­pelled to communicate them to posteritie, elevated (as is observed before) [Page 44] by the excellency of the Object, to this celestial kind of speech which is most apt to ravish younger wits, as it self was bred of Admiration. This use of Poe­trie appears in some Fragments of most Ancient Poets, in their kind propor­tionable to the book of Psalms, of Job, and the songs of Moses, the only pa­tern of true Poesie: whose subjects, usually, are the wonderful works of God manifested unto men. Some degenerate footsteps of these Holy men the Heathen, about Homers time, did observe: using their Poets and Musicians for planting modesty and chastity amongst other vertues in their auditors. [...]. So Agamemnon left Hom. odys. 3. the musical Poet as Guardian to Clytemnestra, who continued chast and loyal until Aegisthus got the Poet conveyed into an uninhabited Is­land. For this reason was Poetry Strato Ibid. taught chil­dren first throughout the Grecian Cities, as Mo­ses had commanded the Israelites to teach their children his divine Poem, Deut. 31. 19. and 32. 46. And they much wrong that divine Plat. lib. 10. de Repub. Philosopher, that think he was any farther an enemy unto the sacred Faculty, then onely to seek the reformation of it by reducing it to its first natural use; which was not meer delight, as Eratosthenes dreamed, right­ly taxed by Strabo for this error. That might perhaps be true of the Comi­cal Latin poets;

Poeta quum primum animum adscribendum appulit,
Id sibi negoti credidit solum dari,
Populo ut placerent quas fecisset Fabulas.
When first the Poet bent his wits to write,
The onely mark he aim'd at, was delight.

Which notwithstanding had neither been the onely, nor chief use; no end at all, but rather an adjunct of Poetry amongst the Ancient: by the wiser and better sort of whom nothing was apprehended, at least approved as truly de­lightful, which was not also Honest and of profitable use for bettering life and manners. The law of nature being then lesse defaced, They could read it without spelling, and comprehend all the Three Elements of Goodness, joyntly under one entire conceit, as we do the product of divers Letters or Syllables in one word, without examination of their several value apart. But when the Union of this Trinity, wherein the nature of Perfect Goodnesse consists, was once dissolved in mens hearts, and Delight had found a peculiar Issue without mixture of Honesty or Utility: the desire of becoming popular Po­ets, did breed the bane of true Poesie; and those Sacred Numbers, which had been as Amulets against vice, became incentives unto lust. Or if we would but search the native use of Poetry by that end which men, not led awry by hopes of applause, or gain, or other external respects, but directed rather by the internal impulsion of this Faculty, and secret working of their Souls, do aim at: It principally serves for Venting Extraordinary Affections. No man almost so dul, but will be Poetically affected in the subject of his strongest passions. As we see by experience, that where the occasions either of Joy for the Fortunate Valour, or Sorrow for the mishaps of their Countrey-men, or Al­liance, are most rife, this disposition is both most pregnant and most common. And as Speech or Articulation of voices in general, was given to man for com­municating his conceits or meaning unto others; so Poetry, the Excellency of Speech, serves for the more lively expressing of his Choicer Conceits, for [Page 45] Beautifying His darling-thoughts or Fancies, which almost disdain to go abroad in other then this exactly-proportioned attire, The souls wooing suits (if I may so speak) whereby she wins others to Sympathize with her in abundance of Grief, or to consent with her in excessive Joy, or finally to settle their Admira­tion or dislike where she doth hers. And the more strange or wonderful the matter conceived, or to be represented, is, the more pleasant and admirable will the true and natural representation of it be: and the more he that con­ceives it, is ravished with delight of its Beauty or goodnesse, the more will he long to communicate his conceit and liking of it to others. Whence, such as had seen the Wonders of God and had been fed with his Hidden Manna, sought by their lively & hearty representations to invite others, as the Psalmist doth, To taste and see the Goodnesse of the Lord, as Birds and Beasts, when they Psal. 34. 8. have found pleasant food, call (on their fashion) unto others of the same kinde, to be partakers with them in their Joy: until Satan, who hunts after the life of Man, as Man doth after the life of Birds, did invent his counterfeit Cals to allure our souls into his Snare. For, when men had once taken a de­light in the natural representation of events, delightful in themselves: he stir­red up others to invent the like, albeit there were no real truth or stability in the things represented, and the manner of representation usually so light and affected, as could argue no credence given by the Authors to their own re­port, but rather a desire to please such as had never set their mindes to any In­quisition of solid Truth, whose unsetled Fancies cannot choose but fall in Love with as many Fair Pictures of others pleasant Imaginations as are pre­sented to them. For, as to view the connexion of real Causes with their Ef­fects (most of all, if both be rare, or the concurrence of Circumstances un­usual) doth much affect the judicious understanding: so the quaint or curi­ous contrivance of Imaginary Rarities, set forth in splendent Artificial colours, doth captivate the Fancies of such as are not established in the love of truth. But (as the Orator said of such as applauded the Tragedie of Pylades and Ore­stes) how would such mens souls be ravished, could they upon sure grounds be perswaded, that these stories were true, albeit devoid of Artificial Colours, or Poetical contrivances, never used by sacred Antiquitie? in whose expres­sion of Wonders, the Phrase is usually most Poetical, as naturally it will al­waies be, where the mind is much affected; their invention lesse Artificial or affected, then our Historical narrations of Modern affairs; the Character of their stile, (as was intimated before) doth argue that they sought onely to set down the true Proportion of matters seen and heard, with such resemblan­ces as were most incident to their kind of life. And from the Efficacy of such extraordinary effects upon their souls, is it, that the Prophets so often express the same things in divers words, as if all they could say, could not equalize the sensible Experiments, which did move their Hearts and Fancies (as the Musi­tians hands or breath doth his instruments) to sound out such Pathetical Dit­ties. Nor had their Ditties any greater disproportion with their subject, then our Songs of Famous Victories, have with theirs; or other passionate Ditties, with their composers affections: albeit he that hath experience of Love, or abundant Grief, or Joy, will speak in another Dialect, then ordinarily he useth, without any touch of affectation.

5 Hence we may clearly discern, whilest wonders decayed, and men sought as great delight in Fained, as their forefathers had done in True Re­presentations: how the disproportion betwixt Representations, and the real Events, or Experiments of the times, wherein the later Poets lived, became so Monstrous and Prodigious. This fell out just so, as if the Armorours of [Page 46] this Age should not observe the stature of men now living, but fashion their Armour by old Guy of Warwicks Harnesse, or our Painters, not look upon the bodies of modern English-men, but take their proportions from some Ancient Pictures, which had been truly taken about some 1000 years ago, in some other Countrey, that had yielded men of more ample stature in that Age then this land of ours did in any. Such an Errour as this, which we have mentioned in Poetry, would quickly have been reformed in any other Facul­tie, that had concerned mens temporal profit or commodities, or whereof o­thers had been as competent Judges as the Professors: for so, when they had begun to wander, or digress a little from their right end, they should presently have bin called to this account; Quid ad rem? your Work may be Prety, but not to our Purpose. But when such Admirable Events, as were well worth Poetical expression, decreased, and worldly cares did multiply, as men in­creased: the divine art of Poetry, which admits not many competent Judges in any age, was counted no better then a matter of meer delight, or recreation; and for this reason the Prodigious Representations of it, so Monstrously dis­proportionable to the truth represented (because oft times more pleasant to men wearied with other studies or imployments, then the bare narration of the truth) were never reformed. And so at length, that Audacious Licenti­ousnesse of Fictions, for moving delight, did in the judgement of posterity disparage the very patterns or Prototypes of Poetical representations, where­unto later Poems had been framed: As many Tall Fellows in this present age, if they should see the true image or picture of some Ancient Giants, would swear that the painter had plaied the Poet: were it not that the dead bodies or limbs of some Ancient people, lately digged out of the ground, did by their unusual bignesse teach us to estimate (as we say) Ex pede Herculem, how great others might have been, whose big limbs and bones have not come unto this Ages sight.

6 But most of these strange Events were such, as did continue no longer then while they were a doing, wherefore we must seek out the true propor­tion of these Heavenly Bodies, by their shadows, represented in the later Pro­fane Poets. The Original and manner of whose digression from the paterns of the Ancient Divine Poets, or rather from Divine truth, the pattern of Ancient Poetrie it self, was partly as you have heard, partly as follow­eth.

7 Gods wonderful works have been more plenteous in Asia, then in other parts of the world; more plentiful in Judea, and the Regions about it, then mother parts of Asia; most plentiful in them, about the Israelites deliverance [...] out of Egypt. In that time and in the ages before, or immediately succeeding it, Artificial learning was very scant; and Characters, either not invented, or their use very rare in most places. The fresh memory of such wonders pre­supposed; the lively image either of inch licentiousnesse in coining fables, or confounding true Histories with the mixture of false and unnatural circum­stances, (as these wants every where in all times naturally breed) we may clearly behold in the modern Turks: who are as abundant in Prodigious Fa­bles, as defective in good learning; and for want of printing, or neglect of writing, have no perfect Character of the worlds Fashion in times past, nor any distinct order of former Events. It is but a petty solecisme among them, to affirm that Job the Huss [...]ite was chief Justice; and Alexander the Great, Lieute­nent general unto King Solomon.

8 The like confusion of times and places might be more incident unto the Asiatick Nations, before Alexanders time, because their Ancestors had been [Page 47] acquainted with more strange events, latelier forepast then the modern Turks are. Now alwayes the more strange the events be, the more ready they be to Mount upon the Wings of Fame; and once so mounted, the more apt to receive increase in every Circumstance, and vary their shape, whilest they flie onely from mouth to mouth in the open air, not fashioned or limit­ed at their first birth, by some visible Character, or permanent Stamp set upon them.

9 From this vicinity of true wonders in Jury, or thereabouts, were the Medes, Persians, and Syrians, so much addicted to Fabulous narrations, that their delight in such traditions did make their later writers ambitious in the skill of coining wonders; as Strabo tels us. And Greece, as it received Arti­ficial Strabo. Lib. 11. Fol. 107. learning first from Asia, so did it drink in this humour with it. For the traditions of Gods Miracles in Jury, and the Regions about it, having been far spread, when Greece began first to tattle in Artificial learning, the Grecians (Alwayes Children in true Antiquitie, as the Egyptian Priest told one of their Philosophers) were apt to counterfeit the form of Ancient Truths, and mis­apply it to unseemly matters, or foolish purposes; as children will be doing that in homlier stuff, which they see their elders do in better. Finally, the same humour which yet raigns amongst men, might possess most of the Hea­then. There is no famous Event that fals out, (though it be but a notable Jest) but in a short time, is ascribed to a great many more, then have any affinity with it. As many of Diogenes conceits have been fathered upon Tarle­ton: and what the Christians say of S. George, the Turks ascribe to Or Chederles Busbequius. ibid. Chederley. If it be any story concerning way-faring men; every Hostler, Tapster, or Chamberlain, will tell you that it fell out in their Town, or in the Countrey thereabouts. And though you hear it in twenty several places, yet shall you have alwayes some new tricks of addition put upon it. In like manner did the reports of sundry events, which either fell out, only in Jury, or upon occasion of Gods people, flie about the world, sometime with cut and man­gled, but most usually with enlarged, Artificial wings, as if the same had been acted every where, or the like invented upon every occasion.

CAP. XV.

Of some particular Fables resembling some true stories of the Bible.

1 TO draw some instances from the The first Fountain. The Well of Beer, mentioned before, did prefigure Christ, the Rock and Fountain, whence Numb. 21. issue streams of waters unto Eternal life. And that sacred Poetical spirit, which now possessed them, was as a Praeludium to those Hymns and Songs uttered by Christs Apostles, and his Disciples, when the Spirit of God was poured up­on them, after Christs Glorification. Neighbour-countreys, amongst whom the Fame of this Event was spread, might easily hence take occasion to ascribe the effect unto the Well. And hence had Greece her Helicon, and others (by her) reputed Sacred Wells, whose waters drunk did make men Poets on a sodain. Besides that, the opportunity of such places, as Helicon and Parnassus were, did dispose mens minds unto this Faculty, The Demoniacal spirits, which for this reason would frequent the same, might inspire such with Poe­tical Furie as did observe their Rites and Ceremonies; counterfeiting the spirit of Divine Prophecies, as they had done Gods voice in Oracles. Who can doube, if he compare both stories, but that the Fable of Hyppocrene or Aga­nippe [Page 48] in Baeotia, so called because digged by an horses foot, as Poets faign, did take beginning from the story of this sacred Well which Moses digged with his Rod; and (as the Israelites have a tradition) the Princes afterwards with their Staves? And the Phaenicians which followed Cadmus into Europe, are made such wanderers by the Poets, as the Israelites were in the wildernes: and Cadmus himself, the Founder of Hippocrene or Aganippe, amongst other of his inventions is said to have been the first that taught Greece the use of letters, or that wrote Histories in prose; and in one word, another Moses. The Fiery Serpents, which stung the Israelites murmuring for want of water, might Numb. 21. 6. grow in short time to be Dragons; and hence, as it is most likely, are Cadmus Ovid Met. l. 3. [...]ab. 1. vel. 2. companions said to be slain by a dragon, whilest they sought for water. The Sun, as we read in the story of Joshuah, at his prayer once stood still in the Josh. 10. 13. vale of Gibeon. The occasion is in the same place specified; That Joshuah might have A Day of the Amorites: such A Day as was never before it, nor shall be after it. This strange Miraculous Event, the Heathen people of those times had noted, and delivered it by tradition unto their posteritie; who, after the manner of this world, sought to assign some causes of it. The Poets in ages following, ascribe it (with some additions) unto that unnatural pro­digious murther, which Atreus had committed; and for ought we know, be­sides the reasons specified in sacred writ, God might use this, partly as a means, to make Greece and other countries, that should hear of Atreus Bloudy Fact, stand amazed at such foul Impietie, whereat the heavens did blush, and the Sun stood still. The times of Atreus his Fact, and Joshuah his Victorie, come near to one point: if Statius the Poet be not far out in his Chronologie. For he tels us, that this horrible fact of Atreus was committed, about the time of the Theban War; for which reason the Mycenae amongst other good neigh­bours, did not aid King Adrastus, and his Argives against the Thebans.

Milite vicinae nullo juvere Mycenae.
Funereae dum nam (que) dapes, medii (que) recursus
Solis; & hinc alii miscebant praelia fratres.
Their Mycene, neighbours only send no aid,
Their tragick chear had bred such bloudy broyls,
Whose direful sight the blushing Sun had staid,
Whilst fierce revenge in heart of Brothers boils.

2 And some Chronologers, whose skill in this Faculty, and other good li­terature, I especially Reverence, refer the Siege of Troy to the time of Judges, or Age following Joshuah; whereas the Theban war was in the Age before: for Tydeus, father unto Diomedes (who was one of the greatest Sticklers against Troy) was one of the greatest Chieftains in the Theban war.

3 From the fore-mentioned humour of seeking to play the Poets or Paint­ers in adorning true stories; or of vain curiositie in inventing the like: we may easily conjecture, what variety of reports would in that temper of the world be extant, of Samsons Consecrated Hair, wherin his inconquerable strength as the sacred story tels us, did consist. Let Dalilah, Samsons wife, be but mistaken for his daughter; (as few reports of forrain or forepast matters, Judg 1 [...], 1 [...], 18. but [...] as much in some circumstance or other) and for Samson and Dalilah you have the famous Legend Nisus and Sylla. This mistake was verie easie. For such as had heard of Dalilahs treacherie, without any particular certain­ [...] of that circumstance, whether she were his daughter or wife, might justly suspect that she was his daughter, one that wanted an husband, doting upon [Page 49] some forrainer, whom she hoped to win unto her love by this practise. Or perhaps Sylla had betrayed her father Nisus, upon hope of satisfying her lust; and Ovid (with other Poets) having heard of like practise, did Stage-play­like put Samsons Hair upon Nisus his Head; as usually the Grecian Poets have borrowed their best Stage-attire from the glorious wardrope of Israel. Other circumstances of this story are very like; save onely that Ovid faines Nisus his unvanquishable fortune, to have been seated in one hair, which was of the Ovid. Metam. l. 8. fab. 1. colour of his costly robes.

—Cui splendidus ostro
Inter honoratos medio de vertice canos
Crinis inhaerebat, Magni Fiducia Regni.
One skarlet bright, amids the ranks of white and reverend hairs,
He had, whereon did hang the Hope, and Hap of his affairs.

But Samsons strength was in his locks, as he told Dalilah; There never came Judg, 16. 17. rasor upon my head, for I am a Nazarite unto God from my mothers womb: there­fore if I be shaven, my strength will go from me, and I shall be weak, and be like all other men. For the means and opportunities whereby Dalilah did, and Sylla is fained to have compassed her intended treason, they are the very same. Da­lilah, as it is said, made Samson sleep upon her knee, and she called a man, and made him to shave the seven locks of his head; and so Ovid brings in Sylla, ta­king Vers. 19. the like opportunity of her fathers sleep;

Prima quies aderat, qua curis fessa diurnis
Pectora somnus habet, thalamos taciturna paternos
Intrat, & (heu facinus!) fatali nata parentem
Crine suum spoliat.
First sleep was come, and wearie limbs were at their sweet repose
When she unto her fathers bed, in sliest silence goes:
But let no silence cloak her shame, (O detestable theft)
Her Father of his Fatal Hair the Daughter hath bereft.

4 Not much greater variety is there between the story of Lots wifes trans­formation into a pillar of salt, and Niobes into a stone. The Poets faine that Ovid. Met l. 6. Fab. 3. aliis 4. Niobe was transformed, upon her grief for death of her children: and the Jewes have a Tradition, that Lots wife was overtaken with that Hydeous showr of Fire and Brimstone, whilst she staid behind her husband to see what would become of her friends, and her kinsfolk, which remained in Sodom. And it is probable out of that Chapter, that Lots sons in Law remained in Sodom. and likely their wives too, Lots other daughters. For so it is said (not Gen. 19. 14. without Emphasis in the Original) Take thy wife and thy two daughters, which are found, or (as the Chaldee paraphrase) which are found faithful with thee, (that Vers. 15. is, which are not corrupt by conversing with others abroad) lest thou be destroy­ed with others in the punishment of this city. Whether this Tradition of the Jews be true or no, it makes little for my present purpose. Very Ancient it is, & whe­ther true or false, might give occasion to the former Fable, as other stories of the Bible do sometimes the rather, because the sence is mistaken. As the cōmon opinion is, that Lots wife was transformed into a Pillar of Salt, when as no cir­cumstance of the text doth enforce so much, but rather leaves us free, to think, what is more probable; that fearful showers of Gods Vengeance, wherewith Sodom was destroyed, were heaped upon her, so that her body was wrapt [Page 50] wrapt up in that congealed matter, which was perhaps in form like to some thunder-stone, or the like, from which it could not be discerned, being as it were Candyed in it.

5 If such a transformation of Lots wife seem strange; what will the Atheist say unto the destruction of Sodom, and the five Cities? or if this seem more strange and incredulous, because their destruction vanisheth whilest they pe­rished; What can he say to the salt sea? Doubtlesse, unlesse God had left this as a Lasting Monument to confute the Incredulitie of Philosophers, by an ocular and sensible Demonstration, they would have denyed the truth of [...]h [...]s Effect, as well as they doubt of the Cause, which the Scriptures assign of it. Is the violence of that strom, which destroyed the five Cities, strange, and above the force of nature? so is the qualitie of that Sea, and the Haud procul inde campi, quos ferunt o­lim uberes [...]nagris [...] Ur­bibus habita­tos, ful [...]ninum jac [...]u arsisse▪ & manere [...] gia, terram [...]; specietor [...]dam, [...]nn srugise­ram per a [...]d [...]sse, nam cuncta sponte edita, aut [...]n [...]nu sata, sive herba [...]e­nus aut fl [...]re-seu solitarn in sre­c [...]e [...]n adolevere, atra, & inania velut in [...]ne­re [...] anes [...]unt. I g [...] st [...]ut Ju­d [...] as qu [...]n [...] ur [...] [...]gne [...]x­lest [...] t [...]g [...]asse c [...] esse [...]m, [...] hal [...] la [...]us in fr [...] terram, [...]or rump [...] su [...]er [...] sum sp [...]um, c [...] [...]aetus se­getum & au­tumni [...]utres e­re rear, sole, [...]l [...] [...]uat [...] gra [...]t. Tac [...]us lib. 5. Host. So [...]l about it, contrarie to the nature of all other seas, or in-land lakes. And let the most curious Philosopher in the world give any natural cause of it; and the disproportion between the cause, and the known effect, will be more Pro­digious in Nature, then the cause, which Moses gives of it, is strange. Some Cause by their confession it must have; and though the storm were raised by a Supernatural Power, yet admitting the violence of it, to be such as the Scri­pture tels us, & the fall of so much durable matter, no cause can be conceived, so probable in nature, as that which Moses gives; as out of the grounds of Philosophy, & divers Experiments in nature, I could easily prove. [...]ut St [...]abo l. 1 [...]. p [...]. Strabo that great Philosopher, and no Credulous Antiquarie, hath eased me of this labour. For albeit he held the Syrians for a Fabulous people: yet the evi­dent marks of Gods wrath, that had been kindled in that place, (as concavi­ties made by fire, distillation of pitch out of the seared rocks, the noysom smell of the waters thereabouts, with the reliques and ruines of the Ancient Habitations) made the Tradition of neighbour inhabitants seem probable unto him; That there had been Thirteen populous Cities in that soil, of which Sodom was the chief, whose circumference then remaining, was sixtie Fur­longs. But (as the custom is of secular Philosophers) he seeks to ascribe the cause of this desolation rather unto Earth then Heaven, and thinks the Lake was made by an Earthquake, which had caused the bursting out of hot wa­ters, whose course was upon Sulphur and Brimstone. And it is not unlikely, that the earth did tremble, whilest the heavens did so terribly frown, and the Almightie gave his Fearful Voice from out the clouds: and once having open­ed her mouth to swallow up those Wicked Inhabitants, the Exhalations of whose sins had bred these Stormes, became afterwards a Pan or Receptacle of moysture, infecting all the waters which fell into it, with the loath some qualities of those dregges of Gods wrath, which had first setled in it; as bad Humours, when they settle in any part, plant (as it were) a new nature in the same, and turn all Nutriment into their Substance.

CAP. XVI.

Of NOAHS and DEUCALIONS Floud, with other Miscellane Observations.

1 NOt any son so like his natural father, as Deucalions Floud is like Noahs. Every School-boy, from the similitude of their substance, at the first sight can discern the one to be the bastard Brood of the other; albeit Ovid, from whom we have the picture of the one, hath left out, & added, divers Cir­cumstances at his pleasure; which assures me, that he had never read the sa­cred [Page 51] Storie (as some think he did) but took up the confused Tradition of it, which had passed through many hands before his time: For other Poets which had come to Plut. de So­lertia Anima­lium. [...]. Plutarchs reading, though not to ours, make mention of Deucalions Ark, his Doves returning to him again before the waters Fall, his Prognostication of the waters decrease, by her perpetual absence at her last setting out. This Tradition was so commonly received in Greece, that some Etymologists think the Famous Hill Parnassus did take its name from the Arks abode upon it, as if it had first been called [...], which word Plutarch useth in that place. Larnassus. These are sure testimo­nies that such a floud had been: but that in Deucalions time any such had been, or that the Ark did stay in Greece, hath no shew of truth. See S. Augustin, De civit. Dei, Lib. 18. cap. 10. & L. vives.

2 If Trogus Pompeius Works had come entire into our hands, or had they light upon a more skilful and sincere Epitomist then Justin, we should have found more evident prints of the storie of Noahs Floud, in that Controversie, between the Scythians and Egyptians; whether were the most Ancient people: As Justin relates it, Lib. 2. thus it was.

3 The Egyptians thought the Heavens over them had been in love with their soyl, and that from the conjunction of the ones mildnesse with the o­thers Fertility, the first people of the world had been brought forth in Egypt. The Scythians alledged, it was most probable, that their countrey was first inhabited, because if fire had shut up the womb of their mother earth, this Element did forsake theirs first, as being the coldest countrey: or if water had covered the face of nature, and made it unapt for conception by too much moisture, this Veil was first put off in Scythia, as being the highest part of the inhabited Land. Unto these reasons of the Scythians, the Egyptians yielded, as Justin reports. Both of them erred in the manner of mans Propa­gation; both again held a general Truth, in thinking mankind had some late Propagation, and that Kingdoms had not been so frequented with people in former generations, as now they were. The Scythians agreed herein with Scri­pture, That the higher parts of the World, which they inhabited, or parts near unto them, were first dried up from the waters; for in the mountains of Ar­menia the Ark stayed, and Noah went first on land in that countrey. The Sto­rie of whose preservation in this Deluge, and the propagation of Mankind from him, and his children, not being expresly recorded to the Scythians, they Imagin that men had grown like Mushromes after Rain, because they had been so few, and now were come unto such great multitudes. Nor did Noah onely go first on land in Armenia, but his posteritie had their habitation in the mountainous Countries, until their multitude caused them to seek Tres vero Noe filii Semas, Japhetus, & Chamas centū annis ante dilu­vium nati, pri­mi relictis mon­tibus planitiem habitare coepe­runt, & aliis recenti etiam tum cladis me­moria pavidis, nec audentibus à celsiore loco descendere, idē faciendi autores & exemplum fuere. Joseph. lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 5. more room; as we may gather Gen. 11. v. 1, & 2. Then the whole earth was of one Language, and one Speech; and as they went from the East (that is, from Armenia) they found a Plain in the Land of Shinar, and there they abode. Some broken Traditions of this Truth might cause the Ancient Scythians to stand upon their Pantofles, and plead Prioritie of nature from superioritie of place. And this conceit of Antiquitie being propagated to posteritie, they seek to Fortifie their Title to it (called in question) by such reasons as were alledged before. And even in these their reasons, though false in particular, there appears a certain general glimpse of Divine Truth: For in that they take it as granted, that either fire or water had stopped the course of nature, this is an infallible Argument, that they had heard of the Dominion allotted by Fate to those two Elements over other Bodies; albeit they did not rightly ap­prehend the manner of the worlds destruction by them, nor whethers course was first passed. This Tradition of the Worlds destruction by Fire and Water, [Page 52] and the distinction of their courses (though not so plainly revealed in the old Testament) had come more distinctly to Ovids hand; who bringeth in Ju­piter, resolving to plague the old World rather by Water then Fire, because Met. L. 1. Fab. 7. Jám (que) erat in totas sparsu­rus sulintna terras, sed ti­muit, ne forte sacer tot ab ig­nibus [...]ther conciperet slam­mas, tot us [...], ar­desceret axis. it was to have a Fatal dissolution by Fire:

Fsse quoque in Fatis reminiscitur assore Tempus
Quo Mare, quo Tellus, correptaque Regia Coeli
Ardeat, & Mundi Moles operosa laboret;
He cals to minde the day would come (for Fates had set the same)
When Sea and Land, Heavens, Elements, and all this Mundane Frame
Should sweat with Heat, and melt as Wax before the Fearful Flame.

4 The Egyptians likewise had many reasons why they might justly think themselves a very Ancient people, and those not dissonant unto Scripture; which witnesseth Egypt to have been a mightie Kingdom, every way better replenished then any other Countrey that we can read of in times so Ancient; first possest by Mizraim, the son of Cham, by whose name it is continually called by the sacred Writers, as well the Prophets and late Historiographers, as by Moses; and in the Eastern Languages bears that name until this day, as Com. in Gen. cap. 10. v. 6. Vid & Jose­phum, lib. 1. Antiq. c. 7. Mercerus tels us. This Mizraim also did propagate sundrie particular Na­tions in short time, as we find registred Gen. 10. 13, 14. All which might make for the Egyptians conceit of their Antiquitie. And albeit the old Ca­naanites were as Ancient and populous a Nation (though not so united in a Kingdom) as the Egyptians; yet, before these Altercations arose, or (at least) before any other people took notice of them, their posterity was rooted out by the Israelites, who though they came in the others place, yet came not into competition with the Egyptians for Antiquitie in the Judgement of any Heathen writer; because the Israelites were no people, till the time that E­gypt was one of the mightiest Nations upon earth; and the Heathen being ignorant (as making little reckoning of their original) took them for a Colo­nie of the Egyptians, as appears by Strabo, [...]ib. 16. who in recompence of this his Error hath elsewhere acquainted us, with another Experiment, which may confirm the Antiquitie of Moses storie concerning Shems posteritie.

Moses tels us Gen. 10. 23. that Aram, son of Shem, and brother to Ashur, had Uz, and Chul, and Mash unto his sons. The Aramites no question had their name and propagation from Aram. Some think the Arabians, or other Countries about Idumaea, or both, had their Original from Uz: Others, that the Massiani in Arabia were so called of Mash: Josephus, that the Arme­nians were the progenie of Chul. Consonant to all these opinions is Sed Scripturā mutare cum sit vetusta, non est necesse; culpan­da potius nomi­nis [...]utatio quae frequens est & usitata omni­bus gen [...]bus; & videntur quidam litera­rum mutation [...] ­bus temerar [...]is earn efficere. Optimè omn [...]u existimo P [...]ssi­doniurn, hic quó (que) à gentiurn cognatione & communitate interpretationem vocum ducere. Nam Armeniorum, Syrorum, & Arabum, mul­tum cognationis prae se ferunt nationes, sermone, vita, corporum forma, maximè ubi degunt in vicinia. Id (que) ostendit Mesopotamia ex tribus his conflata populis. Maxunè enun in his similitudo est illustris: quod si qua est varietas pro eo at (que) ali [...] partes aliis magis ad se­ptentrionem, aut meridiem vergunt, aut in medio sunt sitae; nihilominus tamen communis affectio obtinet. Assyrii quó (que) Ariani & Armenu inter se at [...] istorum sunt assimiles. Estque colligendum harum gentium nomina esse affinia: Qui enim à nobis Syri, ii ab ipsis Syris Aramart dicuntur, bisque conveniunt Armenii & Arabes, & Erembi, Strab. l. 1. This opinion of Strabo confirms Jese­pbus observation concerning the changing of nations names, Lib. 1. Antiq. c. 6. Porro gentium quaedam adhuc servant deri­vatam à suis conditeribus appellationem, qu [...]d [...]m etiam mutaverunt, monnullae in familiarein accolis & notiorem vocem sunt v [...]s [...], Gracis p [...]ttssunùm talis nomenclaturae autoribus. Hi enim posterioribus saeculis veterem locorum gloriam sibi usurpârunt, gentes nomi­bus fib [...] no [...]s insigniur [...]t, dian (que) tanquam ad suum jus attinerent, mores quó (que) proprios in illas invehunt. Strab [...] his observation of these people; whom the Grecians call Syrians, the Syri­ans themselves call Aramaeans; and his collection is, That the Armenians, and the Erembi (that is, the ancient Arabians) have taken their denomination from the same name, a little varied (as the custom is) by continuance of time, and varietie of Dialect. That these three Nations did all proceed from one [Page 53] stock, he gathers from the similitudes and perfect resemblances of their na­ture customes and manner of life.

5 Put for the first habitation or Antiquitie of Armenia or Scythia it skils not much. That man-kinde had a new propagation about the time assigned by Moses of the Universal Floud, and that the Nations were propagated from those Regions, which Moses tels us were allotted to the Sons of Noah, and inhabited by his Nephews, is apparant, from the suddain encrease of Arts and Sciences: Which were in a good measure perfect in those Countries, in times as Ancient as any profane Historie can point unto; yet seated onely in a narrow room, whence they were derived, as from a Centre, to more re­mote parts of the World. The ripenesse of Literature, Civil Discipline, and Inventions, amongst the Assyrians, Caldeans, and Egyptians, before the like did so much as bud forth in Greece, Italy, or other Countries, far distant from the former doth argue, that these were the stock, and others but slips or Branches transplanted thence. Again, the State and Pomp of these Eastern Countries, before Greece, or Italy, or any other Western People, did grow into the Fa­shion of a Kingdom or civil Nation, demonstrates unto us, That the Inha­bitants of those places were the Heirs of the World, who had the Court, King­dom, and Metropolis amongst them, and other Nations but as Colonies of men of meaner sort, not so near allied unto the First-born; or (as it were) of a younger house, and far ruder Education. And it is most likely, or ra­ther evident, that the sons of Japhet did first inhabit Scythia, or the Northern parts of Asia Minor, and other parts near adjoyning, before they came into Greece, or other Countries of Europe. And these were the sons of Noahs mean­est posteritie, until the fulnesse of Shem and Chams iniquitie were accomplish­ed. For as Gods promise unto Abraham was not accomplished in his Person, but in his Posteritie, many generations after his death; so neither did his curse upon Cham take place, till the sametime. The Execution of Gods curse upon the one, was the collation of his blessing upon the other: but the enlar­ging of Japhets race came long after both. Thus the Egyptians were the first great Princes; the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians the next; the Grecians and Romans after them; and in later times the race of Ismael hath been the migh­tie People: for of him the Saracens lineally descend, and the Turks, by Adoption Heires of the same promise. So truly doth the Scripture tell us the truth of all antiquitie, and the true causes of Nations encrease; but of this Vid. Fagium in cap 16. Ge­nes. & Parae­um. elsewhere. To conclude this story of Noah.

6 The former Argument drawn from the suddain increase and propagati­on of men, the scarcitie of Arts, Civil Discipline and Inventions, with other Experiments better known to them then us, enforced certain of the Anci­ent Philosophers to hold a perpetual Vicissitude, some of General, some of Particular Deluges, whereby the works of Antiquitie, once come to perfecti­on, had been, and continually should be defaced; either generally through­out the World, or in sundry Countries according to the extent of the Inunda­tion. This Opinion might seem more safe, because not ea [...]e to be dispro­ved in that Old World, in which the wisest living (besides the people of God) had no distinct Knowledge of any thing, that had happened 100 year before his own Birth; much lesse what mutations should follow after his death: but unto us their Prognostication is like unto some late Prophecies of Dooms-day, confuted by a world of witnesses, even by the continuance of every thing after that time: which, by their prophecies, should have impo­sed a fatal end to all things. We may truly use the Mockers words, to these mockers of truth; Since the old Philosophers died, all things continue alike, [Page 54] Seed-time and Harvest have been still distinct, nor hath there been any Floud to destroy either the Whole Earth, or any entire Nation thereof. For Assu­rance of which promise, the Almightie hath set his Bow in the Cloud: whose Natural Causes, though the Philosophers can in some sort assign, and shew the manner how diversities of colours arise in it; yet the Ancient Poets saw more, (then either they themselves have left exprest, or later Philoso­phers sought to conceive) when they feigned Iris to be Thaumantis Filia, the Daughter, or (as we of this age would say) the Mother of Wonderment: the Messenger of the great God Jupiter and his Goddesse Juno. The occasions of this Fiction (had they been well acquainted with them) might have in­formed Philosophers, that the Rain-bow, had some better use, then a bare Speculation how it was made; some Final, besides the Material and Effici­ent Cause, unto whose search the Admirable Form or composition of it did incite men naturally. And the Ancient Philosophers (who were for the most part Poets, and endued with more lively notions of the First, and Su­preme Cause of all things) did usually assign a Final Cause, (commonly) Su­pernatural, of such effects as proceeded from Efficient and Material Natural Causes. As the Pythagoreans thought the Thunder (whose matter, form, and efficient they well knew) was made to terrifie such as were in Hell▪ not er­ring in the general, that it had some such like use, though mistaken in the par­ticulars, whom it was made to terrifie. Natural Philosophie gives us the Ma­terial Arist. 2. Post. Ph [...]s. 2. l. c. 3. and sensible Efficient Causes; the Scripture onely the true and Superna­tural End, which leads us to the Immortal, Invisible, and Principal Efficient Cause of all natural effects, even of Nature it self. And Aristotle acknowledg­eth the motions or dispositions of the Matter to depend upon the End or Final Cause: albeit he gives no Final cause at all of main principal, much lesse the Su­preme or Principal Final cause of all natural effects, but confounds the Form with the End, against his own principles, and contrary to the Analogie be­tween Nature and Art, which is the ground of all his Discourse, about the Matter, Form, and Efficient. For the Artificial Form is not the End of the Artists work, but rather incites the Spectator to view and admire his Skill, from which his gain or fame may redound. And these (one, or both) are the Principal end of all his labours: so is the Glory of the First, and Supreme Efficient Cause, the Principal and utmost End of all the works of Nature; and Nature itself (if I may so speak) the Art or Skill of the First and Superna­tural Cause. But as Aristotles Philosophie is imperfect, because it leades us not, either unto the First Cause, or Last End of all things; so it is fully suffi­cient to confute such Divines, as think there were Rainbows before the Floud. Which opinion hath no pretence of Scripture to enforce it: and grounds in nature it can have none, unlesse they will avouch this evident un­truth, That every disposition of the Air, or every Cloud, is fitly disposed to bring forth the Rain-bow. And if other Natural Causes, with their motions and dispositions, depend upon the Final; such as acknowledge the truth of Scripture have no reason to think, that either the Clouds or Air had that peculiar disposition which is required unto the production of the Rain-bow, before the Floud, when this wonderful Effect could have no such use or end, as it hath had ever since. For it was ordained, as the Scripture tels us, to be Gen. 9. 12, 13. 14. a Sign or witnesse of Gods Covenant with the New World, a Messenger to secure mankind from destruction by Deluges. Now if it had appeared before, the Sight of it, after the floud, could have been but a silly comfort to Noahs Timorcus Posteritie; whose mistrust, lest the the like inundation should happen again, was greater, then could be taken away by any ordinary or [Page 55] usual Sign, if we may believe such Joseph. hist. Noae. Ant. 1. Lib. Testimonies of Antiquitie as we have no reason to suspect. I omit the discussion of Vid Ammi­an. Marcell. lib. 20. in Fine. Et quoniam in­dicium est per­mutationis aurae (ut diximus) à sudo acre nu­bium concitans globos, aut con­trà ex concreto immutans in se­renam laetitiam coelum: ideo a­pud poëtas legi­gim▪ saepe Irim de coelo mitti, cum praesentiū rerum fit status mutatio. See Joh. Ar­chiep. Cantuari­ensis his per­spectiva Com­munis, Lib. 3. in Fine. their Opinion, who think the Rain-bow doth naturally argue such a temper of the air, as is unapt for the present to conceive any Excessive Moisture. Either from these reasons in na­ture, then well known, or from the Tenour of Gods forementioned Cove­nant, communicated to the Ancient Heathen people by Tradition, doth Ju­piter in Homer make Iris the messenger of his Peremptorie command unto Neptune, to desist from aiding the Grecians.

Iliad. o.
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
From Jove I come a messenger, to him that Neptune hight,
His pleasure is, that thou henceforth, ne come in field or fight:
But hence to Heaven, or to wide Sea address thy speedy flight.

7 The true Mythologie of which Fiction I should, from the circumstance of the Storie, conjecture to be this. The swelling of waters and abundance of moisture, did advantage the Grecians, and annoy the Trojans, for whom fair weather was best, as having greatest use at that time of service by Horse. For this reason is Neptune by Iris commanded to get him into the Sea; which [...]s as much as to say, the Over-flow of waters and abundance of moisture was now to be asswaged; and Apollo on the other side sent to encourage Hector, and his Trojans; The meaning is, that Jupiter would now have fair and drie weather.

Hom. ibid.
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
Go to! prepare the Troops of Horse (for they must do the deed)
And charge thine enemies at their ships, but charge them with all speed;
Mean time I'le go before, and smooth the way, you follow must;
I'le turn the Grecian Chieftains back, or lay them in the dust.

Such mysteries of Nature are often wrapt in Poetical Fictions, though many of them not so easie to be discerned in such distance of time; this kind of Divinitie being now worn out of date. But we that have this Supernatural Commentarie upon the works of nature, may see in the mixt colours of the Rain-bow, more clearly then in any Prophetical vision, the Old Worlds destru­ction by Water: and This presents future consumption by Fire, whose brightnesse is predominant in the waterish humour. The resolution of the cloud, by the heat of Sun-beams reflected upon it, prefigures unto us the melting of the Elements with fire, 2 Pet. 3. 12.

8 Scarce any thing in the frame of Nature, no not the untruths of Poetical Fables, or lying stories, but bear Witnesse of the Divine Truth revealed in Scriptures; so men would not be preposterous in their observations; like Julian the Apostate: who sought to discredit the Sacred Storie of the Tower of Babel, by the Poets fictions of the Giants war against Heaven; as if there had been no more probabilitie in the one then in the other. If he could have [Page 56] shewed us any Poem of the same Subject, more Ancient then that storie, he might have had some piece of an excuse for his Impietie; some pretence for accusing the Scripture of Poetical Imitation: but if the Poets have been Imi­tators of Moses, or other Writers of this storie, the blame must lie upon them, either for wilful corrupting of the truth, or (which is most likely) for taking the Hyperbolical Phrase of Scriptures in a strict sense; as if they had meant to build a Tower up to Heaven Indeed, when as the Phrase importeth no other intendment in them, then onely To build an Exceeding High Towa [...] which might secure them from Inundation (as some think;) or else endure as a Monument of their Fame, or a Refuge whereunto they might resort, and continue their Combination.

9 But the later Grecians, having their Consciences convict with the Evi­dence, not their Affections conquered with the Love of Truth, were driven into more desperate Impudence, to say that our Saviour Christ had taken those Divine Sentences, which they could not but admire, out of their divine Plato: whereas Plato himself (as S. Ambrose, and S. Augustin, out of Testimonies not now producible, gather) had his best Divinitie from such as wrote of Christ, Aug. lib. 2. de Doct [...]. Christ. Cap. 28. although the Medley of their Divinity and his Philosophie, is but like the ming­ling of Jordans sweet streams with the salt Sea. That Plato had either read, [...] been instructed by such as had read the Books of Moses, he will easily Believe, that shall read the speech of Aristophanes in the Dialogue of Love, or Ban­quet-discourse. In the beginning (saith he) there were three sorts or Sexes [...] Plato in [...] ­ [...]. men, not these two only which now are extant, Male, and Female; But a th [...] common nature composed of these, whose Name now onely remaineth, without any such real Nature, as the word Androgyni imports.

10 This opinion (doubtlesse) was conceived from a misconceit of Mo [...] his meaning, in making divers mention of our First Parents Creation. Gen. 2. He makes first mention of Adams Creation, then of Evahs, distinct from it. But Gen. 1. 26, 27. and Chapt. 5. 1, 2. He seemeth to relate both their Creations so joyntly and briefly, that a man, not acquainted with the Hebrew Dialect. nor the Mysteries of Matrimonie represented in that Storie, might think, that neither distinct Man or Woman had been there created, but Androgyni. Fur­thermore God said, Let us make Man in our likenesse according to our Image, and let Them rule over the fish of the Sea, and over the fowl of the Heaven, and over the beasts, and over all the Earth, and over every thing that creepeth or mo­veth on the earth. Thus GOD created Man in his own Image, in the Image of GOD created [...]e Him; he created Them Male and Female. And a secular Artist that affecteth Artificial, being ignorant of Moses his Method, might think that these were not Repetitions of the same, but distinct Stories of divers Creations. From the like ignorance of the Grecians in the Eastern tongues, or some default in the written copies which they followed, did the River Perath enlarge its name by translation from one tongue to another, as it doth its streams by passing from place to place. For if we joyn the Hebrew Pronoun or Article with the Noun, whereby this River is named in Scripture, the compound is onely different in termination from the same Rivers name in Creek. Moses Gen. 2. having mentioned Three Rivers of the Garden, ad­deth, And there was a Fourth which is Perath [Which ac­cording unto the Greek termination i [...] [...], not [...] ­ [...], [...] of the Hebrew Beth is the Greek [...] [...] ­ [...] Hu Perath] or rather [Hu Prath] which words conjoyned are Huphrath. All these argue, that the sa­cred Antiquity of Jewry was, unto other Nations, as Nilus to Egypt, the main Stream or Principal River, whence they drew most of their Inventions, ei­ther of necessitie or delight; albeit these Cuts or petty streams thence deri­ved, did quite alter their native qualitie in the conveyances, receiving infecti­on [Page 57] from the Soyl through which they ran, or putrifying in the Cisterns wherein they setled.

11 For confirmation of all, we may adde this. The Greek Alphabet hath been taken from the Hebrew, as is evident to such as will compare both. The Grecians themselves acknowledge, that they had their very Letters from the Phoenicians▪ who were next neighbours to Judea.

12 To Recollect the sum of all that hath been said throughout this Dis­course. As both the first Elements, and sundrie Primitive words of the Greek and Hebrew, scarce differ so much one from another, as Three from Four, or one Digit number from the next unto it, and yet after many deflections from the first Roots or Themes of both, and new Frames of words by Artificial Com­position, (a thing as natural to the Greeks as spreading branches to the Vine) the Languages themselves, or whole product of both Elements, are much different: So are the Principal or first Heads of the Grecian Inventions, de­rived for the most part from the Hebrews; although by successive Artificial Imitation their Varietie grow greater, and their resemblance of divine Truth the less. So likewise were Logical conceits first clothed, like Natures children, in Terms not much abhorrent from Common and Civil Use; but after divers Reflections of Artists Imaginations, and endless Revolution of Conceipt upon Conceipt, the Logicians Dialect is become a Distinct Language from all o­thers; so that a man may as well speak Greek to a meer Latinist, as Logick-La­tin to a meer Humanitian▪ Thus much of the Heathens digression from the Historical truth of Scriptures▪ It remains that we compare the moral use, and issue of their Inventions with the End, Scope, and Fruit of these Divine wri­tings.

CAP. XVII.

Of sacred Writers Sobrietie and discretion, in relating true Miracles; compared especially with later Heathens vanity, in coyning Fruitless Wonders.

1 ALbeit the Superstition of later Gentiles was most opposite to the most True, most Ancient Religion of the Israelites: yet if we trace the most Civil sort of them backwards in their Sinister wayes, we shall find It, and the right path of the Israelites, like the two opposite Branches of Pythagoras his Letter, jumping as it were in one Trunck. Sundrie Fragments of Orpheus, Li­nus, Pythagoras, yea of Eu [...]ipides, much later then the former, with many Say­ings of other Ancient Poets and Philosophers, do witness that their Authors had Many Notions of Good and Evil, not much dissonant from the Moral Law of God, fully consonant (for their general truth) unto the good Sentences of Jobs Friends: albeit even these were mingled with many particular Errours of the Divine providence. Much more did the most of the Heathen, since the di­vision of the Jews from other people, by their Sacred Laws, go much, every day more then other, awry, from those good rules of life, which had been na­turally ingrafted, both in the Jews and Gentiles Hearts. These excellent Say­ings of the Ancient Heathen, and their posterities credulitie to believe all re­ports of their Gods, demonstrate that they had observed many Wonderful Experiments, & Evident Documents of a Divine providence; & communicated the same unto posterity, both in plain Literal Moral Discourses & Allegorical or Mystical Fictions. In thus doing, perhaps not intending so much, that their Successours should expect the same Events, or Course of things to continue for ever: as that they should learn to Reverence these Sacred Powers, to glorifie [Page 58] them as Divine, who could always alike effect what they intended, though by means most contrary. But unto the Heathen, destitute of Gods written word, the best Observations of their Ancestours became quickly like a Kalendar out of date; they could not discern the works of God, nor his inward secret Cal­ling, when once the course of his proceedings, or manner of his speaking to them changed. Thus Planetiades in Plutarch ascribes the defect of Oracles Plu [...]de defe­ctu Oraculo­rum. unto the Carelesness or Malignancie of the Gods, as if, these once taken away, they had no other means left for procuring the welfare of Mankind. Put in Jewry the true Doctrine of the Divine Power, or Providence was wel known For God by Moses had both given them his written Oracles as an absolute F­phemerides of all things that had been since the first moment of Time, by whose Rules they were to discern all other succeeding Predictions; and also continually raised them up Prophets, like yearlie Astronomers, to continue the Ephemerides, which Moses had made for the direction of mans Life, and to instruct them as it were in a Monthly Kalendar of every particular Alteration or Change, unto which that great Law-giver in his General Predictions could not descend. From this reason it is, that the Pen-men of the Sacred Story do not always relate the same, or like Events, but assign divers manners of his working and speaking to several Ages. Some afford us lively Monuments of his Power; others Patterns of his Wisdom; some Examples of his Justice; others, of his Mercy: yet all of them continually acknowledge him to be the Onely Au­thor of their Good, albeit the manner of procuring it be divers, yea contrary. Thus Fzra, Nehemiah, and other Godly men of that time, ascribe their Re­demption from Babylonish Captivitie, as immediately to the Wonderful Working of their God, as their Fore-elders did their Deliverance from Egyp­tian Thraldom: although no such Miracle of his Power were seen in the later. The former Deliverance had confirmed his Omnipotent Abilitie of doing what He would, the later, his infinite Wisdom in doing what He could, by what means He would: and it was his good Pleasure to be Glorified in sun­drie Ages, by divers Manifestations of his several Attributes.

2 But the Heathen wanting His Word for their direction, after they had once begun, knew not how to make an End. If God cease to shew his Miracles in any one kind, which they had heard of before, either they sought to conti­nue them by feigning the like, (more ready to play upon former reports, then to observe the course of Gods proceedings in their own times:) or else from the varietie of wonderful Events, whose Cause they knew not, they imagin a pluralitie of Gods. Others, from these mens Superstition, and Curiositie, were prone to suspect the Truth of what had been; after once such sensible Events, or Experiments begun to cease. This gave the first occasion unto Atheism; which h [...]th most abounded since the propagation of the Gospel, whose Glory hath quite extinguished those pettie lights, which purblind Heathen onely used for their direction, being most conspicuous to the Flesh or Sense, as the Gospel is to the Spirit. For as dim or weak sights can make some shift with Star-light or Candles, that shine a far off, but are quite put out by look­ing upon the bright Sun; So hath the Brightnesse of Christs Glorie revealed, put out the Eyes of corrupted Nature, in such as loved darknesse more then Light, and would not seek for any remedie at his Hands, which giveth Sight to the Blind. Yet might this their disease be sooner cured, if they would com­pare other Countries vanitie in faining wonders without Occasion, with this Religious Sobrietie of the later Writers of the Bible, or other godly men, who have written of Jews Affairs; not one of them since Ezekiahs time relating such wonders, as their Fathers had told them. This Sobriety in them evidently shews, [Page 59] that the Former Miracles were no Fictions of Humane Fancie: otherwise the Jews, living between Ezekiahs and Christs time, would have been copious in their Inventions of the like, as we see by experience, that the learned fews since our Saviours time have been most ridiculously apish in coining, and the Illiterate as grosse in believing most absurd and Filthy Fables. That this peo­ple, during the whole time of the Second Temple, added no books to the Ca­non of the Bible, confirms their Forefathers care, of admitting none in for­mer times, but upon evident and sure Experiments of their divine Authority. Again, it was most miraculous, that this people which had Prophets, and sa­cred Writers in every Age, before the Babylonish Captivity, should after their redemption thence lie so quiet, that not the most Learned among them did ever challenge the name of Prophet; though they had men of divine spi­rits, and excellent observation in Heavenly matters, as appears by the Author of Ecclesiasticus, the Book of Wisdome, and other Books of good use amongst all Religious men, though not Canonical amongst the Jews themselves. An­swerable to this sobriety of the learned was the disposition of the unlearned among this people; which during the former Period of time, wherein they wanted Prophets, were generally most averse from all Idolatrie, whereunto they were most prone, while Prophecies were most plentiful amongst them; and yet continued still as far from Atheisme, as Idolatrie. The reason of all which, I have given before. God had injoyned a General Silence throughout this Land, that all might hearken more attentively unto the Criers voice, appoint­ed to prepare the wayes of the Lord: after whose message once fully accom­plished, as it had been after the ringing of a Market-Bell, every Mounte­bank throughout their coasts, sets to sale the dreams and fancies of his own brain, for Divine Prophecies.

3 Lastly, the Heathen in their most Sacred Traditions, and matters of greatest consequence, adde circumstances according to the occurrents of their own Times, which suit no better with the Substance, or Essence of their Ancestors Observations, then a Pigmeies slipper with a Gyants Foot. How shamefully doth the wanton Poets faign his Gods to long after such matters, as he himself did most delightin? The best end and use of his greatest Gods apparitions are oft times to accomplish beastly lust; Divine truths are usual­ly transformed into the Poets private affection. Ovids description of Jupiters coming to Semele, Aethera con­scendit aulium­que sequentia traxit Nubila, queis nimbos immistá (que) ful­gura ventis Addidit, & to­nitrus & ine­vitabile Fulmē. Libr. 3. Me­tam. Fab. 3. is not much unlike the manner of GODS passing by 1 King 19. 11, 12. And behold, the Lord went by, and a mighty strong wind rent the mountains and brake the rocks before the Lord, and after the wind an earthquake, and after the earthquake fire. Eliah upon the mount; and therefore not altogether unbeseeming the Majestie of the Great King, if all circumstances were answerable to the substance of the description: but it is brought to an absurd, profane, and foolish purpose. So likewise Det pignus amoris Si modo verusis est, quantlis (que) & qualis ab alta Junone excipitur, tantus talis (que) rogato Det tibi complexus suá (que) anre infignia sumat. Ovid. Ibid. Semeles petition unto Jupiter, is but Exod. 33. 12, 13, & 18. Then Moses said unto the Lord; See, thou saiest unto me, Lead this people forth, and thou hast not shewed me whom thou wilt send with me: Thou hast said moreover, I know thee by name, and thou hast also found grace in my sight: Now therefore I pray thee, if I have found favour in thy sight, shew me now the way that I may know thee, and that I may find grace in thy sight. Again he said, I beseech thee shew me thy glory. Moses his request unto God, Effeminate and transformed in sundry circumstances to the Poets humour. Moses, Exod. 33 18. desired to see the Glory of the Lord: and the Lord an­swered him, Thou canst not see my Face: for there shall no man see my Face and live. Yet willing to confirm this his Servants Faith, he condescends thus far to his suit: Exod. 33. 20, 21, 22, 23. Whilst my glory passeth by, I will put thee into a cleft of the rock; and will cover thee with mine hand whilst I passe by, and thou shalt see my back-parts, but my face shall not be seen. Either from some mistaking of this place, or from [Page 60] experience of others sodain death, upon such apparition of the Divine Maje­stie, as Moses and Elias by peculiar dispensation had escaped, did that tradition spring which Manbah conceited so deeply, Judg. 13. 22. And Manoah said unto his wife; we shall surely die, because we have seen God; as Gideon had done likewise, Judge. 6. 22. Hence was that of H [...]mer lib. 1. Od [...]ss. [...] Alas my Lord God, for because I have seen the Angel of the Lord face to face, I shall die. This Tradition had come to Ovids Co [...]pus mor­tale [...]umultus n [...]n tul [...] [...]the­reos [...]d m [...]p [...] [...]ahl us a [...]s [...]. hands, who makes that Majestie, which he had described to be so great, so Impro­vident withall, as to grant her foolish request, on whom he doted, to her ut­ter ruine; and so Impotent, that he could not protect her, albeit he strove to cover her with his hand: and so finally neither the God could injoy his Love, nor his best Beloved her Life. Such are the consequences of latter Heathens greatest Miracles; but in the Sacred Storie, wherein are specified Events as strange as Poets relate any, such causes are assigned of them, as are more weighty, and the manner of their relation more Grave and Serious then the Events are Rare; if God at any time appear, either in vision by night, or cor­poral shape by day, it is for some Extraordinary purpose. All the Miracles or wonders wrought in Israel, were to bring that people unto the knowledge of the true God, to rely continually upon his Providence; A matter more hard, if we consider the frailty of our own flesh, then the effecting of any Mi­racles, reported to have been wrought for the Jews. Why his Wonderful Works should be most frequent amongst this people, this reason is as plain as probable, from the End. This people was placed as a Light unto all the Nati­ons of the World besides: They injoyed extraordinary prosperity that others might be allured to reverence them, and Taste the Goodnesse of their God: Their unusual Judgements and strange kind of Afflictions were as so many Proclamations unto the World, to beware of like Rebellion: seeing all the world was set on wickednesse, and God had appointed a day, wherein he would judge the world in righteousnesse, necessary it was, to set out a patern of his Mercie and Justice in some People; and without wrong to any other, it was His especial Favour, to make choice of Abrahams seed for this purpose, on whom he showred his mercies in greatest abundance, whilst they were obedi­ent and faithful in the works of Abraham; but when they rebelled, and vexed Isa. 63. 10. his holy Spirit, then he turned to be their Enemie, and he fought against them, making them continual Examples of his unpartial Judgements, as shall ap­pear in the next Section.

SECT. III. The Third Section of the Second general Part. Lib. 1.

Containing Experiments drawn from the Revolution of States, or Gods publick Judgements, but especially of the Estate of the Jews from time to time.

OF all external Experiments, the most Firm and solid, for assuring the truth of these divine Oracles unto our soules, are gathered from the Revolution of States, or Gods Judgements upon several Lands and people. In the observation of which, the continual storie of the Jewish Nation doth best direct us. The Intercourse of their particular afflictions, be­fore our Saviours time; the maner of their Recoverie from them, as from so many Spices of some grievous disease growing upon them; The Epidemical Crantzius I. 10. Wandal. c. 18. Christia­no sanguine ab­utuntur ad Re­stinguendum Cruorem qui perpetuò illis Fluit, whose fathers cried, His Bloud be on us and our children. disease, which through every generation hants theirs, since they desired our Savi­ours bloud to be upon them and their children: are so many Probata, or tried Experiments, that these Celestial precepts containe the onley Method of preserving the Publick or private welfare of Mankind, whose observations may cure, whose neglect will breed, all the miserie that can befall any peo­ple. And this Method I would wish every Christian to follow; First diligently to consider the State of the Iewes from time to time, for it evidently confutes the A­theist, and confirmes the Truth of the old Testament: and the Truth of it established, doth most evidently confute the Jew, and witnesse the truth of the Gospel unto us, as shall be proved (God willing) in due place.

CAP. XVIII.

Of the state of the Jews in General, before our Saviours time, with Tullies Objection against them.

1 IT is storied of Enimver [...] tanta fuit auto­ritas Alphon­si, ut etiam victus conditi­ones dixerit, & victores victi metu cesserint, quasi victorians casu non virtute se consecutos ar­bitrati. Ant. Panormitan. l. 4. de dict. & Fact. Alphonsi. Alphonsus the Great, that being sometime Prisoner to his Enemies, he did so carry himself amongst them, and prescribe them such Conditions for his release, as might argue, that they had overcome him only by Chance. This was not so strange in a Prince, so Famous and Venerable for the Integritie of his whole life, and so Amiable in his cariage towards his Enemies; A man, as it were made to overcome and quel all the spightful malice or Base Intendments, that could be devised against him, by his He­roical open Heart, and Bountiful Hand towards all, and indefatigable Cle­mency even towards such, as sought to outvie it by Ingratitude, and just pro­vocation of his heaviest displeasure. But that the Jews, a people whom others prejudicial conceipt of their peevish self-conceited Singularity, (raised from their strict observation of Laws contrarie to the customs of other people) had made for the most part Odious, ere known unto the world, should August. (ex Seneca) 16. de Civit. Dei. c. 1 [...] Victivictoribus leges dare, being Captives, give Laws unto their Con­querours, even to such as sought to Triumph in their disgrace, as Birds over an Owl caught in a snare; did justly minister occasion of Wonderment to [Page 62] sundrie Heathen, and might have taught the proudest and mightiest of their Enemies / that they had overcome them onely by permission or Chance, or (if these words seem unfit) for want of that good Hap & Favour in their Battels, which they after their overthrowes finding, became by it in a sort, Conque­rours of their enemies, even whilst they were detained in Captivity.

2 The full Height and Amplitude of those Fortunes, whereof This People was onely capable, would bring the natural man, (could he fully compre­hend them) within perfect ken of that Incomprehensible Omnipotent Pow­er, which was onely able to effect them. But because these cannot be taken by any Ethnick Observations, which reach not near those Ancient times, wherein their Extraordinary Successe was most Conspicuous; we must ga­ther them from the manner of their States declining, since it hath been known to Ethnick or other Writers, not liable to suspition of partialitie on their be­half God in his providence (as Moses prophecies compared with later, and the succession of their Histories, Testifie) had ordained, as the Fulnesse of Time and their Iniquity drew near his Favours toward them should decrease by such an uniform proportion, that their Contraction in later, might notifie their excessive Greatnesse in former times. The manner of their deliverance from the Babylonish Captivitie (to such as rightly observe the divers manner of Gods proceeding in different ages before specified) will give the true Esti­mate of Wonders wrought for their Forefathers: and Cyrus Favour towards them will appear most credible, from the representation of like extraordina­rie Kindnesse shewed them in Egypt by Ptolomaeus Philadelphus; Of the fa­vours that God procu­red the Jews from Divers Kings, &c. See Josephus Antiq. l. 12. c. 2, & 17. l. 16. c. 10. l. 19. c. 4, 5, 6, 7. 1 Mac­cab. 15. who, thougt their supream Lord by right of Conquest, set at liberty a Hundred thousand of their Bodies, captivated by his Father, to submit himself unto their Laws, which he (directed by the Divine providence) caused to be translated into the most known tongue then on earth, through which the nations (as it were through a perspective-glasse) might better discern the New Star of Jacob which was shortly to arise.

3 It is a point without the Circumference of Politick Observation, plainly arguing such a Celestial Providence, as can control the purposes of the great­est Princes, why Jerusalem so often Ruinate, should still be repaired againe or, the Temple continue in such Beautie after it had so often fallen into the enemies hands; especially seeing the Flourishing state of the One was appre­hended by their Conquerours, as a great Encouragement, and the Fortificati­on of the Other, as a great Opportunitie of this peoples Rebellion; upon which consideration Ezra 4. 17. 1 Esdr. 2. 25, &c. Jos. l. 11. An­tiq. cap. 3. Etsi Cambysem pro Artaxerxe ha­beat. Appianus de Bell Syriac. Yet here is omitted the reedification by Hireanus in Julius his time. Jos. Ant. l. 14. c. 16. Their demolishing by Sa­sius. l. 14. c. 28. & l. 15. c. 1. Reedifying in Ca [...]u [...] time. Joseph Ant [...] l. 14. c. 17. and in Claudius his Time. Empto jure muniendi, struxere inuros in pac [...] Tanquam ad Bel [...]am [...]ac [...]us Hist. l. 5. Artaxerxes did inhibit the execution of Cyrus Grant for the Reedifying of Hierusalem. The City wals had been razed since the time of the Babylonish Captivitie, (which was before any Heathen Histo­riographer of note) first by Ptolomey the First; secondly by Pompey the Great; and yet repaired before Vespasians time, who overthrew their strongest munitions, as Adrian afterwards did the same, once again repai­red.

4 The Truth again of that Favour which they found under the Egyptians, (though otherwise known by unpartial writers) is more then Credible in it self, from the extraordinary Favour which they found amongst the Nations, about the time of their Conquest by Pompey. Tully tels us in his Oration pro Flacco, that Gold was transported out of Italy it self, and all the rest of the Roman Provinces, for Garnishing the Temple of Hierusalem. The prohi­bition of this practise in Asia, enacted by Flaccus Governour of that Province, [Page 63] was afterward laid to his Charge, though the like had been decreed by the Roman Senat in the time of Tullies Consulship. It was no little prejudice unto his cause, that Pompey in the Conquest of that City, did think so reverently of the Jews religion and Temple, that, albeit he Jos. de Bell. Jud. l. 1. c. 5. viewed the Golden Table, Candlestick, and other Vessels of like metal, with many costly Ornaments, and two thousand Talents of their Sacred Treasure: yet he did not diminish so much as one Jot of it, nor spoil Jerusalems Temple of any Ornaments, to beautifie the Temples of his Roman Gods. This abstinence of Pompey, Tullie in the forecited place acknowledgeth, albeit (for bettering the cause he had in hand) unwilling to confesse, that Pompey did abstain for any Religious Re­spect of the Jews or their Laws: for after many shifts, Cicero pro Flacco. Sua cui (que) civitati religio, Laeli, est, nostri nobis. Stantibus Hie­rosolymis, paca­tis (que) Judaeis, tamen istorum religio sacrorū à splendore hu­jus imperii, gravitate nomi­nis nostri, ma­jorum institutis abhorrebat. Nunc verò hoc magis, quod illa gens, quid de imperio nostro sentiret, ostendit aimis, quàm chara diis im­mortalib esset, docuit, quod est victa, quod elo­cata quod ser­vata he takes this as the best argument to elevate the Romans conceipt of the Jewish religion; Whilst Jerusalem flourished and the Jews were quiet, yet their sac [...]ed rites were altoge­ther dissonant unto the splendor of the Roman Empire, the gravity of that nation, and the institution of their Ancestors; much more (as he thought) should the Ro­mans now make lesse account of that nation, which had given perfect proof what good will they had born unto the Romans, by their late taking arms against them. And what good will the Immortal Gods did bear to them, their late Fortunes did witnesse, in that they had been vanquisht, made tributarie, and (as he thought) were at the Romans disposition for their preservation or destruction.

5 If these Jews late subjection were any disparagement to their Religion; much more might Pompey's and Tullies overthrow discredit the Roman Gods, which Pompey's Faction did reverence more then Caesars; yea Fortune it self, on whose Favor Lib. Epist. ad Attic. Tullie relied after he had fallen out with all the rest, could not be excused, if earthly calamitie were any just presumption of impietie against Heaven. But if Tullie would have sought but the first Fountain of his Countries wrack; want of Reverence to the Jewish Temple, and their Reli­gion was cause of Pompeys and Crassus overthrow, and their overthrow the Ruine of the Roman State.

CAP. XIX.

Of Pompey's ill successe after his entry of the Sanctum Sanctorum: The manner of his death fitting his sin. Of Crassus, Cassius, &c.

1 I Know the Secular Politician can espie many Over-sights in Pompeys pro­ceeding The original causes of Pom­peys fortunes suddain alte­ration. against Caesar, and assign other Causes of his disaster: But he that had gone into the Temple of the Lord, with more Reverence then Pompey did, might have understood that it was his Unhallowed progresse into the Most Holy Place, which had set an untimely Period to his greatnesse growth. This was the main Spring or Head of all his other particular Errours observed by Se­cular Politicians. Hitherto he had marvellously prospered in all his wayes, Fortune had been his Guide, and Felicity his Attendant. Although his Wisdom and Experience would not suffer him to over-see any thing, that lay within the compasse of warlike skill: yet happy Chance delighted to have a Finger in his proceedings, alwayes bringing somewhat to his aid, and furthe­rance, from beyond the Hemisphere of Humane Policy; so as the Issue and pro­duct of all his Enterprises were still discerned to be greater, then could amount from the particular means forecast by him, or his Counsellers, for their Atchievement. See Tully de lege [...]an [...]lia, of Pompeys felicity in his African ex­pedition: and piratical war. He had the help of Wind, and weather, to prosecute [Page 64] his foes by Sea: the Favour of As in his Conquest of Mithridate, See Flor. de Gest. Rom. l. 3. cap. 5. Nollurna ea Dimicatio fuit. Et [...]una in partibus, quippe quasi commili­tans, cum à ter­go hostibus, à facie Romanis se prabuisset, Pontici per er­rorem longius cadentes um­brassuas, quasi hostium corpora petebant. V [...]d. Stadit cōment. in locum. Moon and Stars to make him Conquerour by Land. Thus Fates had been his friend, until his ascending the Holy Mount: but upon his descent thence, Fortune (to use the Romans language) began to turn her wheel upon him. His wonted providence and forecast Vid. Plut. in Pompeio, & Applanum lib. 2. de Bell. civili. & Dionem, in in [...]jo, lib. 42. forsook him; and he that in his younger dayes (when his heart was as full of hopes as his bloud of spirits) had used greatest vigilancie to prevent all dangers in mat­ters of smaller moment, whose losse might easily have been recovered: now in that age, whose usual Symptomes are Timiditie, and too much care, suf­fers those Consultations on which his Own, his Friends, his Countries Fates, and Fortunes wholly depended, on which the whole state of the world did in [...] manner hang, to passe away as in a dream; yielding his irrevocable consent to whatsoever any Parasite should propose, in points wherein error & oversight were incorrigible, & their consequence, if bad, remediless; with as great speed and little care, as a man would answer, yes, or yea, to some idle question pro­posed unto him betwixt sleeping & waking. Answerable to this his Sottish de­meanour, Victorie, which before had Wooed him, once in his last extremit [...] (like a wanton Minion disposed to flout her blind decrepit doting Lover, seems a little to make toward him, Such was Caesars censure either wanting eyes to discern her, or [...] to give her entertainment. But not Victorie her self could make him victorious, in whose death and overthrow the Almighty would have his Judgements seen. For seeing it could not content him to have vanquished so many Kings and King­doms, but he will provoke the King of kings in his own House, by his Un­mannerly Intrusion into his most Secret Closet, reserved alone, of all places of the earth besides, (though all the earth besides were His) for His Holinesse presence and his Priests: it seemed just to this Lord of Heaven and Earth, the Supreme disposer of all Successe, to give the Kingdoms subdued by Pompey into his Fatal Enemies hand, not leaving him so much firm ground of all his Con­quests as might decently cover his miserable Corps. Since the foundations of the Earth and Sea were lald, Hic, post tres consulatus, & tandem trium­ph [...], [...] [...]-qi terra [...]um or­ [...]em sanctiffi [...]nt [...] ma [...] e [...]e­cti [...]ape [...] quod ascen [...]t non po­test [...] ge [...]mum annum agentis, pit [...]te natalem ipsius, vitae fuit e [...] ­tur: in tantum in ille viro à se dis [...]dāte [...]or­tuna, [...] cui modo ad vi­ctoriam Terra de [...]u [...]at, de­esset ad sepul turam. V [...]llei. Pater. Hist. 1. lib. 2. never had so high a Flow of all good fortunes, so suddain, so strange, so low and naked an Ebbe, Ut cui modò defuerat terra ad victoriam, dee­set ad sepulturam: that he, who, as the Roman Orator saith, had conquered more Provinces then almost any of his Countrie-men had seen, He Qui mare [...] e [...]sam, quod Romanis parebat, pacaverat, in eo ipso periit, qui olim mille navibus (tot enim ferunt) praefuerat, tunc in naticula [...]tum occisus est, [...], ab eo P [...]olem [...] quodammodo, cujus patrem ipse in eam regionem ac Regnum reduxerat. Di [...]a Hist. [...] lib. 42. & statni [...] p [...]st. Sic Pompetus, inter Romanos habitus antea potentiss [...]nus, ut Agamemnon eitam cognominaretur, quod mille navitus & ipse [...]um Imperio praefutsset, tunc quasi unus de extremae sortis Aebyptiis, ad montem Cassium interiit, ea ipsa d [...], qua qu [...]ndam de Mith [...]date & paratis triumphum duxerat: ut ne in his quidem extrema cum primis convenerint. that had commanded 1000 ships, restored the use of the Sea to the Nations again, and freed all others from the violence of Pirates, sole Lord of that Element, and the coasts adjoyning; should (upon that very day, which in memory of this The Piratical was the most honourable War that ever any Roman undertook, and justly deserved a glorious triumph: but Pompey trium­phed in his Sin, whilst he included Juries Conquest, as part of that daies glory, which the Lord for this reason would have defaced by his miserable death, as he had polluted the solemnity of Gods Sabbath in Jerusalem, for he took it on the Sabbath day. Vid. Joseph. lib. 1. de Bell, Jud. cap. 5. And Dion, l. 66. sayes that Titus did so, [...]. matchlesse victorie he had celebrated some few years before at Rome with greatest Triumph and Solemnitie) become a prey to a Beggarly Egypti­an Boat, and fall into such base Hucksters hands, as knew not the worth of so great a Prize, but (as if he had been some ravenous Sea-monster, that had li­ved by Publick Harms, of whose death onely some petty commoditie might be made) present his Head to the chief Magistrate in hope of reward, leaving that Body, whose goodly presence had over-charged the greatest Temples, like a pestiferous Carrion, or some offensive Garbage, or forlorn Spawn, ra­ther hid then [...]; Vix caperet templum quem parva recon­dit auna. Epitaph. Pompeti apud Appian. l. 2. de Bello Civili. Buried in a little heap of Sand.

[Page 65] 2 The strange stupiditie, and more strange Destinie of this famous Prince, so Wise by nature, so well Experienced, and alwayes before this time most Fortunate, did argue to the Heathens apprehension, that He was Appian. ibid. [...], as we would say, Taken in the Brain by the Hand of God, and his Hopes blasted from above. But such is the preposterous dulnesse of Humane sagacitie in Di­vine matters, that even where the Print of Gods wayes is most sensible and perspicuous, the wisest of us run Counter still until His Word direct our foot-steps, and His Spirit give life unto our senses. For the most Religious amongst the Romans, The Romās preposterous and impious collectiōs up­on Pompers o­verthrow. deeming Pompey such as they thought themselves, one that had never given just offence to any of their Gods; upon his miscarriage, either al­together Hence were these and like complaints. Marmoreo Li­cinus tumulo ja­cet; at Cato par­v [...], Pompeius nullo; quis putet esse Deos? Disclaim the Divine Providence, or else Exclaim against the Ingra­titude or Malignitie of Celestial Powers; as if there had been no other God or Gods, but such as they and Pompey had well deserved of. Whereas his Fatal Overthrow, whom their gods they thought had most reason to [...]avour, should have instructed them, that there was a God of gods in Jurie, which did bear rule over the ends of the world, who would not be worshipped after their fashion, as Pompey dreamed. For the reason of his desire to see the Most Holy Place, was to be resolved whether the Romans, which worshipped the gods of every Nation subdued by them, had not that God already, which the Jews adored: Romanorum prim Cn. Pomp. Judaeos domuit. Templum (que) jure victoriae ingres­sus est. Inde vulgatum, Nul­la Intus Deum effigie, vacuam sedem, & Ina­nia Arcana Ta­citus lib 5. Hi­stor. Vide Flo­rum. l. 3. c. 5. but finding no graven Image, nor likenesse of any thing in heaven or earth, many Romans, which till that time had lived in suspence and admiration who this God of the Jews should be, held their concealed My­steries for meer Gulleries, and thought it folly to worship they knew not whom, For Lucan. 2. lib. Incerti Judaea Dei; yet were his Judgements upon this great Peer of Rome, the first among that people, that had to do with the Jews most Certain, yet Judgements mixt with Mercy and long suffering. Seeing Uzzah, and Uzziah King of Juda, for intermedling in the Priests office, were smitten, the one with sudden death, the other with continual Leprosie until his dying day; who can expect that this Alien should escape unpunisht for like pre­sumption? Neverthelesse, because he did approach the Most Holy Place, though with an unsanctified heart, yet with no sacrilegious hands, he had a longer time of repentance then his next Peer in Might amongst the Romans, his Predecessor in like miserable and disgraceful death, though his Successor in like, but more shameful sacrilegious base profanenesse.

3 That Sacriledge was one especial cause of Crassus miscarriage in the Par­thian Wars, the Heathens of that time had observed; and it may be, Plutarch, The miscarri­age of Crassus parallel to the manner of his sin a­gainst Jerusa­lem. [...], &c. Plutarch in Crasso. As the destructi­on of Heirusalem did not immediately follow upon our Saviours, but upon his servants, S. James unjust death. from unwritten Traditions the nurse of error, did mistake the storie. Sure it was not the Goddesse of This Hierapolis was Bambyea or Edessa, where Dirceto the great Syrian Goddesse was worshipped, as appears from Strab [...]s 16 Book. [...]. It was beyond Euphrates: whereas Crassus had ominous signs of his destruction at his first passage over that River Plutarch. Hierapolis, but the God of the holy City, which made the young and aged to stumble one against another. Or if Crassus and his Son had this first Omen of their overthrow at their Egress out of this Goddesses Temple; this doth not argue that it was either solely or principal­ly for this offence therein committed; albeit even sacrilegious wrongs against the Heathen Gods, did oft redound to the true Gods dishonour, being not in­tended by worldly minded men, so much against them in Particular, as in contempt of the Deitie or Divine Power Simply: Nor are such warnings usually sent immediately g upon the principal [...] act, but rather after continu­ance in the like. And the vicinitie of this h places name, (which was a second [Page 66] witnesse of Crassus sins) might have put him in minde of his former misdeeds in Jerusalem, with whose sacred treasure he had dealt just so, as Plutarch saith he did with the treasurie of that Goddesse of [...] ­rapolis. Which makes me supect that Plutarch did mistake the storie. For as Josephus tels us, he took away the two thousand Talents, which Pompey left untoucht, and eight thousand besides. But such was the Hea­thens prejudice of the Jews, that the least injurie offered to their Idol-Gods was more then the most grievous sacriledge that could be devised against the God of Israel. The worst that could be done against his Temple, was, in many of their opinions, but as reprochful words, which can bear no Action, be­cause not easily appliable to any determinate person: with many of them it was all one, Non esse Does, & non apparere, represented in some visible shape or image. Thus Polybius, otherwise an ingenuous writer, imputes the cause of Antiochus Epiphanes suddain and fearful death, unto his intended pillage of the Goddesse Artemis Temple; when as this misereant was guil [...]e of that actual crime before, for ransacking the Temple of Jerusalem. (See Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 13.) But as the plenarie cause of Crassus miserable and shameful death, was his shamelesly miserable and Sacrilegious Mind in ge­ral: so in the means, or manner of His end, the Almighty would have his parti­cular offences against his Priest and Temple to be most Fminent and Conspicuous. [...] totum esse in colli­ [...], trabem [...], n [...]il aliud loco [...] ­ [...], [...] inserta erat trab [...] [...]. solus [...] templi au­ [...], [...] totum quantum [...]. Joseph. A [...]. Lib. 14. c. 12. Fleazar the high Priest, seeing him wholly bent to make a golden Harvest of the Parthian expedition, feared lest he should rake all the sacred Treasure into his cossers. For preventing of which misehief he pre­sents him with a Golden Beam, whereon the Hang­ings of the Temple hung, hoping thereby to re­deem the rest of the sacred Treasure; but he ha­ving gotten this into his hands, which otherwise he could not have found (being covered with wood) contrarie to his Oath, most agreeable to his Hu­mour, seazed upon all the residue. Yet gold which he thus greedily sought, as (to his seeming) the onely sure Nerve of war, by the Almighties dispo­sition, became the indissoluble chain of his dismal Fates. As love to it had made him perjure himself to circumvent Gods Priest; so did it expose him to circumvention by a Perjured [...] Aug [...]us [...]sis [...]. Quod [...]. semper potentio­ [...] au­tem, [...] se Crassi ami­ [...] ex­ [...], & Part [...]o [...]. Dion. 1 [...]. 4. Villain; who having found out his appetite, prepared a sit Bait for his Bane. For by feeding this greedy thirst of gold, he insinuated himself into the societie of his Secrets, which he disclosed unto the Parthian. Had Crassus wits naturally been [...]o dull, or had he usually shewed himself so grosse and sottish, as he proved in this expedition, he had never born any place amongst the Remans, much less had they ever permitted him to manage any for rain Wars. But [...] partly from his prodigious Stupiditie, uncapable of any warning by so [...]. many Ominous Signs and tokens, as did stupisie his whole Armie be­sides, partly from his more then brutish Facilitie, in taking an uncouth way (as if he had been a tame beast before the drover) until he came to the very Stand, where his enemies stood with their bowes bent, and their arrows of death made readie upon the string for his destruction, all the Roman writers agree, that He was lead awry by Sinister Fates. Now if they had but once read what God he was, that had blinded Absalom to disclaim Achitophels good counsel, and ratisie Hushais plot for his Over­throw, [Page 67] 2 Sam. 17. they would easily have granted that the same God, and no other, Tum Cassi­ani rursum ae­gre serebant, & omisso Cras­to, qui moni­tores audire gravabatur, conviciis incessebant Abgarum. (in Greek, Acharus, in Dion. Augarus, and in Plut in Crass. Ariamnes.) Scele­ratissime hominum, quis te malus daemon ad nos adduxit? quibus veneficiis, quibus pras [...]igiis persuasisti Crasso ut per vastas sol tudines i [...]er faceret. Numidae latronum principi magis decorum quàm Romano Imperatori? Ille versipellis confortabat eos blanditiis, & hortabatur, durarent paulisper: milites verò sublevabat accurrens, & cum risu cavillabatur: Quid, per Campaniam vos iter facere putatis, ut requiratis fontes ac rivos & umbras, scilicet, balne ás (que) & continuata penè diversoria? non meministis vos transire per Arabum & Assyriorum confinia? Ita tum Abgarus Romanos quasi paedagogus quidam casti­gabat: & priusquam deprehenderetur in perfidia abequitavit, non clam, sed ex consensu Cra [...]i, fiagens se curaturum neces­saria & turbaturum consilia hostium. Appian de Bell. Parth. Augarus si quod utile consilium Crassus cepisset, dehortatus hominem est: sin damnosum, confirmavit; ac tandem hujusmodi rem confecit. Crassus Seleuciam contendere decreve­rat, quò se tutò cum exercitu ac commeatu praeter Euphratem ac trans eundem pervenire posse cogitabat: à Seleucia (quam ut à Gracis hominibus habitatam, facile sperabat in suam potestatem venturam) ad Cresiphontem Urbem baud dif­ficulter se trajecturum. Id consilium, tanqua multo tempore opus habiturum, ut repudiaret, ac potius adversum Surenam, qui prope cum parva manu esset, iret, Augarus persuasit. Quibus constitutis, cum Crassum ut petirer, Surenam (cum quo sub speculandi pra [...]extu frequenter congrediebatur) ut superare posset, paravisset, Romanos nihil solicitos, ac tanquam ad cer­tum jam victoriam proficiscentes, eduxit: in eis (que) tum per insidias opprimendis Parthum adiuvit. Dion. lib. 40. As he came into this danger by Augarus treachery, so was he slain after he had yielded himself unto Surenas, contrary to his oath and pro­mise, Vid. Appian. l. citato, & Strabon l. 16. had infatuated Crassus heart to renounce Cassius, and other grave experienced Roman Warriors wholsome advise, and betake himself wholly to the Barbarous Fugitive Augarus directions, suborned by the Parthian to betray him.

4 But Cassius, much wiser then his General in this one particular of mistrusting Forainers, was afterwards as far over-seen in the main chance, and overtaken with that sin which had caused Crassus blindnesse: First, pollu­ted with like So saith S. Augustin de Civit. Dei. l. 18. c. 45. Po­stea. (i. post Pompeii vi­ctoriam de lu­daeis) Cassius Templū spo­liavit, Of his cruel exactions in Judea, Vide Joseph. antiq. l. 14. c. 18. Sacriledge, and cruel oppression of these Jews: then with his own bloud, Of his grosse error in mista­king his victo­rious friend for his persecuting enemie. Vide Velleium Pa­terculū l. 2. & reliquos Rom. hist. autores. shed by his servant at his commandment, upon as grosse an o­ver-sight as Crassus had committed. So shall they all, sooner or later, be Infa­tuate, that robbe God of His Honour, and put their trust in Wrong and Violence. And thus till this time did they perish all, as many as bare ill will to Sion; for Hierusalems Hour was not yet come, because the Day-spring had not vi­sited her from on High. The glorie of her Temple was not as yet revealed; unto whom, after Her children had offered greater disgrace then the Ro­mans had done to their Temple, the Staff of her wonted Stay begins to break, the bonds of her former peace untwine, and onely one part of her double Fates remain; if then she fall, she riseth not again, she hath no inclination left but to destruction; The burthen of the Fathers sins, and the yoke of captivitie due thereto, grows heavier and heavier in the descent upon posteritie, without all hope of recoverie, much lesse of revenge, upon such as offer her greatest violence; but rather happy shall that man be thought, and highest earthly honour shall be the wages of his service, that rewards her children, as they had served their Lord and Saviour. But these times were not come in Crassus or Cassius dayes, in which some Reliques of her Ancient Hopes remained, to see the rods and scourges of her correction consume and wither, after once the Almighty had taken off his punishing Hand. And if unto these Three above mentioned, we adde the like destinie of Antonie and Scipio; and the ill suc­cesse of the other Romans, who had ought to do with these Jews before our Saviours time: we may conclude, that although the Romans were then Lords of the earth, yet This People, whom they held as Base, retained the priviledge of Gods Royal Priests. Although the souls of all flesh were the Lords, who for this cause revenged the oppressed in every Nation: yet Israel onely (as the Prophet Jerem. 2. 3. Levit. 23 10. speaks) was as A Thing Hallowed unto the Lord, His First Fruits; all such as de­voured them did offend, evil should come upon them, although inflicted by their own, or their servants hands at their appointment. Lastly, if we call to mind the former distinction of Ages, and the divers manner of Gods dealing with [Page 68] them, before and after the Baby Ionish Captivitie; the contraction or Abridg­ment of their large Priviledges, in the long succession of times foretold by Ancient, and acknowledged by their own later Writers: we cannot mistrust the Amplitude of their Fundamental Charter, or their Historical Narrati­ons of what the Lord had done of old unto Jabin, Sisera, and S [...]herib, would we (allowing some different condition of times) compare theirs with Pompeys and his Complices unusual Fates. Gods Power was more immedi­ately Gods judge­ments upon Pompeys I [...] [...]h [...] most just, because they had parti cipated [...] Sin. manifested in the one, his Wisdom more admirable in the other, his Justice the same in Both. Yet a Roman would reply: If Pompey had so grie­vously offended, why should He not have born the whole burden of His sins? So he should, had either be alone offended, or the Romans suffered him to have lived a Private Life; but if they will associate themselves as members to their natural Head, and professe their service and Allegeance unto Him, that stood as pros [...]ri­bed by the Court of Heaven: Gods quarrel with the whole Faction is most Just, All of them are guiltie of their Generals Sins, All liable to the Plagues and Punish­ments due thereto. Yet, besides that Pompeys intolerable Presumption and Proph [...], according to the usual Course of Gods Justice might pro­pagate his Destinie unto such of his Adherents, as had been free from any actual wrong done to the Jews, or contempt of their God and Religion in particular: a great many of his Chief Followers had polluted themselves with the like Sin in Jerusalem. For, as [...] qu [...]: Ro [...] veto p [...], [...]d pl [...] sunt. [...] an­t [...]m gravur [...] Jud [...] visum [...]ll, quam san ctum illud Are [...] [...]u [...]quam [...]aus vi [...]um, [...] e [...]e dectum. Deni (que) Pom peius una cum Sui [...] Co­mitib in tem­plum [...] l [...]bra cu [...] [...] & [...] in qu [...] [...]. Josephus tels us, Pompey went not into the Most Holy Place alone, but accompanied with a Multitude. All of them, no doubt, had sinned presumptuously against the Admonitions and Threathings of Gods Priests; and this peoples curse (it seems) did follow them, whither they themselves durst not; for as the same writer testifies, No other calamity in that war did grieve the Nation so much, as this Pol­luting of their Temple.

5 Whatsoever Tullies or other Politick Romans conceipt of this people in his time was; many amongst the Romans, as well as in most other Nati­ons, had (without question) either observed the like Fatal mischances of such as vexed them, or else had felt some good in observing their Laws, whose persons unknown they hated. In one, or both which respects, these Jews stood upon better termes with their Conquerors, then any other Ca­ptives did. And unlesse it had been a received Opinion amongst other Ro­mans, that this had been A People Favoured of the Divine Powers; why should [...] have objected their late Conquest by Pompey to prove the contrary? And me think [...] it might have moved him and others, so much devoted to the Roman Gods before, to have thought these Jews did serve a better God then they knew any, after they had seen their own state utterly ruined with­out all hope of recoverie, and their gods either unwilling, or unable, (as [...], doubtfully complains) to redresse those miseries and calamities, of which they should at least have given them warning, when as Hierusalems [...] ▪ which Pompey had demolished, were (according to this peoples Hope, from which no power on earth could deject them, being supported by the [...] Promise of their God) Reedified within twentie years, and they [...] with great Priviledges for their good Service performed to Caesar. For chiefly by their means became He Lord of Egypt, the first and surest ground o [...] b [...] good successe in Africk; as Josephus out of the publick Decrees and [...] of Roman Writers boldly avoucheth, challenging the Heathen to [...] him or his Testimonies, if they could, Though this they easily [...] have done, if he had cited them amisse, because the Originals were then every where Extant.

[Page 69] 6 The former testimonies alledged out of Tully (whose works we have) so well agreeing with Josephus, who it seems had never read them, will not suffer any ingenious man to suspect the truth of that which the same Josephus cites, out of Strabo the Cappadocian, whose works are lost. Quatuor [...] rant genera in Cyrenensium urbe, Civ [...]s, Agricolae, In quilini, & Quanti Judai, hoc jam in omnes urbes subrep [...], &c. J [...]s. Ant. l. 14. c. 12. The Jews (saith he) have crept into most Cities, nor can a man almost name any place in the inha­bited world, where they once get footing, but they hold possession. Egypt, Cy­rene, and many other nations have admitted their Rites, and in liew of them, nurse huge multitude of Jews using their own Domestick Law. Besides that a great part of Alexandria is assigned to their use, there be Colonies of this Nation throughout Egypt which enjoy Magistrates of their own, for determining all con­troversies of right and wrong in such sort and form as is used in Absolute States. Seneca in­ter alias civi­lis Theologiae superstitiones reprehendit Sacramenta Judaeorum▪ Christianos ta [...] jam tunc Judaeis immi­cistimos in neu [...]am par­tem comme­morare ausus est, ne vel lau daret con­tra suae patriae veterem con­suerudinē, vel reprehende­ret contra propriam sor­sitan voluntatem. De illis sanè Judais, cum loqueretur, ait, cum interim usque eo sceleratissimae gentis consuetudo con­valvit, ut per omnes jam terras recepta sit, victi victoribus leges dederunt—. Mirabatur haec dicens, & quid divinitus ageretur, igno [...], subjecit plane sententiam, qua significaret, quid de illorum sacramentorum ration [...] sentiret. Ait enim: Illi tamen causes titus s [...]i noverunt, & major pars populi sacit, quod cur faciat, ignorat. Aug l. 6. de Civit. c. 11. Saint Augustin hath the same observation out of Seneca's Books concerning Superstition, which this Reverend Father had perused, though, with divers others of that famous Philosophers works, now lost.

7 What Strabo had observed of these Jews in Syllas, and Seneca in his time, is intimated by Sequitur auri illa in­vidia Jud [...]ci. Hoc nimirum est illud, quod non longe à gradibus Aureliis haec causa dicitur, ob hoc crimen hic locus, abs te Lali & illa turba quasi a est. Scis quanta sit manus, quanta concordia, quantum valet in concionibus, &c. Cic. Orat. pro [...]. Tullie in fewer words. You know well (saith he unto his adversary) what a great faction it is: how closely they hand together, what sway they bear in assemblies. But how great soever the number of this people was at Rome, they durst not have been so bold in the Mistresse-city of the world, unlesse their Patrons there had been many. And it seems by Tullies conclu­sion, in the fore-mentioned place, that the bare unkindnesse offered by Flac­cus to this Nation, was worse taken at Rome, then the wrongs and violence, which he was accused to have done to sundry other people. Aurum in aerario est, furtum non reprehenditur, à judicibus oratio avertitur, vox in coronam turbámque effun­ditur. Cic. Orat. pro Flacco. The gold (saith he) for which Flaccus was accused, is in the Treasurie: you charge him not with theft, but onely seek to make him odious: your speech is turned from the Judges and directed to the Company.

CAP. XX.

Tacitus Objections against the Jews resuted, by their palpable grosnesse, and more competent Testimony of other Heathen writers.

1 VNto this their powerfulnesse in perswading other Nations to renounce their own, and imbrace their Laws and Religion, Hi [...]itus quo­quo modo m­ducti, ontiqui tate d [...]f [...] [...] tur. Cetera in [...] ra▪ ­ [...], pravita­te valuere. N [...]m [...] [...]sque [...]pr [...] [...]: [...]igioui bus patriis, tributa & [...]n­pes illuc con ge, ba [...]r. Y [...]it. Hist. lib. 5. Tacitus ascribes the increase of these Jews estate; albeit he maliciously attributes this attractive force unto the Impietie of their Laws, as if by Sympathie they had wrought most upon wicked and depraved natures. Put wherein did their Impietie consist? Profana illic omnia, quae apud nos sacra. Rurtum concessa apud illos, quae nob [...]. Idem ibid. What we Romans esteem Sacred, they account Profane, what is pollu­ted to us, is lawful to them. This argues that either the Roman religion o [...] Theirs, was Superst tious and profane: and he, like a true Patriot and right Romanist▪ Ioath to suspect that Religion wherein his Forefathers had pro­spered so well, charges the contrarie Orthodoxal with superstitious Impiety. Most true it was, that the Jews of his time were a wicked people, but every [Page 70] way of the Loosing [...]and: their strength, which had been long in gathering, was sodainly broke by Titus, and their wonted means of encrease, by addition of Proselytes, quite cut off. For after the Temples destruction, Nullus ad amissas that [...] op [...]s: From the first day of our Saviours Ministerial Function, they did not win half so many Gentiles to Judaism, as our Saviour and his Disciples did Jews unto Christianitie. Tacitus then spake not of such Jews as lived in his time, when their strength and greatnesse was in the Wane; but of their Ancestors, during the time of the Second Temple. Nor was it that, which was most wicked indeed in this people, or their predecessors (as their particular opposition, or contrarietie unto divine truths) but rather what was onely good in them, as their Constancie in their Religion, and stedfast Pro­fession of Abrahams Faith, common to them and the Christians; which was the ground of this Politicks hateful Censure, for this reason a-like bitter a­gainst them and the Christians. That Either should be so resolute in defence The grounds [...]. of their own Religion, was, in his opinion, a Pernicious Superstition, liable to any punishment that could be imposed, as [...]. another Roman Writer of his time was not ashamed to avouch. If Wilfulnesse simply deserve punish­ment, the Carnal minded make no scruple in what measure it be inflicted, seeing the more grievous the Torture is, the greater it alwayes argues their Wilfulnesse or Obstinacy to be, that will undergo it rather then obey their Superiors, so as the Crime seem alwayes commensurable to the Punishment, though it could be increased in infinitum. And Tacitus seems well to ap­prove of Antiochus's Savage Crueltie against the Jews, as a Medicine that would in time have wrought a Reformation, if the Parthian had permitted this cruel Chirurgeon to have applied his Patients with change of such corro­ding plasters. So Immoderate is the ambitious mans desire, that to be Lord of others Bodies doth but whet his appetite, and stir up alonging to become Lord of their Faith and Consciences also. And to refuse absolute Obedience in matters Spiritual, as well as Temporal, unto such as are competent Judges of the one, not of the other, in a Sin as hateful as Rebellion, the foulest Crime that can be conceived or fashioned in the Politicians Brain.

2 Besides these general motives, which would minister enough of matter for Superiors to condemn their Inferiours: it did in particular Ex­asperate Tacitus, and other Politicks of his temper, to see so many natural Romans renounce their Name and Countrie, forsake Father and Mother, Friend and Alliance, for maintenance of Jewish Religion. And albeit that Nation had sustained incredible calamities by the Romans, yet it vexed him to remember, that they should be able to have done the [...] Romans so much mischief alwayes stirring when others were quiet; being, to his seeming, a Base People in respect of many other subject to the Roman Empire. Per­haps his hate to Christians was propagate from his inveterate malice against these Jews, in whose region Christianitie (as he confesseth) did first spring. But [...] [...] testimonie will sufficiently quit the Christians from those Impu­tations, which [...] vel culp [...] sua vel e [...]otis, quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem convenire, [...] [...] Sacramento [...]on in s [...]lus aliquod obstringere, sed [...]e [...], ne lat [...], [...]e [...] depositum appellari ab [...]garent—. Quo magis necessarium credi [...] ex [...] esset ve [...]i, & per [...] qu [...]ere. Sed nihil aliud inveni, quam super [...] cognitione ad consulendum Te dec [...]c [...]r [...]i. Plin. Epist. l. 10. Ep. 1 [...] [...] nec quidquam p [...]us imb [...]ntur, quam contemnere D [...]os, exuere patriam▪ [...]. Tacitus unjustly laieth upon them. As for that impietie, wherewith he chiefly chargeth the Jews religion, it implies an Evident Contra­diction. Such as conform themselves (saith he▪ to their customs are likewise [Page 71] transformed in mind. The first precept, wherewith they are seasoned, is to con­temn the Gods, to put off all natural affection to their Countrie. If the Jews did either forsake father, or mother, or other kindred, It was for the love of their God, Religion and Countrie. For, unlesse the greatnesse of their love to God drowned the other, no people in the world did ever match them in love to their Kinsfolks, Friends and Country-men. But if they perswaded the Romans to esteem the glory of Rome as vile, in respect of Hierusalem; and account Romish Rites and Ceremonies, compared with theirs, as Sacrilegi­ous and profane; they did That but upon good and warrantable grounds, which any true Roman would have done upon far worse; that is, they sought their Countries good, by winning the good will of others to their Estate and Religion.

3 But what madnesse possessed Tacitus his mind, that he should think, or rather write (for I do not think that he thought, or cared what he wrote, when he avouched) that the wickednesse of their Laws was a means of alluring wicked or lewd companions to their observance? I would their greatest Enemies were admitted Judges; whether such as indeed were, or such as any Civil Heathen would so account, not such as it pleased Tacitus onely, out of meer pride and spleen, to call wick­ed persons, would not in all likelihood, be more ready to subscribe un­to the Rites of Venus or Bacchus, (whose service Tacitus so well likes) or any other of the Romish Gods, then tie themselves unto Judaical Ce­remonies; which, once subscribed unto, were to be most strictly observed by Aliens as well as Jews; nor could they be throughly acquainted with their Laws, or admitted to other Mysteries, until they had communi­cated with them in that Sacrament of Circumcision, alwayes most loath­some and Grievous to Flesh and Bloud. What pleasures of the flesh, what dissolutenesse or Luxurie, or what, that can be properly called Sin or Enormitie, did their Laws maintain or nourish, or their Rites or Cere­monies any way insinuate? All that Tacitus (comparing their rites with those of Bacchus) could in conclusion say against them, was; That Liber festos laetosque ritus posuit; Judae­orum mos ab­surdus sordi­dúsque. Tacit. Hist. lib. 5. Bacchus his rites were Merrie and pleasant, Theirs, absurd and Base.

4 Unto these Political Surmises of Tacitus, altogether ignorant of for­rain Antiquities, I will oppose the judgement of Strabo a lesse Partial Strabo's Te­stimony of the Jews religion. Lib. 16. p. 761 Casaub. edit. wri­ter, and a professed Antiquarie, living about our Saviours time: from whom amongst others we may gather, that the Famous and Conspicuous Hill of Sion stood as a Problem to oppose the Nations; and from Admiration of her strange and unobservable Fortunes and change, were so many Opinions blazed abroad of those Jews Original and state. Of all that were extant in his time, capable of any Credit, this following went best for currant, and did sway the most, to wit; That these Jews (as you heard before of his er­rour in this particular) were descended from the Egyptians: the cause of their departure out of Egypt, was to seek a place, where they might wor­ship God aright, perswaded hereunto by Moses, whom he takes for an Egyptian Priest, but one that condemned the Egyptians for painting Beasts, the Afri­cans and Grecians for using Pictures of men to represent God; deeming it a madnesse to imagin, that He that contained all things, could be represented by any visible or sensible Creature. Chastitie and holinesse were the dispositions of such as sought Him, or could hope to know His Will: and for this purpose ordained Sacrifice, neither chargeable to such as should use them, nor other­wise [Page 72] offensive by their undecencie, lewdnesse or absurditie. [...]. With th [...]se perswasions (saith he) Moses prevailed with the better sort, and such as se [...]red God, to forsake Egypt: and seated once about Jerusalem, neighbour Countri [...] did associate themselves unto them, allured by the Equitie of their Laws, and the Puritie of the Religion which they professed, whence he erected a new Kingdom, and that no mean One. And his Successors for a time continued in his Instituti­ons, just and rightly Religious. But after they had (as Tacitus likewise obser­veth) joyned the Priesthood to support their Kingdom, they grew more [...]et was St [...]a [...]o somewhat offended with Circumcision and their Sabbaths, as [...] ignorant of their causes, [...] Sabbaths indeed were then [...] [...]. Strabo lib. 16. p. 761. See Dio [...]s acqu [...]tal of these Jews [...] imputations. D [...] à reliquis hominibus obti [...]ent, cum al [...]s in rebus, u [...]uque vitae quotidiano, tum [...] colunt, unum autem quendam [...] studio venerantur. Nec ull [...]m si [...]lach [...] [...] quam hab [...], [...] suum illum Deum Ines [...]abilem & formae expertem, religioso ejus cul [...] caetero, mo [...] D [...] lib. 37. Super­stitious, Tyrannical to their own, and noisome neighbours to other Countries. [...] Yet was their Hold or Fort still had in Honour: not detested as a nest of Th [...] or seat of Tyrants, but Reverenced as a Temple. Thus far Strabo. Who al­though he were mistaken in sundrie particulars of this Peoples Antiquitie, (as all beside themselves of necessitie were, by reason This sacred Volume was kept secret from all such as did not observe their Rites) yet from Tra­dition he had learned as much, as could be known of them in general: That Moses their first Law-giver was a Prophet, and one that relied not upon Po­liere, but the Divine Oracles; that this people in Ancient times had been much better, and had prospered accordingly.

5 With this Strabo the Geographer, that noble Historian Dion Cassius [...] accords, but more fully with Strabo the Cappadocian, whose Works, new lost, Josephus cited. This people (saith Dion) differ from others, as in ma [...] other points and daily practise of life, so especially in this, that they worship [...] other Gods, but onely One of their own, whom they hold to be Invisible and [...] ­ble, and for this cause admit not any Image of Him: yet do they worship [...] more devoutly and religiously then any other people do their Gods. But who [...] God of theirs was, or how He came at first to be thus Worshipped, how greatly he was feared of this people, were points he listed not to meddle withall, many other had written thereof before him. It seems he gave but Regio ipsa, [...] [...] [...] appel­ [...] [...] unde [...] [...] [...] [...] Qu [...], & [...], [...]que [...]a [...]pe imminutum [...]uerit, ita tamen auctum est, ut etiam condendi leges li­centiam [...] [...]. [...] read, ut legum quóque pote [...]atem vice [...]it. Dion. Ibid. little credence unto Tacitus discourse of their Original, for he ingeniously professeth: That he knew not whence they had this name of Jews, but others that followed their Rites, although Aliens by Birth and [...]rogeny, did Brook the same Name or Title; even amongst the Romans themselves therewere of this Profession. He addeth; Although this People had been often crushed and diminished: yet did they rise and increase again above the Controll of all other Laws, onely subject to Their Own. Thus he spake of the Jews living in Pompey's time, after which they had been often crushed before Tacitus wrote, yet recovered strength again.

CAP. XXI.

The means of these Jews thriving in Captivity. In what they exceeded other people, or were exceeded by them.

1 THese Allegations, and many other, which out of Heathen Writ [...] could bring, sufficiently prove, that albeit these Jews rasted of as bit­ter calamities as any other did: yet had they this strange Advantage of all; that whereas all other were forsaken of their Friends in their adversitie, and their Laws usually changed by their Conquerours, oft-times abroga­ted or neglected by themselves upon their ill successe: these Jews still found most Friends, and their Laws (never forsaken by them) most earnest Fa­vourers, in the time of their Captivitie and distresse. This was quite contrary to Nature Politick Observation, or Custom of the world. Wherefore seeing Na­ture and Policie can afford us none, we must seek resolution from their Laws. The reasons subordinate to the Cause of Causes (Gods providence) were these. In the time of their distresse, They did more faithfully practise their Laws themselves, and had better opportunitie, or greater necessitie of communicating them unto others: they being of themselves alwayes most po­tent to allure sober and discreet mindes to their observance, made known and not prejudiced by the foolish or sinister practise of their Prosessours. So their great Law-giver had foretold, Deut. 4. vers 5, 6, 7, 8. Behold I have taught [...] Or [...] and Laws, as the Lord my God commanded me, that ye should do even so in the land, whither ye go to possesse it. Keep them therefore a [...]o them; for That is your Wisdom and Understanding in the sight of the people, which shall hear of all these ordinances, and shall say; Onely This People is Wise and of Understanding, and a great Nation. For what Nation is so Great unto whom the Gods come so near unto them, as the Lord our God is near unto us in all that we come unto Him [...]? And what Nation is so great that hath Ordinances and Laws so righteous, as all this law which I set before you this [...]? That They had not in later God was mo [...] [...]avourable to these Jews then [...] any o­ther People, times so great prosperity, as others had, was no Argument that Their God was not more near to Them, then the Gods of other Nations to their Wor­thippers; for He was the God of gods, and Lord of lords, which did good to every Nation; yea, He made the Romans so great a Nation, albeit they knew it not. That these Jews were now in subjection, and the Romans Lords, was no Argument, that He was better to the Romans then to Them, or that They were a lesse Nation, if we make an equal comparison. For if God should often recover a man from dangerous diseases, and propa­gate his life unto 200. years, in health and strength competent for old Age; This were no argument to prove that He were not more Favourable to him, then to men of younger years or middle age, whose strength is greater for the present, but they unlikely to recover health often impaired, or to re­new life once lost in Human Estimation, or to account half so many years. In like sort was This Peoples Often Recovery from so many Overthrows and Captivities; their long continuance a distinct Nation from others: more In what sense the Jews might truly be thought a Mighty Na­tion. Extraordinarie then the Romans present Strength or Greatness. And albeit many other Empires and States were larger, then the Kingdom of Israel was at any time, yet no other people could be said so great a Nation as this. For others continued the same rather by Identitie of Soyl, or like Form of Government, then by any Real or Material Unitie or Identitie of people: their increase was meerly Political, and their greatnesse rose by way of [Page 74] Addition or Accumulation; that is, by admitting such mixture of others, that from the first Erection of the Kingdom, ere it came to its full great­nesse, the number of Aliens might overspread and hide the natural in­habitants, or Progenyes of such as laid the Fundamental Laws thereof, which were seldome so continuate by direct Succession, as they might be rightly distinguished from others. And as Theseus his ship was ac­counted one and the same, because it retained the same Form, though not so much of the same Timber, whereof it was first built, as did go to the making of Half the Keel: so the greatest States amongst the Heathens, retai­ned perhaps some few Fundamental Laws, or reliques of Ancient Families descending from their First Founders, in which respect alone they might be taken for one Kingdom, but not so properly termed one People or Nation, to whom greatnesse could be truly Attributed, seeing a great many of se­veral people were to share in this Title. But These Jews (besides the perpe­tual Unitie of their Particular, as well as Fundamental Laws, lesse varied either by change, addition, or abrogation, then the Laws of any other Nation) continued still One and the same People by a strict Union of Su­ccession, their grouth was natural, after the manner of Vital Augmentation. For albeit they admitted some mixture of strangers, they could notwith­standing alwayes distinguish the Progeny of Forrain Stocks from their natural Branches, which they could still derive from their several Stemmes, and these all from one and the same Root: so that after so many Changes, and Alterations of their State from better to worse, and back again; after so ma­nie glorious Victories, as Scriptures mention gotten by them over others; and so many captivityes of their persons and desolations of their countries, as others had wrought, They remained still one and the same people, by such a kinde of Unity, as a great Oak is said One and the Same Tree, from its sirsi Spring to its last Fall, whether naked and berest of leaves by blasts of Au­tumn or Winters frost, or stoyled of Boughs by the Loppers Ax, or Beau­tified with pleasant Leaf, or [...]ar-spreading Branches. If the glorie of other Kingdoms were more Splendent for a Flash, presently to be extinguished, (as being greater then their corruptible nature was capable of:) this no way impeacheth Gods promise for making Abrahams Seed a Mighty Nation; see­ing it was not at any time so great a People as at all times it might have been, had they observed the means appointed for their grouth. How incompara­ble the Height of Sions Roof, above other Nations, might have been, we may [...] from the Capacity of her Foundations. The known Altitude and conti­nuance of her Wals, though never finished to her Founders desire, yet Such, [...]. as whoso shall look upon with an unpartial eye, must acknowledge ordain­ed for Extraordinarie Strength and Creatnesse. For take we this Kingdom with its defects; what wonder can Revolutions of time afford like to this late mentioned? That by such an Unity of Natural propagation from One Root, (almost perished before it sprouted) & distinct lineal succession never interrupt­ed, Abrahams Seed should continue One and the Same Nation for Two Thousand years: sometimes the mightiest amongst Coeval Kingdoms, a scourge and ter­r [...]ur to all neighbour Countries; and after many greivous wounds and dead­ly, (in their estimation that gave them, received from others) still preserved alive, to see the successive rise and fall of Three great and potent Monar­chies, yet able in decrepit dayes, to hold play with the Fourth, the migh­ [...] that ever was on earth, even whilest it was in it's Best Age, full Strength and perfect Health, free from any intestine Broyles, secure of all exter­nal Assaults. Much better were these Jews able to encounter the Ro­man [Page 75] Empire, in Tacitus his life time, then It, (within three hundred years after his death) to defend the Imperial Seat against Barbarous, silly, and foolish Nations, unhatched when the Roman / Eagles wings were spread over the most famous Kingdoms of the earth. Suppose the Roman Em­pire had received, at the same time, but half so terrible a blow in Italy, as these Jews had done in Jury and Hierusalem under Vespasian, and his Son: The Roman Empire had never the like push before it fell, as it had by the Jews in Adri­ans time. how easily had the commotions of their Reliques, in Trajans and Adrians times, shaken the Roman yoak from off the Nations neck? Or if the other ten Tribes return had been but half so entire and complete, as Judahs and Ben­jamins were; the Roman Eagles had never come to prey upon their Carkases in the territories of Judea. But it was their Strong God, which before had scat­tered Israel amongst the Nations, and at the time appointed shut these Jews up in Hierusalem, as in a Prison.

2 Again other Kingdoms gained little by their greatnesse, save onely Mag­nificent Names or swelling Titles. No other people enjoyed so great proseritie, so good cheap, as This sometimes did, and all times might have done. No other had so good Assurance or Security of that Prosperitie or Peace they en­joyed▪ as This People had, unlesse themselves had made a wilful Forfeiture: nor was the Publick Health or Welfare of any other State or Kingdom so fully communicated to every particular and inferiour member. For usually the Titularie or abstract Brightnesse of that Glory, wherewith other Great States outwardly seemed most to shine, was maintained with the perpetual Harmes and internal secret Mischiefs of many private persons, as Great Flames are not nourished without great store of Fuell: whereas the prosperitie of Da­vids Throne, as in other points so in this, was established like the Moon: that whilest They turned unto their God, their State was capable of greatest Splendor, without consumption of their natural parts or Substance. And even whilest other States did for their Sins prevail against Theirs, yet such Peers as had been principal Instruments of their wo, and took Occasion to disgrace their Laws or Religion, in their Captivitie and distresse, had for the most part, (as was observed before) Fearful and disasterous Ends: and might more justly have taken up that complaint, after their spoils of Jewry, which Diomedes did after the destruction of Troy,

Quicunque Iliacos ferro violavimus Agros,
—nefanda per Orbem
Supplicia scelerum poenas expendimus Omnes.
What did Troys Fall, or Phrygian Spoyles, the Graecians State advance?
Whom Fearful Plagues Haunt through the world: Such was the Victors chance.

Many of them (no doubt) before their dying day, had observed as he did, that they had fought against some God, whilst they wrong'd this people: and would have been as unwilling to bear Arms against them again, as he was against the Reliques of the Trojans:

Nec mihi cum Teucris ullum post eruta Bellum
Pergama: nec veterum memini laetorve malorum.
With Troy my Splene to Trojans ceas't, her flames quench th'heat of War
I little Joy of what is past; Rub not a Bleeding Scar.

[Page 76] 3 For these and many like Consequents, this people in the Issue and up-shot of their greatest calamities, had both reason to rejoyce, and the Heathens just cause to say: The Lord had done great things for them, albeit he often suf­fered Psal. 126. 2. them to be Conquered. For even this Sicklinesse of their State was a means of its long life, Their Scourges and Phlebotomies a Sign of Gods tender Care over their Health, until they grew proud of his Favour, and waxed obdurate by his often Fatherly corrections, as one of their own writers well observes. The Lord doth not long wait for us, as for other Nations whom He punisheth when 2 Ma [...]. 6. 14. they are come to the Fulnesse of their Sins. But thus He dealeth with us, that our sins should not be heaped up to the Full, so that afterwards He should punish us, and therefore He never withdraws His mercy from us, and though He punish with ad­versitie, yet doth He never forsake his people.

4 Finally, their Decay and Increase was such as could not be measured by the Rules of Policie. Hence was it that Tacitus was not tacitus, but a Tatler, transported from himself, his wonted sagacity and ingenuitie, as being quite out of his natural Element, while he medled with their affairs. That Contra­rietie, which he observes betwixt Theirs and the Romans Religion, was as great betwixt their Policies. What was good in the One, was nought in the Other: that which Rome did think might preserve her in health, was appre­hended, by the wisest amongst this People, as ready Poison for their State. Those Plots which would have crushed any other People once brought un­der, did oft work Their Advancement, and their Enemies Fall. Whence both their Rising and Falling, and Consequently, the Successe of such as opposed themselves against Them, were, in other Nations apprehension, sometime in their own, meerly Fatal, altogether Incorrigible by worldly Policie, especially in more Ancient times. Hence did the Wise Men of Caldea, upon the first no­tice of the Windes Turning for them, read Hantans Destinie, but too late: If Mordecai be of the Seed of the Jews, before whom thou hast begun to Fall, thou [...] 6. 13. shalt not prevail against Him, but shalt surely Fall before Him. Achior the Am­monites Speech to Holofirnes, whether truly uttered by him, or Fained by the Pen-man of that Storie, was framed (no doubt) according to the known Experience of thosetimes, and contains such Advise, as a Faithful Councellor, well acquainted with their Estate, upon like Occasion should have given unto his Lord, not so well acquainted with it. This he was bound unto by the rules of Poetrie, which the Author of that Book (unlesse perhaps his Memo­rie Unto what time [...] Hi­stories to be referred, See Sul [...]. Seve­ [...] Judith [...]. 17, &c. faild him in the Circumstance of Time, an Escape incident to Fictions, for their Assinitie with Lies) very well observes, if his work be rather to be cen­sured for a Poem then an Historie; his Advice was This: And whiles They sinned not before their God, They prospered, because the God that hated iniquity was with Them. But when They departed from the way which he appointed Them, They were destroyed in many Battails after a Wonderful Sort, and were led Captive into a Land which was not theirs: and the Temple of their God was cast to the ground, and their Cities were taken by the Enemies. But now They are turned to their God, and are come up from the Scattering wherein They were scattered, and have possessed Hierusalem, where their Temple is, and dwell in the Mountains which were Desolate. Now therefore my Lord and Governour, if there be any Fault in this People, so that They have sinned against their God, let us consider that this shall be their Ruine, and let us go up, that we may overcome Them. But of there be none Iniquity in this People, let my Lord Pass By, lest their Lord defend Them, and their God be for Them, and we become a Reproach before all the World. The first Root of all such Effects or known Experiments, as in Ancient time, yielded matter to their Neighbours of this or like observation, was Gods [Page 77] First Promise unto Abraham: And I will make of thee a great Nation, and will bless Thee, and make Thy Name Great, and Thou shalt be a Blessing, I will also bless them that bless Thee, and curse them that curse Thee, and in Thee shall all the Fa­milies Gen. 12. 2. of the earth be Blessed. Which promise, as it doth concern the Tem­poral State of the Jews, was to be limited according to the Tenor of Achiors Speech, and did then onely take Effect, when they followed Abrahams Foot-steps, and lived in Faithful Obedience to Gods Laws, or having transgressed them, did turn again with their whole Heart to seek the God of their Fathers. The causes of the Heathes, In­sulting over the Jews in their distresse. From Experience of their good Successe in such cases, partly (I think) were their Neighbour Countries so Savage and Merciless towards them in their greatest Distresse, alwayes Crying, upon like occasion, as the Edomites did in the Day of Hierusalem, Down with it! Down with it! Even to the Ground. Because they could not hope for any Revenge, but by waiting the Turning of their Fates, and taking them in the Ebbing of their Fortunes: for when they be­gun to rise, they knew there was no means to stay them. The Judaea ter­ra quali nun­quā ante mo­tu concussa, magnam per­totam eam re­gionem jactu­ram fecit pe­cudum: quin & hominū op­pressa sunt rui­nis aedium cir­citer decem millia. M ilita­ris tamē mul­titudo nihil detrimēti ac­cepit, ut pote sub dio agitās. Haec clades e­tiā in maius aucta rumori­bus, quos nun­cii, gentilium odiorum non ignari, dabant auribus Ara­bum, immane quantum ex­tulit hostium animos, quasi subversis Ju­daeorum urbi­bus & extin­ctis homini­bus, nulli jam superessēt. Le­gatos itaque gentis, qui re­bus afflictis pacem petitu­ri venerant cō ­prehensos ne­caverūt, mox­que magna a­lacritate pro­peraverunt ad hostilem ex­ercitum. Jo­seph. Antiq. l. 15. c. 7. Arabians Immane and Savage Practises upon their Embassadors, seeking Compassion to their Lamentable Estate torn and ruinate by the Mighty Hand of their God, in a Fearful and Prodigious Earthquake, do argue a deep rooted Memory of their Ancestors strange Overthrowes (mentioned in Scripture) by this peo­ples Forefathers, and these later Arabians, long lying in wait to do these Jews a Mischief, if they had not been restrained by the Mighty Hand of God; who now, as they suppose, being turned their Enemie, they apprehend this Opportunitie of working a Full Revenge. Nor are their hard hearts molli­fied with their Publick Miseries, nor their inveterate malice so quenched with their Embassadors Bloud, shed in the seventh year of Herods raign, but it burst out again in Vespasians time. For these Arabians, though never (as Am. Marcellinus Lib 14. notes) any true Friends, or Well-willers to the Roman State, were the forwardest men to assist Titus in Hierusalems last and Fatal Siege. For the same reasons were the Nations round about them as earnest­ly bent to hinder the Re-edifying of Hierusalem, after the Return from Ca­ptivitie, as these were now to pull it down, as fearing lest this Peoples good Fortunes should rise again with their City Wals. But as Nehemiah notes, After the enemies had heard that the Wall was finished, they were afraid, and their Courage failed them, for they knew that this Work was wrought by God. Nehem. 6. 16.

5 These and like Observations make me think, it was not Skil in Astrologie, or such Arts as the Magi used, (whereunto this of all people was least addict­ed) which first hatched that opinion of the Refer: Diog. Lae [...]us in Prooemio. p. 6. Jews descent from the Magi: ra­ther the later Heathen, ignorant of their Original, and not able to derive that strange successe which did hant them, or their demeanour answerable there­to, from Ordinary or natural Causes, referred all to Magick Spels, or some Art of Divination. So unwilling is Flesh and Bloud to acknowledge such as They Hate, for the Beloved of the Lord; and so powerful is the Prince of darknesse, either to blind the hearts of the worldly wise, or to avert their eyes from beholding an Un­pleasant Truth, that if at any time the Finger of God appear in the Deliver­ance or good Successe of his people, the Infidel or Natural man ascribes such effects as Magicians (unlesse upon presumption of Travellers Priviledge a­mongst the Ignorant) durst not arrogate to themselves, unto Magical or other like Arts; because the corruption of their Nature is more capable of such Practises, then of true Belief in God, and they more prone in distresse to flie unto Sorceries or Magick Charms, then with true Faith and Firm Constancy to expect The Deliverance of the Lord by such means as the Faithful Israelites [Page 78] did. Dion Xi­phil. l. 71. 2 Kings 3. So when the Christian Legion had, by their Prayers, relieved Anto­ninus's Army, readie to swound for Thirst, with plentie of water, in as Mi­raculous Sort as Elishd did sometime the Host of Israel; the Heathens, ac­knowledging the Effect for Supernatural, ascribed it to Arnuphis, the Egyptian Sorcerer, his acquaintance with Mercury, and other supposed Gods of the Air. In like sort the modern Jew, acknowledging many Wonders wrought See Munster on the Second Chapter of Math. Hebr. by our Saviour; takes it for a sufficient Argument. That all of them were wrought by Magick Skill onely because the Evangelist saith, He had been in E­gypt; so is he b [...]nded with wilful malice, that he cannot see how, by this Ob­jection, he laies all the wonders which Moses wrought, open to the like Exception of Atheists, Insidels, and Heathen. For both Moses, in whom he Trusts, and Abraham in whom he Glories, and all the Patriarches, from whom the Jews descended, had been in Egypt in ripe Age, where our Saviour came not but in his Infancie. As for his Miracles, the Testimonie of Moses, and other Prophets, whose divine Authoritie is acknowledged by the Jew, shall evince them, wrought by The Einger of God. In the mean time the estate of the Jews since Their death, sufficiently known to all the world, and foretold by Them, shall manifest against the Atheist, that They all wrote by The Spirit of God.

CAP. XXII.

That all the Heathens Objections against, or doubts concerning the Jews Estate, are prevented or resolved by Jewish Writers.

1 OUt of that which hath been hitherto Premised, this Conclusion stands firm, supported both by forrain Writers observation, and these Jews own confession, That They were a People Remarkable, for their unusual Prosperi­tie and Calamity. I am fully persaded it would have given full Satisfaction to any [...]ngenuous Roman or later Heathen, That This was a People Beloved of God, had they known as much as we do: that all they could Object in contempt of the Jews, or their Religion, had been (conceived before by the Aslyrian and Babylonian; but Falsified in the Event) fully answered by Judaical Writers, and plainly foretold by their Prophets; lest such Events as occasioned others to contemn them, might have proved Temptations to the Godly amongst this people, as if they had been Forsaken of their God. The dayes had been, wherein the Babylonians had taken themselves for men, and their Idols for gods, as good as Rome had any; and these Jews for as Base a People as the world yielded: They had gathered captivitie as the sand, mocked the Kings, and Hab. 1. 1 [...]. made a s [...]orn of the Princes, deriding every strong Hold: and hence (as the Pro­phet foresaw) they were as ready as the Romans to take courage in transgres­sing and doing wickedly▪ imputing this their power unto their God. But the Pro­phet is not herewith dismayed, nor tempted to think his Gods power was lesse then theirs; albeit, to shew himself a true Patriot of Israel, he complains of their Intolerable Presumption, which in due time he well foresees should be abated. Art not thou of old, my Lord my God, mine Holy One? We shall not die: O Lord, thou hast ordained them for Judgement, and O God thou hast esta­blished them for correction. Thou art of pure eyes, and canst not behold wicked­ness: wherefore doest thou look upon The Transgressours, and holdest thy tongue when the wicked devoureth the man that is more righteous then He? and makest men as the [...]ishes of the sea, and as the creeping things, that have no Ruler over [Page 79] them? They take up all with the Angle, they catch it in their Net, and gather it in their Yarn, whereof they rejoyce and are glad. Therefore they sacrifice unto their Net, and burn incense unto their Yarn, because by them their portion is Fat, and their meat plenteous. Shall they therefore stretch out their Net, and not spare continually to slay the Nations? No: he knew their time was limited, and o­ther Nations, as Jeremiah saith, When his Time was come, were to serve them­selves of Him; though God at that time had exposed the Princes of Judah to his violence, for their Violent Oppression of their Brethren, as Habakkuk ex­pressely notes in the beginning of his fore-mentioned Prophecie. These Jews, before the Event did prove the contrarie, were as incredulous they should be brought into Captivitie by the Babylonian, or such foolish Idola­ters, as the Romans were of their great prosperitie under David or Solomon. And for to beat down this proud Humour in them, the Prophet Ezekiel fore­tels, That for their Extream Crueltie the Lord would punish them by the Most wicked of the Heathen: Make a chain: for the Land is full of the judge­ment Ezech. 7. 23. of Bloud, and the City is full of Cruelty. Wherefore I will bring the Most Wicked of the Heathen. and they shall possesse their houses: I will also make the Pompe of the Mighty to cease, and their Holy Places shall be desiled. When De­scruction commeth, they shall seek peace, and shall not have it: Calamity shall come upon Calamity, and Rumor shall be upon Rumor: then shall they seek a Vision of the Prophet, but the Law shall perish from the Priest, and Counsel from the Anci­ent. And lest any should marvail, why God would so use his Chosen Peo­ple; he gives the reason in the words immediately following, Because he was a God of Justice. The King shall mourn, and the Princes shall be clothed with de­solation, and the hands of the people in the land shall be troubled: I will do unto them according to their ways, and according to their judgments will I judge them, and they shall know, That I am The Lord.

2 More particularly both Tullies Objection, concerning their Overthrow and Conquest, is directly answered; Strabo and Seneca's doubt, concerning their thriving in Captivitie, fully resolved; and Tacitus false Imputations of their increase, sufficiently cleared by the Psalmist: They were stained with their own works, and went a whoring with their own inventions: therefore was the Psal. 106. 39. wrath of the Lord kindled against his people, and he abhorred his own inheritance, and he gave them into the hand of the Heathen: and they that hated them were Lords over them. Their enemies also oppressed them, and they were humbled under their hand. Many a time did he deliver them, but they provoked him by their counsels, therefore they were brought down by their iniquities. Had Tully read thus much, he might have been fully satisfied, that it was not love or hate of his Immor­tal gods, which made the Romans Conquerors, the Jews Captives: But it was their Love to Sin, onely Hateful to their God, which brought them in subjection unto the Romans; and made Caesar, whom Tully and other Ro­mans hated, Lord over them, as they had been over the Jews. And if Stra­bo, Seneca, Tacitus, or others, that either envied or marvelled at these Jews prosperity, had read what follows in the same Psalm, they had rested better satisfied with the reason that the Psalmist there gives, then with such as Blun­dering Politicians guesse at: For although they had been brought down by their iniquity, yet their God, who had given them into their Enemies Hand, saw when Psal. 106. 44, 45, 46. they were in Affliction, and heard their Crie. And he remembred his Covenant to­wards them, and repented according to the multitude of his Mercies, and gave them Favour in the sight of all them that led them away Captives. The Psalmist had better understanding of Gods dealing with these People, then Tully and Stra­bo had; and in Confidence of Gods Mercies, which they had often tasted, [Page 80] he concludes with this Prayer: Save us, O Lord, our God, and gather us [...] among the [...] th [...] we may prais [...] by Holy Name, and glory in thy [...] Though this Godly P [...]almist saw this People in greater distresse then they [...]. were in Tull [...] time, yet he attributes not their Captivity and oppre [...] [...] any want of Good-will in their God towards them, but unto the [...]r [...] toward him: for if they had been thankful unto Him, the [...] [...] light on them should have been spent upon their Enemies. But as an [...] Psal [...] [...] in the per [...]n of his God▪ [...]sal. 81. 11. [...] people [...] [...] m [...] [...] and Israel woul [...] have none of Me. So [...] them [...] of th [...]r [...], and they [...] walked in their own Coun [...] my People would [...] [...]kened unto Me, and Israel had walked in my [...] I would [...] h [...] bled their Enemies, and turned my hand against [...] A [...]: The [...] of the Lord should have been Subject to th [...] [...] their [...] s [...]uld have [...]n [...]ured for ever. I would h [...]ve sed Them (saith the Lord with th [...] wheat, and with the honey out of the rock would I h [...] [...] [...].

3 This one place to omit many other, abundantly proves the [...] [...] Assert on, That [...]f this People had continued in well doine, all the Natio [...] continually [...] [...] [...] at Th [...]r [...]xtraordinary Prosperity. [...] [...] Christ [...]an may as well doubt, as the [...]eathen wonder, Why Israel [...] in my [...] ▪ as the Author of the hundred and sixt Psalm co [...] of, was not d [...]oved at once, as other great and mighty Nations had [...]. [...] the more abundant Favours their Fore-fathers had sound, and [...] greate [...] Gods [...]essings (laid up for their Po [...]) were, the [...] [...] was their Ingratitude in rebelling▪ their Rebellion it self so much [...] wilfully [...]nous; and alwa [...]es the more wilful or [...]ainous any Sin [...] more grievous certa [...]n, and more speedy punishment it deserves. How [...] that Mos [...] [...] and Holy One. which so often protesteth [...]e res [...]eth no [...] Person▪ [...] this most Ungrateful, Stubborn, and R [...]llious People, [...] g [...] then any other?

4 The full and necessary Consequence of these Collections is Thus [...] and no more: The [...]inal [...]xtirp [...]tion of these [...]ews had been accomplashed [...] [...] [...] before it came to p [...], had the Lord been onely Just, or res [...] their deserts, [...] hom he so often preserved, when justly he might have [...] th [...]. But if we look farther into the wa [...]es of Gods Providence. [...] [...] [...] and reason of destroying others, and preserving them, will appear one [...] [...]. For that suddain Execution of his Justice upon others, which did [...] much advance his Glory, equally practised upon them had as greatly [...] [...] an oug [...] the Nations. This cause of their long preservation the Lord himself as [...]gns Deut. 32. 26. I have said I would s [...]atter th [...]m abr [...]d. [...] [...] [...] their Remembrance to cease from amongst men; save that I [...] [...] [...] of the [...]nemy, les [...] their Adversaries should wax proud, and [...] [...] [...] [...]ur [...] hand▪ and not The Lord, hath done all this. Again, a [...] [...] most Just, so was he most kind and Merciful towards all▪ [...] excepted) even towards the Gentiles, in these Jews; for by their [...] deliverance and restauration the other might have learned, That their [...] [...] of [...]od▪ and Lord of lo [...]ds, most worthy to be Honoured of all the world, as he himself addeth in the fore-cited place: For the Lord shall [...] [...] [...] people and [...]pent toward, his servants, when he seeth that their [...] [...] and none [...] Hold, nor le [...]t abroad: when men shall say▪ [...] her [...] are [...] [...], th [...]ir mighty God in wh [...]m they trusted which a [...]d eat the sat of th [...]r [...] [...], and did drink the wine of their drink-offering? Let them ri [...] up and [...] [Page 81] you; let him be your refuge: Behold now, for I. I am He, and there is no gods with Me. Thus, since these Jews began first to be a Nation, as well the Wane as the Encrease of their▪estate; or (to use our Apostles words) as well their Diminution as Abundance might have yielded the docil and well disposed, greater riches, then the Spoyls of their Cities and Countrey did the proud and Mighty amongst the Gentiles. And albeit they oft times sinned more grievously then others did yet were there alwayes left some God­ly amongst this People, which in their distresse knew themselves and could teach others the right way to Repentance; of which the Heathen, one and other, were altogether Ignorant. And this was an especial Cause, though subordinate to the former, of their long preservation. For when they were not so extream bad. as to continue in former sins, but unfainedly called upon the Lord in their distresse, He heard their prayers; and being once received to His, they found Favour at their Enemies hands. So Solomon had observed, When the wayes of a man please the Lord, he will make also his Enemies to be at peace with him. The truth whereof we have seen Prov. 16. 7. continually experienced in these Jews, before our Saviours time, though much degenerate from their [...]ncestors But their posterity, as much dege­nerate from them as they from the other, go as far beyond the middle sort in pu­nishment, as they came short of their First Fore-fathers in all Graces and Fa­vours bestowed upon them by their God. Though these (such I mean as lived since our Saviours time) cry unto the Lord, yet doth he not hear them, although their distresses have been more, and more grievous many hundred years to­gether, then their Fore-fathers▪ What is the reason? Because they have turned their ears continually from hearing the Law, therefore their prayers are continu­ally turned into Sin, Prov. 28. 9. Psal. 109. 7.

5 Thus though the Alteration of the Jewish State be such, as all the World might Wonder, and stand amazed at; such as would make the wisest Heathen Gidd [...]e, that should seek to comp [...]sse the true Causes thereof by Politick Search; yet unto us Christians, that have the Oracles of our God, their Estate cannot seem strange; seeing nothing, good or b [...]d, that hath befallen this people, from their first Beginning to this present day but is Foretold in the Sacred Story, which hath continually proved it self as In­fallible a Prognostication for what is to come, as it is an Authentick Register of all things past.

6 The particular Kalendars, wherein their Good or Dismal Dayes are di­stinguished, according to the diversity of their wayes, we may find Levit. 26. After Moses had proposed Extraordinary Blessings if they would walk in the Laws which he had given them, he threatned them with Plagues and Calamities in their own Land; with Bodily sickness, Incursion of Enemies, Op­pressions and spoyl of goods, strange overthrows in Battel, and fearfulness of Heart, v. 16. And if these would not reclaim them, then he threatneth to punish them Seven Times more according to their Sins: as with Barrenness of Soyl, Prodigious Famin, and scarcity of Fruit, v. 18. And yet if they hold on still to walk stubbornly against Him, He threatneth to multiply the former [...]lagues Seven Times; by sending Wild Beasts among them, which should spoyl them, and destroy their cattel, and make them few in number, and your High-wayes shall be desolate, v. 21. The like multiplying of his Plagues for the Increase of their Stubbornnesse, he reiterates Twice again. Yet, if by those you will not be Reformed, &c. He increaseth all the Former Plagues Seven Times again, v. 23. and 28. The First and Second degrees of the Plagues threat­ned, were in part fulfilled in the dayes of Gedeon, Samson, Samuel, and Saul. [Page 82] The third likewise (by Wilde Beasts) we see fulfilled in the dayes of Jeho­ram King of Israel, 2 King. 17. 25, 26. The fourth and fift likewise we see in part fulfilled in their Captivity, in the dayes of Manasseh, Jehoiachim, and Ze­de [...]iah; and in the time Ptolomey the First, under Antiochus Fpiphanes. Both their own and other Stories, give us full Experiments of this Prophecie. As their stubbornnesse did Increase, so Gods plagues here threatned did wax more Grievous: these later Calamities being, at the least, Seven Times great­er (both for Extent and Durance) then the former Persecutions, which they suffered by the Philistines, Moabites, Aramites, and Ammonite [...] [...]ut The last Plague, which containeth all the rest more then Seven Times was not accomplished till after our Saviours Death: after which time, all the rest (in part fulfilled before) are more then Seven Times multiplied upon them. In their former Overthrows or Captivities, they suffered the violence of War, and oftentimes felt the Extremity of Hostile laws: but after these Storms were past, so they would submit themselves unto their Conquerors, they usually found (as was shewed before) more then ordinary Favour at their hands. But since our Saviours Death, the Memory of their former [...]lagu [...] hath been but an Invitation of the like▪ or worse; their continual bad usage pre­scribing the law fulnesse of their abuse. In the 28. of Deuteronomy, the Extra­ordinary Blessings, and Plagues which were to overtake this People, either in their Life or Death, are more exactly calculated. And albeit their I les­sings might have been more, and more Admirable, then the Curses that have befallen them: yet Moses ▪it seemes) foreseeing, or fearing what would Be rather then hoping the Best that might Be, is almost Four times as long in Calcu­lating their Plagues, as their Blessings. So have the Miseries of these later Jews been Four times as long, as the prosperity of their worthy Ancestours; if we would take an exact measure of the One, from the Sacred Histories before the Babylo­nish Captivity, of he Later from Experience and Relation of Jewish or Hea­then writers. And yet no Plague, either known by Experience, or related by any Writers, but is evidently foretold by Moses. His particular Predi­ctions shall be inserted, as the Events shall give the Occasion throughout th [...] Discourse. To begin with that most Horrible Plague, Deut. 28. 53, &c. An [...] thou shalt eat the fruit of thy Body, even the Flesh of thy Sons an [...] thy Daughters, which the Lord thy God hath given thee, during the si [...]ge and straitnesse, wherein thy ene­my shall inclose thee. So that the Man that is tender and exceeding dainty among you, shall be grieved at his Brother, and at his Wife that [...]eth in his Bosome, and at the r [...]mnart of his Children, which he hath yet lef [...]. For fear of giving unto any of them of thes [...] sh of his Children, whom he shalt eat, because he hath nothing left him in that si [...]ge and streightnesse, wherein the enemy shall besiege thee in all thy Cities. The ten­der and [...]ainty Woman among you, which never could venture to set the soal of her foot on the ground (for her softnesse and tendernesse) shall be grieved at her Husband that l [...]eth in her Bosom, and at her Son, and at her Daughter, and at her After-birth, that shall come out from between her feet; and at her Chil [...]ren which she shall bear. For when all things lack she shall cat them secretly, during the siege and streightnesse, where­in th [...] enemy shall [...]esiege thee in thy Cities. This It was [...] man of [...], w [...]o in the [...] Son, 2 King. [...] manner, [...]. Prophecie we see fulfilled, to an Hairs-Breadth, in Vespasians time.

CAP. XXIII.

The Fulfilling of Moses and others Prophecies, touching the Desolation of Jewry, and Destruction of Jerusalem: and the Signs of the Time, witnessing Gods Wonderful Hand therein.

1 SEeing that part of Tacitus is lost, whence we might have known more, concerning their Calamitie, then we can find now in Heathen Writers, we must take the Conclusions, answerable to Moses predictions, from Josephus a Jew by Birth, no way partial for Christians. And his Conclusions (to omit Moses's Authority or other Inducements) can not seem Improbable, from such Premisses, as the Roman writers have confirmed; though little intend­ing such Inferences, as we now make from them. Do those calamities of the Jews, related by Josephus and Eusebius, seem strange? They justly may, if we consider This People as Natural or Ordinary men, not as Patterns of GODS Extraordinary Judgements. Strange might their Judgements seem, and incredible to the Romans or Worldly-wise, unlesse other circumstances of that Time, witnessed by the Romans themselves, were as rare. But if, By the Romans Opinion, every Unusual Effect in Nature did Portend some such strange Event in Human Affairs: why should not the Wisest of them in that Age, expect some Extraordinarie or Miraculous Matters of Vespasians time? yet, (excepting what he did to those stubborn Jews) his other Acts were but Ordinarie, and required no Pompous or Magnificent Prologues: whereas many Signs, either foreshewing his Exaltation to the Empire, or confirming his Right unto it, or Authority in Managing it, were such as no Heathen, I think, hath ever heard of before, but most Consonant unto Gods wonted Signs in Israel whilest their Kings did prosper. Seeing the Wisdom of the Wise, and Understanding of the Prudent amongst this People, had been long hid, as the Lord had threatned by his Prophet Esay Chapt. 29. and they themselves had complained, We see not our tokens, we have not one Prophet more: Whence was it that Josephus the Jew should become a prophet for Vespasians good, who had already brought much, likely to bring more Harm upon his Country and Him, now Captived, and Imprisoned by Him? So Et unus ex Nobilibus Ca­ptivis Jose­phus, cum cōjiceretur in vincula, con­stantissimè as­seve [...]avi [...] fore, ut ab eodem brevi solvere­tur, ve [...] ja [...]n imperatore. Sueton. in Vesp. It is not pr [...]oba­ble that either Suetonius, Taci [...]us, or Di­on should take this testimony from Josephus (though he re­late it, Book 3. Chapt. 14. of the Jewish Wars) but from the Romans that were ear-witnesses of it. It is lesse probable again that Jose­phus should learn this from any prophecies concerning Christ, for he knew Vespasian was no Jew: rather God made him as a mouth to these other dumb signs which Roman writers relate, by his appointment foreshewing Vespasians Exaltation; as Dion notes: For speeking of other signs he saith: Sed haec quidem omnia egebant interpretatione. At Josephus, natione Judaus ante ab eo cap [...]us constrict usque vinculis ridens ait; Nunc quidem me vincies, post annum autem solves, quum fueris Imperator fa­ctus. Igitur Vespasianus ut alii quidam, ad principatum natus erat. Dion. hist. Rom. lib. 66. S [...]etonius and Tacitus (no Factious Friends for Jews or Christians) tell us, Josephus did Solace him­self at his Commitment, with This; That Vespasian the Emperour should short­ly release him. Though Vespasian at that time was far enough from such Hopes, in the Judgement of the Roman State, which had appointed him General in the Jewish wars, because Suetonius in Vespasiano. His mean Birth, and obscure Family, did minister least Suspition of affecting the Splendour and Dignity of the Ro­man Empire, if He should prove Conquerour. Did the rest of his unruly Country-men, conceit any such matter of Vespasian, as Josephus did? Then had they not continued stubborn as they did. But although Israel knew him not, and his people had no understanding, yet the dumb Pra [...]dente eo quondam, Canis Extratius triclinio manum humanam intulit. Coenante rursus, Bos arator decusso jugo, tric [...] i [...]upit, ac fugatis ministris, quasi defessus, procidit ad ipsos accumbens pedes cervicem (que) submisit. Apud Jud [...] Carmeli Dei Oraculum consulentem, ita confir [...]avere Sortes, ut quicquid cogitaret animo volveret (que) quantum­libet magnum, id e [...]e proventurum pollicerentur. Suet. in Vesp. Dion Cassius Reports that of the Ox and Dogge, and other perticulars besides. Lib. 66. initio. Ox knew him to be [Page 84] his Owner, and appointed Lord of the Farth, and in Sign of his Submission to him, having [...]st off his yoak, r [...] suriously into the Room where he sate at sup­per; where affrighting his Attendants from him, he streight prostrates himself before his Feet (as if he had been weary) offering his neck to His Clemen [...]y. Oracles had ceased in Jewry (at least from speaking any good unto the Jew [...] yet the Oracles of Carmel assure Vespasian of good Successe in all that he should set [...]is hand unto.

2 As these, and many other Presignifications were more then Natural, so the means of his Advancement (if we respect onely the purpose of men) were meerly Casual: nor is it possible for the Atheist to imagin their Concurren [...]e contrived by Policy.

3 But herein we may clearly see Gods Covenant of exalting this People, and humbling their foes, quite Inverted. All the Plagues threatned to such as bare ill will to Sion, light on her Friends and Inhabitants, All the [...]les [...]ing [...] promised to such as prayed for Jerusalems Peace, are heaped upon them that work her Ruine. More particularly do they verisie that Prophe [...]e of M [...], [...]t. 28. 4 [...]. The stranger that is amongst you shall climb up on high, and t [...] shalt come down beneath alow. For these Children of the Kingdom, taking Violent but false hold upon Gods truest Promises, do, by their unseasonable desire of exalting themselves above the Nations, hoise Him up to highest Dig­nity, that was ordained to pluck them down from their seat, and bring them below all other people. The manner of it was thus.

[...] Opi­nio [...] [...] Prae [...]o, Legatum insuper Sy [...]ae Consularem suppetias ser [...]ntem rapta Aquil [...] [...]ugaveru [...]. A [...] [...], [...]um ex [...] auxiliari, & non in [...]renuo duce, [...]ui tamen tuto tanta res committ [...], [...] [...]us est, ut iudustriae expertae, ne [...] metuendus ullo modo ob Humilitatem Generis ac N [...] [...] [...] [...]. 4 There was a constant Opinion through the East, that Jewry about this time should bring forth the Monarch of the World. In Confidence of which Prophecie, the Jews (as the Roman Writers observe) did Rebel. Vesp [...]: (otherwise likely to have lived in Danger, and died in Obscurity and disgrace whereunto Nero had designed him) appointed, for reasons afore alledged, to Manage these Wars, gets Renown for his good Service, among the Roman [...]Good w [...] of the Eastern nations, and upon Nero's death and Civil Broiles thence ensuing, partly by promise of assistance from the Parthian, partly by other unexpected Occurrents, had the Empire thrust upon him, otherwise N [...] tam [...]n qu [...]dquam [...] [...]entav [...]t, prom [...]is atque etiam instantibus suis, quàm solicitatus quo­ [...] & ig [...] & a [...] [...]ort [...]to [...]avo [...]e. Suet. ibid. back­ward of himself to entertain Hopes, suggested to him from Heaven by many wonderful Signs and tokens.

Yet after all this, being made Emperour on a suddain, before he could be­think himself what belonged to so High a Place, he wanted ( [...] as the Histori­an [...]. notes) Authority and Majesty to countenance his proceedings: and these again are conf [...]med unto him, at his first entrance into the Empire, by means more Miraculous then the former. Since Rome began was it not heard, that, any Roman had opened the eyes of the Blind; unlesse this man had been from God▪ he [...]ould have done nothing. Why then do the Heathen rage, and the people [...]in thing, against God, and his Annointed, The Christ, as if He had not Healed him which was born Blind, with Spittle? when as Vespasian, [...]perour, d [...]d [...]ure one desperately blind, by spitting upon his eyes▪ or whence came that vertue into this new Emperours feet, that he should [Page 85] [...]eal a lame and withered thigh, by treading upon it? Both these effects were well known unto the most judicious Roman Writers of those times, so constantly avouched by them, as can leave no place for su [...]pition in Ages fol­lowing Ae [...]imari à medicis jubet Vespasianus an talis [...]aci­tas ac debilitas ope humana superabiles [...]ent. M [...]d [...]ci variè d [...] Huic non ex [...]am vim l [...]is & [...]di­t [...]ram si p [...]r obs [...]antia: illi elapsos in [...] a [...]s, si salu [...]ris vis ad [...]ibeatur, pos [...]e [...]grari▪ [...]d [...]or­tasse cordi D [...]is, & divino ministerio princip [...] [...]: deni (que) p [...] r [...]medi [...] gloriam p [...]n [...]s Casar [...]m; [...]i Iudibrium pe [...]es miseros fore. Igitur Vespas [...]nus [...]un­cta fort [...]n [...] suae [...] [...]us, n [...]c quidqu [...]m [...] in­credibile, [...]to ip [...]e v [...], e [...]cta quae a [...] dine, jussa ex [...]quitur. Statim conversa ad usum manus, ac c [...]coreluxit dies. U [...]que qui intersuere nunc qu [...] que memorant, pos [...]qu [...]m nullum mendacio preti­um. [...]us histor. lib. 4. Suetonius hath the same story with the same circumstances..

5 What shall we Christians say to these things? Onely this; In both these Cures there was the Finger of God▪ pointing out Vespasian to the world, as Seeing they had rejected the true Son and Heir of David, the Lord raised up Vespa­sian (as it were an adopted Son and lively pattern of old Da­vid both in Meannesse of Birth, Manner of Exaltation and Humility) to rule them with an iron rod, and seed them with the Sword. Suetonius Character of his pa [...]en [...]e and disposition, hath a perfect relish of David [...] Spirit. Medio­critatem pristinam né (que) d [...]lavit unquam, ac fre­quenter etiam prae se tulit. Quin & conantes quosdam originem Flavii generis ad Conditores Reatinos Comi­t [...] (que) Herculis cujus monumentum exstat via Salaria referre, irrisit ultro. Ad [...]ó (que) nihil ornamento [...]um ex­trinsecus cupidè appetivit, ut triumphi die satiga [...]us tarditate & taedio pompae non reticuerit: me [...]ito se plecti, qui triump [...] quasi aut debitum majoribus su­is, aut speratum unquam sibi, tam ineptè senex concu▪ ­pisset. Sueton, in Vespasian▪ Christs Right Hand appointed for some Extraordinary and Peculiar Service, even to in [...] the Plagues foretold by him, upon these Jews, which had reviled, traduced, and crucified the Lord of Glory for the like, and infinite other far greater Miracles wrought amongst them. These strange Calamities, had they fallen in Nero's, or other like Emperours time, might have been attributed to their Cruel dispositi­on: but that Vespasian for his natural Néque caede cujusquam unquam laetatus, justis suppliciis [...]llac [...]ymavit etiam & ingemuit. Idem. Ibid. Inclina­tion another Moses, scarce provocable to re­venge Practize of Treason against his Person in private men, should work that strange de­solation upon a whole Land, hath this significa­tion, that he was Gods Instrument onely in this Businesse; what he did, he did impelled by Him, not of his own Motion or Inclination. And because he had Convenit inter omnes tam certum e [...]m de suâ suorum (que) genitura semper fuisse: ut post a [...]liduas in se conjurationes ausus sit a [...]are Senatui, aut Filios sibi successuros, aut Neminem. Dici­tur etiam vidisse quondam p [...]r quietem, stateram in me­dia parte ve [...]ibuli Palatinae domus positam examine aquo: cum in alte [...]â pa [...]te Claudius & Nero [...]arent, in alterâ ipse ac filii. Nec res fefellit: quando toti­dem annis, pari (que) temporis spatio utri (que) imperave [...]unt. Sueton. in Vespas. diligently executed that which was right in Gods eyes, and had done unto these Jews, according to all things that were in Gods Heart, he had (by what Reve­lation God best knoweth) Jehu's Blessing Seal­ed unto him, That his Son should sit upon his Throne: so confident was he in this perswasi­on, as after the discovery of many, to scorn all Conspiracies, though daily intended against [...]; avouching still, either his Sons, or None, must succeed him in the Empire, as both of them did. Though the later (much degenerate from so worthy a Father, most dislike unto his noble bro­ther) was most unworthy, and uncapable of so High a Place, but onely from his Fathers deserts, which GOD had ordained, should be rewarded with this Honour. Had either of his Sons rendred according to the reward bestowed upon them, more Scepters had sprung from the Flavian Stock: But as it Grew [...]pace, so did it quickly Fade; Titus, the fairest Branch to all mens seeming, being plucked off, to his great Hearts grief, in the Blossom, for what Secret sin, GOD knoweth best, This One was grievous enough, to have deserved a more grievous death, that apprehending his Fates approach, he durst so Con­sidently look Heaven in the Face, and Expostulate his untimely death as unjust, seeing he never had offended the Sacred Powers thereof but Onely Once. The Signs of those Times were Extraordinary, could the Romans have rightly observed them: But these Great Conquerours were taken with their Captives [...]rrour in not discerning, or mis-applying them. As the Spring Sun, which naturally reviveth all other living Creatures, often times prepareth such Hu­man bodies as are fullest of Life and Bloud, but most neglective of the op­portunity of taking Physick, or using diet convenient for that season, to hot [Page 86] and desperate diseases, never perceived in their Summers growth, until they be ripe of death in the Autumn: so albeit the Sun of Righteousnesse, whose coming into the world, was to give life unto it, did first arise in Jewry; yet by her childrens Confidence in their wonted Temper, so whole and sound unto their seeming, that of all other people, they onely needed no Physitian, the very Beames of saving Health did secretly dispose their evil disposed hearts to violent death, which burst out in the later end or Autumn of that Age, wherein he appeared. For that Generation with whom our Saviour Christ Jesus conversed on earth, was not fully past, until this People began to swell with insolent and proud hopes of Soveraignty over others, and by their untimely provocation of the Romans, bring suddain Destruction upon them­selves; as stout and full Bodies, by violent and unseasonable Exercises, are soonest brought down from the height of their strength, unto the grave. The Romans again, seeing these Jews defeated, and themselves possessed of their hopes, (Vespasian being called to the Empire during these wars, which Ti­tus his son did gloriously finish, to the utter ruine of that Nation) think sure their Gods had been more potent then the GOD of the Jews; and apply the Prophecie, meant of Christ, unto Vespasian, as if He had been That Monarch of Suetonius in Vespas. & Ta­citus, Hist. l. 5. Vid. annot. ex Tacito infrà paragr. 8. & ex Sucton. suprà 4. the World, which, according to the common received Opinion throughout the East, was at this time to arise in Jewry. So doth the God of this World still blind the eyes of the worldly-wise with Fair Shews or earthly shadows of Heavenly Things, that they cannot, or care not to look into the Body or Substance of Divine Mysteries, for whose representation onely those are given; otherwise uncapable of any cause either in Nature, Reason, or Policy. Vespasian the Emperour (indeed) was the Second Type or shadow of the Messiah, That great Mo­narch and Prince of Peace, whose endlesse Kingdom shall put down all Wars for ever. For seeing by the Fall of these Jews, as Saint Paul saith, Salvation is come unto the Gentiles, it pleased the Wisdom of our GOD, to have their De­struction Solemnized with the self-same Signs, that His birth had been, which brought forth Life unto the World.

For immediately after their Fatal Overthrow by Titus; Janus had his Tem­ple shut, and Peace a Temple erected by Vespasian. Thus Divine Suggestions Effect no more in most mens thoughts, then diurnal Intention of mind doth in hard Students broken sleeps; which usually set the Soul a working, sel­dom finding any distinct Representation of what she seeks, though contenting her self oft-times for that Season with some pleasant Phantasm, as much diffe­rent from the true nature of that she hunts after, as the clouds, which Ixion imbraced, were from Juno. Vespasians Secret Instinct in this devotion did aim no doubt (as it was directed by all Signs of the Time) at the true Prince of Peace, but was choaked and stifled in the Issue or Passage, and his intent blind­ed in the Apprehension, by the palpable and grosse conceipts of Romish Ido­latry, wherein he had been nuzled; as mens In-bred desire of true Happi­nesse is usually taken up and blind-folded by such pleasant sensible Objects, as they most accustom themselves unto. And yet, God knows, whether this vertuous Emperours last Hopes were inwardly rooted in Pride and Pre­sumption of heart; or rightly conceived there, were onely brought forth amisse. As, if a man should first apprehend the state of Blessednesse or Re­generation in a dream, the Representation of it would be grosse, though the Apprehension sound. Quite contrary to his Sons disposition, when he him­self apprehends death coming upon him, (which the Physitians and Astro­nomers could not perswade him to beware of) he solaced himself with this saying; Now shall I be a God: his inward Hopes of a Celestial state after this Dion. [...]iph. l. [...]. [Page 87] life might (for ought that any man knows) be true and sound, and the repre­sentation onely tainted with the Romans grosse Conceipt.

6 But whatever became of Him in that other World; His Entrance into this, His Continuance herein, and Departure hence, were in all the worlds sight of unusual and Extraordinary Observation. The disposition of the Times, by the most irreligious amongst the Romans, were referred to Fates or divine Powers, who had not graced the Birth, Life, and Death, or long flourishing Raign of Augustus with half so many Tokens of their Presence on Earth, or Providence over Humane Affairs. What Effect, or issue, can the Roman assign answerable unto them? Rome could not invite the nations to come and see, whether any prosperity were like hers, for hers had been far greater and of longer continuance, then now under Vespasian; who was sud­denly called away by a Dion. ex Xiphil. lib. 66 Comet from Heaven, and Augustus his Sepulchre opening of its own accord to welcome him to his grave. Whereat then did all these Signs point? They should have been as a New Star to lead the wise men of the West unto Hierusalem now crying out of the dust unto the careless Ro­man; Have ye no regard all ye that passe by? Behold and see if there be any sorrow Lamen. 1. 12. like unto my sorrow which is done unto me, wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce wrath. It was not Titus and Vespasian that had afflicted her, they were but His Deputies, that was Lord of Sion, who had Decreed what they Effected. His de cau­sis uté [...] (que) Im­peratoris No­men obtinu­it, neuter ta­men Judaicus cognominatꝰ est, licer alia multa, ut par erat tam mag­nâ parta victo­ria, atque im­primis arcus Triumphales eis decreti sunt. Dion. li. 66. For this cause did neither the Father nor the Son take the name of Judaicus, albeit the Difficulty of the War, begun by the Father, and the Famousnesse of the Victory atchieved by the Son (according to the cu­stom of the Romans observed by them in their Triumphs and other Solem­nities) did solicit them hereunto. For what victory gotten by any Roman was like unto this either for the multitude of the Slain, or the Captives? No­thing in this kind could seem strange unto the Politician, if it had proceeded from Tacitus pen. But Satan, it seems, by Gods permission, hath called in that part of Tacitus as a Book too dangerous for his Scholars to read; lest, giving Credence unto it, they might Believe him lesse, and Christians more, in any o­ther points; and yet praised be the Name of Our Gracious God, who envies no man the truth, and hath left us abundant Records of this Story, all answe­rable to his Sacred Word, and Prophecies of old concerning Hierusalem. From that part of Tacitus, which is left, we may gather, how consonant his Con­clusions would have been unto that Faithful, and most Ingenious Historian Josephus, with whom he Jumps in these particulars; That this people were of Bodies So are they not now. Healthful and able, their City Fons peren­nis aquae, ca­vati sub terra montes, & pis­cinae servan­dis imbribus: praeviderant conditores ex diversitate morum, cre­bra bella; in­de cuncta, quamvis ad­versus longū obsidium: & à Pompeio expugnatis, [...] ae (que) usus plerá (que) monstravere. At (que) per avaritiam Claudianorum temporum, empto jure muniendi, struxere mu­ [...] in pace tonquam ad bellum: magna colluvie, & caeterarum in bium clade aucti. Tacit. Hist. lib. 5 The writers of Sacred [...] corrplain of defect of water in Hiernsalem. since that time. Vid. Strab. lib. 16. Est locus saxosus aquis ipse quidem abun­dates. This barrennesse was onely about Hierusalem; for Tacitus acknowledgeth the fertility of Judaea. exceeding strong, every way well provided against long siege. Which Assertion would have ministred Suspi­tion to such as measure all Stories by rules of Policy, unlesse some Roman writer had avouched it, seeing Pompey had razed the City-wals, and Sosius had taken it by force in Augustus time; since continuing in Subiection unto the Romans until the last and Fatal Rebellion. But Tacitus tels us, that these Jews made their benefit of Claudius his covetousnesse, and purchased licence to fortisie the City in time of peace against war: during which it grew more populous then before, by the reliques of other ruinated Cities resorting un­to it. And albeit he differ from Josephus in the number of the besieged; yet he acknowledgeth Six Hundred Thousand of all sorts; the Women as reso­lute as the Men; Armour and munition enough for as many as could; and yet more in this People that durst use and manage them, then could be ex­pected [Page 88] in such a number. Their Seditious, and Factious, their stubborn and desperate mindes against God and man, and their own souls, neg­lective of fearful Signs from Heaven, and other prodigious Tokens fore­telling their Desolation, are Pathetically described by the same Writer. The preparations likewise on Titus his part we may gather from him, to be as great as any Roman ever used. His army, at the first approach to the City, thought scorn to expect the help of Famine to make the Besieged yield; and yet after one or two Assaults made to little purpose, enforced to desist, un­til all the Engines of Batterie, either of Ancient or Modern Invention, were ready. And all these circumstances, we have fully set down in this fragment of Tacitus which is left.

7 Were that Register of Hierusalems Tragical Funerals (to use his words) now extant as entire, as he intended it, what other Conclusion from the for­mer Premisses could we expect, then such Wo and Miseries as Moses and Jere­my had foretold, and others have related to us? Josephus (as if Jeremi­ahs spirit had directed his pen) saith, their Misery did far surpasse all Plagues inflicted upon any Nation, either by God or Man. The multitude of Jew [...] dead in the Wars, was equal to the number of living men in Israel under King David, when Jacobs posterity flourished most, besides Fifty Thousand taken Captives. The Josephus saies, that, the High Priest (requested by [...], in Ne­ro's time) Nu­bred the people in Jerusalem, at Easter, and (reckoning but Ten to a Lamb) sound, 2700000 per­sons purified and Sound. Wel then, might the number of Capi [...]es be [...] and destr [...]ed in the S [...]ge [...] as besaies. number (albeit he maketh it eleven hundred Thousand) cannot seem strange, if we consider the Confluence of this people from all Nations almost under Heaven unto Hierusalem at their Passeover. Dion tel­leth us, that besides the natural inhabitants of Jewry, strangers, not onely of Jewish Progeny, but such as observed their Rites and Customes, did flock to the Cities defence, both from those parts of the Roman Empire, through which they were scattered, and from the Countries beyond Euphrates not Subject to the Romans: Consonant herein, to Josephus, Book [...]. ch. 1 [...]. of the Jewish Wars. where he telleth us that the greatest part of the slain, were strangers, but most of Jewish Pro­geny. The whole Nation (to use his words) was shut up by Fates, as in a Pri­son; or to speak more significantly; Foyled by the Romans in the Field: they were driven into the City as into a Slaughter-House. And here the Psal­mists curse beginneth to seize upon the Nation, that which should have been for their Good, proves the occasion of their Fall: the Effect of Gods blessing upon Abraham proves a Plague to his Seed: the huge number, wherewith God had multiplied them, which had late made them swell with hopes of Victory in the Open field, brings grievous Famin suddenly upon them once inclosed in the City: and Famin no sooner got within the Wals, but lets in her Fellow­messengers of Gods Wrath; first breeding the Pestilence by the Carkases of the famished, then disposing the Bodies of the living to receive this and such other loathsome infectious diseases, as hunger and the huge Multitude of the besieged in such a streit place would quickly breed; and yet they so desperately set to increase these Miseries, as even in their greatest penury to receive Fugitives from Titus Camp. For, as Dion storieth, divers of his Soul­diers sled to the besieged, being partly wearied of the difficult Siege, partly animated thereto, by a Rumour bruted throughout the Roman Army, that this City could not be taken.

8 Thus, All Occasions conspire to work them wo whom God will plague. The general perswasion of the East, that Jewry, about this time, should bring forth the Monarch of the world, ministers matter for their False-Prophets to work upon: and from their trust in their Prophets, it was, that neither the present Adversity which they felt, nor Prodigious Signs from heaven could disswade or terrifie the Seditious from their enterprise unhappily un­dertaken. [Page 89] God (no doubt) had so disposed, that the Roman Souldiers should despair of Victory, to give Countenance to these false Prophets, and make these Cast-a-wayes, who still delighted most in Lies, more confident in the wayes of death. Though the Signs, recorded by Tacitus con­curring with Josephus in relatiō of those horrible signs, addeth: Pauci in metum tra­hebant: plu­ribus persua­sio inerat, an­tiquis Sacer­dotum literis contimeri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut vales­ceret Oriens, profecti (que) Ju­daea rerum po­tirentur, quae ambages Ve­spasianum ac Titum prae­dixerant. Sed vulgus more humanae cu­pidinis, Sibi tantam fatorū magnitudinē interpretati, ne adversis quidē ad vera mutabantur. Tacit. Hist. lib. 5. Unto all the former mis­chiefs these did accrew: Praelia, dolus, incendia inter ipsos, & magna vis srumenti ambusta. Tacit. Hist. lib. 5. Tacitus (and Josephus in his 7th Book 12. Chapt. of the Jewish Wars) might seem Fearful, yet their Inter­pretation was Ambiguous: they might as wel menace Their Enemies Harm, as Their Destruction; howsoever to regard them much might argue Heathe­nish Superstition; and In-discreet avoidance of Superstition, makes Hypocriti­cal Professors of true Religion preposterously stubborn in Imitation of true Confi­dence. They could pretend the Prophets admonition: Learn not the ways of the Heathen, and be not afraid of the signs of Heaven, though the Heathen be afraid of such. For the customs of the people are vain, Jer. 10. 2. and hence assume his Re­solution to themselves, Paveant Illi, ne autem paveas Tu; Let the Idolatrous Heathen tremble and quake, but why should Israel be afraid of these Appari­tions of their God? Or if a man would have measured all by Politick Observa­tions, it was more likely the Romans should have for saken the Siege, then the besieged have fallen into their hands. But God was against Them, and They could not be for Themselves. For, as Cum (que) vicina quaedam aedificia succendissent, velut hac quó (que) via Romanos, etiamsi maxime circulo illo potirentur, ab ulteriori progressu rejecturi: simul & ipsum destruxere murum, & inviti munitionem, qua templum includebatur, exusserunt. Ita Romanis aditus ad Templum patefactus suit. Dion. Lib. 66. Dion notes, (which I think Iosephus o­mitteth) they themselves, by making way for their more commodious de­fence, did (against their will) demolish the chief Muniment of the Temple; at which breach the Romans entred, but net without some Stay, Amated on­ly with Reverence of The Place. Nor did the Successe answer their Resolution in the Assault (albeit they were far more in number then the defendants) un­til Titus commanded part of the Temple to be set on fire: But then, as the same Author witnesseth, Some offered their bodies for sheaths unto the Ro­mans swords; Some killed their Fellows, requited instantly with like kind­nesse from them again; Some leapt into the fire; All accounted it their Happi­ness to perish with the Temple. Dion. l. 66.

9 The Lord had often professed his dislike unto their Solemn Feasts, and his loathing of their Sacrifices; both fully manifested in this their last Cala­mitie. Such as the Stench of their Dead was now to their polluted senses, Such had the Abomination of their sweetest Incense long been to His Holiness, now to be purged with the Priests own Bloud, sacrificed in the flames and ru­ins of the Temple: the City, as oft before, was now taken upon the Sabbath day. Other particular Miseries, described by Iosephus and Eusebius, I leave for this time to the Readers private Meditations: desirous onely in these Ge­neralities, to justifie theirs or other Ecclesiastical Writers reports, against all Suspitions cast upon them by Atheists or Infidels, from the Testimony of such as Infidelity it self cannot suspect for partial. Both sorts afford us Evident Do­cuments of the divine Truth of Scripture; and might afford us more then we are aware off, were we better acquainted with the Ancient manner of inter­preting Scriptures amongst the Jews, in our Saviours and his Apostles time: of which hereafter If now upon Occasions of these relations concerning Ieru­salems last Day, and the Signs of the Times ensuing, I interpret One or Two places otherwise, then such as are most followed in our times do, the Christi­an Reader, I hope, will grant me Pardon, upon promise of such Satisfaction as shall befit one Ingenuous Christian to expect of another, to be made; when I shall come to explicate the divers kinds of Prophecies amongst Gods People, with the right manner of their Interpretations.

CAP. XXIV.

The Fulfilling of our Saviours Prophecy, Mat. 24. with others, concerning the Times ensuing Jerusalems, Destruction.

1 REading Josephus, I cannot but acknowledge Hieremiahs Lamentation, as well for a Prophecy of these late times under Vespasian, and Titus, as an History or Elegie of the miseries that had befallen Jerusalem by Nebuchadnez­zar. The Lord, I know, had then done that which he purposed: but now more properly hath fulfilled his word that he had determined of old time; he hath Lament. 2. 17, &c. thrown down and not spared, he hath caused thine enemies to rejoyce over thee, and set up the Horn of thine Adversaries. Arise, cry in the night, in the beginning of the watches: pour out thine heart like water before the face of the Lord, lift up thine hand towards him for the life of thy young children, that famish for hunger in all the corners of the streets. These words perhaps were meant, in divers mea­sures, of both Calamities; but the Complaint following, of the later only un­der Titus: Behold, O Lord, and consider to whom thou hast done thus. Shall the women eat their fruit, & children of a span long: shall the Priest and the Prophet be slain in the Sanctuary of the Lord? the young and the old lie on the ground. My Vir­gins, and my Young-men are fallen by the sword: thou hast slain them in the Day of Thy Wrath: thou hast killed and not spared. Thou hast called as in a Solemn Day my Terrors round about; so that in the day of the Lords wrath none escaped or re­mained. Those that I have nourished and brought up hath mine Enemy consumed.

2 Many particulars, here set down by Ieremy, are not so much as once inti­mated by the Sacred Story, which describes the Siege by Nebuchadnezzar. But no calamity either intimated by any Historical Relations of those times, or prefigured in Ieremies complaint, but in this later Siege by Titus, is most ex­actly fulfilled: as if the Lord had but sown the seeds of destruction & desolati­on by Nebuchadnezzar; which now being come to their ful growth & ripeness, this People must reap according to the ful measure of their Iniquity. They are as dry Stubble, & the Romans as a consuming Fire. Nebuchadnezzars Host per­haps slew some, but had no occasion to make a General Massacre in the Tem­ple, destitute of Defendants ere it was taken, the King and his greatest Cōman­ders being first fled into the Wilderness; nor was it destroyed until the heat of war was past, and most of the People lead into Captivity. But whilest in this later destruction by Titus, it fel by the furious Heat & Brunt of War, the num­ber of such, as were either willing or forced to end their days with it, was of all sorts exceeding Great: and which was most Miserable, many who had taken Joseph de Bell. Jud. l. 7. c. 10, 11. their Farewel of Life, & had bid Death Welcome, revived again to renew their more then deadly Sorrows, & to reiterate their bitter Complaints, which This Lamentable Accident could only teach them to Act aright, and utter with such Tragical and Hideous Accent, as was befitting a Calamity so Strange & Fearful as never had been known before. Even such as Famin had caused to faint, having their Vocal Judgements clung together, and their Eyes more then half closed up with death, upon sight, or noise of the Temples crackling in its last and Fatal Fire, rowsed up their spirits and resumed their wonted strength, to proclaim unto all Neighbour-Regions in shril and lowdest Out-cries; That there was Ne­ver Any Sorrow like unto this Sorrow wherewith the Lord had afflicted them in the Day of his Fierce Wrath, and yet they blow the fire which it had kindled, venti­lating and inlarging the devouring flame (whose extinction the abundance of their Bloud did otherwise seem to threaten) by violent Breathing out [Page 91] their last Breath into it. The gastly Confusion of this Fearful Spectacle and hideous noise are so lively expressed by Josephus, and others, that they may well serve the Christian Reader, as a map of Hellish misery. I onely pro­secute the fulfilling of Jeremies Prophecy; in particulars related by Joseph. lib. 7. c. 8. De Bello Judaic. Josephus: as of The Womans Fating Her Child, a Thing So the Cir­cumstances of his relation plainly shew. It was worse then That, 2 King. 6. never heard of in that or any Nation before: of the Priests Slaughter both in the Temple, and after the destruction of it. For Titus, otherwise inclined to Mercy, seeing it consumed by Fire, which he sought by all means to save, commanded such of the Priests, as had escaped the flame, in a By-room adjoyning, to be Executed, telling them, It was fit they should perish with the Temple, for whose sake, might it have stood, he willingly would have saved their lives. Again, the Massacre of the promiscuous multitude of women and children, unfit for War, are parti­cularly described with all the circumstances by Josephus, Book 7. Chapt. 11. of the Jewish Wars. Of six thousand perswaded by a False Prophet to repair un­to the Temple, there to expect Signs from God of their deliverance, not one Man, Woman, or Child escaped.

3 Thus Moses fore-shews the grievous Plagues, which hung over this Nations head, but then a-far Off: Jeremy after points out the Very Place where they shall fall; our Saviour Christ onely knew the distinct Period of Time, wherein Both the former Prophecies should be accomplished. I will Mat. 24. Luke 21. not trouble the Reader with Rehersal of particular Calamities fore-told by Him; their observation is already made unto his hand by Eusebius, and will apply themselves, being compared with Josephus; so perhaps will not some places of Scripture following, though as much concerning the same times. For the better understanding of which we must call to mind, what was ob­served before; That Hierusalem was the Lords own Seat, and the Jews a People set apart by Him, and distinguished of purpose from others, to Exemplifie his Mer­cy and Justice in their Prosperity and Distresse. Consequent hereunto his plea­sure was, that in the desolation of Jewry, and destruction of the Temple, o­ther Nations should be put in mind of their mortality, and not think in their hearts that these were Greater Sinners then any other Nation; but ra­ther that he who plagued them was Lord of the whole Earth, as well as Jew­ry; that the like and more Fearful Judgements did hang over their heads, un­lesse they would learn by the known Calamities of this People, to avoid them. So saith the Lord to All the Earth without Exception: For Lo I begin to Jer. 25. 29. plague the City where my name is called upon, and should you go free? ye shall not go quit: for I will call for a sword upon all the inhabitants of the earth, saith the Lord of Hosts. Therefore Prophecy thou against them, all these words, and say unto them; The Lord shall roar from above, and thrust out his voice from His Holy Habitation: he shall roar upon his habitation, and crie aloud, as they that presse the grapes, a­gainst all the inhabitants of the earth. The sound shall come to the ends of the earth: for the Lord hath a controversie with the Nations, and will enter into judgement with All Flesh, and he will give them, that are wicked, to the sword. And thus saith the Lord God of Hosts; Behold a plague shall go forth from Nation to Nation, and a great whirl-wind shall be raised from the coasts of the earth, and the slain of the Lord shall be at that day, from one end of the earth even unto the other end of the earth; they shall not be mourned, neither gathered nor buried, but shall be as the dung up­on the ground. Howl ye sheep-herds and cry, and wallow your selves in ashes, ye principal of the flock: for your dayes of slaughter are accomplished, and of your dispersion, and ye shall fall like Precious Vessels. And the flight shall fail from the sheep-herds, and the escaping from the Principal of the flock. Thus when the City and Temple was first destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, all the [Page 92] Nations round about them were enforced to taste of the same Cup. Baby­lon her self that begun the Carouse, which she meant not to Pledge; hoping to make her self Sport to see others drunk with the Bloud of their slain, was compelled at length to drink so deep of the dregs, till (as the Prophet speak­eth) all her strong-men did fall, and her Princes slept their Everlasting Sleep. This Prophecy notwithstanding concerns the Second Destruction of Hierusa­lem, as literally as the former: and sundry plagues here mentioned, for ought that can be gathered from any History Sacred or Profane, were not in any degree verified of the Nations, in the dayes of Nebuchadnezzar, or his Son. But scarce any Nation was free from such calamities as are here de­scribed in the time of Titus and his Successors; as shall be declared anon. Rome her self, which had rejoyced at Judahs misery, and triumphed in Isra­els wo, troden Hierusalem under her feet, and given her dust and ashes for a covering to her Nakednesse, was shortly after Pinched at the Heart with like Sorrows; how soever her outward Robes of Majesty did cover her secret Wounds from their eyes that lived after, or beheld her estate onely a-far off, not acquainted with her inward Gripes or smothered Out-cries. All is not Sound within, that is Fair without, nor they furthest from Danger who feel least pain for the Present: such as since have lived securest, neither regardful of Hierusalems misery, nor the calamities of other Nations that ensued them, altogether unacquainted with any like sorrows of their own times, shall have their deepest share in the Horrors of that Dreadful Day, whereof these were but Shadows and Maps, to represent unto us in some proportion the In­conceiveable Affrightments that shall then appear. But as no man knows of that Day and Hour, so neither did the Prophets themselves distinctly con­ceive the manner of it: They did see it onely in these Adumbrations, which in processe of time grew still more lively. The second destruction of Hie­rusalem, and the Signs following it, exceeds the former in the distinct prefi­guration of the later day, as much as a Map of a particular Country taken at large, doth the representation of the same in a general Map of the whole Earth, of like quantity. And as Maps have a distinct quantity of their own, easie to be known by sense, but which no man measures so much for it self, as for to know the Capacity of the Country which it represents: so have most Prophecie▪ of the old Testament a distinct, Peculiar, Natural, or Literal sense Verified in the time of the Law, which is not so much to be respected as the Mysteries of the Gos­pel, or matters of the world to come prefigured by these Events past: the most secret of which Mysteries, after some one or few Circumstances be revealed, may be distinctly known. For the proportion of one Circumstance or E­vent with another, is all one in the later, and in the former; so that by the distinct knowledge of the former, we may discern the later, after it be Paral­lel'd in any one part: as by the measure of a Map, we find out the quantity of the ground represented. For this reason hath our Saviour Christ pictured us out The Last Day by the calamities of Hierusalem onely. For, (under correction) I should think, that no one part of his Prophecy, Mat. 24. from the 15. to the 36. Verse, but is literally meant, and hath been verified of Hie­rusalems Fatal Day, and the times ensuing. For so our Saviour concludes; Verily I say unto you, this generation shall not pass, till All these things be done. All what? All he had spoken of before. What, did the Sign of the Son of m [...]n appear? did he send his Angels with a great sound of a trumpet, to gather the Elect from the four winds? No. Christ is not yet come: the Elect are not thus gathered. Yet upon Hierusalems destruction they had the Watch-word given: the nations had then a glimpse of his Last Coming in Glory: Then it [Page 93] Sounded the first time unto judgement; and the Sun and Moon were seen in Tra­gical Attire, that the whole world might take notice of such a Woful Tragedy towards, as we expect: wherein the whole Frame of Nature, even the earth it self, this Stage of Mortality, shall be Actors; and all Mankind were Then set to Learn their Parts. Our Saviours coming with power and great glory mentioned in the ninth Verse, must be understood in such a sense, as he is said to have Come in his Kingdom, or with Power, at his Transfigu­ration. And that first Verse of the ninth of Mark will best interpret the place above cited, Mat. 24. 34. Sundry learned Interpreters, I know, expound both places otherwise. Some in­terpret these words, Of the Gospels pro­mulgation, which is called the Power of God: but it is usual in Pro­phecies, to attri­bute that unto the Type or Pledge which is proper to the Substance. And CHRIST'S Transfiguration was both a live­ly Type and a pledge of his future appear­ance in Power and great Glory. But, to omit the former for this present, the conti­nuation of our Saviours speech doth enforce this my Interpretation of Saint Matthew. For having spoken of the calamities that were shortly to fall out in Judah and Hierusalem, (as all agree) in the former verses, he addeth, Verss. 29. And immediately after the tribulations of those dayes, shall the Sun be darkned, and the Moon shall not give her light, and the Stars shall fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven shall be shaken. And then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in heaven; and then shall all the kindreds of the earth mourn; and they shall see the Son of man come in the clouds of heaven, with power and great glory: and he shall send his Angels with a great sound of a trumpet, and they shall gather together his Elect from the four Windes, and from the one end of heaven to the other. Now learn A Parable of the Fig-tree; when her bough is yet tender, and it bringeth forth leaves, ye know that Summer is near: so likewise when ye see all these things, know that the Kingdom of God is near, even at the doors. Verily I say unto you, This Generation shall not passe, till all these things be done. Some refer these words [immediately after] to the troubles of the Church; as if their meaning were this: And immediately after God hath made an end of the troubles of his Church, these Signs shall follow. But who knows when that shall be? whereas our Saviours words must be referred to those dayes whereof he had spoken, which were comprised within determinate and set Bounds, and would short­ly manifest themselves; so as all men might be certain when to expect those Signs, which he promised to all the world for the confirmation of His Do­ctrine and their Faith. The full and natural meaning of the place is, as if he had said,: When you have seen Hierusalems Fatal Day, then look for such Signs in the Sun and Moon as I have told, for the one doth Prognosticate the others Ap­proach, as certainly, as the Budding of the Fig-tree doth Summer. The like connexion of these fearful Signs with Hierusalems desolation we have in Saint Luke, chapt. 21. 25, Having spoken before onely of the tribulation of Hieru­salem, he continueth his speech: Then there shall be signs in the Sun, and in the Moon, and in the Stars, and upon the earth, trouble amongst the Nations with perplexity, the Sea and the Waters shall roar, and mens hearts shall fail them for fear, and for looking after those things which shall come on the world. For the Powers of Heaven shall be shaken; and then shall they see the Son of man come in a cloud with power and great glory. And when these things begin to come to passe, then look up and lift up your Heads, for your Redemption draweth near. And he spake to them a Parable; Behold the Fig-tree and all trees, when they now shoot forth, ye seeing them, know of your own selves that Summer is then near: so likewise ye, when ye see these things come to passe, know ye that the Kingdom of God is near. Verily I say unto you; this generation shall not passe, till All These Things be done. As we are bound by Christian Faith to Believe that this Pro­phecy is not yet, but shall be Fully accomplished at the last Day: so in truth I should suspect my Heart of Infidelity, if I did not acknowledge it truly verified (in such a sense as I have intimated) immediately after the destructi­on [Page 94] of Hierusalem. The former Distinction of Our Saviours Coming in Power, or to present the terrors of the last Day, and His last coming unto Judgement In­deed, he himself hath intimated: for he gave his Disciples infallible Signs, when they might certainly expect the former, verse 33. Heaven and earth shall passe, &c. but of that day and hour (to wit of the last judgement) no man, no not the Angels of Heaven, but my father only knoweth, As if he had said; This last day shall not come with such Observation, as the former will: the Signs here described shall not Prognosticate, but accompany it: In the Former, there were signs in the Sun and Moon; but in the Later both Sun and Moon shall cease to [...]e: In the Former, the powers of Heaven were shaken, the Earth did tremble, and the Sea did roar; in the Later, The Heavens shall be gathered like a scroll, and passe with away a noise, the 2 Pet. 3. 12. elements shall melt with heat, and the earth with the works that are therein shall be burnt, Revel. 21. 1. the Sea shall be no more: the whole Frame of Nature shall be dissolved on a suddain, and such as until that time mind earthly matters, confining their thoughts within this Sphere of Mortality, shall be intrapped in the ruines, and prest down to Hell with the weight of it; Onely such as being In this world, are not Of it, but have their Conversation in Heaven, where their Redemer sits at the right hand of GOD, shall escape these suddain and fearful dangers, as Birds that are without the Compasse of the Trap when it begins to fall; Seeing it will be too late for men to begin their Belief Then: too late to flie from death, when destruction hath surprised them; or to cry for Mercy first, when Gods Judg­ments begin to seize upon the World. The Atheist or carelesse Worlding may gather both the Terrors and Calamity of that Day, from the often-mention­ed lively representation of it under Titus: for even in his time the Heavens and the Earth did threaten to passe away, that all the world might know Christs words should not passe away. The fire of Gods wrath, which Moses had foretold should eat the Foundations of the Mountains in Jewry; and such as Bell. Jud. [...] 7. c. 11. Josephus tels us had been krndled in the Holy Mount, did devour the Foun­dations of the Mount Vesuvius It is worth the labour to Com pare the [...] & 20. Epist. of Pliny 16. Book of Epistles with Dion; and con­sider. in Campania. The Consequences thereof with other Prodigious Concomitants, were so strange and fearful, that if we compare the Ingenious Heathen Historiographers description of them, with the fore-cited place of S. Luke, his Relation doth as fully answer our Saviours Prediction, as the Historical narrations of Events past, contained in Scripture, do the Prophecies that had gone of them before.

4 ‘The suddain Earthquakes were so Grievous, that all the Valley was sultering hot, and the tops of the Mountains sunk down; under the ground were noises like Thunder, answered with like Bellowings above. The Sea roared, and the Heavens resounded like noise; huge and great Crash­ings were heard, as if the Mountains had fallen together: great stones leap­ed out of their places, as high as tops of Hils; and after them issued abund­ance of Fire and Smoke, in so much that it darkened the Air and obscured the Sun, as if it had been Eclipsed, so that night was turned into day, and day into night. Many were perswaded, that the Giants had raised some Civil Broyls amongst themselves, because they did see their Shapes in the smoke, and heard a noise of Trumpets: others thought the World should be resolved into the old Chaos, or consumed with Fire; some ran out of their Houses into the Streets: others from the Streets or High-wayes into their Houses; others from Sea to Land; some again from the Land to the Sea So Dion. [...]. 66.’

5 These questionlesse were The Signs of the Son of Man, that made all the Kindreds of the Earth thus Mourn. For the Calamity was Publick: the A­bundance [Page 95] of Ashes and Dust was such that it over-spread Egypt, Africk and Syria choaking not onely Men, but Beasts and Birds, poysoning Fishes, and spoyling the grounds where it came. The inhabitants of Rome (whither this infection came a few dayes after the fire kindled in Campania) thought that the Frame of the World had been out of joynt: that the Sun did fall down to the earth, and the earth ascend up to heaven. And albeit the ashes and dust did not such present harm there, as it had done every where else: yet it bred a most grievous Pestilence breaking out not long after: and in the year follow­ing, whilest Titus went to view the calamities of Campania, a great part of Rome was burnt by fire issuing out of the ground. Amongst other harms, these following were most remarkable: It consumed the Temple of Serapis, of Isis, of Neptune, the Pantheon, the Diribitorium, the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, unto which the Jews were not long before enjoyned to pay that Tribute, which they formerly had done to the Temple of Hierusalem. Thus though the Ark be taken, yet will it be the Downfal of Dagon their chief God that took it: and though Hierusalem lay buried in her Ruines, for her Peoples grie­vous Sins; yet shall hers, as All Sacred Pensions Sacrilegiously employed, devour the Seats of their possessors. But what can we more say, then this noble Hi­storiographer Dion. lib. 66. hath said of this Event: Id malum Divinum potius quam Huma­num fuit: this was a Calamity more then Humane, in which the Finger of God was Evidently seen. And as it was a Type of the last Day: so may it, and the like following, confirm the truth of Sodoms Destruction. Nor did God speak onely once in this Language to the Roman: (to omit other won­derful works of God in these times, to be recounted in their proper place) The like fearful Earthquakes, with other Prodigious Concomitants, fell out in Trajans time at Antioch: But the harms not terminate within her Terri­tories, or the Cities about her, herewith destroyed. For abundance of Souldi­ers and multitudes of other people did repair from all quarters to the Empe­rour Wintering there; some in Embassages, some for Suits, some upon other Businesses, some to see Plays and Pageants. Whence the dammage as this Author saith, did redound to all that were Subject to the Roman Em­pire. This out of question was the Lords doing, That all the world might Hear and Fear his Wondrous Works; and wondering enquire after the true Causes and meaning of them. Thus Antioch, as well as Edom and Babylon, is over­taken with the Psalmists curse, for Rejoycing in the Day of Jerusalem. Besides [...]he Massacres of the Jews there committed when Titus came unto that City; [...]he Inhabitants after their Insinuating Gratulations, petitioned with all Humi­lity See Jos. lib. 7. de Bell. Jud. c. 21. or 24. and Policy, that the Reliques of this People (for whom there was no place left in their own land) might be Extirpate thence, comprising the Chri­stians, no doubt, under this Name.

6 Many particulars, then known, are not registred by such Heathen writers [...]s now are extant; & many Signs of those Times not regarded by any Heathen: all which might witnesse the Truth of our Saviours Predictions, and ex­ [...]ound their meaning, were they as well known to us, as to the Faithful then [...]ving; whose Meditations, it seems, were so wholly taken up with these Contemplations, that they had no leisure to leave their Comments in writing [...]o Posterity. That dreadful Wo directed against the women of Hierusalem, with child and giving suck, did take these Antiochians at the rebound. Wo­men in such cases could not die, but a double death, and yet how many such [...]re slain none can tell. Of an infinite company of all sorts, starved by their [...]se imprisonment in houses, whose foundations were sunk, the roof re­maining, Onely one woman was found alive, which had sustained her self and her Dion. 1. 68. [Page 96] child by her milk; Another child found in the like concavity alive, sucking his deceased mothers Duggs. In fine (saith the Author) there was no kind of vio­lent Disaster, which did not at this time befal men. For the Earthquakes being caused by the Divine Power, mens Wits were not their own, nor knew they what Medicine to seek for these Miss-haps. Such as were on the House­tops had no List to descend to fetch any thing out; such as were in the Field, had no Mind to return back to fetch their clothes; Trajan himself was drawn out at a window by no Mortal Creature (as this writer thinks) so astonished with this disastrous Sight, that for many dayes after the Earthquake had ceased, he durst not come into any House. See Dion. l. 68.

7 Neither of these strange Signs of the Son of Man fell out in any corner of the world, but the one in the Chief, the other in the Second City of the Em­pire, at that time the Emperours Court: so that the whole Worlds Representa­tive (as we may so speak) was in Danger, and all men, at least, men of all sorts, at their Wits End; & by their terrors all mankind had publick warning to pre­pare themselves against That terrible and dreadful Day: These being such Types of it, as the First Destruction of the Holy City and Temple by Ne­buchadnezzar, was of the Second by Titus; so as that which is truly said of the one, may in an higher degree be truly avouched of the other.

8 Of these times again was that of the Prophet meant; I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and your daughters shall prophecy. And I will Joel 2. 28, 30, 31. Zach. 14. 7. shew wonders in the heavens and in the earth, Bloud and Fire, and Pillars of Smoak: the Sun shall be turned into darkness, and the Moon into Bloud, before the great and terrible Day of the Lord come. But whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be saved. If we rightly observe the Prophets Method in this place, it will both Justifie and Illustrate the former Interpretations of Jeremy, and our Saviours Prophecy. First he speaks (none can deny) of Christs com­ing in the Flesh, and Effusion of the Holy Ghost upon all people; I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh. By The Spirit, the Gospel was to be communica­ted to all Nations: and thus (as the Evangelist witnesseth) at the first descend­ing of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles, there were resident at Hierusalem Acts 2. 5. men that feared God of every Nation under heaven: and all these at their Baptism received the gift of the Holy Ghost, whereby they might manifest the Acts 2. 38. Power and Vertue of the Gospel unto the Countries where they lived. If we compare the generality of Saint Lukes speech in that fifth verse, with our Sa­viours, Mat. 24. 14. And this Gospel of the Kingdom shall be preached through­out the whole world, for a witnesse unto all Nations, and then shall the End come: We cannot doubt but our Saviours prophecy was verified before the Destru­ction of Hierusalem, which was the End he meant should come. But why should the Prophet Joel, immediately after his description of the time of Grace, adde in the second place; I will shew wonders in the Heavens, and in the Earth; bloud and fire, and pillars of smoak? Doth he call the people of God again unto Mount Sinai, to fire, blackness, darkness, and tempest, unto the sound of Trumpets, the voice of words, which they that once had heard, should not desire to hear any more? No: but he would have the world understand, That after the Gospel was once proclaimed throughout It, the Lord would shew him­self as terrible a Judge to all such as did not embrace the Glad Tidings there­of, as he had done before to the Israelites at the promulgation of the Law. Both that fearful sight in Mount Sinai, and those other Prodigious Appariti▪ in Italy and Syria, were Types and representations of That Dreadful Day. The former was seen and testified by the Israelites onely, because the Law was onely revealed to them: the horrors of the later are registred by Heathen [Page 97] Writers, known and felt by the principal Nations of the World, and from them diffused to all others (as Earthquakes, which begin at the Centre, leave their Effects upon the whole Surface of the Earth) because the Gospel was at that time communicate to all the inhabited or frequented Parts of the World. Those Prodigious Signs then, which the Prophet Joel describes, and the Heathen witnesse to have been so frequent among the Nations, presently after Jerusalems destruction, and the Extirpation of the Jews, were added as so many Seals, to assure the Truth of the Prophets and Gospel; and to testi­fie both to Jew and Gentile, That if either the one did follow his Jewish Sa­crifice, or the other his wonted Idolatrie, after the Truth of Gods new Cove­nant with Mankind was Sealed and proclaimed, There remained no more sacri, fice for sins, but a fearful looking for of judgement and violent fire: that there was no other name under Heaven able to save them from such everlasting Flames, as they now had seen some Flashes of, but only the Name of Jesus, whom the Jew had crucified. So the Prophet Joel concludes, Whosoever shall call on the Name of the Lord, that is, of Jesus (for now all Israel might know for a surety, that God had made that Jesus whom they had Crucified, both Lord and Christ) He shall be saved. The fruits of calling upon the name of the Lord, and that distinction betwixt the state of the Elect and Reprobate, intimated by the Prophet in the last Verse of that Chapter, shall be most fully manifested in the Day of Judgement: For such as have watched and prayed continually, alwayes expecting their Masters Coming, shall, upon the first apprehension of his approach, lift up their Heads, as knowing that their Redemption draweth neer. But for the Riotous or carelesse liver, he shall not be able to stand be­fore the Son of Man: instead of calling upon his Name, he shall cry unto the Hills, Cover me, and to the Mountains, Fall ye upon me. Yet was the same distin­ction, between the Reprobate and the Elect, truly notified by the confident Carriage of the Christians in those fearful times lately mentioned (which did so much affright the Heathen) as we may gather from Antoninus the Empe­rours Decree, inhibiting the Christians persecution by the Commons of Asia. It seems the other had accused the Christians as Hurtful Persons and offensive to the Gods; unto which the Emperour makes Reply in this manner: I know the Gods are careful to disclose hurtful persons; for they punish such as will not wor­ship Euseb. l. 4. c. 13. them, more grievously then you do those whom you bring in trouble, confirming that opinion which they conceive of you, to be wicked and ungodly Men—. It shall seem requisite to admonish you of the Earthquakes, which have and do happen amongst us; that being therewith moved, ye may compare our estate with theirs: They have more Confidence to God-wards than You have. I will shut up this Discourse for the present with that Saying of our Saviour; Remember Lots Wife: and His Ex­hortation, Take heed to your selves, lest at anytime your Hearts be oppressed with S [...]rfetting and Drunkennesse, and Cares of this Life; and lest that Day come on you Luke 21. 34. unawares: for as a snare shall it come on all them that dwell on the Face of the whole Earth. So did the former Calamities in Titus and Trajans time, which were as the Dayes of Noah; They ate, they drank, and rose up to play: and when they said, Pax & tutaomnia, suddain destruction came as an unexpected Actor upon the Stage. For as you heard before, one Cause of the great Concourse unto Antioch at that direful Season, was to see Playes and Prizes: and in the for­mer under Titus, Duas inte­gras urbes, Herculaneum & Pompeios, populo seden­te in Theatro, penitus obru­it. Dion. l. 66. two whole Cities were overwhelmed with the Tempest of Gods Wrath, while the Citizens were sitting in the Theatre. So must all such Fruitlesse Spectacles, or pleasant (but unseasonable) Comedies, be concluded with their Spectators Tragedie in the Catastrophe of this great and spacious Amphitheatre.

All that follows, till you come at the 9th Paragraph, was, An APPENDIX, in the former Edition; yet set before the whole Book; and so must be accounted, and allowed for in the Reading.

ALbeit Lawful in every Age it hath been, to Vary (if without dissension) from former Interpreters, in unfolding divine Mysteries, without Cen­sure of Irregularity, so the Explication be Parallel to the Analogie of Faith: yet partly, to clear my self from all Suspicion of Affecting Novelties; partly, more fully to satisfie the ingenious and unpartial Reader, I have thought good to acquaint him with Some Observations, which have almost be [...]oth­ed my mind unto that exposition, of our Saviours Words related by Saint Matthew and Saint Luke, which I here commend to his Christian conside­ration.

That happily will cause others to suspend their Judgements, which for a long time did retard my Perswasion, and inhibit my Assent unto the Truth I here deliver. For albeit the Reasons alledged seemed very probable, whilest weighed apart, but far more pregnant from comparing the Concurrence of all Circumstances, which led me to that opinion: yet on the other side strange it seemed, that my best grounds being borrowed from the relation of Antiquity, no Ancient Writer, living shortly after those times, should have observed the like. But whilst I considered again, how the Almighty, whether, in his just Judgement for the Sins of that present, or, in his Wisdom and Mer­cy for the greater good of future Generations had deprived us of all their sa­cred Meditations that lived about Titus's time, or immediately after: both Ef­fects, as I conceived, might have One & the same just Cause, though secret and onely known to God, not fit for us to make any further Inquiry after, the [...] might stir us up to true Admiration of his Wisdome. And truly Admirable his Wisdom seemed in this, that the Canon of the new Testament being fini­shed in the most known Tongue then extant in the World, (in which respect besides others, The Gospel of the Kingdom might be truly said to be preached through The Whole, for a witnesse to all Nations) he would have it Severed from all other Writings, as well by the Subsequent as Precedent Silence of Ecclesiasti­cal Sacred Writers. He that would not have any Prophet in Israel after the Erection of the Second Temple, would not, for the same Cause onely known to Him, have any Writings of men, (otherwise most religious and devout) to be extant in the Age immediately following the Gospels Promulgation, that it thus shining, like a Solid or compact glorious Star in the Transparent Sphere, Environed every where with Vacuity, might more clearly Manifest [...]t Self by its own Light to be Supercelestial.

Necessary it was the Period of that Generation, wherein our Saviour li­ved and died, should have the Divine Truth of his Gospel confirmed unto them by Signs (as the Joel 2. 3 [...]. Prophet speaks) In the heavens and in the earth, to in­crease their Care and diligence in commending it to Posterity, who were to rely on it immediately, not on their Fore-fathers relation of Signs past. The like or more effectual, and as fully answerable to the Rules set down in it, they could not want, so long as they carried souls or minds careful to observe and [Page 99] practise what is prescribed. And who knows whether the Lord had not ap­pointed, that the serious consideration of those Prodigious Signs, which fol­lowed the publishing of the Gospel, should sleep in all or most intermediate Ages, till these later dayes wherein we live, wherein such Observations are more Seasonable, We being the Men on whom the later Ends of the world are come. Happily had Ecclesiastick Writers Commented upon those times, our curious Modern Wits, too much addicted unto Gentilism, would have given less Credence to the pregnant Testimonies of profane Authors, as su­specting, lest Christians, (in whose Custody their writings for many generati­ons have been) had infected either the whole Discourses or some peculiar Circumstances pertinent to their purposes, or apt to countenance their Opini­ons, otherwise improbable in the worlds Judgement. But now, by how much the Silence of Ecclesiastick Authors in these narrations hath been greater, and the Testimonies of Heathen Writers more plentiful or pregnant, so much the more unexcusable is the curious and unregenerate Artist, or incredulous A­theist. That most generations, since those times whereof we treat, should ex­pect Signs in the Sun, & Moon, to come before the Day of Judgement, cannot seem either strange in itself, or prejudicial to this Doctrine which we deliver, if we call to mind how men otherwise truly Religious have been usually ig­norant, or mistaken in the meaning of divine Mysteries, until the time apoint­ed for their Revelation, or until they unfold their Enigmatical Construction by the approach or Real Existence of the Events foretold. Thus, many well af­fected to our Saviour and his doctrine did expect Elias should come before the Kingdom were restored to Israel, even whilst they had John Baptist, (of whom that Prophecy was properly meant) amongst them; Yea, after he had Sealed his Embassage with his Bloud. Even in the Apostles time, That our Saviour should instantly come to give Final Judgement, was an Opinion (as it seems from S. Paul his Admonition to the Thessalonians) generally received 2 Thess. 2. 1. amongst Christians: first occasioned as is most probable, from misconstru­ction of our Saviours Prophesie, Verily I say unto you, This Generation shall not passtil all these things be done, and this Misconstruction caused from a Common Errour or Ignorance in not distinguishing betwixt the Typical and the Mystical or Substantial Sense of Prophesies; oft-times, both alike literally and necessa­rily imported in the self-same words.

From this Errour of Christians in misapplying our Saviours words, unto the Substance, which, for that time, were onely applyable to the Type, was the like Tradition propagated to the Heathen of those times: as may be gathered from Lucan, who lived when S. Paul flourished, and died by the same Tyrants appointment. His description of the last Day is but a Poetical Descant upon our Saviours words related by three of his Evangelists: The Sun shall wax dark, and the Moon shall not give her light, and the Stars of heaven shall fall, and the pow­ers of heaven shall be shaken.

Lucan Lib. 1.
—sic, cum compage soluta,
Secula tot Mundi Suprema co [...]gerit Hora,
Antiquum repetens iterum Chaos, omnia mistis
Sidera sideribus concurrent: Igneapontum
Astrapetent: Tellus extendere Littoranolet,
Excutiet (que) Fretum: Fratri contraria Phoebe
Ibit, & obliquum bigas agitare per arbem
Indignata, diem poscet sibi: tota (que) discors
Machina divulsi turbabit Foedera Mundi.
[Page 100] When the last hour hath summ'd up Time, and when
This Frame resolves into's First Chaos; Then
The Stars shall justle, Reel, Fall fowl, and drop
Into the Sea. Churl [...]arth will grudge; and stop
The waters Course. The Moon shall Counter-move
The Sun: And claim to Rule the Day. Thus Love,
(Love, that Aton'd each Atome with his Brother,
Made Feuds (in League or Truce) to Kisse each other;)
Love, Ligament of Th'universe, Turn'd Hate;
All fals in pieces—. See you, Doomes-Dayes Fate!

The Romans might well have taken their Martyred Poet for a Prophet, at least in this Prediction, when within few years after they did behold the Sun, and Moon, with all the Host and powers of heaven, Tragically Acting what he had penn'd. A preamble to such Effects they might have seen in that ca­lamity at Ve [...]u­vios. [...] ▪ vibus [...] [...] ­ [...] quo propi [...]s acce­de [...] [...]al [...]d [...]or & den [...]or [...]am p [...] e [...], nigri (que) & a [...] [...], & [...]cti ig [...]e lapides: [...]am vadum [...]ubitum, [...] ­ [...] montis littora ob­ [...]. P [...]. lib. 6. [...] The Romans conceit of that rueful Spectacle, whose Admi­ration had brought her great Philosopher, ‖ Natures Curious Secretary, to his un­timely Death in Dions words (Book 66.) was thus: Postremo tantus fuit cinis, ut inde pervenerit in Asricam, Syriam, & Aegyptum, introierit (que) Romam, ejus [...] aerem compleverit, & solem obscuraverit. Nec mediocris etiam Romae trepida­tio complures ad dies accidit (or as some read) [id Romae accidit paucis post di [...] ­bus,] quum omnes ignorarent id quod sactum erat in Campan a, nec quid esset, conjectura assequi possent. Ita (que) etiam ij putare coeperunt, omma sursum deorsum ferri, solem (que) in terram cadere, ac terram in coelum conscendere. See the 5 pa­ragraph of this Chapter, where this is English▪ ed. So well doth this Heathen expresse the Prophets Words: I will shew Wonders in the heavens, and in the earth, Bloud, and Fire, and Pillars of smoak. Joel 2. 30. But most admirable is the consent between the same Prophet, and Pliny the younger, who was an eye-winesse of the first rising of that smoak, portending such dis­mal times. That great and terrible Day of the Lord, before which (as the Prophet speaks) the Sun was to be turned into darkness, and the Moon into Bloud, was not to be terminated unto one set, Natural, or Artificial day, but to be extended unto all the Prodigious Calamities, which after Jerusalems destru­ction successively ensued throughout the world, or (as another Jer. 25. 31. Prophet speaks) unto the continuance of that great Controversie which the Lord had with the Nations: before which, the Burning of Vesuvius was as a Beacon to give warning to all slesh. And the Ingenious Reader, will, I hope, be incited, by P [...]ies expressing the beginning of that Prodigious Sight, to Admire the Hidden Mysteries, that are often enwrapt in the Enigmatical Propriety of Pro­phetical Words, rather then censure this Observation following for a Tale of Smoak or Critical Conjecture, fet beyond that Region wherein these Fiery Comets appeared. The word in the Original, rendred by Pillars, properly signi­fies a Palm-tree. From the Analogie betwixt Pillars, and whose long Trunk and broad Top, it comes to signifie a Pillar, or Supporter, Pliny the younger setting down the occasion & manner of his Uncles It was [...]e that wi [...] the Natural History. death, resembles the first Appa­rition of that Huge and strange Cloud unto a P [...]aster [...] est al [...] qua [...] [...] ­ [...] [...] alu­t [...]d [...]e, & a medio [...] [...]a, [...] [...] [...] ve [...]tice Pl [...]. [...]. lib. [...]. Pine-tree for to no other (as he saith) he could more fitly compare it, though, for this reason, it might al­together as [...] have been compared to a [...] the [...] Pa [...]m [...], [...] d [...] [...] [...]. N [...]lla est [...] [...]. 4. Palm-tree, had that Tree been as well known in Italy, as in the Region wherein the Prophet lived, that did fore­tell this strange Apparition so long before. Plinies words are these, Mater mea melicat e [...] apparerenubem inusitata & magnitudine & specie. Surgit ille—. ascendat locum, ex quo maxime Miraculum illud conspici poterat. Nubes, incer­tum procul intuentibus ex quo monte (Vesuvium fuisse postea cognitum est) orie­batur: [...]jus formam non alia magis arbor quàm Pinus expresserit. Nam lon­gissimo [Page 101] velut trunco elata in altum quibusdam ramis diffundebatur. Credo, quia recenti spiritu evect a, deinsenescente eo destituta, aut etiam ponderesuo victa, in la­titudinem vanescebat, candida interdum, interdum Representing Bloud and Fire as the Prophet had foretold. sordida & maculosa, prout terrant cineremuè sustulerat. Magnum id, proprius (que) noscendum ut Eru­ditissimo Viro visum est. It was told Him That there Appeared a Cloud, for Bignesse and Shape never the like seen. Up the Gets—and goes to an Ad­vantage whence he might the Better see that Strange Sight. A Cloud Rose, (as yet the Beholders knew not from what Mountain, afterwards it was found to be Vesuvius) much Resembling a Pine-tree, For it seemed to have as it were, a Long Trunk, and Boughs spreading out above—. Sometime it appeared White, other-while Duskie and Dapled (or stained and spotted) according to the blended proportions of Earth and Ashes. He thought it a strange Sight indeed, and worthy his Adventuring nearer to View it, &c. That the Sun was turned into Darknesse, that with this Smoak was mixed Fire, may appear from the same Authors Words a little after: Jam dies alibi, illic nox omnibus noctibus nigrior, densior (que), quam tamen Faces Fiery Mete­ors. multae, varia (que) lumina solvebant. Plin. Ep. 1. 6. Ep. 16.

This, which occasioned Wonderment to the Heathen, was (no doubt) a sufficient Warning to all Godly Christians, to betake themselves to their Prayers: to expect the confirmation of their Faith by their mighty delive­rance from those dangers, wherein innumerable Heathens utterly perished, which made the hearts of all man-kind, (besides) to fail. This corporal pre­servation of the Elect from fear or danger, whilest Cast-awayes perished, and trouble raged among the Nations, was that Redemption which our Saviour speaks of.

And when these things begin to come to passe, then look up, and lift Luke 21. 28. up your heads: for your Redemption draweth nigh. For this was a sure Type or pledge of their and our Everlasting Redemption. And before the bursting out of that Fire, and the erection of those Pillars of Smoak be­fore mentioned, God, as our Saviour foretold, had sent his Angels to gather his Elect together, either to places free from those general Calamities, or miraculously to preserve them in the midst of them. For to deny or suspect the truth of Dions relations, I have no reason: and yet what other Cause to assign of those Giants Apparitions in Vesuvius, and the Towns about it imme­diately before that danger, I know not, but only that which our Saviour had given.

And He shall send his Angels with a great sound of a trumpet, and they shall ga­ther together his Elect from the Four winds, and from the one end of the Heaven to Mat. 24. 31. the other.

Thus Dion; Ita verores acta: Viri multi & magniomnem naturam Humanam excedentes, quales exprimuntur Gigantes, partim in ipsomonte, partim in agro cir­cumjacente, ac in oppidis interdiu noctu (que) terram obire, at que acra permeare viseban­tur. Posthaec consecuta est maxima siccitas, ac repentè ita graves terrae motus facti, &c. L. 66.

The like Gathering of the Elect, Ecclesiastick Writers mention in the Siege of Jerusalem and Jewish wars; the Godly sit at ease and in peace, whilst the Obstinate and Seditious were overwhelm'd with Calamity upon Calamity. And yet all the Calamities which accompanied Jerusalems Destruction, did in greater measure afflict the Heathens within few years after It was destroy­ed. Above other places, Gods plagues hanted the Roman Court, that all the world might take notice of our Saviours Prophecies. And the Romans, al­beit they knew not who had given the Advice, resolved yet to practise as our [Page 102] Saviour advised Let him (saith our Saviour) that is upon the house top not come down into the house, neither enter therein, to fetch any thing out of his house. And let him that is in the field, not turn back again unto the things which he left behind Mark 13. 15. 16. him, to take his clothes. So Pliny testifies, that, in the times above mention'd, albeit the Pumice stones did flie about mens ears in the open fields; yet they held it more safe during the Earthquake, to be abroad, then within doors, arming their heads with Pillows and Bolsters against the blows they expect­ed. In commune consultant, intratecta subsistant, an in aperto vagentur: nam [...] ­bris vastis (que) tremoribus tecta nutabant, & quasi emota sedibus suis, nunc huc, nun [...] illuc a [...]ire, aut referri videbantur. Sub dio rursus, quanquam levium exesorum (que) pumicum casus metuebatur: quod tamen malorum collatio elezit—. Cervicalia ca­pitibus imposita linteis constringunt. Id munimentum adversus incidentia fuit. Plin. Ep. [...]. 6. Ep. 16.

This was the beginning of that Great and terrible Day of the Lord, foretold by the Prophet, wherewith the world was for a long time shaken by Fits, as it were by a deadly Fever, as may appear from the like calamities in Trajans times, related by Dion. Our Saviour himself expounds the Prophets words not of One Day, but Dayes; for there shall be in Those Dayes such tribulation, as was not from the beginning of the Creation which God created, neither shall be. Mark 13. 19. So terrible were these dayes, that, as our Saviour in the next word addeth, except the Lord had made an end of them, they had quickly made an end of all man-kind. Even at that time the world by the Ordinary Course of Gods Ju­stice should have been destroyed, but He spared it at the instant prayers of his Chosen, as he would have saved Sodom after Judgement was gone out, had there been but a few such Faithful men in it, as in the fore mentioned times the world had many. So merciful is our God, so loving unto all the works of his hands, that his Son cannot come to Judgement so long as he shall find faith upon the earth. Whosoever, saith the Prophet, shall call upon the name of the Lord, shall be saved; yea, he shall save others, as our Blessed Saviour more fully foretels what the Prophet saw but in part: Except that The Lord had shortned those dayes, no flesh should be saved: but for the Elects sake which he hath chosen, Mark 13. 20. He hath shortned those dayes. Other Prophesies there be of those times, which seem to intimate a final destruction of all Flesh without delay: and so, no doubt, the Prophets themselves conceived of the world, as Jonah did of Ni­neve, which he looked should instantly have perished upon the Expiration of the time he had foretold. Wrath they had seen go out from the Lord, of force enough to have dissolved the Frame of Nature, but could not usually foresee either the Number of the Faithful, or the dispositions of mens hearts upon their Summons: but This Great Prophet, who onely foresaw all things, not onely foretels the Calamities or Judgements due unto the world, but withall foresees the Number of the Elect, their inclination to hearty prayers and Repentance, by which he knew the fierce Wrath of God, whose repre­sentation the Prophet saw, should be diverted from the world; that his stroke should be a little broken.

Vide C [...] [...] ad De­ [...]num. Out of such Fathers as lived in the Ages following, it is evident the Ca­lamities of these times had been such, as did threaten the worlds end; many reliques of that grievous disease, wherewith the world was sick almost unto death, remained until Saint Cyprians time. But as Jerusalems Plagues did Prognosticate the Storms of Gods Wrath which were shortly after to be showred upon the Nations; so these Cast-away Jews prefigure the Heath­nish Temper: of whom that saying of our Saviour holds as true, They are like unto children sitting in the market place, and crying one to another, and say­ing; Luke. 32. [Page 103] we have piped unto you, and ye have not danced: we have mourned unto you, and ye have not wept.

In our Saviours time, God invited them with Peace and Plenty, which they foolishly attribute to their gods, or their own Policy: after his Death he threatens them with the former Calamities, all which they Dixisti per nos fieri, & quod nobis debeant im­putari omnia ista, quibus nunc mundus quatitur & ur­getur; quod dii vestrià no­bis non cola­tur. Cyprian▪ ad Demet. falsely ascribe, as the Superstitious in like cases usually do, to the Alteration of Reli­gion and the decay of Idolship.

Would God, the temper of this present Age were not much worse then either the Jews or Gentiles was; not such as did threaten the Final Destruction of the World, from which Faith hath utterly perished. But of this Argument, as far as befits Christian Sobriety to enquire, by Gods Assistance, in its proper place. Thus much in this place I have added, to perswade the Reader, that For ought any man knows, or for any precedent Sign can be expected, it may This Night sound to Judgement: Watch we therefore, and pray continually, that we may be Counted Worthy to escape all these things that shall come to pass, and that we may stand before The Son of Man.

9 Thus much of the Prophecies concerning Hierusalems Destruction, and the Signs of those Times. Ere we return to survey the Jews estate since, it shall not be amisse to Note, how upon the Expiration of their Interest in Gods promises, confirmed unto their father Isaac, the Seed of Ismael began to en­ter upon the other Moiety of his Promise made to Abraham.

CAP. XXV.

That the Saracens are the true Sons of Ismael: Of their Conditions and Manners Answerable to Moses Prophecy.

1 THat the sons of Isaac and Ismael (for more then 3000 years after their Fathers Death, in Countries almost as many Miles distant from their Original Seat, whither scarce any other Asiaticks come) should Kithe each other with as little Scruple as if they were Full Cousin Germanes, to me hath seemed an Argument, That the Lord had appointed Both, for Continual Signs unto the Nations: the more, whiles I consider with what Difficulty of Search, Variety of Conjectures, and Uncertainty of Resolution the best Antiquaries amongst the Natural Inhabitants of those Countries assign either their first Planters there, or the Regions whence they came.

2 But howsoever such as we call Saracens, are best known to the modern Jews of Spain by the name of Ismaelites; yet in these later dayes (disposed to quarrel with former Ages) some begin to Suspect, others to Contradict the Common received Opinion, as well concerning the Saracens natural descent from Hagar and Ismael, as their pretended Original from Sarah, Abrahams lawful Wife. Unto which bold Assertion, or needlesse Scruple, though ut­terly devoid of all Ground, either of Reason or Authority, we are thus far beholden; it hath occasioned us to seek the Ground of the contrary out of Antiquity, as well Secular as Ecclesiastick: Whose pregnant Consonancy with the Sacred Oracles is Pertinent to this Present, Necessary for Subse­quent Discourse, in it self neither unpleasant, nor unprofitable to the Judici­ous Christian Reader.

3 Of Abrahams Base Seed, some (in Scripture) are denominate from [Page 104] their Mother, known by the name of Hagarens; Others from her Son, their father, are called So these Two are distinguish­ed 1 Chron. 27. 30, 31. Ismaelites: some take their names from his Sons, as Kedar, Duma, Naphish, 1 Chron. 5. 19. Jetur, &c. Not any people in Scripture (to my remembrance) take their name from Nebaioth his eldest Son: Which addes probability to Goropius Becanus in Hispanicis. their Opinion, who think such as the Heathen called Na [...]a­thaei, were in Scriptures tearmed Ismaelites, as sole Heirs to their first Proge­nitors Name: Their seat was in the best part of Arabia Petraea, near unto the Midianites, as is probable from the Story of Joseph; who in one place, is said to be sold unto the Ismaelites, in another, to the Midianites, these being near Neighbours, as it seems, and Copartners in Traffick. As the Nabathaeans are not mentioned in Scripture, so neither do I find the name of Ismael in any An­cient Heathen Writer: All of them I think being of Strabo his mind, who (Book 16.) professeth; That he omits the Ancient name of the Arabians, partly because in his time they were out of Use, partly for the Harshnesse of their Pro­nunciation; unto which Exception the name of Ismael was most obnoxi­ous.

4 The Seat of such as the Scripture cals Hagarens, was in the Desert Ara­bia, betwixt Gilead and Euphrates, as we may gather from 1 Chron. 5. 9, 1 [...]. This people were called by the Heathen [ [...]] Agraei, (a name more consonant to their name in Hebrew [ [...]] then the Latin Hagareni) right­ly placed by Ptolomey in the Desert Arabia, and by Strabo (Book 16.) in that very place To wit, next unto the Chau­lotaeans or in­habitants of Havilah. which the Scripture makes the Eastern Bounds of Ismaels Posterity; their Metropolis or chief City in later times was This name [Atreni] it seems was pe­culiar to the in­habitants of A▪ ­tra, the chief City of the A­garens or A­graeans: as Pe­trae was the Metropolis of the Nabathae­ans, so that the Atreni and A­gareni differ as the Petraeni and Nabathaei. Atra, or Atrae, and the Inhabitants thereof Atreni, unlesse both Dion and Herodian either mistook, or have been mistaken to have written Atreni for Agreni. But to omit the particular denomination of Ismaels Seed, they were best known to Ancient Heathens from the manner of their habitation in Caelius Au­gustinus Caelius Au­gustinus Cu­rio, in his Hi­storia Sarace­nica, speaks of a City called Scene (perhaps it should be Scenae) in A­rabia Desarta. And Strabo in his 16. Book (of Casau­hons Edit. pag. 648.) Tels of Scenae: [...]. Tents: and Scenitae Arabes was a name General, and (I think) Equivalent to his Race, un­lesse perhaps the Midianites or Idumaeans might share with them in this Name, as they were partakers of their Quality: which is not so to be appro­priated unto either, as if they had neither House or Town; for the Tents of Kedar are most famous in Scripture, yet saith the Prophet, Let the Wildernesse and the Cities thereof lift up their voice, the Towns that Kedar doth inhabit▪ Isaiah 42. 11. Nor did he mean as many Tents as would make a Town; for even in Moses time they had their places of defence, as appears Gen. 25. 16. These be the sons of Ismael, and these be their Names, by their Towns and by their Castles, twelve Princes of their Nations, or rather twelve Heads of so many several Houses, Tribes, or Clans; which kind of Regiment they con­tinued, till four hundred years after Christ. And the Heathen Writers, both Greek and Latin, better expresse Moses words in the fore-cited place [ [...]] then sundry Modern Interpreters do; who call them Dukes or Princes, being to the Strabo lib. 16▪ in descript. Syriae, & lib. 2. Grecians [...], to the Latins Phy­larchi Arabum, or to the later Writers Saracenorum, albeit Ammian. Marcell. lib. 23. some Latin Writers call them Reguli Saracenorum.

5 The proof of our intended Conclusion depends upon these two Premis­ses; The First, That the Saraceni were the same people whom the Anci­ents call the Scenitae Arabes, as is expressely avouched by Ammianus Marcel­linus [Page 105] in sundry Lib. 23. Sce­nitae Arabes quos Sarace­nos posteritas appellavit. places, and every one will acknowledge, that compares the Whom the Ancient Writers call Phylarchi Arabum, the later call Phylarchi Saracenorum, as appears by Sextus Rufus, and Jornan­des. Montes Armeniae, primum per Lucullum Romana arma viderunt; per quem & Osroene & Saracenorum Phylarchi de­vi [...] Romanis se dediderunt. Jornandes lib 1. So he cals them by anticipation, as in Scripture places are oft times called by those names which were best known in the Writers time; not by the names which they bare in those Ancient times of which they write. So likewise, Sextus Rusus in his Breviary of the Roman story, speaking of the Consuls time, mentioneth the Saracens; albeit no mention is made of them or their Phylarchi, by any Roman that lived within 200 years of Pompeys Conquests. Ancient and later Romans, writing the same Stories. The Second, That the Scenitae Arabes were the seed of Ismael; which doth appear by the Iden­tity of their Habitation, Condition, and Quality.

6 First, it is evident out of Pliny and [...]. Strabo l. 2. Ed. Casaub. p. 130. Et lib. 16. Sy­ria Orientem vers termina­tur Euphrate & Arabibus Scenitis. Strabo, That the Scenitae Arabes were seated Eastward about the river Euphrates, noysome neighbours to Cal­daea and Mesopotamia; some part whereof in Strabo his time they inhabited: on the West part they bordered upon Egypt and Ethiopia: So Ammianus Marcellinus in his 22 Book, describing the Situation of Egypt, saith, Egyptia Gens, qua O­rientem è re­gione prospi­cit, Elephan­tinam & Me­roen urbes Aethiopum, & Cata-dupos rubrum (que) Pe­lagus & Sce­nitas praeten­ditur Arabas, quos Sarace­nos nunc ap­ellamus. Amm. Marcell. lib. 22. It bor­dered on the East upon the Cataracts of Nilus, and the Scenitae Arabes, whom now we call Saracens. And in his 14 Book, describin the situation of the Saracens, he makes Assyria their border on the East, and the confines of Ble­myae and the Cataracts of Nilus on the West. And Moses Genesis 25. saith, The sons of Ismael dwell from Shur, which is towards Egypt, unto Havilah, which is toward Ashur, in the way from Egypt thither. This land of Havilah, or (according to the Orthographie of the Hebrew) Chavilah, Famous in Scri­pture for Gold, retained the same name in Lib. 16. initio. descript. Arabiae. Strabo's time; the inhabitants called by him Chaulotaeans, next neighbours to the Hagarens, or Agraei, whose country Severus suspected to have had good store of Gold.

The description of the Saracens Situation and conditions [...] of Ammianus Marcellinus, in his 14 Book, compared with Moses Characters of Ismael, and his Prophecy of his Posterity, Gen. 25. 18. & Gen. 16. 6. & 12. Saraceni nec amici nobis unquam nec habendi [alii legunt, nec Hostes optandi] ultro ci­tróqoe discursantes, quicquid inveniri poterat, momento temporis parvi vastabant, milvorum rapaci vitae similes; qui si praedam despexerint celsiùs, volatu rapiunt celeri, aut si impetrarint non immorantur. Super quorum moribus pauca ex­pediam. Apud has gentes, quarum initium ab Affyriis ad Nili Cataractas porrigitur & confinia Blemyarum, omnes pari [...] sunt Bellatores, seminudi, coloratis Sagulis pube tenus amicti, equorum adjumento pernicium, graciliúmque camelo­rum per diversa reptantes in tranquillis vel turbidis rebus. Nec eorum quisquam aliquando stivam apprehendit, vel arbo­rem celit, aut arva subigendo quaeritat victum, sed errant semper per spatia longè laté (que) distenta, sine lare, sine sedibus fixis aut legibus, nec idem perferunt diutius Coelum, aut tractus unius soli illis unquam placet, vita est illis semper in fugâ, uxo­res (que) Mercenariae conductae ad tempus ex pacto: at (que) ut sit species matrimonii, dotis nomine futura conjunx tra tam vel Ha­stam & tabernaculum offert marito, post statum diem si id elegerit discessura: incredibile est, quo ardore apud eos in Ve­nerem u [...]er (que) sexus solvitur. Ita autem quoad vixerint, latè palantur, ut alibi mulier nubat, in loco pariat alio, liberós (que) procul educet, nulla copia quiescendi permissa. Victus universis Caro ferina est, lactis (que) abundans copia, qua sustentantur, [...] multiplices, & si quae alites capi per aucupium possunt. Et plerós (que) nos vidimus frumenti usum & vini penitus igno­ [...]. Hactenus de natione perniciosa. If Amm. Marcellinus had but known how fully Moses had prevented him in his Observations of these Saracens, (gathered from his Experience of their behaviour) many hundred years before the Romans had heard of such a people; nay ere they themselves were any Nation; it would perhaps have proved him to have thought better of Moses writings, and worse of his master [...] for oppugning them. And if neither Love, nor Fear of God, or true Re­ligion, me thinks, natural civil Modesty should enforce men to Believe His Report of things past, that can so clearly point out the nature of men many hundred years before they come into the world. For so we must esteem Moses words of Ismael and Hagar, though Historically verified in their persons, yet withall a Typi­cal Prophecy of their Posterities Conditions. And it is a demonstrative Ar­gument, That their wildnesse was foretold by His Spirit, that only can com­mand Nature, and prescribe limits to the free thoughts of man, in that this Progeny (throughout so many hundred generations) vary no more from their first Progenitors agrest and fierce qualities, then the wild Plants of the [Page 106] Forrest, never accustomed to Human Culture, do from the Trees whence they are propagate.

8 Ismael, as Moses tels us, was begotten of Hagar an Egyptian hireling▪ See the last note, out of Am. Marc. The Matrimony of Saracen women in Ammianus his time was Mercenary, and upon compact for a time. Hagar conceived Ismael in Abrahams house, but ready to bring him forth in the Wildernesse, whither he and she were sent again, after her return unto her Mistresse: The Saracen women of Ammianus his time Marry in one place, Bear children in another, and Bring them up in a third far distant; never permitted to live in rest: and in shew of matrimony, they bring a Spear and a Tent for their dowry, being in­deed a perfect Emblem of their mercenary roveing life: for these they may by Covenant take with them at the end of their service, and be packing from their Masters to seek their food in the Wildernesse, as their Mother Hag [...] taught them. Who would think, but that it were more likely one should die rather of hunger then thirst in the Wildernesse? Or who could ima­gin, that Abraham (unlesse directed by some secret instinct, presaging that rude and sharking life whereunto this wilde slips progeny was ordained could suffer Ismael and Hagar to go to the Wildernesse out of his house, which God had blest with all manner of store, onely furnished with a little Bread, and a Bottle of Water, so quickly spent, that the Child had almost died for thirst, before God did provide him more. This did portend, that his Pos [...]eri­ty should be pinched with like Penury, scant of water (their best drink) straitning their Territories (as [...]. [...] lib. 16. p. 765. Strabo tels us) in Arabia; and after they had enlarged the bounds which Moses set them, [...]. Idem, p. 74 [...]. even in Mesopotam [...] it self, they are confined to dry and barren places; nor could the Prophe, Isaiah 13. 20. From which place we [...] gather that such as the An [...]nt Writers of sacred story would have termed Hagarens or Ismaelites were called by later, Arabians: [...] is it [...] after [...] [...] (if at all) to mention the Ismaelites or Hagarens; The Name of the Arabians being then e [...] to the [...] ▪ if we take them generally, as may be gathered likewise from Josephus in sundry places, amongst others, from his 13▪ [...] after of his [...] [...] [...] of Antiquities. better expresse the future Barrennesse of Babylon, and the Regions about, then by Intimating it such, as the Sons of Desolation, which sought their food out of Flint, should not be able to Inhabit. That Water, many years after Strabo's time, was the Scenite Arabians best, or onely Drink, appears from Tu [...]tibus iis qui à Saracenis victi fuerunt, & dicentibus, Vinum [...] [...] [...], [...]quit, illi qui vos vincunt Aquam b [...]unt. Vide A [...]lium Spartian: in Pescennio Nigro. Pescennius Nigers Reply unto his Souldiers, pretending lack of Wine as cause of their lack of Courage, or faint Service, You may be ashamed (faith he) of this Excuse, whereas they that foyl you, are but Water-drinkers. And Ammianus saith, he knew very many of them in his time, that neither knew use of Wine nor Corn. Moses describing the manner of Ismaels life, said he was an Archer in the Wilderness. None of the Saracens, if we may believe Ammianus, did ever set his hand to the Plough but got their living for the most part by their The Sa­ra [...]n [...] have been famous for their Artillary throughout all their Generations. Bow. For as were they, such was their meat, wild Flesh or Venison, Herbs or Milk, or such wild Fowls as the Wildernesse did afford, and they could catch. For their own Wildnesse he compares them to Kites, ready to spie a prey, but so untame withall, that they would not stay by it, as Crows or other ravenous Birds do by Carion, but presently fled with what they caught unto their nests. So notoriously was their Wildnesse incorporated into their Nature, that the more Tame they grew, the lesse right they seemed to have unto their names, as Strabo in­timates.

[Page 107] 9 Yet did they not more fully resemble Ismael and Hagars Conditions, then preposterously imitate Abrahams Rites, or Religion. Their Father Is­mael was about thirteen years old when God established his Covenant with A­braham: and for this reason not Isaacū octa­vo mox die circumcidūt, qui mos ad­huc Judaeis durat, ut post [...]otidem dies circumcisionē celebrent—. Arabes vero post decimū tertium annū id faciunt. Is­mael enim ge­neris eorum autor, Abraha­mo è concubi­na natus, post tantum tem­poris est cir­cumcisus. Jo­sephus Antiq. l. 1. c. 12, & 13. This custome was continued by the Saracens of Spain and Africk. circumcised until that Age: the Saracens Lud. vives De. verit. Fid. l. 4. c. 12. Sayes, the Saracens Circumcise their children at 14 years old. The Turks, I know not whether upon ignorance of Ismaels age, at the time of his Circumcision, or upon other occasions, (perhaps mistaking years for dayes) Circumcise their children at eight years old. Philip. Lonicer. tom. 1. l. 2. part 2. cap. 24. till this day circumcise not their children before that time; when as they might with as good reason defer it till about the hundreth year of their age, because Abraham was thereabouts when he first received this Seal of Gods Covenant▪ Abraham erected Altars, and Jacob annointed the stone, in the place where God had appeared to him: the Saracens from these or like Traditions, Cele­brate their Sacrifices Saracenis autem (quandoquidem & ipsi de ea re aliquid dicere velle videntur) sufficiat ad confusionem quod in eremo lapidi inanimato sacrificia faciant, acclamént (que) hanc vocem Cho­b [...]r, quod à patribus acceptum per puerilia Mysteria & Fes [...]a peragant. Synodus Nicena secunda. Actione quarta in Epist. Germani Episc. ad Thom. Episc. Claudiopolios. The Jews and Saracens had objected worshipping of Images to the Christians of that Age, and this Synod useth this Apologie better beseeming a scolding butter-quean then such as should be Reverend Fathers; their testimonies notwithstanding we may admit without Prejudice to that Controversie betwixt us and them. Unto a stone with Apish and Childish Solemnities. God commanded Moses (ignorant belike of that religious and decent custome which his Forefathers in like cases used) to put off his shoes, when he was to tread on Holy Ground; Which Rite, was afterwards observed by the Jews in their more Solemn Vows, and the Nunc quoque Ma [...] i & Saraceni, ejusmodi (que) genus hominum, templa, in quibus Sacra facturi sunt, non ingrediuntur nisi Calceis depositis. Gyraldus de Symb. Pythag. Saracens to this day have their Nudipedalia sacrificia. Abraham, if we may believe Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1. c. 8 Vide Hieron. in vita Hilarionis. Et Riberam in quint. Amos. numero. 72. Of the occasions of these Saracens Idolatry, and preposterous Imitation of the Patriarchs, vide Sozomen. lib. 6. c. 38. Josephus from his so­ber Contemplation of the Heaven and Stars, began to detest the Idolatry of the Heathen, and to adore that Divine Providence, by which these suppo­sed Gods were guided: the Saracens falling back to Heathenism, adore Luci­fer or the morning Star; and from their Forefathers no doubt the Israelites learned this Idolatry in the Wildernesse. And as I should conjecture their habitation in Tents, and wandering life was not continued, throughout so many generations, so much upon Necessity, as in Imitation of Abrahams using Tents, necessary in that time for him, that would Journey throughout so ma­ny Countries as he was enforced to do.

CAP. XXVI.

The Beginning and Progresse of ISMAELS Greatnesse.

1 THe chief strength of Ismaels Sons in Ancient time did consist in Artille­ry, as we may gather from the Prophet, Isaiah 21. 16. Yet a year ac­cording to the years of an hireling, and all the glory of Kedar shall fail, and the residue of the number of the strong Archers of the sons of Kedar shall be few: for the Lord God of Israel hath spoken it. Though the plague here threatned by the Assyrians did overtake them: yet as Saint Jerom notes, they escaped the rod of Gods wrath, better then most of their neighbours, by reason of their speedy removal from place to place, most of them such as were never out of their dwelling, whilest they had Tents, and Camels, and Wastes to range in. Afterwards they continued troublesome neighbours unto Syria, until it was annext to the Roman Empire, by whose valour the strength of their Strabo. lib. 16 Archers was again diminished, and the Raign of their Phylarchi cut short. But their Country first brought into the Form of a Province by Trajan, in [Page 108] whose time the Hagarens, (so soon are they weary of Civil Subjection) be­gun to revolt and for ought I find, were never brought again to perform per­fect obedience unto the Roman or any other people.

2 Their City saith Dion, was neither great nor rich, yet had it Zoars pri­viledge: He that preserved the one from the Storms of Fire and Brimstone, Lege histor. apud Dion. l. 68. which devoured far greater neighbour-Cities, did guard the other against the violence of two most Potent Emperours, who had over-run the mightiest Kingdoms of the Earth. The Heathen thought the Sun, to whom their City was consecrated, did protect it. But can they shew us any Prophecy of Old, given by Phoebus for this peoples good? we can shew them the expresse pro­mise of Abrahams God, more then two thousand years before, for making Them and their Brethren a Mighty Nation Let the Atheist judge, whe­ther their Gods Arm was shortned, or whether His Miracles, which the Scripture tels us were wrought for the sons of the Free-woman, whilest they followed their Fathers steps, can seem incredible, being compared with the wonderful deliverance of the Agarens, the sons of the Pond-woman, from Trajan and Severus, both Besieging them in Person. The soyl about their Ci­ty was barren, and when Trajan besieged it very hot; so that the violence of the siege could not be long. These Signs the Politicians could assign of Tra­jans ill successe. Put whence was it, that as oft as the City was assaulted the Seul­diers were annoyed with Lightnings Thunders Whirl-windes and Hail▪ affright­ed or dazled with the apparition of Rain-Bows? whence was it that Flies should corrupt and spoil their meat, whilest they did eat it? by these and the like means, wonderful in the Heathens sight, was Trajan forced to give over the siege; which he had followed, not without great danger of his life, by coming within these strong Archers shot in viewing the City, shortly after, (as if he had fought before with men, but now against God) falling into a disease, whereof he died.

3 About Eighty years after, the Emperour Severus, disdaining (as Trajan had See Dion. lib. 75. where he cals Them Arteni. done) that these Hagarens should stand out still against the Romans, when all the rest about them had yielded, being repulsed with loss of Men and Mu­nition, made great preparation for the second Assault, in which (after great losse of his Souldiers) having overthrown part of the City-wall, he caused the Retreat to be sounded in Policy, hoping the besieged would have come to in­treat for Peace and Liberty, which he was not minded to grant, but upon Condition they would bewray the hidden Treasure supposed to be Conse­crated to the Sun. But they continued resolute a whole day, giving no inti­mation of any Treaty for Peace. The Souldiers in the mean time were so discontented, that on the morrow following, the Europaeans before most re­solute, would not enter at the Breach: and the Syrians, enforced to under­take the service, had a grievous Repulse. So, saith Dion, God delivered the Lib. 79. City, recalling the Souldiers by Severus, when they might have entred, and re­straining Severus the second day by the Souldiers backwardness. The Conquest after this breach, was in Martial Esteem so easie, that one of his Captains con­fidently undertook to Effect it, without the hazard of any other mans life be­sides so he might have but 550. Europaean Souldiers assigned him. To which fair Profer the Emperour (as pettish as they had been peevish) in a di­stracted Chafe replied: But where shall I find so many Souldiers? and so de­parted into Palestina. Thus are the proud Assaults of greatest Monarchs, in their height of strength, but like the Billows of a swelling Tide, which break over the banks, and immediately fall again. The Almighty hath set bounds to both, which they must not passe; and under his protection may Ismael rest, as [Page 109] secure from the Roman Forces, to whom he had given all the Regions round about them, as Edom did from the Israelites, when they slew mighty Kings, and cast out far greater Neighbour-nations. It is probable that these Haga­rens, after their good succes [...]e against Trajan and Severus, did propagate their Name to all the sons of Ismael; as whole nations in like cases take new Deno­minations from the Ring-leaders unto Revolt. Lib. 6. Cap. 38. Sozomen and Saint Comment. in 21. Isa. & 25 Ezech. Hie­rom, both living shortly after this people was generally known by the name of Saracens, avouch without question, (what they could have given reason for, had they fore-seen Posterities Incredulity) They usurped the Name of Sarah, in hope to extinguish that note of Bastardy, imported in their for▪ ­mer Name of Hagarens: as great mens Bastards in few descents, will attempt the changing of their Ignominious Coat. And in all Ecclesiastick writers, the names of Saracens or Hagarens, are used promiscuously as Equivalent; which argues that the name of Hagarens had sometimes been common to all the race of Ismael, not appropriate to the Agraei or such as the Scripture cals Hagarites.

4 It is evident out of Ammianus, that the name of Saracens was not Anci­ent. The first certain mention of it is in Ptolomey: who describes a Region called Saracene in the West part of Ismaels Territories, as they are described by Moses, and a people, called Saraceni in the wealthy Arabia, near unto the mountains, which the Scenitae inhabit. Whether the Fertility of the Soyl, might make them scorn their former Name, as it would cause them loath their Ancient Seat: or whether given, or taken upon other occasions: the whole Progeny as well in the desert Arabia as elsewhere was willing to make the Benefit of it, as an Argument to perswade the world they were Free-born, and true Heirs of that Promise whence the Jews were fallen. For Mahomet, as all writers agree, used this plausible Etymologie as a fair Colour to counte­nance his Foul Blasphemies: and a Ibi ab Sara­cenis coepta est Oratio, quae commiserati­onem efflagi­taret. Cōmunē esse Deum quem utri (que) colerent, ritū diversum. Illis Abraham esse generis prin­cipium, quod à Sa [...]a geniti Saraceni di­cantur, fratres esse, communi praeditos hu­manitate, sub uno patre Deo, humana­rum rerum varietate jam se victos saepe ante victores. Krantzius Saxon. l. 7. c 12. Grave Relator of Truth, not accustom­ed to make Speeches for dead men to utter, brings in the later Saracens in the Siege of Torutum (which was a mile from Tyre) using their Name derived from Sarah, as an argument to perswade their true descent from Abraham, for whose sake they hoped for Favour at Christians hands. But they could not so easily change their Nature, as their Name: the greater they grow in might, the more exactly they fulfil that Prophecy of Ismael, And he shall be a Wild Man, his hand shall be against every man, and every mans hand against Him. For a long time they continued, like Forward, but poor Gamesters, not able to Set at more then One at once, and that for no great Stake, without some to bear their part; until at length by their Treacherous Shuffling from Side to Side, and Banding sometimes with one, sometimes another against some third, they grew so flush, that they durst Set at All, and take Asia, Eu­rope, and Africk to Task at once.

5 Sometimes they took part with Mithridate, and other Eastern nations, against Lucullus and Pompey, and yet ready to joyn with Pompey against the Jews. Some of them again were for the Parthians against the Romans, others for the Romans against the Parthians, some now for the one, then for the other as Alchandonius and Osr [...]enus Dioni, aliis Arabs, quan­qua [...] & Osro­eni Arabes origine, Meso­poramiae in­colae Augarus before mentioned. Some again for Pescennius Niger against Severus, others against Pescennius, afterwards one while for the Persian, and another while for the Romans, as in the times of Constantius and Julianus. [...] [...]gera gradiens manu in statione quadam sub pellibus mansit, ubi Saracenorum reguli gentium genibus supplices [...], oblata ex auro Corona, tanquam mundi nation uni (que) suarum Dominum adorârunt, suscepti gratanter ut ad furta bello­ [...] adpositi. Ammian. Marcell. l. 23. The later of whom they Reverenced most of [Page 110] any Roman; and yet at length, not satisfied in their Expectations, Hos Sarace­nos ideo pati­ [...] [...]se stos, quod Sa­latia M [...]e­raque pl [...]tima à Juliano ad similitudi [...] temporis ac­cipe [...] ve [...]ti, questique a­pud cum, so­lum audierant Imperatorem belli [...]sum & vigilantem, Ferrum habere non Aurum. Ammian. lib. 25 revolt­ing from him. Afterwards, they serve under the Romans against the Gothes: and yet while the Gothes and other Barbarous people, clasp with the Roman Eagle in the West, These foul Harpies pluck off her Train in the East; and not therewith content take their flight toward the West to snatch the meat out of the other Bussards mouth, and beat them one after ano­ther from the prey which they had seized on in Spain and Africk; at­tempting the like in France, Greece, and Germany; dis-pluming the Breasts, and oft-times ready to devour the very Heart, even Italy and Rome it self. † A naked S [...] issuing from his own company, set upon a Body of Gothes, Slew one, set his mouth to the wound, and suckt the Bloud. So saith A [...]. Marcellinus, in the end of His Last Book.

6 Finally, as Ismael began first to give proof of his might, when Isaac [...] strength begun to fail, so can we scarce name and place where Isaacs Seed have been scattered, whither the dread of Ismaels hath not followed them: that such Christians, as would not suffer the miserable Estate of the one to sink into their souls, nor learn to fear Gods Judgements shewed upon Them, might apprehend the other, as present Executioners of like Wo and Vengeance upon Themselves. It is well observed by the Author of the Tri­partite work, Touching the Sacred War (annexed to the Councel of Lateran) that the Persecution of Christians by the Saracen, hath been every way greater and more grievous without interruption, then all the Persecutions under the Roman Emperours, or any Forrain Enemies. These provocations by this Foolish Nation, witnesse the Truth of Gods threatnings to the Ancient Jews, and that our pride of heart hath been like theirs: for the asswaging whereof his pleasure hath been, To bring the most wicked of the Heathen to possesse ou [...] houses, and to defile the Holy Places. According to their Judgement hath he judged the most part of Christendome. Such Servility as the Jews suffered under the Creeks and Asiaticks, have They endured under the Saracen, and the Turk who is but a Proselyte of Ismael and Heir by adoption of that pro­mise. Gen. 17. 20. I will multiply him exceedingly, and I will make a great na­tion of him. Besides his participation with him in the Covenant of Circum­cision, (the best Pledge and ground of Ismaels greatnesse) the Manners and Conditions of the Turks and Saracens have great Affinity; The Turk also is a Wild Man, yea this is the Signification of his Name (as Utérque in [...]ne suae hi­storiae Arabs likewise is as much as homo ag [...] ­stis, or incul tus. And Ara­bia, as much as [...]a agrestis & inculta: in which al things gr [...]w promi [...] ­ously. And if I mistake not, onely the [...] ­late [...] parts of that Coun [...], which we call Arabia, [...] so called in S [...]red Story. Chalcocondylas and I onicer expound it.) But though both Turks and Saracens by Christians continuance in their Fathers sins have been perpetual Scourges of Chri­stendom; yet hath God at sundry times given us manifest Signs of Help laid up in store, so that we would turn to him with our whole hearts. The sirange and almost Incredible, though most undoubted Victories, which Christians some­times had over them, do lively represent the Miraculous Victories of the Jews over the Heathen, related in Scriptures. To omit others, It might be remembred as an Irrefragable Witnesse as well of the multitude of Gods Mercies towards us, as of Ismaels Posterity, that [...]. Three Hundred and Eighty Thousand of them should be slain all in one day by one Christian General. [...]. Unlesse the Lord had raised us up a Gedeon then, he onely knows how quickly these parts of Christendom might have been Re-baptized in their Bloud, and born the name of Sara­cens ever after. And, as a German writer well observes, the French Kings might well brook that Title of Christianissimi, from that Admirable Exploit of Carolus Martellus [...]., the next means under Gods Providence that other [Page 111] parts of Europe had not Saracen Tyrants instead of Christian Princes. Of such particular Experiments, as the Histories of Turks and Saracens afford, answerable to the Prophecies in Scripture concerning them, we shall have fitter occasion to speak hereafter.

CAP. XXVII.

The Persecutions of the Jews by Trajan: and the Desolation of their Country by Adrian: their Scattering through other Nations, Fore-told by Moses.

1 THough the Greatnesse of the Jews Former Plagues under Vespasian had made their number lesse in their own land; yet Egypt, Cyrene, and Cyprus, had too many of those Snakes within their Bowels, until their deadly Stings, procuring others, did provoke their own Destruction. In the later end of Trajans Reign, the Manner of their Outragious Massacres, practised upon both The Jews did eat their Flesh▪ Besmeared Themselves with their Bloud Wore their skins. Sawed them asunder. Cast them to Beasts. Made them Kill one ano­ther, &c. Dion. l. 68. in Fine. Greeks and Romans in the forementioned Countries, was as Hainous, as the Facts themselves; though these Hainous beyond all Credence, if not related by most credible and most unpartial Writers. Besides the particular But­cheries which they comitted throughout Egypt; About Cyrene these Jews did slay two hundred thousand; and in Cyprus two hundred and fifty thousand. The Lord (no doubt) had smitten them, as he had threatned Deut. 28. 28. with this Madness and Blindness of heart, that they might hereby provoke this Puissant Emperors Indignation; which otherwise would have slept, but now pursues them throughout his Dominions, not as Enemies, or Rebels of the Empire, but as Noxious Creatures to Humane Society, with Revenge suting to their former Outrages. Dion. ibid. Partly for the Cyprians better Security in time to come, partly in Memory of their former Misery, and these Jews Infamy; It is publickly inacted, that no Jew, though driven by Tempest thither, should pre­sume to set foot within their Coast, upon pain of present execution, as already con­demned by his very Appearance on that Soil, which had been tainted with the deadly Venom of his Country-men.

2 But lest Posterity, little respective of Jewish Affairs (through negli­gence of the Roman Writers) should forget, or, from the inconsiderate frailty of Humane Nature, lesse observe these two most grievous Persecuti­ons of the Jews then was behoveful for Testification of Moses, or Christs Prophecies, and Confirmation of Christian Faith: In Adrians time, (like Traitors that had fainted upon the rack before their full Confession taken) they are recovered to greater Torture. And lest the Nations in that, or Ages following, should not acknowledge them to have been such a Mighty People, as the sacred Story makes them: they are made a Spectacle to the world again, to shew their Natural Strength by their grievous lingring pains in dying. This was that which Moses had said Deut. 28. 59. The Lord will make thy plagues wonderful, and the plagues of thy seed, great plagues and of long continuance, sore diseases, and of long durance. Yet their Destruction now, a [...] at both times (alwayes) before, was from their own Procurement. For Adrian, causing new Aelia built by him where Hierusalem stood, to be inha­bited by others, Christians as well as Jews, and permitting the use of their Country-religion to all: the Jews began first to Repine while Adrian was near, afterwards to Mutiny upon his departure out of these Eastern Pro­vinces.

3 The Fresh memory of their former Desolation, made their strength [Page 112] seem little, and the Apprehension of their weaknesse made the Romans Care for preventing new dangers, lesse then otherwise it might, and in reason should have been. But as men Environed with Darknesse, have great ad­vantage of such as stand in the Light; and presumption of good-casting in the beginning bring such, as intend the after-game well, to better possibility of winning the stake: so these Jews, partly through the Romans Confidence of their strength, partly by their own Secrecy in meeting, security of harbour in Caves and Dens purposely digged in the earth, and diligent providing ne­cessaries for war; from little and contemptible beginnings gather such strength and resolution, that they can be content to set the Whole Stock upon it, offering Battel unto the choicest Warriours of the Empire, to Hadrianus optimo quos [...]duces adver su eos mittit, quorum pri­n [...]s [...]uit Juli­us [...]eve [...]us q [...]i ex [...] [...], con [...] Ju [...] ­o [...] [...] [...] &c. Dion. Hist. Rom. [...]i 69. Julius Seve­rus that noble General himself, called to this Service (such was the danger) out of this Island of Britain. And albeit the Romans in the end had the Vi­ctory without Controversie, [...] [...]uo qu [...] ex [...]oma­ [...] complu [...]es in [...]o [...]llo. Q [...]m Hadrianus, cum [...]ribere [...] ad [...]e [...]tum, non est [...] illo [...]dio, quo uti [...]pe [...] con [...]u eve [...]nt: Si Vo [...] Liberique [...] valet [...], [...]ene est▪ [...]go qu [...]dem & Ex [...] Vale­mus. Dion. Ib dem. yet would they not have wished many Tri­umphs at the same price. This peoples last conflict with death and destructi­on now seizing upon them, may witnesse to the world, that they had been a principal part of it, now so generally and deeply affected with their last pangs. For as this judicious and unpartial writer saith; The whole world, in a manner, was shaken with this commotion of the Jews. Dion. 69. Book.

4 But as the Preacher observeth, that riches are oftentimes reserved to the owners for their evil: So these Jews Extraordinary strength was given them for like Destruction. The greater danger their Mutiny had occasioned to the Empire, the greater was the Emperours Severity in punishing their Rebel­lion past the greater, his care to prevent the like in time to come. In battels and skirmishes were slain of this people 580000. besides an infinite number, consumed with famin and diseases, during the time of this lingring war, pro­tracted of purpose by the Romans, not willing to trie it out in open field with such a forlorn desperate multitude. Now as Deut. 28. 62. Moses had expresly foretold, and Julius Seve­rus nulla ex parte ausus est apertè cū hostibus con­gredi, [...]i­tudine ipsorū at (que) despera­tione cognita, sed eos singu▪ [...] militum legato [...]um (que) numero ali­quo adoriens, [...]ns at­ [...] [...] [...]s, [...] quidem, sed minore cum periculo, & ad [...]erere & exhaurire, & exscindere potuit, ut pauci adm [...]dum evaserint, [...] [...] arces muni [...], vici (que) celeberri [...]i at (que) nobilissimi nongenti octoginta quinq [...]e funditus [...] [...] [...] sunt in [...] [...] (que) hominum quingenta octoginta [...]illia: [...]um autem qui [...]ame, [...], & igni [...] no [...] potuit, it [...] ut omni [...] pen [...] Judae [...] deserta relicta [...]ueri [...]. Dion. Hist. R [...]m. lib. 69. Dion (living not long after this time) Emphatically notes, They were left Few in number, their land laid waste, fifty of their strongest Munitions utterly razed, 985 of their chief and most populous Towns sackt and consumed by fire.

5 This Mighty Destruction of these Jews, and general Desolation of their Country by Romans, and their Tributaries of these Western Countries, [...] [...] [...] [...]th Sp [...]ds by B [...]th, Julius Seve [...]us was called to their destruction out of this Island, wherein Vespasian [...] [...] Services. Their [...]nsigns (being Eagles) were as Emblems of their S [...]f [...]nesse to execute Gods [...] [...] in this place by [...] Inspira [...]ion, alludes unto the Roman Eagles. a people strange and perhaps unheard of to their Ancestors: are Everlasting Monuments of the truth of Moses his Prophecy, Deut. 28. 49. The Lord shall bring a nation upon thee from far, even from the end of the world, flying swift as an Eagle; a nation whose tongue thou shalt not understand: a nation of a fierce counte­nance, which will not regard the person of the old, nor have compassion of the young. The same shall eat the fruit of thy cattel, and the fruit of thy land, until thou be de­stroyed; and he shall leave thee neither wheat, wine, or oyl, neither the increase of thy kine, nor the flocks of thy sheep, until he have brought thee to naught. And he shall besiege thee in all thy Cities, until thy high and strong wals fall down, wherein thou trustest, in all the land: and he shall besiege thee in all thy cities throughout thy land, which the Lord thy God, hath given thee. Thus at length Judah as well as Israel, hath ceased to be a Nation not without Manifest Signs Signs foreshewing Juries [...] [...] [...], recorded by Dion. l. [...]9. and others. foreshewing their Fatal [Page 113] Expiration. Solomons Sepulchre, which they held in greatest Honor, a little before this War, did fall asunder of its own accord; as if it would have signified unto them, that Gods covenant, made with Solomon for Judah's peace and restauration, was now utterly void, and finally Cancelled by its Rupture and Fall. Wolves and Hyena's did howl throughout their Streets, and devour this People in the Fields: these are the Lords Messengers of Woe and vengeance to this ungratious seed, whose Fathers had kild and stoned his Prophets, sent unto them for their good. Yet is not the wrath of the Lord ceased, but his hand is stretched out against them still. For Jornandes. de Regn. suc­cess. (in 8o) p. 103. Euseb. l. 4. c. 6. ex Aristone Pellaeo. Adrian, after this strange De­solation, by publick Decree ratified with the Senates consent, prohibits any Jew to come within the view of Jury. This he did onely in a Politick respect, lest the sight of their native Soyl might inspire this People with some fresh desperate Resolutions, but herein made, though unwittingly, Gods Angel to keep, by his powerful sword, this wicked Progeny of those rebellious and Ungratious Husband-men, that had kild their Lords First-born, out of that Par­dise, which he had set them to dresse and keep. The same mighty Lord, ha­ving now (as it were) Disparked the place which he had walled and fenced about, and graced with many Charters of greatest Priviledges, doth by his Arm, stretched out against them still, scatter the Reliques of this Rascal Herd throughout all the Nations under heaven. So as this Remnant (left by Adrian) and their race, have been as the Game, which Gods judgements have held in perpetual Chace for this Fifteen hundred years.

6 Thus are Gods Judgements executed upon this People; according to the order and course of Moses his Sentence, pronounced against them almost two thousand years before. For after he had foretold that Paucity, where­unto this last War had brought them, Deut. 28. 62. he addes immediately, vers. 63. As the Lord hath rejoyced over you to do you good, and to multiply you; so he will rejoyce over you to destroy, and bring you to naught: and ye shall be root­ed out of the land, whither thou goest to possesse it: and the Lord shall scatter thee amongst all people, from the one end of the world to the other. Quos verò Hadrianus in eo bello Ju­daeos cepit, in Hispaniā ex­ulatum [...]isit, (haec fuit de­cima [...]orum Captivitas;) porrò ex eo [...]empore, ad soelicissima us (que) tempor [...] Catholicorum regum Ferdi­nandi & Isa­bellae, at (que) eti [...] Emanu [...]lis in­victi Portugal▪ liae regis pub­licae in Hispa­nia Judaeorū Synagogae [...]u▪ ere. Jo. Vasae­us, Chron. Hi­span. An [...]. Chri­ [...]i. 137. vide Pe [...]. Ant. Beu­ter. [...]. 10. c. 19. Such as were Captivate in this War, were transplanted by Adrian into Spain, his native Country: where they had their Synagogues since his, until Ferdinando and Isabels time. Of their ill rest there, and in other of these Western Nations, (foretold by Moses in the very next words) we are now to treat: but first to advertise the Reader. S [...] [...] C [...]er of th [...] History of the sacred War complains. N [...]lli mirum erat, nos rerum per Judaeam gestarum no [...]itia desti­ [...], ob Ro [...]norum tum in Judaeos tu [...] in Christianos invidia [...], quorum quidem tempore, & devotionem & pietatem, [...]am quandam persuasionem credebant. Nulla igi [...]ur eorum ratione habita, nec mentionem de his ha [...]ere digna [...] [...]. Adde qu [...]d qui Syr [...]ae praefectus erat, hanc qu [...]que viribus, opibus, armis, militibus exutam, regebat. Cum (que) Chri­ [...] [...] pace quam bello magis accresceret, tumultu nunquam inclaruit Judaea, neminem Imperatorum seditione nobili­ [...]. [...]l. Joh [...]n. Herold. lib. 1. cap. 15. de Contin. Bell. Sacr [...]. That the state of these Jews, from this time until the Expiration of the Roman Empire, cannot easily be gathered from any Ro­man Writers; who seldom vouchsafe the Jews or Christians any mention, unless en­forced thereunto by some such Famous War or Mutiny, as fell out in Vespasians, Tra­jans, or Adrians time; or by some other event redounding to the Romans glo­ry; whereas Jury after this time, was not famous for any tumult, till Romes Ca­ptivity; the Jews wanted strength, and Christians willing mindes, to erect any Emperours praise by their Seditions. So that, whatsoever Calamity, Either of Them suffered by the Romans, was past over by Roman Writers, as private wrongs not worthy of Registring in their Annals.

7 Why Roman Writers make no mention of our Saviour Christ [...] his Acts. No marvail then, if they took no notice of our Saviour, or his acts, all tending to Peace and Loyalty. For as Tacitus notes, Tacit. Lib. 5. Histor. Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, & quaesitiss [...]mis poen [...]s affecit, quos per [...] [...]visos, v [...]lgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus Christus, qui, Tiberio imperante, per procuratorem [...]tium Pilatum supplicio affectus erat. Tacit. Annal. Li▪ 1. Judaea was most [Page 114] quiet in Tiberius time; which was the best news the Romans cared to hea [...] thence: only Tacitus spleen to Christians (it seems) had made him inquisi­tive of their first Original, whose Author he acknowledgeth to have been one Christ, put to death by Pontius Pilate, in the raign of Tiberius.

8 The estate of these Jews in general, between Adrians and Honorius time may be gathered out of the Reverend Fathers of the Primitive Church; who usually stopt the Heathens or Blasphemous Athiests mouthes, by proposing their condition, then known unto all the world, for such as our Saviour had foretold. But these Reverend Fathers observations, and such scattered te­stimonies of their estate and quality, as can be gathered out of Roman Wri­ters, during that flourishing age of Fathers, and continuance of the Roman Empire, will come in more fitly in the Article of our Saviours Passion.

CAP. XXVIII.

Of the Jews estate after the Dissolution of the Roman Empire, generally through­out Europe, until their coming into England.

1 AFter the dissolution of the Roman Empire, they had some hopes of taking root under the shelter of Tunc tem­p [...]s, Gallia­ [...]m Epi [...]co­pi, sacros or­dines non nisi pretio & quae­stu confere­hant; uti ne hodie quidem faciunt: & Ju­d [...]i, genus ho­minum coelo quo (que) ipsi in­visum, Chri­stians manci­pia [...]de­bant, Grego­rio utcunque non placebar, &c. Papirius Mass [...]n. lib. 1. Annal. Fran­co [...]um p. 63. Theodebert and Theodorick, Kings of a great part of France, and other Provinces, then annexed to that King­dom. And whilest the Bishops of those Countries made merchandize of sacred Orders, these Jews purchased Christians for their Bond-slaves; un­til Gregory the Great, by his Fatherly Admonitions and reproof, wrought a Reformation of these two foul Enormities, and open Scandals of Christiani­ty. Their number after was much increased throughout most parts in France, by their suddain decrease in Spain, caused by Sisebodus King of the Gothes, and Vide Cran [...] ­zium, lib. 4. Succiae, cap. 33. Lord of that Country; who had urged them to profession of Christian Religion, or perpetual exile from his Dominions, Such as made choise of Banishment, before Baptism, fled in troops into France: where in short time, they and their Country-men, there residing before, had as hard entertainment under Dagobert, though peaceably admitted at the first. Paul. Aemil in Dagoberto. Some think the Fame, and Honour, which the Goth had purchased amongst Christians by his late Fact, did enflame the Franck with a zealous desire of like glory: others from more particular information of Ancient Writers, as well Heraclius cum [...]it [...]ris abunde esset instructus, ad ultimiun A­strologus c [...]i­citur. Agno­scen [...] ita (que) in signis side [...]ū, unp [...]rium [...]ū a circumci [...]a gente vastan▪ dum, & autumans id de Judaeis suisse praemonstratum, per internuntios Dagobertum rogavit, Regem Francorum, ut ounct [...] Judaic [...] [...] qui in Provinciis illi subjectis mancbant, Christianos fieri praeciperet, eos vero qui nollent aut exilio aut mor­te dam [...]ati. Quod Dagobertus volens effecit, omnes qui nolnerint Baptisma suscipere, procul à finibus eliminans Franci [...] P [...] Heraclio non de Judaeis, sed de Sa [...]cenis fuerat praeostensum. Aimoinus sive Annonius, lib. 4. cap. 22. French as Vide Hi­sp [...]n Taraphae (Bound up with Vas [...]us) &c. in Sisebuto. I suppose Sisebodus in Crantzius, and Sisebutus in Tarapha and Vas [...]us, a [...]e the sarn [...]. As also that Egica a succeeding King, or Egican, in Vasaeus, and Egyta in Tarapha, be the same. Spanish, refer the Original of both Persecutions unto He­raclius the Emperour; who seeking his Fates in the Stars, puls down Gods Judgments from heaven upon these Jews, scattered from the East to West. By this means, he had learned (whether by meer skill in Astrologie, or other­wise, is not now to be disputed) That the wings of his Empire should be clipped by a Circumcised people. This fore-knowledge, howsoever gotten, was not given him for his Good (for his Fears came upon him, whence he least su­spected;) but for these Jews Mischief: for, he deeming Them the likeliest, or the only men, that could bring his Fates upon him, inserts the former Per­secution as a condition of peace, then concluded between him and Sisebutu, afterwards prevails with Dagobert, for enforcing all the Jews throughout [Page 115] his Dominions, either to renounce Circumcision, France, or their Lives. And no doubt, but he, that could prevail thus far with these western Kings, did also deal effectually with other Soveraignties of Europe, nearer unto his Imperial Seat, for disinabling of this Nation from effecting what he feared: much more would he seek their Extirpation, or Conversion, throughout his own proper Dominions. And so I find his persecution of the Jews record­ed, by such as wrote his life, Judaeos eti­am invitos ad Baptismum compulit, Ma­theseos studiis operam de­dit, haruspiciis & praestigiis daemonum fi­dem adhibu­it. Append, Aur. Victoris. as one of the chief Memorables in his Raign: which confirms their report, though otherwise Authentick, who refer the two former Persecutions, under the Goth and Frank, unto the occasions above mentioned.

2 Shortly after, the Progeny of such as had been enforced to Baptism by Hoc tempo­re Judaei per­fidi non so­lum tunicam sacri Baptis­matis, quam susceperant, macul runt: Sed e [...]ia con­tra Regem regnúmque conspirate au▪ si sunt, in quos haec poena sta­tuta, ut omni­bus suis rebus nudati, tam ipsi perfidi, quam uxores eorum & filii, ac reliqua po­steritas per cunctas Hispa­niarum Provincias, servituti subjacerent perpetuae, manerént (que) usquequá (que) dispersi. Praeterea quicun (que) eosdem Judaeos in servitutem reciperent, in nullo eos permitterent rituum suorum ceremonias celebrare aut colere. Filii vero eorum ab aetatis anno Septimo, nullam cum parentibus suis habitationem, aut societatem habere permitterentur, sed fidelissimis Christianis a [...]iendi traderentur, & filiae eorum ac filii Christianis in matrimonium darentur, ne infidelium patrum suorum Semi­tas quibusibet occasionibus iterare possent. Vasoeus in Chron. Hispan. anno. 694. Sisebutus, for their revolt from Christ, and conspiracy against Egica (his Anointed) and his Kingdom, were adjudged to perpetual Servitude, through­out all the Provinces belonging to Spain: prohibited the use of their rites and Ceremonies, not permitted to inhabit together; but, as if the Lord had used the Land of Jury as a Marl-pit, to fat the Soil of this Nation where his Vine was planted; after he had lead forth the Jews thither in heaps, he scatters their heaps over the whole sur-face of the Land. All Parents not suffered to com­merce with their children at all, after the seventh year of their age, committed by publick Decree to the Education of Christians, appointed in riper years to be given in marriage unto their Sons and Daughters; that so the succession of infidelity might be abolished. But Christian Princes consultations prevail as little for their good, as Pharaohs policy for their Fore-fathers harm: they must multiply, that Gods plagues may be multiplied upon them. This last here men­tioned, in their estimation not the least, though otherwise intended by the state of Spain, was by the disposition of the divine providence brought to passe, that another prophecy of Moses might be fulfilled: Thy Sons and thy Daughters shall be given unto another people; and thine eyes shall still look for them, even till they fall out; and there shall be no power in thy hand. Deut. 28. 32.

3 Of their Estate from this Accident, till three hundred years after, nothing memorable hath come unto my reading: dishonourable it was, in that their name, throughout this time, seemes quite put out; miserable we may presume it, in that their wonted curse is not expired, but rather in­creased in ages following, in which we have expresse, distinct, undoubted, records.

4 About the year one thousand, they were so vexed throughout most parts of Europe, that, as Moses had foretold, and Judaei ea tempestate, in pluribus Europae locis graviter vex­ati, quid age­rent, aut quo se verterent nesciebant, &c. Papir▪ Massonus ex Glabro. my Author (little think­ing of Moses speeches) expresly notes, They could find no rest. A company of them, seated about Orleans, out of their Divelish Policy, addresse an Embas­sageto to the Prince of Babylon, advertising him, that the Christians in these We­stern parts were joyning forces to assault him, hoping hereby to make him invade Christendom, by whose broils they expected, either better security from wonted dangers, or fitter opportunity of fishing for gain in troubled streams. But the tenour of their Embassage being either known, or suspect­ed by the Christians, the Embassadour upon his return was called in question, [Page 116] convict, and sentenced to the Fagot. Nor could the hainousnesse of the Fact be expiated by his death; the rest of his Country-men (generally presumed to be as treacherous, when occasion served) were made away, without any Formal course of Law, by Fire, Water, Sword, or what instrument of death came next to hand; This fury of Christians raging against them, as far as the fame of their villany was spred, which was quickly blazed throughout Eu­rope.

5 Ere this time Ismael was come to his full growth, and his posterity ha­ving prosecuted their old broken title to the Land of Promise, through their division had left the possession of it to the Turk: and so far is Isaacs seed from all hope of possessing the good things thereof, that the very love which Chri­stians, the true seed of Abraham, bare unto these Lovely dwellings of Jacob, breeds his ungratious posterities Wo, unto whom the inheritance belonged. For no expedition, either made, or intended by Christians for recovering Jewry from the Turk and Saracens, but bringeth one Plague or other upon the Jew; so provident is this People, to procure their own mischief, and as it were to an­ticipate Gods Judgements upon themselves, by such Devices as their former Embassage, whose effect was to hasten the Sacred War: which in the Age following, undertaken upon other occasions, more then doubles all their wonted miseries. For it being intended against the Turk and Saracen, these other Infidels were apprehended as a fit subject for such Souldiers, as were indeed bent for Asia and the Holy Land, to practise licentious hostile Outrages upon, by the way. Others again made a shew of setting forward against the Turks or Saracens of Asia. intending indeed onely to spoil the Jews of Eu­rope; Unto which purpose that worthy Edict of the Claremont Councel mini­stred this occasion.

6 Aventinus Bpo [...]r [...]m An­na [...]um lib [...]o q [...]iu [...]. P. 361. [...] Germani­ [...]s c [...]litùs vo­ce edita ( [...]ta [...]adic [...]n [...]) D [...]us [...]ult, [...]alliis, [...]spa­ [...]s, Pa [...]an­ [...]s, l [...]a [...]i [...], [...] [...] ­ [...] [...]s ho­ [...]i [...] vis, [...]s prase­ [...] Tet [...]at­ [...], [...], [...] E [...] [...]pi, Sa­ [...] [...]l, Mo­na [...]hi, f [...]mi­ [...]ac [...]ta, [...]ves, op [...]i­ces, ag [...]cola, [...], muli [...]r [...] ­ [...] cum c [...]i [...], [...] cum [...] [...]mp [...], cont [...]berniis, uxori [...]us, liberis, pradiis, aratro, in Asiam gregatim migrant; sub specie religionis (ita sunt huma­ [...]n [...]landa [...] [...]mp [...]n [...] pe [...]p [...]ant. Anserem praeferunt spiritum sanctum esse. Carolum Magnum revixisse prae­ [...]. The joynt consent of Bishops and others there assembled, testified aloud in these Termes, Deus vult, Deus vult, having found (as it seems) some lavish commendations, as if it had been the Voice of God, and not of Man, brought forth a Rumor of a voice from heaven, calling Europaeans into Asia: The report was not so vain, as the people of those times credulous. For beside such as were appointed, or would have been approved by the Coun­cel, huge multitudes of all sorts, conditions and sexes, run like Hounds to the false Hallow; some pretending the Holy Ghosts presence in visible shape. Amongst the rest one E [...]cho quoque Dynast [...] cum Rheni accolis unde oriundus erat, ad Pannoniam processit. li (que) omnes [...] [...]ogo relig [...] nis nos [...] [...]i [...]re conantur, Philosophiam nostram recipere recusantes Compilant, bonis omnibus [...] agunt, domibus climinant at (que) contrucidant. Duodecim tum millia Judaeorum in nostra regi­ne [...] in Annales relatum est. Emicho, with a great band of his Country-men ga­thered from the banks of Rhein, having ranged as far as Hungary, and there either despairing of his hoped prey in Asia, or onely using this expedition, ge­nerally countenanced by Christian Princes, as a fair pretence to catch some Booty nearer home, falleth upon the Jews about that Country, compelling them ei­ther to live Christians, or die. Besides the spoil of their goods, twelve thou­sand of their persons were slain by Emicho, and his complices, as the Annals of these Countries do testifie. The like had been practised a little before by one Codescalcus a Dutch Priest; who had perswaded the King of Hungary, that it was a charitable deed to kill these uncharitable Jews, until his beastly life did discredit his doctrine, and Christians begun to feel the harms of such li­centious Pilgrimages, after the Jews being exhausted, could not satisfie his, and his followers greedy appetites.

[Page] 7 About the same Age, Per id tempus Judaei in Gallia & German a re [...]um suarum sedem ac domicilium non pauci habebant; Petrus Cluniacensis literas ad Ludovicum scripsit quae extant; iis laudat consilium regis de bello pro Chri­stianis adversus Arabes Persásque suscipiendo: deinde, exposita Judaeorum perfidia atque improbitate, Au­seratur air, vel maxima ex parte imminuatur Judai­carum divitiarum maleparta pinguedo, & Christianu [...] exercitus, qui ut Saracenos expugner, pecuniis, vel terris propriis, Christi domini sui amore, non parcit, Judaeorum thesauris tam pessimè acquisitis non parcat, reservetur eis vita, auferatur pecunia. Serviant po­pulis Christianis, etiam ipsis invitis, divitiae Judaeo­rum. Crudelior in eos Rodulphus Vilis Monachus fuit, &c. Papitius Massonus libro tertio in Ludovico septi­mo. p. 244. Petrus Clunia­cens [...]s directeth a Parenetical discourse unto Lewis the French King, for furtherance of his intended Expedition against the Saracens; shewing him withall a ready means of main­taining his army, making the perfidious Jews purchase their lives with losse of their goods. But more vehement, if not more Jewish, was Rodulphus Vilis the German Monk, delivering it in Sermons as sound Doctrine, throughout both Germanies, that for the better supply of the sacred war, (which Christians he thought were bound in conscience to undertake) the Jews, being as great enemies to Christianity as the Saracens were, might not onely be robbed of all their goods, but ought to be put to death by Christians; as a good Omen to their future successe against the Saracens. And unlesse Saint Bernard, with other grave Divines of that Age, had sounded a Counter-blast to this Furious Do­ctrine, both by mouth and pen; this Monks prescript had been practised generally throughout Germany, ready enough to hold on as▪ she had begun to evacuate her self of Jewish bloud, alwayes apprehended by that people as the worst humour in their body politick: Many such general Massacres have been intended against them in divers Countries; but God still raised up one or other to solicit their Cause, because Why the Lord would not have the Jews utter­ly destroyed. he hath an ear continually unto the Psalmists Petition, not so much for Theirs as Christians good; Slay them not lest my people forget it, but scatter them abroad by thy pow­er, Psal. 59. 11. Unlesse God had given them such trembling hearts, and sorrowful minds (as Moses had fore-told) through Germany, France, and other Countries, they had not been scattered so soon through this Island; whither they were first brought from France, by him that brought many grievances thence unto this Nation. But the evil which he intended, hath God turned to our good. For Gods Israel planted here until this day, may hear and fear his Heavy Judgement, manifested upon these Jews in the time of our fore-fathers; albeit at their first com­ing they found some breathing from their wonted persecutions. But so prodigious is all appearance of prosperity, in such as God hath cursed, that these Jews hopes of ease and welfare, are an infallible Symptome of great distemper in the publick state wherein they live. Twice onely I find in all the Legend of their wandring, they had obtained some freedom, and hopes of flourishing in the Lands where they were scattered: once in France, in the time of Theodebert and Theoderick, when sacred or­ders (as you heard before) were set to sale; Once in England, under William Rufus, whose conditions were such, that whosoever would give enough, might have whatsoever lay in his power to grant. Their e­state in England, during other three Kings raign until Richard the first, yields little matter of observation: this people hate had not as yet bro­ken out against them, but was all this time in gathering; and after their first planting here they were to have a time to bring forth fruit for others to eat, a time to gather wealth for others to spend, as Moses had foretold.

8 Most miserable in the mean time was their estate throughout the Eastern Empire, as one of their own Writers, (Benjamin Tudelensis who went on Pilgrimage to visit his Country-men, wheresoever dispersed [Page] throughout the world) complaineth of their Nulli J [...] urbem habitant, exclusi enim ab [...] aq [...]um, atque [...]ter illud & So phiae [...] (que) in urbem i [...]e per­ [...] id (que) n [...]go [...] & commercii causa: [...] qu [...] cum magistris con­g [...] discipulis, inter quos pri­ma, [...] Abdias & Aaron [...] & Eliakim gubernator; [...] vestium seric [...]um, quam­ [...] sunt, i [...]que ditissimi. Nulli [...] S [...]lomonem Aegyti­um M [...] cujus o [...]cio Judaei r [...]c [...]antur, [...] [...]olantur, quam gravem sentiunt: o [...] enim invisi sunt Graecis Jud [...]i omnes, nullo bonorum ac malorum discrimine; propter coriarios, qui dum [...] [...]mpuram aquam in plateas, [...] [...]undent: ideóque omnes [...] p [...]untur, atque in plateis vapu­ [...]an [...], & coguntur violenter ins [...]rvite. Verum Jud [...]i ipsi [...], ut dixi, sunt, vitique boni ac misericordes, [...] observatores, qui captivitatis mise­ [...] ammo. Benjamin Tudelensis in Iti­ [...]. p. 31. general hard usage amongst the Graecians, in­stancing in such as were seated about Constanti­nople, within whose wals they might not come, but upon occasion of publick commerce or business; in which case they were allowed pas­sage onely by Boat, having their habitation, as it were, in an Island. Amongst two thousand of this servile Congregation there residing, not one permitted to come on horse-back, save on­ly Solomon the Emperours Physitian; whose exaltation (perhaps not fourteen handfuls a­bove ground) was held as a publik grace of the whole Nation, the chief solace of that misera­ble and servile usage, which all the rest, with­out difference, good or bad, did sustain, day­ly beat and scourged in the open streets. Yet must we believe this Relator; That these Jews were wealthy, good and merciful men, observant of the Law, such as could patiently endure this mi­serable captivity. But Patience perforce, according to the Proverb, is no Pa­tience. If GOD had granted them ability, or opportunity, they had quickly shewed their Jewish minds by Jewish actions. And why he keepeth them The Fulfilling of Samuels Prophecy in the Jews living after our Sa­viours death. [...] 8. 18. continually under, unwilling to hear their cry, though They cannot, we Christians may easily perceive the cause. For so his Prophet Samuel had fore-told; And ye shall cry out at that day, because of your King whom ye have chosen you; and the Lord will not hear you at that day. Which words, Joh [...]. Bap­tista de [...] [...]. as a learned convert Jew rightly observeth, were not fulfilled in Samuels time; whose opinions may be fortified by these reasons.

9 Samuels authority over that people, was not so strictly linked with GODS, but that they might reject the one for their present Judge, still re­taining the other for their supream Lord: and who can deny, that the God of their Fathers did rule over them in Davids, Solomons, Jehoshaphats and Ezekiahs times? Sin no doubt they did in abandoning Gods Priest and Pro­phet, to follow the fashions of other Nations, in submitting themselves unto a King. And Samuel, like a good Physitian, forewarneth them of that in­curable disease, which this new-fangle and intemperate act did even then Prognosticate: whose Fatal Crisis notwithstanding did not insue, until they (overgrown with desperate, wilful, and intemperate malice) had rejected Hint with open mouth, who was both Priest and Prophet, and their lawful King; whose kingdom was not of this world, whose Soveraignty was so uni­ted with the divine Majesty, that [...] in casting him away, they could not but cast off God, that he should not reign over them.

10 Again, before that time, God alwayes heard their cry, and redeem­ed them from all Forrain Bondage; and such as Samuel there describeth, was neither general, nor perpetual under their own Kings: neither did the best of such use any, nor the worst all, or most part of the natural Israelites, in such sort as he there threatneth; yet all the miseries there threatned, 1 Sam. 8. 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. have been since accomplished in full mea­sure if I may so speak, in length, breadth, and profundity. First, this Servi­ [...]y hath been extended over All the Nation, without exception. Secondly, the continuance of it hath been exceeding long and perpetual without interrupti­on; and so must continue until they confesse their forefathers rebellion, and [Page 119] acknowledge him for their King, whom rejecting, they rejected God; for he that will not so honour the Son, cannot Honour the Father as King. Lastly, those marks of servility, set forth by Samuel, have been so deeply imprinted in this generation rejected of GOD, that his Prophecy compared with Modern Histories concerning them, will seem but as Painted Wounded men in a cloth of Arrasse, to the bleeding reliques of a scattered, vanquished army. For neither under any Caesar, (though they made choice of Caesar for their King) nor under any other Kings or States, have they lived as Free­denizons, capable of publick Office or Honour: the best of them are but as slaves, prohibited to use the meanest of Christians so: The most of them, as Samuel fore-told, are admitted in Common-wealths, for manual services or other handy-crafts imployments; Captains I think none of them have been; unlesse perhaps in some desperate services: many of them in greater Cities are suffered to follow Merchandize, that they may serve the State as Spun­ges; alwayes surer to be squeezed for the moysture they have sucked, then to be nourished by it: Sundry of them are curious, Artificers, and professe in­genious Trades; like silly Silk-worms, permitted to exercise their skill in precious stuff, to fill Princes Coffers, and find their Countries cloath­ing.

11 The possession offields and Vineyards, hath not been so usual amongst this people, as their spoil amongst such as possessed any: so this Jew relateth it as a special prerogative of Ex Na [...]o­na proficisci­tur lex in om­nes nationes▪ ubi sapientes sunt & magni & suspiciendi imprimis Ca­lonymus Fi­lius Theodo­ri bonae me­moriae ex se­mine David recta genea­logia, qui prae­dia & fundos habet à prin­cipibus regio nis, nullius hominis vi [...] aut impetu [...] metuentia. Benjamin. Tu delens. in Iti [...] p. 14. Calonymus, the son of Theodorus (both in their life-times) chief of the Synagogue in Narbona, and lineally descended (as he pretendeth) from David, that he might quietly possesse the fruits of his grounds. The Princes, it seemeth, of that and like places, did take other Jews fields and vineyards, and best Olive trees, and gave them unto their ser­vants, rather tything then taking the tenth of their seed and Vineyards; for that usually was the Jews part, the other nine (as Samuel foretold, 1 Sam. 8. Est urbs eni [...] ipsa Theim magna & sr [...] quens. Hor [...] regio inter montes qui septe ntrio­nales dicun­tur, sedecim dierum iti [...] re protendi­tur, urbibus magnis & m [...] nitis [...]mis e [...] culta, nul [...] (que) exter [...] gentis jug [...] subdita. Un prodeuntes incolae fini [...] mas & ren [...] tiores etia [...] gentes diri [...] unt omnes quotquot [...] us (que) ad A [...] bes; qui [...] ipsis [...]oedꝰ bent. Iden p. 75. 14, 15, 16.) fell unto Princes Officers lot.

12 But the greater these dispersed sons os Isaac Servility was, the more it commendeth the fidelity of Gods word concerning the sons of Rechab, who, as this Author relateth, live united in form of a Kingdom or Nation, not subject to any forrain yoak; rather able to offend their neighbours, then likely to receive harms from them. Their estate to this Authors dayes con­tinued such, as they themselves acknowledged unto Jeremy; Onely experi­ence (it seemeth) had taught them to build Cities, for their better security a­gainst the incursion of forrainers, which was not against their oath, in case of necessity, as appeareth from Jeremy 35. 9, 10, 11, 12. Because in other points, they have obeyed the commandment of Jonadab their Father, and kept his pre­cepts, and done according to all that he had commanded them; therefore Jona­dab hath not wanted a man to stand before him until this day; that is, their e­state hath continued, such as their Father left them, much better then the e­state of Abrahams Sons by Sarah; Though this Jew at his return to Paris, then flourishing with all manner of Arts and Sciences, found his Country-men marvellous great Students in Divinity, and in much better state then might be expected to continue any long time.

13 Lewes the seventh, albeit instigated thereto (as was said before) had not shorn them so near upon his Expedition to the Holy Land, but that they might bear Fleece again for his Son to pluck off. Their Synagogues had remained still beautified; and their private wealth, either before his death The persecu of the Jew France [...] Philippus gustus. much increased, or in his time not much impaired. But Almighty GOD, who in Testimony of his rejoycing to do them good, had raised up Cyrus [Page 120] to Balthazars Throne to release their Nation from that Captivity, which Nabuchad-nezzar had brought upon them; to give the world as perfect a proof of his Rejoycing over them to destroy them, and bring them to nought, Deut. 28. 63. did Advance Philippus Augustus An. [...] K [...] O [...] vici [...] [...]pus a­pud R [...] Christianis molestos esse, primum debita omnibus remisit, deinde fundos eorum & res noc [...] Masson. lib. 3. Annal. Franc. initio. Phil. Aug. p. 250., son unto the former Lewes, unto the Crown of France, to defeat the Jews throughout that Kingdom, in an instant, of all their former hopes. No sooner was he enthroned King, but presently he giveth forth his Edict; That their Synagogues should be spoiled of all Donatives and ornaments belonging to them: and, enformed of the grievances which Christians sustained by them, granteth a general Re­lease of all debts due unto them from Christians, consiscating all their lands and immoveable goods. This was done that Moses his prophecy might be fulfilled in part, Deut. 28. 30, 31, 33. Thou shalt build an house, and not dwell therein; thou shalt plant a Vineyard, but shalt not eat the fruit thereof. Thine Ox shall be slain before thine eyes, but thou shalt not eat thereof: Thine Asse shall be violently taken away before thy face, and shall not be restored unto thee: Thy sheep shall be given unto thine enemies, and no man shall rescue them for thee: the fruit of thy I and, and all thy labours shall a people which thou knowest not, eat; And thou shalt never but suffer wrong and violence alwayes.

CAP. XXIX.

Of the fulfilling other particular Prophecies of Moses in the Jews persecutions, in England, Germany, France and Spain.

1 THat they should not once or twice, in this or that Age, in some one or few Kingdoms only, but alwayes, in every place, where they have come since their rooting out of their own Land, suffer such wrong and vio­lence; must needs be thought to have proceeded, rather from Divine Justice, then mans Injustice, which could not but have varied with the diversity of times & places, and the several dispositions of parties, amongst whom in this their long Pilgrimage they have lived. And yet this brief Enumeration (following) of their particular spoils, and hard usages, since Philippus Augustus time, throughout the most civil and best governed States of Europe, will abundant­ly confirm the truth of Moses general Induction, in the place now cited, Thou shall never but suffer wrong and violence alwayes. To begin with their persecu­tions in this Land.

2 Had Henry (the eldest son of Henry the second) (who was [...] present at the fore-named French Kings Coronation, acquainted with these severe E­dicts against the Jews) lived to enjoy the Crown of England after his Father, as he was entituled King with him: the grievous wrongs and violence, im­mediately after befalling these Jews throughout this Kingdom, had been ascribed to this politick imitation of the French King his Brother; at least men would have thought, they had been done by his sufferance or conni­vence. But God had taken him away, and yet these Jews Intreaty continues much worse under Richard the first, who never intended them like harm; onely upon his Coronation day, (with his Raign begins their Wo, which ends not till their final Extirpation hence) not willing to be beholden unto them for their presents, or (as some think) partly afraid lest admitted to his pre­sence, [Page 121] they might practise some Sorcery upon his body, he gave command that no Jew should come either within the Church, where he was Crowned, [...]or the Palace where he was to dine. But they desirous to present him with some gift in hope to have their Charters, and other Priviledges, granted by other Kings, confirmed by him, presse in at the Palace gate amongst others, making (perhaps) more hast but worse speed; one of them receiving a blow for his forwardness by one of the Kings servants, who might well justifie the fact by the Kings command to keep them out. The people about the gate ap­prehend the matter so, as if this Jew had been beat by the Kings command­ment, and so they thought might all the rest of that crew: and hence fall upon them with such weapons as they could find, as it was easie to find bats to beat these doggish Jews, home to their kennels, where they found but silly shelter: For albeit their houses were strong, yet the rage of the people was too great against them. With the multitude the former rumour was enlarged, that it was the Kings pleasure to have all the Jews destroyed: And, as the Ax­iom is, Mens own desires are quickly believed. So far more apt they were to apprehend this rumour as true, then to examin whether it were true or no, that the Lord chief Justice and other Officers, sent from the King to appease the tumult, were more likely to catch harm themselves, then to free these Jews from present danger: some of whose houses now flaming gave the peo­ple light to spoil and rifle others in the dark. For so violently were they set to wrong them, and eat their labours, that they could not be satisfied from dinner time on the one day, to two a clock on the other: many of these Jews in the mean time being rosted, or smothered with their goods; other leaping out of the fire fell upon their enemies weapons. Although the outrage was such, as in a peaceable state might seem intolerable; yet was the hainous­ness of the offence quite swallowed up by the multitude of the offenders. But as the English escapt unpunished: so the Jews were not amended, by their correction. Their Stubbornness, as the Scripture tels me, did first procure their Blindness, and their Blindnesse becoming Hereditarie hath confirmed their Stub­bornness to posterity.

3 The former violence which they suffered, would have been a suffici­ent The Brutish Stupidity of the Jews. Caveat to any people in the world besides, to have carried themselves with more moderation in a strange land: but not the flies so stupid and sense­lesse in discerning the causes of their smart, as this people is. Their perfidious­nesse and daily sucking of Christians bloud, had made them most odious in this, as in other Lands; and though a number of them be Massacred to day for like attempts; yet the rest are as ready again to morrow to seize upon e­very sore, either to exhaust the reliques of life from such as are shrunk in their estate, by cruel exactions, and damned usurie; or else to intrude them­selves, as wedges or instruments of divisions, into every breach that shall appear amongst Christians, or between them and others. In which practize they have been continually crusht. Finally, their general carriage is so odious and preposterous, that, Albeit the CHRISTIAN Magistrates con­spire together for their good, they themselves will certainly provoke their own misery.

4 The lamentable death of those Jews in London had purchased pitie Their Massac in Lin in No folk. and compassion towards the rest, (as the Kings Proclamation for their peace and securitie did witnesse) but their Brethren of Lin can not abstain from offering that violence, from which the King had priviledged them, to one of their own linage, for becoming a Christian; attempting forcible en­trance into the Church, whither he had fled for Sanctuarie. Unlesse they [Page 122] had thus riotously violated the Kings peace, the Christians had not assemble [...] together, and the Inhabitants were afraid at all to meddle with them. But [...] God had provided, that a great companie of Forraign Mariners should [...] pair unto this mutinie; who moved with indignitie of the attempt, could not content themselves with the rescue of the Convert (at the first perhaps onely intended) but assault these mutinous Jews, through fear repairing to their houses; which the other first rifle, then burn together with their owners, de­parting unpunished with spoil.

5 The end of the Kings Proclamation being once frustrate, by this strange Accident, though not purposely or directly violated by the inhabi­tants of this place; his subjects elsewhere are willing enough to imitate the Fact, without any occasion of like wrongs, offered by the Jews only upon opportunitie of doing violence by the Kings absence, and the present muster­ing of Souldiers for the Holy Land; upon whom, transported hence, their partners in evil, here at home remaining, might post over the whole blame of the fact, of part whereof no doubt his Souldiers had been guiltie. The like massacres of these Jews ensued at Stamford, at Lincolne,, and S. Edmundsbury shortly after; but of all others, most memorable and lamentable was that, which in the same Lent befel them at York.

6 The Jews there dwelling had heard by this time, what had been done unto their brethren in London, and Lin, and see now the like or greater vio­lence intended against themselves: so that as Moses in the fore-cited place, Deut. 28. 34. addeth; They became mad for the sight of their wrong and The Horrible Conspiracy of the Jews a­gainst their own souls in York. violence, which their eyes did see. One of their learned Rabbines perswades four hundred of his companie, besieged with him in a strong Tower by a furious multitude, to prove themselves (such as the world had long taken them, and were now persecuted for) right Cut-throats indeed, rather then fall into their enemies hands; himself confirming his doctrine by his example, in cutting his wives throat first, then his childrens, and lastly by killing himself. The residue of the four hundred, which he had perswaded unto this unnatural and Jewish Act, not only willing to imitate him herein, would before their death have enforced many others, that would not yield unto this Rabbines ad­vice, to a more violent death, had they not conveyed themselves into a strong Turret, within the main Tower, which defended them from the flames that consumed their goods. And yet these poor souls, that had scaped their fellows violence, were born to suffer thelike of their Christian Enemies; to their shame, who had promised them life, upon condition they would yield themselves, and become Christians; which whether they meant in heart or no as they promised, he that trieth the secrets of all hearts doth know. Sure I am, their professed Christian enemies did turn Jews in heart, that treacherously killed them before any trial made of their sinceritie to­wards Christ.

7 All these wrongs and violences were committed only by the people, much against the Magistrates mindes; but hereafter the supream Magistrates, Kings themselves (as if they had learned wit of their subjects) took the Mo­nopoly of wronging the Jews into their own hands. To omit what Richard the first had done unto them, their hard usage under King John, Henry the third, & Edward the first, Yet were [...] worth enquitie Whether such as have been transported out of Spain or o­ther Countries of Europe were not sent into Egypt; or what entertain­ment they find there. They came out of E­gypt without Ships, for the Sea gave them passage. Deut. 28. 68. The [...] ­port of their persecutions a­bout this time in Spain made them [...] ­ [...] to redeem th [...]n peace. Vide Matth. Paris. makes me think, that Moses, in the last words of his often mentioned Prophecie Deut. 28. spake in his language that said, Patria est ubicun­ (que) bene est: so as England, and every place in Europe, wherein their condition of life hath been more hard and burdensome, then their forefathers had been in Egypt, may be said to be that Egypt, whereunto the Lord had threat­ned [Page 123] to bring them again by ships. King Johns exactions were so grievous, that they had rather suffer then do what he commanded, many of them being im­prisoned and tortured before they would yield what he demanded. What an intolerable thing was it, for a private man in those times to pay Vide orati­onem Ponti­ficis Judaeorū, suorum cala­mitates deplo­rantis apud. Mat. Paris. Aaron the Jew paid Hen. 3. 30200 marks. Hollingsh. Anno 1250. p 242. The French King persecu­ted them at the same time a [...] miserably, a [...] Matthew Pa­ris intimates. ten thou­sand marks, for refusal of which that poor Jew of Bristow was so pittifully used? But with God it was just, to punish him by his own greedinesse of gain; for unlesse his money had been as dear to him, as meat to such as make Their Belly Their God, he would have let his Gold go, before he had lost Se­ven Teeth o [...]ne.

8 King Henry the third, first demands the third part of all their move­ables for his supplies; then punisht them grievously by the purse, for a mur­ther secretly committed by them; and thirdly makes them buy their misera­ble peace by the third part of what was left: Finally, he brought them to such extream povertie, that his brother, to whom he let them out to farm, could (it seems) make nothing of them; and so they were freed from this brutish servitude (as Moses in the fore-cited place had fore-told) for want of a Buyer. The King surely did not so much pitty them, as he did himself and his poste­ritie, who should have gotten nothing of them, if the bargain with his brother had gone forward: whereas his Successor, Edward the first, accounted their goods as his own, & for Non-payment of what he demanded, the whole gene­ration scattered throughout this Land, were shut up in one night, where they enjoyed no day, until they had fined at the Kings pleasure; who yet perhaps did recover but as much as he and his subjects were endamaged, by two hun­dred and odde of their Country-men, all condemned some eight years before for circumcising, counterfeiting, and washing his coyn. This King, albeit their wealth under him was much diminished, had this advantage of his predecessours. The English, desirous to have them banished, and they, as wil­ling to spite the English by their staying here, were both forward to purchase their contrarie desires by large offers to the King, until the English at last did out-vie them, by a fifteenth, which the Parliament granted for their utter avoidance of this Land; so much welcomer was their room then companie.

9 All their immoveable goods, with their Obligations and Bils of debt were confiscated: Thus (as Moses saith) they had builded houses, but could not dwell therein, Vineyards they had planted which they could not carry with them, never to return hither again, they nor their seed to eat of their fruit: yea, even the gold and coyn, with other riches which they were permitted to transport, were reserved to many of their owners evil. The Sea which gave their forefathers passage from Egypt, did swallow up a great number of those wealthiest Jews at their departure out of this Land. And, how­soever both his Fact that exposed them to danger was most Impious, and his speeches Scurtilous, in turning them off to pray to Moses, when he might have saved them, yet if we consider the concurse of circumstances, and opportu­nitie tempting him, otherwise ill disposed unto this fact, his profane jesting at their miserable death was a sensible document of the Almighties rejoycing to destroy them and bring them to naught.

10 During this time of their abode here (which was two hundred and Of these Je [...] Massacres in Germany, a ter their B nishment out England, or bout that ti [...] odde years) their general persecutions throughout Germany (that have come unto my reading) were not so rife, as in the ages following. Avent. B [...] or. Annaliu lib. 7. p. 44 In the year 128 [...] (in which they had been generally imprisoned throughout this land) they had stabbed a child, throughout his whole body, with needles, at Munchen in Bavere, taking his bloud in a bason; to use it, as the suspition was then, in sacrifice, for stanching that issue of bloud, wherewith this people (Chri­stians [Page 124] know why) is continually pestered. These butchers were detected by the Drover, an old Hagge, taken in the very manner, while she was stealing a second for the same purpose. The body of the former being found out by her directions, the fresh print of infinit wounds filled with gore, imploring vengeance, as it were with so many watry and blubber [...] eyes, did so enrage the multitude, that they could not expect the Judges sen­tence, but fall immediately upon these Jews, notwithstanding the Princes servants, and their chief Magistrates earnest endeavours to appease the tumult conveying as many Jews as they could into their Synagogue, which the peo­ple burning with fury, set on fire, and with it burned an hundred and eighty Jews.

11 Yet this was but as a little flash in the fire-pan to that general fury, which the people of this and other Countries of Germany did discharge upon Aventinus lib. 7. Boior. Annalium. this cursed seed about ten years after. The Alarum to this Bloudy Fact was a Rumour, true or false, by Gods disposition a means to bring destru­ction upon them whom he rejoyced to destroy; as soon condemned by the multitude, as accused for stealing away the consecrated Hoast, as they term it, and amongst other indignities, for braying it in a Mortar, until it bled again. One Rindeflaish, of what spirit God knows, by profession a Hus­band-man (whether one of the raisers of this rumour, or only taking opportu­nity upon it blazed abroad by others) proclaims that he was sent from heaven to destroy the Jews, wheresoever scattered upon the face of the earth: and with that conjuring acclamation, As many as bare any love to Christ, or wished the safety and welfare of Christendom, let them follow him, gets so many fol­lowers, that through eight or nine Cities, named by mine Author, and ma­ny others omitted, they rob, spoil and kill these Jews, now become as ob­stinate and stubborn as the others were violent. For after they had gathered their goods and house-hold stuff together, lest the Christians should be any better by it, or they themselves by Christians, that would have enforced them to Baptism, the men with their Wives and Children cast themselves into the fire, and so perish with their ill gotten goods. The Signs of the time with which in particular we are not acquainted, did fully perswade both Priest and People, that all was done by Gods special appointment: and A­ventinus himself saith, Iram divinam fuisse necesse est; because the Emperour, most desirous to revenge their wrongs, was enforced to give place to this perswasion, and dissemble his grief. The magistrates of Regineburgh (the ancient Metropolis of Bevere) with much ado perswaded their people to for­bear execution of their wrath, and expect more certain warrants from hea­ven for their proceedings.

12 Superest ultimus Philip­pi annus: illo, lep [...]osos, Ju­d [...]ósque in Gallia vexa­tos constat, propter sulpi­c [...]nem vene­ [...] in poteos [...] —. Au­ [...] [...] (nulla expectat [...] judicii formâ) igni illos cremante▪ Papirius Massonus. l. 3. Fran. Annal. in Philippo Longo▪ p. 3 [...] Not many years after this their general calamity throughout Bevere▪ and old France, they and the Lepers conspire to poyson the Fountain throughout the French Kingdom, and are both made away on heaps by th [...] people, dying for the most part by the contrary element, without any con [...] viction or arraignment, which forty of them Idem Ibidem imprisoned at Vitrie in Camp [...] nie, did wisely prevent, by killing themselves all in one Gaol. So cunnin [...] ly doth the Almighty plot their overthrow, ever since he became their en [...] ­my, that it is oft times hard to say, Whether mans purposes for their goo [...] or evil, bring greater plagues upon them. Not fifteen years before t [...] time, Uno die Judaei [...]ota Francia capti, bonis eorum fisco addictis, regni finibus excedere jussi [...] [...] Masson. lib. 3. Annal [...]m Francoru [...] ▪ p. 363. Philip the Fair had apprehended all the Jews throughout his domin [...] ­ons [Page 125] in one day, robbed them of their goods, and rid his land of them. About ten years after this their banishment by publick Edict (not five years before the late mentioned persecution) Idem Papir. in vita Ludo­vici. Hutini p. 372. Lewes the tenth, son to this Philip, intend­ing their good, revokes his Fathers Edict for their perpetual banishment, and brought them back again into France; where these malefactors were, by the appointment of God, to suffer just punishment for their villanies there committed by their Fathers and them, and their bodies serving for fuel to the flame, prepared by God to purge the air, which their blaspemous mouthes had polluted.

13 Aventinus lib. septimo Annalium Boior. The like plagues, but far more general, from like provocation, did befal them, about the year 1337. and the times ensuing, till 1348. The like plague befel them at Prage: about the year 1389. for the like contumely offered by their children to the Hoast (as they term it) In­censis domi­bus, f [...]inae cum parvulis se sua sponte injecerunt in­cendio, ne probris Chri­stianorum ex­positae ad ex­tremum neca­rentur. Krant­zius Wandalo­rum Hist. l. 9. c. 23. They hoped Christian religion should have died in the wars between the Emperour and the Pope; the state of Christendom, they saw deeply endangered in these civil broyles: and they according to their Jewish Policy, seek to thrust it over head and ears in Bloud, poysoning the Fountains throughout Germany, offering like violence to the Sacraments as they had done before; and by this just provocation were so dealt withall by one Hartmannus and his complices, as they had been used some forty years ago by Rindeslaish. The rehearsal of all particular outrages committed against them, during the time of the Pope and Emperours variance, would take up more room in this Discourse, then all the rest hitherto reckoned. Vide H. Mu­tium & Ber­toldum Pres­byt. Constant. Most memorable is that of the Jews, inhabiting Wormes; who, persecuted by the people, implore the Bishops intercession for their safetie: the conditions of their peace, procured by him, were to be washed from their sins; and having respite given to deliberate upon the point, they pollute themselves with their own bloud, without returning any further answer to the Bishop that had interceded for them.

14 This and the like Barbarous impiety, committed by others of this cursed race at Vitrie, almost forty, at York, above an hundred years before, cannot be ascribed to the Revolutions of the Heavens, or successive Reign of some unruly Stars; all of them were from His Will, in whom there is no shadow of change. In these last Massacres, as in the former, the Magi­strates in many places had mindes willing enough to save them, but durst not venture their bodily presence for their rescue. Albeit the manner of the Christians proceeding against them be usually such, as none but Jews would justifie; yet this is an evident Argument, that the Lord of lords, and King of kings hath ordained them to suffer wrong, whom the greatest powers, in such civil States as Germany, France, and England are, cannot right. For although the Palsgrave, with some others inclining unto them, had taken their protection upon them in these last Persecutions; yet even this pity, whether true or pretended, did cause their further wrongs, by grievous ex­actions, for maintaining the war begun in their defence. So strangely doth the wisdom of God bring that to passe, which his servant Moses had foretold, Deut. 28. 29. Thou shalt not prosper in thy wayes, thou shalt never but be oppres­sed with wrong, and be polled evermore, and no man shall succour thee. Even [...]r it self by their distempered appetites is turned into Sorrow. Though all Christian Kings and States should conspire together for their weal; yet (as I said before) they will conceive mischief, and bring forth their own destruction, by [...]ing out into such shameful Acts, as deserve grievous punishment in sight of God and man. So in the Krantzius. lib. 10. Wan­dal. cap. 18. year 1410. they go about their wonted practise of crucifying, a Christian childe in contumely of our Saviour Christ; but their intent being known before they had opportunity of acting it, the Mar­quesse [Page 126] of Misna, and Land-grave of Turing find room enough for their coyn in their cossers, but leave none for them, stript naked of all they had within any part of their dominions. Or if they do sometimes that which in it self is good, they do it with such malicious mindes, that God gives them but the reward of wickednesse: Krantzius. lib [...]. Saxon. cap. [...]. So in the year 1421. for furnishing the poor Christians of Bohemia with money & munition against their Antichristian persecutors, they were generally imprisoned throughout Bevere, quite bereft of all their mo­ney and coyn, and lastly banished all the dominions belonging to Frederick Duke of that Province. Nor doth their in bred spight to Christians, or their plagues due thereunto wear out in that age. For, in the year 1497. they were burnt at Krantzius [...]. lib. 14. cap. 1 [...]. The like facts and [...] of the Jews, at [...], are re­lated to the same Krantzi­us [...]. 8. Wa [...] ­d [...] cap. 8. [...] Of these Jews estate in [...] and Portugal [...] Emanuelis. Stenneberge in the Province of Stargardia, for their wonted violence, and indignities offered to the blessed Eucharist.

15 Thus much of their estate in England, France, and Germany, until the year 1500. Of their estate in Germany since, if God permit elsewhere, because it yields matter of distinct observation from the former. Now briefly to acquaint the Reader with so much of their affairs in Spain, as may testifie some other parts of Moses his prophecie in the forementioned place. In the year 1482. the measure of their iniquitie was grown so full, that this land could not bear it: and they themselves become so abominable to Ferdi­nand, and Isabel his Queen, that none of this seed must stay within their do­minions, unlesse they will become Christians, as sundrie of larger possessions amongst them in outward Profession did, the rest were scattered thence into other Countries, most into Portugal, welcome for their money to sojourn there a certain time: after which as many as were found in Portugal, were there to remain as slaves unto the King, such as would, were to be transported at his cost and charges. The King himself (unlesse Orosius be partial for him) was careful to perform his promise, to secure them of peace during their abode, and of safe passage at the time appointed. But the Marriners having once gotten them aboard, did make their ships as so many prisons, or houses of torture, to wrest wealth out of their hands, lengthning the time by cir­cular and unnecessarie turnings, back and forth, until the Jews had quite spent all their provision, afterwards enforced to buy their food, and other neces­saries of the Marriners, at what rate they pleased. And, not content with spoil of their goods, they abuse the bodies of their wives and daughters to their lust, not pleasant enough, unlesse sauced with other contumelies, and indignities practized upon their Fathers and Husbands. Finally by these marriners, too much thinking that their passengers were Jews, and might be used accordingly, they forget that they themselves were Christians, and stain that sacred profession with all manner of base villany and impietie. Partly through this delay in shipping over the first company, partly, through the abuses done unto them, so shameful, that the fame thereof was brought unto their fellows ears by the wind, which served the Marriners back to Portugal: the later sort remaining in expectation of safe passage, either could not, or would not be transported at the day appointed, and so by their staying become ca­ptives to John then King of Portugal. But Emanuel his successour, not long after sets them free, using all other fair means to bring them unto Christ, un­til Ferdinand and Isabel his confederates, solicit these ill-thriving plants eje­ction The Jews [...] Por­tugal, [...] their [...]. out of Portugal, as unfit to settle in any Christian soil. After long de­batement with his counsellers for their exile or stay, the fresh examples of their expulsion by so many other Christian Kings and Princes did move Ema­nuel to their imitation. So that either they must avoid his dominions by a certain day, or else remain there either free-men in Christ, or slaves and [Page 127] Captives unto him: as many of them did against their wils, not able to pro­vide themselves of shipping, having but one port at last allowed them for their passage: whereas at the first promulgation of the Kings Edict against them, they had choice of three. The greatnesse of their number, best appearing by their confluence about the day appointed for their passage, moved the good King with compassion, to see so many thousand souls should desperate­ly run the wayes of death; and seeing no hope of diseasoning the old and withered stocks, fit fewel for everlasting flames, he was the more desirous to recover some of their young and tender grafts, by watering them with the water of grace: and for this purpose gives strict commandment, that all their children under fourteen years of age should be taken from their Jewish parents, and trained up in the School of Christ. This sodain and unexpect­ed divorce, though intended in compassion of the children, brought greater miserie on the Parents, then if their own flesh had been torn from their bones. There a man (so his heart would have served him) might have seen silly in­fants haled from their mothers breasts, more willing to embrace death, then part with them; And yet for pittie, (lest their hands by holding fast, might prove their childrens racks) suffering them to be drawn out of their tender Embracements, with far more grief and sorrow of heart, then they had been brought out of the womb; Fathers enclasping their sons and daughters, wil­ling to die in their arms, had these beat off (as hoopes from vessels which they environ) from their childrens bodies, and either broken or benummed with blowes. A voice was heard through Portugal, surpassing that in Ramah, no­thing but mourning, and weeping, and lamentation, many a Leah blearing her eyes with weeping for her children, and would not be comforted; Men and women filling the heavens with more hideous outcries then the Egyptians did at their Fore-fathers departure out of Egypt: when the Firstborn of every Family, throughout the land, was slain at midnight. But these were bereft at once of all their loving children, in the open Sun. Many of them, not able either to rescue or dispatch their own bowels, become mad with the sight that their eyes had seen, and killed themselves: Others, having better opportunitie, account it a part of their happinesse, to be able to prevent their childrens washing in the sacred Font, by drowning them in draw-wels and ditches. In both these calamities, at the two fore-mention­ed transportations, we may see those Prophecies of Moses exactly fulfil­led, Deut. 28. 30. Thou shalt betroth a wife, and another man shall lie with her. And again verse 32. Thy sons and thy daughters shall be given unto another people, and thine eyes shall fail at the sight every day, and there shall be no power in thy hand. Many Moors, professing Mahumetism, were transported from Por­tugal the same time, but had no such violence offered them: what was the rea­son? God would have a manifest distinction between this and other people. The Barbarous Moors had some power in their hands, & the Portugals abstain from like usage of them: lest the report coming to the African Mahumetans ears, might have moved them to avenge their wrongs upon poor Christians, living amongst them. But these Jews no where had any Nation, none to avenge their grievous wrong, which the Lord God of their Forefathers had ordained they should suffer, at all times, in all places wheresoever they have come, without redresse.

16 Nor do their Fates change with their Name or Profession. For what violence was ever offered to any of this race like to that which these late con­verts Christned Hebrews, (but still Jews in misfortunes) suffered in The latent­able Massacre of these Jews at Lisbon: and the natural Consequence of Monkish de­votion towards Christs Image therein repre­sented. Osorius lib. 4. de rebus gestis Emanu­elis. Lisbon, in the year 1506. Two thousand massacred in three dayes space; many not suf­fered [Page 128] to die of deadly wounds, were dragged by their mangled limbs into the market place, where the bodies of the living and slain, with others half alive half dead, were burnt together on heaps. The Spectacle was so horrible, that it quite astonied the rest of this miserable progenie, at other times as desperately set to suffer, as Monks furiously to inflict any torture. Parents durst not mourn for children, nor children sigh for their parents, though each haled in others sight to the place of torments, lest these significations of their grief and sorrow might bewray them to be of the tormented kinred, with whom the least suspicion of alliance, was sufficient to make them inhe­rit like plagues, ere the breath was out of their predecessors bodies. Ingens eo die stupor a­deo mise [...] [...] gentis sensus oppres­serat, ut ne la­mentari qui­dem cladem illam, & de­plorate mise­riam su [...] pos­sent. Qui se oc [...]bant, quamvis filios aut patentes suos ad sup­plicium abri­pi viderent, ne lugubri gemitu pro­derentur, vo­cem emittere non [...]. Sic a eos me [...] tus exanima­verat, ut vivi non multum à mortuor [...] si­militudine di­starent. Osori­us de rebus g [...] Emanuelis lib. 4. Oso­rius description of these distressed souls perplexitie, shewed in their gesture and cariage during this Massacre, may serve, albeit he meant nothing lesse, as a Paraphrase upon the last words of Moses often-mentioned Prophecie. There (that is in the utmost parts of the earth) the Lord shall give thee a trembling heart, and a sorrowful mind, and thy life shall hang before thee. The disposi­tion of the Divine Providence in affording opportunitie to this licentious out-rage was much what like to that, described before in Lin. A great part of these Tragical Actors were German and French mariners, which had repaired to Lisbon for other traffick, but returned home unpunished, burdened with the spoil of these Hebrews goods, but more heavily laden with guilt of their bloud: albeit their souls were not so deeply died therewith as the Lisbon Monks, who had instigated them and others to this Butchery, inflamed them­selves with this furious zeal only by an unseasonable speech of one poor He­brew apprehended by the other as derogatorie to our Saviour. For whilest the others, by long gazing upon the picture of his wounded side, through a glasse took the reflex of light, thence cast upon their dazled eyes, for a Mi­racle, the silly Hebrew, whether openly to contradict, or unawares (utter­ing to some by-standers what he thought) bewrayed his incredulitie, How a piece of drie wood should work Miracles.

17 Whilest I read so many Christned souls, thus Butchered like Beasts for ones denial of divine Honour to a livelesse Image, I could not but pause with my self; and now I must commend it to the Christian Readers consideration, whether that part of Moses prophecie, and there thou shalt serve other Gods, which thou hast not known, nor thy Fathers, Wood and Stone, may not be un­derstood Deut. 28. 36, 64. of the convert Jews throughout the Popes Dominions, thus oft times urged to commit Idolatrie with stocks and stones, upon more Tyranni­cal terms, if they gainsay, then their Forefathers were either by the Assyrian, Caldaean, Egyptian, Roman, or any whosoever had led them Captive out of their land. If the Monkish Apologizer reply: There is a great difference be­tween the Heathen Idol, and their Image worship: I grant the Idolatrie is of a divers kind: and so it seems Moses meant when he threatned this people, that after their final transplantation by Adrian, and their scattering through Spain, and these Western Countries, They should serve such Gods as their Fa­thers had not known. For this peoples Forefathers, before Moses time and after, had known the Heathen gods too well. If the Romanist yet rejoyn, that in worshipping Christs Image, they worship Christ, I will not deny, but he may think so: for so the Jews thought they honoured Moses, because they honoured the Letter of his Law. But, to omit other reasons, this and other like outragious Facts, committed upon as light occasions, shall con­vince their nice School-distinctions of foul errour, and turn their lies with such violence into their throat, that (as Saint Augustin interprets the Psalmist of these Jews) It shall even break their teeth in their mouthes. For if the zeal Psal. 58. 6. [Page 129] these Monks of Lisbon bare unto this Image, had been directed unto Christ, they had in some good measure been transformed into the similitude of His gentle, meek, and merciful disposition. It was Wbod-worship doubtlesse which had made them so mad and furious: It was their continual adoring of stones, which had turned their hearts of flesh into hearts more full of fire then the flint, and harder then the hardest Adamant. But of the effects of Mon­kish pitie towards Christ or the Crucifix, as also of the Jesuites doctrine con­cerning Image-worship, elsewhere if God permit. Thus much of these Jews estate from time to time, may suffice for our intended purpose, to be further collected in the Chapter following.

CAP. XXX.

General collections out of the particular Histories before mentioned: the strange dispositions of the Jews: and Gods Judgements upon them, all Testifying the Truth of Divine Oracles.

1 I Cannot but approve Gens per­fida, agens quod solet mus in pera &c. Crantz. Libro Unde­cimo, Saxon. cap. 7. Crantzius his judgement of these Jews, That they are a perfidious and wicked people, worthy to be spew'd out of the confines of Christendom, as many Princes have expelled them their Domi­nions. But as the same author observeth, howsoever Christian Governours (as the world now counts Christians) are most Opposite in outward shew to the Religion which they professe: yet they agree too well with them in their love unto this worlds god; By whose means these Jews, after they have been expelled one country, find admission into some other, or else into the same again; as they did into France whence they were expelled by the Father, and brought in again by the Son; and into Abierunt hoc anno ex hac parte Ju­daei, Pii 5. Pontificis max. jussu, qui acerrimo di­plomate ex­terminari il­los ex eccle­siasticae ditio­nis Civitati­bus mandave­rat. Quanquā enim illos to­lerabat Ec­clesia, misera­ta illorum vi­cem, ut Chri­stianis frequē ­ti illorum a­spectu, Chri­sti Dei mors, versaretur ob oculos; & Ju­daei Christia­norum exem­plis, ac do­ctrina, ad am­plectendam Christianae fidei veritatem, quam reliquias Israel, iuxta divini vatis oraculum, accepturas, constat, incitarentur: i qua, fi ablegarentur ad alienos, longius multò abessent: Tamen, cum, & usuris gravibus exigendis, & latronibus furi­ [...] (que) etiam rerum Ecclesiasticarum recipiendis, magicis artibus, ac lenociniis mulierum exercendis, illorum impietas [...] [...]o processisset, ut pro communi omnium incolumitate expediret, tanti vim morbi celeri remedio coercere, omnino [...] tejiciendos ex civitatibus decrevit. Hieron. Rubeus. lib. 11. hist. Raven. Ravenna whence banish­ed (for their combination with thieves and robbers, and sacrilegious per­sons, for Sorceries or Magicall charms, in winning women to their own or others lust) by Pius Quintus in the year 1568. they were recalled by Six­tus Quintus in the year 1587. As if the former of these Kings and Popes had cast their hooks into another mans liberties, and their successours had drawn them, when they had caught the prey. For so in truth these Jews are like roving Hounds or Spaniels, which catch a prey wheresoever they come, and carry it unto any Prince, or Potentate, that will give them Harbour. They never stand upon better tearms with any Prince, or people, then noto­rious or cunning malefactors do with grave Judges, or great States-men; Who oft-times wink at such villanies as they hate, for some further purpose. Nor could these Jews ever hitherto purchase their ease and quiet, as they have often done their admission into divers countries. Since their rooting out of their own land, they have continued as Hares Hunted from their seat; no sooner find they any place of habitation in these ends of the world, but the crie of Gods Judgments streight pursues them. If for a time they may seem to gather strength, or to recover themselves from that faintnes of heart: it is but to take their Feeze (or Rise) with greater force to their Break-neck. In the pits, which they dig for Christians, are their own feet alwayes taken. The best advantages which they can espie and entertain with greedinesse for [Page 130] their good, are but baits, laid by the Almighties hand to entrap them [...] and whilest his Judgements hunt them one way, and they take another t [...] escape them in the very places (whereunto they flie for refuge, as Fox [...] chased do to their holes) is the Fatall Gin set for their Souls; as appears out of the Histories here set down, which are but so many Experiments of M [...] his rule, Dent. 28. ve se 65, 66, 67. Also among these Nations, thou shalt [...] nonst, neither shall the sole of thy foot have rest: for the Lord shall give thee there a trembling heart, sinking eyes, and a sorrowful mind. And thy life shall hang be­fore thee, and thou shalt fear both day and night, and shalt have no assurance of thy life. In the morning thou shalt say, would God it were evening, and at evening t [...] shalt say, would God it were morning. For the fear of thine heart which thou shalt fear, and for the sight of thine eyes which thou shalt see.

2 But as no money could hitherto purchase their peace, and security from calamities: so neither could their calamities, though continually mos Of the [...] some [...] which [...] Moses and the Pro­phets.. grievous, redeem their estimation in the world, nor all the bloud of their [...] (though their Massacres have been numberless) till these times, allay much less extinguish that hateful and loathsom conceit, which most men have enter­tained of them. To ascribe all this to their forefathers sins against our Saviour is true, but too general to give satisfaction in all particular doubts which their estate might minister. For why the children should inherit their fathers curse, without continuance in like sins, is a point which admits no resolution Again, why This People above all other creatures should continue their devilisa temper stil, having tried such change of air, diversity of soils, conversing among so many severally-disposed people, seems yet more strange. I have read of trees, leaving their poison with their native soil, by transplantation bringing forth edible and wholsom fruit; Wolves in few generations will become as kind as dogs. Lions and Bears by often presence of men grow more tame; generally beasts of most wild nature by often housing will come near the nature of domestick creatures. Rude Idiots by frequent entercourse with men of better fashion, in time wil take some tincture of civility and discretion. Of all sensible creatures only the Jew, in so many descents, after so ma­ny grievous corrections, for his own, and his Forefathers sins, can no more leave his Jewish disposition, then the Leopard can his spots. It further encreased my admiration, why the whole Progeny being utterly banished this Land above three hundred years ago, their memory should still remain for a patern of mischievous mindes, either apt to do, or sit to suffer any violence: The very name of a Jew serving this people as a perfect measure, either to notifie the Height of Impiety in the Agent, or to found the depth and bottom of an abject, worthlesse, forlorn condition in any Patient. Better we cannot expresse most cut-throat dealing then Thus, None but a Jew would have done so: Lower we cannot prize any one of most ab­ject Condition, then by comparing him to a Jew. For so in common speech we exaggerate Enormous wrongs, done to the most odious or despised a­mongst us, This had been Enough for a Jew to suffer, or I would not have done so to a Jew. All these Plagues are come upon them, for continuing in their Forefathers steps; and To make their Creator the Author of their villanous minds, were Impiety: His word endures for ever, Perditio tua ex te, O Israel. Yet, is it possible that any people, endued with the light of rea­son, should continue so obstinate and obdurate, as willingly to deserve all mens hate they have to deal with? I know not better how to resolve this doubt, then our Apostle did his, of their forefathers unbelief, after so many Miracles wrought amongst them: Therefore (saith he) could they [Page 131] not believe, because Esayas saith, He hath blinded their eyes, &c. John 12. verse 39. and 40. Therefore must I say, they could not but continue hate­ful and opprobrious amongst all people with whom they have conver­sed, Such speeches do not import an Absolute Cause of the thing, but of our instruction or perswasion concerning it. because Moses had said, Deut. 28. 37. Thou shalt be a Wonder, a Pro­verb, and a common Talk among all people, whither the Lord shall carry thee. So likewise had Jeremy 24. verse 9. I will give them for a Terrible Plague to all the Kingdoms of the earth; for a reproach, and for a Proverb, for a com­mon talk, and for a curse, in all places where I shall cast them. If any man then further ask, Why Israel is cut off from the Land which God had gi­ven him, and made a Proverb, and a common talk amongst all people; God himself hath taught us how to answer, Because they have forsaken the Lord their God, which brought their fathers out of the Land of Egypt, &c. This the Lord himself foretold, and gave them warning of, even when he specified the Articles of his Covenant, made with Solomon for their peace, 1 Kings chap. 9. vers. 6, 7, 8, 9. These Authorities may suffice, to stay all such doubts as might arise from curious enquiring after the causes of these peoples incessant misery; which cannot seem strange, because fore-told; nor unjust, in that they were born to more extraordinary prosperity; from which being faln, by following their own ungracious wayes, they are now reser­ved, as Pharaoh after many admonitions was, for Marks or Butts, against whom the arrows of Gods wrath and vengeance must be shot, to the terrour of others, and manifestation of his power.

3 These grounds supposed, the Consideration of their many and Cruel Massacres, their often spoiling and robbing, and other outrages, which, according to the fore-cited Prophecies of them, they continually suffer, would the Atheist but lay it to his Heart, would wring thence, what the Divine Oracles have uttered; that this had been a people appointed to destruction, ne­ver suffered to multiply unto a Nation; as if God had used them as men do wild Beasts, nursing onely so many of them, as may make sport by their destruction. So likewise their continual wandring up and down in the world, without any rest, doth abundantly witnesse; that albeit they bare the shape and nature of men, yet are they no natural part of the World; but have the same proportion in the Civil body, or Society of Mankind, that bad humours have in our natural and material bodies; Which by course of nature should be expelled her confines, but, being retained, run from joynt to joynt, and lastly breed some grievous swellings in the extream parts. And, amongst other most tried and demonstrative Experiments of Moses often-mentioned Prophecie; this is not the least; that Spain and Portugal, for these later years, have been the chief receptacle of these Jews: as if Hercules Pillars, accounted by the Ancients the utmost ends of the World, were not the full period of their peregrination West-ward, whom the Lord had threatned, Deuteronomie 28. verse 64. to scatter amongst all people, from the one end of the World unto the other. There they have been in greatest a­bundance for many years, as it were expecting a wind for their passage to some place more distant from their native Country. And who knows whether that Prophecy, Deuteronomie 28. verse 41. Thou shalt beget Sons and Daughters, but shalt not have them; for they shall go into captivity: hath not been fulfilled, in the Jews inhabiting that Kingdom? Whe­ther many of their Stock, whom Emanuel detained in Portugal, have not been transported since into America? or whether many of the Spa­nish Colonies, have not a mixture of Jewish Progeny in them? Nay, who knows, whether the West Indies were not discovered, partly, or espe­cially [Page 132] for this purpose, that the sound of these Preachers, unto whom God hath appointed no set Diocesse, might go out into all Lands with the Sun, and their words unto the ends of the world, until they return unto the place whence they were scattered? But these conjectures I leave to be confuted or confirmed by future times, desirous to prosecute briefly some observations of their fore-passed miseries, not yet ended.

4 As Gods judgements upon this people have had no end, so neither have the grounds or motives of Christian Belief any limits; every degree of their fall is a step unto our rising. Enough it were to condemn the whole Chri­stian world of Infidelity, if it should not be rapt with Admiration of Gods mercy towards us, as it is manifested onely in his severity towards them. But if, unto their perpetual grievous calamities here recounted, we adde their like con­tinual stubbornnesse of heart, we shall prove our selves more stiff-necked then this people it self, unless we take up Christs yoak and follow him; under which only we shall find that ease and rest unto our souls, which they have wanted ever since his death, and without repentance, must want everlasting­ly. Angels, Men, and Devils, yea all the world may clearly see, that the God of their Fathers hath cast them off; that they have born no Signs or Badges of his Ancient wonted favours, whilest innumerable grievous marks and skars of his fearful indignation against their Fathers still remain unhealed in the children, after more generations, then their Ancestors Seat of prospe­ritie had been in the promised Land. And yet even these later, as all the for­mer, since their scattering thence, continue their boastings of their preroga­tives, as if they were his only chosen people. A grievous distemper of bo­die and mind hath run in their bloud for almost 1600 years; the children still infected with their fathers disease; all raving and talking, like men in a Phrenzie, As if they were Wisdoms First-born, and Heirs of Happinesse. This their unrelenting stubbornnesse is an irrefragable Argument, That they are the degenerate seed of faithful Abraham. For, Stubbornness is but a strong A comparison of the [...] Jews [...] with the stedfastnesse of Abrahams faith. Hope malignified, or (as we say) grown wild and out of kind. If the Scri­pture had not described His Nature and quality with His Name, we might have known by these modern Jews, that their First Progenitour had been a Man of strong Hopes, against all Hopes in the sight of men: But these go further, continuing stiff in their perswasions of Gods favour towards them, contrarie unto the grounds of Hopes, either in the sight of God or man, insolent in con­fidence, even whilest they are at the very brink of deepest despair. Abraham looked for a Son, after the chiefest strength of his body was decayed, and Sa­rah his wife by course of Nature past all possibilitie of conceiving: but His Hopes were assuredly grounded upon His Faithfulnesse which had promised the same: These hope for a Messiah, after the Fulness of time is past and gone, and their Country, being the Land of his Nativitie, covered with Barrennesse and desolation; without all grounds of hope, quite contrary to the predicti­ons of GODS Prophets, whom they believe in grosse; after whose meaning They groap as palpably now in the Sun-shine of their Messiahs glory, already reveal­ed, as if it were in Egyptian darkness. Yet even the fulnesse of that joy, which most of them do look for in the dayes of their Messiah (were their hopes of his coming as probable as they are impossible) could not in reason support any other mens nature, to sustain that Perpetual violence, disgrace, and tor­ture, which they indure throughout so many successions, in this wearisome time of their Expectation. Abraham was approved of God, for his readi­nesse to sacrifice his son Isaac at his command. These his degenerate Sons have crucified the Son of Abrahams God; and for their infidelitie and dis­obedience, [Page 133] have been cast out of that good Land, which was given to Abra­ham and his righteous seed; and for their stubbornnesse in like practises, their posteritie continue Exiles, and Vagabonds from the same, not to this day willing to offer up the sacrifice of a contrite heart, for their disobedience past, but rather (adding thirst to drunkenness) Blesse themselves, when they hear the words of that Curse, promising peace unto themselves, though they walk Deut. 29. 19. on according to the stubbornness of their Forefathers hearts. Their own desires they will not break. But Vide Socra­tem lib. 7. cap. 16. Krantzium lib. 10. Wan­dalorum c. 18. Papiriū Mas­son. lib. 3. p. 335. ex Vil­laneo. Vide Hollinshead. An. 40 Hen. 3. & alibi. At Prage in the year 1240. (or thereabout) they crucified a Christian. Die Sacra Paras­ceves. Krant­zius lib. 7. Wandalorum c. 40. Christian Children they can be well content to Sacrifice, kill, and mangle throughout all ages, wheresoever they come, as their often practises in England, France, and Germany, witnesse; and the Jews of Lincoln, executed at London for this crime, did confesse to be a solemn practise, as oft as they could conveniently come by their prey. Thus out of the mouthes of Infants and Children, will God have his praise erected still: Their Bloud hath sealed, and their Cries proclaimed the truth of our Savi­ours words, that these Jews are of their Father the Devil, and the lusts of their Father they will do (John 8. 44.) He was a murtherer from the beginning, and alwayes delighted much in such Sacrifices, as were most displeasing unto God.

5 If Christian Sobrietie did not teach us to acknowledge Gods judge­ments alwayes just, although the manner of his Justice can not be apprehend­ed, much lesse exemplified to ordinary capacities, by the wisest of the Sons of men: the consideration of these Jews perpetual temper would half per­swade us, that the souls of such, as had either procured, consented unto, or approved our Saviours and his Apostles death, had been Sent from Hell by course, into the bodies of these Jews here scattered in these Western parts, as so many Messengers from the dead, to shew the malignant heat of those Ever­lasting flames, by their unquenchable thirst of innocent bloud. But neither doth Scripture warrant, nor natural Reason enforce such suppositions, either for acquitting Gods Severity upon this people from injustice, or His Goodness from suspition of being the Author of their villainous minds, though he be the sole Creatour, as well of theirs as their godly forefathers souls. For these their wicked posterities plagues are just, because their souls, which he hath made, will not receive correction by their own, or their fathers plagues con­tinually inflicted upon them since our Saviours death; but still, as it were, Hunt out Gods judgements, which lie perpetually in wait for them, by tread­ing in their Ungratious predecessours steps. In one word, Though the God of their Fathers have made their souls; yet they make Pride of heart, Inveterate custome, Examples of their progenitors, Their God. For us Christians, let us admire the wisdom of our gracious God, that so disposeth our enemies mischievous minds unto our good; rather then enquire, how their villanies can stand with his justice. This their unsatiable desire of Crucifying them, unto whom the Kingdom of heaven belongs, doth confirm our Faith, in that Main Article of their Fathers crucifying The Lord of Glory. And (no doubt) but God, in his All-seeing wisdom, hath permitted the like hellish temper to remain in all Gene­rations of these Jews, that the former most Horrible, and otherwise almost Incredible Act, with the Actors Devilish Malice, might be more lively and sensibly represented to all posterities, which had not seen or known them by Experience. And Gods Judgements upon these Modern Jews, for their Forefathers sins, hereby may appear most just, in that they make them their won by Imitation: plainly testifying to the world, that They would do as their Forefathers had done, if the same Tragedie of Christs Passion were to be acted our again; yea, in as much as they practize the like upon his living members, They are guilty, as wel as their Forefathers, of His Death.

[Page 134] 6 Generally, the outward carriage, and inward temper of these mo­dern Jews are such, as all that have any Experience of them, may perceive the Excellent qualities of their worthy Progenitours, and the extraordinary Prerogatives whence they are fallen, as sensibly and undoubtedly, as we can know by the Lees, or corrupt remainder of any Liquor, what the vertue and strength thereof was in its Prime. The present Depression of this People, below all others amongst whom they live, rightly taken, doth give us the true Excesse of their Exaltation, in former times above the Nations, as perfectly as the Elevation of the Pole which we see, doth give us the degrees of the others Occultation. Finally, if we compare the Estate of such as lived in Tullies times, with these Modern Jews estate lately mentioned; the great prosperitie of their Ancestors under Joshuah, Judges, David and Solomon, may be gathered from these differences as exactly, and as clearly, as the third pro­portionable number out of two others already known. This is that Golden Rule, whose practise I would commend to all young Students. For, from the known differences of their Estate from time to time, we may be led unto the perfect knowledge of Gods Power and Providence, of his Mercy and Bounty to such as love him, of his Judgements upon such as Hate him, and transgresse his Laws. Finally, nothing in Scripture can seem Incredible, if men would consider the wonderful exaltation, and depression of this People.

7 This admirable difference between the true Israelites of old, and Vide Ezah. 6. these Modern perfidious Jews, is most lively represented unto us in that Pa­rable of divers Figs, which Jeremiah saw Jerem. 24. 1, 2. The Lord shewed me, and behold two baskets of Figs were set before the Temple of the Lord: one basket very good Figs, like the Figs that are first ripe, and the other very naughty Figs, which could not be eaten, they were so evil. No man, I hope, will challenge me, for extending this Text beyond its literal sense. One part of which, by the Prophets own exposition, is to be understood of such as were led captive by Nebuchadnezzar, signified by the good figs: the other of Zedechiah, with the residue of Hierusalem, and them that dwelt in the Land of Egypt, represented by the bad figs. My Prophet indeed applies it only unto them of his own time; of whom I confesse it was Literally meant: but not, only of them; but more principally, more fully and direct­ly, of the Jews, about, or since our Saviours time, and his Apostles, or their followers. The parable, with the consequence thereof, is true of both▪ in as much as both are particulars, contained under that general division, which Vide [...] cap [...] ­ [...]gr. [...]. Moses had made of Blessings and Cursings to befall this people in divers measures, according to their constancy in good, or stubbornnesse in evil. Unto this General Prediction the Prophets do still frame their prophecies, as Corollaries or Appendices; and so must they be applied by us, not only to the present times wherein they wrote, but to the times of the Messiah, in which both Moses his general, and the Prophets particular prophecies were more fully accomplished, then in any age before. That which Jeremy in the third Verse of that same Chapter said of the Figs. was true of this people in all Ages: The good amongst them were very good, the naughty alwayes very naughty: but the difference greater betwixt the better sort of the An­cient, and the worse of later, then betwixt the best and worst of such as lived in the middle Age; greatest of all betwixt the good and bad, in our Saviours time, or immediately after. These words again of the Prophet, verse 6. and 7. are altogether as Literally, more peculiarly meant of Christs Apostles, and Disciples, then of Nehemiah and Zerubbabel, and the rest which [Page 135] returned from the captivitie of Babylon: For I will set mine eyes upon them for good, and I will bring them again to this Land, and I will build them, and I will plant them, and not root them out, and I will give them a heart to know me, that I am the Lord, and they shall be my people: and I will be their God; for they shall return unto me with their whole heart. So is that curse, Verse 9, 10. more fully verified of the Jews, about, or after our Saviour Christs time, then of Zedechiah, and his complices: I will even give them for a terrible plague to all the Kingdoms of the Earth, and for a reproach, and for a proverb, for a common talk, and for a curse in all places, where I shall cast them. And I will send the sword, the famin, and the pestilence among them, till they be consumed out of the Land that I gave unto them and to their Fathers. In like sort I must needs with all Orthodoxal Antiquitie, not contradicted for more then a thousand years, acknowledge the Psalmists prayer, Psalm 59. to have been more directly meant, at least more notably fulfilled, in the Jews of later times, then of his enemies amongst whom he lived; Slay them not, O God, lest my people forget it; but scatter them abroad by thy power, and put them down O Lord our shield, for the sin of their mouth, and the words of their lips; and let them be taken in their pride, even for their perjury and lies which they speak. The infallible grounds of thus interpreting these two places, and the like, shall be fortified, (GOD willing) when I come unto the Prophecies concerning Christs Incarnation, Passion, or Exaltation; My warrant at this time, for the later here alledged, shall be the end of the Psalmists wish, verse 13. Consume them in thy wrath, consume them, that they be no more: and let them know that God ruleth in Jacob unto the ends of the world. Their strange Massacres in these ends of the world, whither they have been scattered, do better confirm our Faith of Gods Providence, and Mercy towards us, then Davids Enemies exile, and scattering, did his people, of Gods favour to­wards him and them. And it is to be observed, that he saith not, Let them know in Jacob, that God ruleth unto the ends of the world. For we the adopted sons of Abraham, though living in these extream parts of the world, which he never knew, are the true Jacob; and the natural sons of Abraham according to the flesh, though living in the Promised Land, have no inheritance in Jacob; All are Jews. So doth he, which sits upon the Circles of the Heavens, weigh all the kingdoms of the earth as in a Ballance, debasing some, and advancing others at his pleasure: and so doth the Light of his Gods Favours to the Ancient Israelites Pa­rallel'd by like Blessings upon the Gentiles. gratious Countenance towards any Land or People, change or set, in Revolution of Times, as the Aspect of Stars doth unto such as compasse the Earth. And yet, as the same observation of the Suns motion from contrary Tropicks to the Line, serveth our English in Summer, and the Navigators of opposite Climes in Winter: So is the same light of Gods countenance, which shone upon the Jews, before, turned to the Gentiles, after the fulnesse of time. Abraham had the Promise of Canaan often renewed unto him; but neither he, nor his posteritie possessed it, until the fulnesse of the Canaanites iniquitie were ac­complished. We Gentiles had the promises of being Engrafted into Israel, as it were, conveighed unto us in the building of the Second Temple, and af­terwards renewed in the Translation of these Sacred Writings (the Instru­ments of our inheritance) into the Greek tongue, but were not partakers of the blessings of Jacob, until the Iniquitie of Abrahams Posteritie, according to the flesh, was full. Again, as the Canaanites were not utterly destroyed, al­beit the Israelites were commanded so to do; but some reliques were reserved in the promised land to a good purpose, by the wisdom of God: so neither were these Jews utterly extinguished, but a remnant was scattered abroad [Page 136] amongst the Gentiles, that they might know Gods mercy towards them by his judgements upon the other; and though Christian Princes have oft received them, upon as unjust respects, as the Israelites did permit the Ca­naanites to dwell amongst them, yet God hath still rectified their Errour, and turned their evil Imaginations to the great good of his Chosen. Gods favours towards them of old, and us of late, might be thus parallel'd in ma­ny points: and, as Moses made nothing about the Ark, but according to the Exod. 25. 40. Heb. 8. 5 fashion that was shewed him in the Mount: so is there no Event or Alteration of moment under the Gospel, but had a patern in the Law and Prophets. The Celestial observations which were taken for these Israelites good, might continually serve for the direction of the Gentile, if he would observe the several signs of divers Ages, as Mariners use divers Constellations in divers Latitudes, and gaze not alwayes upon the same Pole. The Matth. 16. 3. Luke 12. 54. igno­rance in discerning the Signs of Times, was a Symptom of the Jews Hypocri­sie, and cause of his continual ship-wrack in Faith. For suffering the Fulnesse of time (where he and the Gentiles should have met as at the Aequator) to pass away without Correction of his course or due observation of the sodain change of Heavens aspect; he lost the sight of his wonted Signs, and since wanders up and down, as Mariners destitute of their Card, deprived of all sight, either of Sun, Moon, or Stars: or rather, like blind men groaping their way without any Ocular direction: yet even this Their blindnesse, is, or The Jews [...] is an especial Light unto the Gentile. may be a Better Light, and direction unto us, then their wonted sight and skill in Scriptures could afford us. First, this might teach the wisest amongst us, not to be High minded, but Fear; seeing wisdom hath perished from the wisest of mankind, even from Gods own chosen people. Secondly, this palpable blind Obstinacie, which hath befallen Israel, might perswade us Christians (were not we blind also) to use that Method, which God himself did think most sit, for planting true Faith in tender hearts. Christian parents, whether Bodily or Spiritual, should be as careful to instruct their children what the Lord had done unto these Jews, as the Israelites should have been, to tell their sons, what God had done unto Pharaoh. His Hardnesse of heart, was nothing to their Stubbornnesse: Egyptian Darkness was as noon-tide to their Blindness; all the Plagues and Sores of Egypt, were but Flea-bitings to Gods fearful Marks upon these Jews: yet is all this come upon them, that the Fulnesse of the Gen­tiles might come in. With a more mightie hand hath God brought us out of the Rom. 11. 25. shadow of death, and Dominions of Satan, then he brought the Israelites out of Egypt, out of the house of Bondage: with a more powerful, and harder stretched out Arm, hath he scattered these Jews among all people, from the one end of the world to the other, then he brought the frogs, flies, and ca­terpillers into Egypt. And it should be as a token in our hands, and as frontlets between our childrens eyes, that the Lord hath redeemed us through a mighty hand. [...]4, [...]. When Israel departed out of Egypt, the Egyptian did not furnish him with weapons for his defence, or Apologies for his departure. These Jews scattered abroad, are made such Messengers as Uriah was, of their own de­struction, bearing records against themselves, but sealed up from their sight; holding Moses their chief Accuser, in greatest Honour; or to follow that faithful follower of Christ, S. Augustine in his Similitude to this purpose: al­though these Jews be desperately blind themselves, yet they carry those Looking-glasses before them, which long since put out their eyes by their too much gazing on them, so as now they can hold them onely in their hands, or turn their faces towards them, not able to discern their misshapen visages in them; but we Gentiles which come after them, do herein go before them, [Page 137] that we may clearly see their Deformity, and Hideous blindnesse, first caused by the glorious beams of the Divine Majestie shining in these sacred fountains, whilest they used them as (as Narcissus did his Well, or little Babes do Books with fair Pictures) only to solace themselves with representation of their Godly Forefathers Beauty, set out in them in freshest colours; not as Looking-glasses to discover, much lesse to reform what was amisse in themselves, whom they in the pride of their hearts still presumed to be in all points like their worthy Ancestors.

8 If unto all their miseries throughout so many Ages, we adde their perpetual Stupidity and Deadnesse of Heart to all works of the Spirit; if to this again we adde their Incomparable Zeal and Courage, in preserving the Letter of the Law; and lay all unto our hearts: what is it we can imagin, the Lord could have none unto his vineyard, that he hath not done to it? He hath comman­ded Esay 5. 4, 6. the clouds not to rain upon the natural branches, that the abundant fatness of the root might be wholly communicate to us Gentiles, by nature wilde grafts. He hath laid his vineyard in Israel waste, and left the hill of Sion his wont­ed joy, More desolate then the mountains of Gilboah, that the dew of all his heavenly blessings might descend upon the vallies of the Nations. Let us not therefore tempt the Lord our God, in asking further Signs for confirmation of our Faith: for no Sign can be given us, Equivalent to this Desolation of the Jews. Such as the dayes of Jerusalem were in her distresse, such we know (but how far more grievous, we cannot conceive) the Day of Judgement shall be; even a Day of wrath, and a Day of venge­ance; An end of dayes, and an end of comfort; a beginning of an endlesse night of sorrow, troubles, woe, and miseries to the wicked. Such as the condition The Desolation of the Jews the most Effectual Sign for con­firming Chri­stian Faith. Levit. 16. 44. of these Jews hath been, for more then fifteen hundred years; such shall the state of unbelievers be without end, without all rest or securitie from dan­ger, disgrace, and torture, ten thousand times more dreadful and in­sufferable, then what the others at any times have feared or felt. What else hath been verified of them, as in the Type; must be fulfilled in unbelievers, as in the Body or substance. These shall fear both night and day, and shall have no assurance of their life; but in stead thereof, an inevitable perpetuity of most grievous death. In the morning they shall say, Would God it were evening; and at evening they shall say, Would GOD it were morning, and wish that Time might be no more, or that no dayes of joy had ever been; that all their mirth had been exchanged for sorrow, even whilst it was first conceived within their breast, that so no memory of sweet delights or plea­sures past, might adde gall unto the bitternesse of their present grief, nor mi­nister oyl unto that unquenchable flame wherein they frie. Thus much of Gods extraordinary mercies and judgements towards these Jews, and of the Experiments which their Estate from time to time hath afforded for the esta­blishing of our Assent to Scriptures.

9 Particular judgements upon any Land or People, as remarkable and perspicuous to common sense, as heretofore have been, we are not in this Age to expect. The approach of this general and fearful judgement, we may justly think, doth swallow up the most of them, as great plagues usually drink up all other diseases. The conversion of these Jews we may probably expect, as the chief Sign of later times; onely this last part of Moses prophecy. Leviticus chapter 26. 44. hath not been as yet fulfilled, [...]ut must be in due time, for so he saith, Yet notwithstanding this (even [...] the plagues and curses which he had threatned, and we have seen ful­ [...]d in these Jews) when they shall be in the land of their enemies, I will not cast [Page 138] them away, neither will I abhor them, to destroy them utterly, and to break my covenant with them: For I am the Lord their GOD: But I will remember for them, the Covenant of old when I brought them out of the land of Egypt, that I might be their God: I am the Lord. And the continuation of their former plagues seemeth much interrupted, the plagues themselves much mitigated, in this last Age (since the Gospel hath been again revealed) as if their misery were almost expired, and the day of their redemption drawing nigh. Yet would I request such as with me hold their general conversion, before the end of all things, as a truth probably grounded on GODS word; not to put that evil day far from them, as if it could not take them unawares, un [...]l GODS promise to this people be accomplished. For, (were that the point now in hand) I could (me thinks) As probably gather out of Scriptures, that their conversion shall be sodain, As at all, and such as many parts of the world shall not so soon hear of, by Authentick reports or uncontroulable re­lation, as sensibly see at our general meeting before our Judge.

10 Like Experiments might be drawn from the Revolutions or Alterations of other states, oft times wrought by such causes▪ as are without the reach of Poli­cie, but most consonant to the Rules of Scriptures; or from the Verification of such rules, in Gods Judgements upon private persons. But these obser­vations cannot be made so evident to ordinary Readers, before the doctrine of Gods providence be unfolded. Wherefore I must refer them partly to that place, partly to others of my Labours, which have been most plentiful in this Argument. Only that mutation in our deliverance from the Servitude of the Ro­mish Church, may not be omitted. For, if we compare it with the Israelites de­parture A Parallel of the Israelites deliverance from Egyptian, and Ours from Rome Babrlo­nish Ihraldom. out of Egypt: the manner of Gods Providence exemplified at large by Moses in the former, is as a perfect rule to discern the same power in the later; and the fresh Experiment of the later confirms unto our consciences the truth of the History concerning the former. God from the spoils of the Egyptians furnished the Israelites with all things necessary for their journey; the same God had revived the study of Tongues, and revealed the Art of Printing, a little before our fore-fathers departed out of Babylon, that they should not come away empty, but wel furnished to wage war with their Enemies, whom they had robbed of their chief Jewels, leaving small store of polite literature, or skill in Scriptures amongst them; though they have increased their Facul­ties that way since. If we diligently view the disposition of Gods Providence before those times, we cannot but acknowledge, that it was the same power that first caused light to shine out of darknesse, which then renewed the face of the earth again, and brought the light of ingenious and sacred Literature forth of the Chaos of Barbarity, obscurity, and fruitless curiosity, wherein it had been long inclosed. It is (me thinks) a pleasant Contemplation to observe how the Worthies of the Age precedent did bestir themselves in gathering and dressing Armour, not used for many hundred years before, no man knowing for what purpose, until the great Commander of heaven and earth gives our his Commission to the Captaines of his Host, for invading his enemy, the Man of Sin. Little did that noble, religious, and learned King Alphonsus, or Lau­rentius de Medicis, with such like, think of Luther, Zuinglius, Calvin, Bucer Melancthon, or other Champions departure from the Romish Church, when they gave such countenance to Polite learning and learned men, from whom these had their skill: yea, These Men Themselves, and their Fellows did little think of such Projects, as God by them after effected, when they first began to use those weapons, by which they finally foiled their mighty adversaries▪ Again, we have as it were, a fresh Print of Gods dealing with Pharaoh, in [Page 139] his like proceedings against the Pope. Pharaoh being delivered over to the stubbornnesse of his own Heart, had it so hardened at last, that he desperately [...]oseth both life and kingdom, whilst he wrangles with the Israelites for their Cattel. The Popes heart likewise was so far hardened for his former pride, and so strangely besotted with the sweetnesse of his own Cup, that he cannot forgo the very dreggs, but will have all swallowed down, even Indul­gences themselves; that so the Lords Name might be glorified in his shame­ful overthrow. Unlesse it had been for such a notorious and palpable blind­nesse of heart, in retaining that more then Heathenish and Idolatrous Abo­mination; the just causes of Luthers revolt had not been so manifest to the world, nor others departure from the Romish Church so general. All this, as it was the Lords doing, so ought it to seem wonderful in our eyes. For in this our deliverance was manifested the self same Power, Wisdom, and Provi­dence, for the stedfast acknowledgement of which, all the former miracles in Egypt had been wrought; then necessary to the Israelites, but not to our Forefathers, who had believed the truth of Moses Miracles; instructed by the rules of Gods providence in them manifested, to discern the same infinite power and wisdom in their own deliverance: the manner of which was truly miraculous, as Interim si Pontificii omnino cum Judaeis signū habere ve­lint, accipiant hoc, quod nos su [...] rhi miraculi loco habcmus, unicum virum eumque miserum Monachum, abs (que) omni mundana vi, Roma­norum Pontificum tyrannidem, quae tot seculis non tantùm potentissimis Regibus, sed & Toti Orbi Formidabilis fuit, op­p [...]gnasse, superesse, prostravisse, juxta Elegantissimos versiculos: Harmon. Evangel. cap. 59. Cheninitius well answered the Papist Jew-like requiring signs or miracles for Luthers doctrine, which had the same signs to confirm it, that Christianitie it self first had.

Vir sine vi ferri, vi verbi, & inermibus armis,
Vir sine re, sine spe, contudit orbis opes.
Sans dint of sword, by strength of word,
And armlesse harmlesse pains;
A wealthlesse wight, hopelesse in sight,
Hath crash'd Romes golden veines.

11 Luthers successe was apprehended by the worldly wise men of those times as impossible, as the predictions of Pharaohs overthrow by Moses, would have been to such in that Age, as knew not the Will or Power of God. And Albertus Dolebat san­ctissimo viro non solum vi­tam eorum, quibus religi­onis confessio mandata erat, nefariis scele­ribus inquina­ri, sed serpere etiam in reli­gionem max­imos errores. Ideò de illis evertēdis plu­rimum labo­rabat: Sed quod tandem [...]dcsct r [...]pae authoritatem, quousque processisset, & diffideret, ne unos homo tanto negotio par esset, de seipso spem [...], & opravit, ut omnes docti viri conjunctis studiis papam in ordinem redigerent. Idem dixit, quum paulo ante [...], inf [...] us, Lutheri propositiones de indulgentiis vidisset. Lurherum in bonam causam ingressum esse, sed unius [...] vires nihil valere ad tantam pontificis potentiam infringendam, quae nimium invaluif [...]e [...]. Et lectis & appro­ [...] propofitionibus Luth [...]i, exclamasse fertur, Frater, &c. Johan. Wolf. in prafat. ad Kranizii opera. Krantzius, a man, as of an excellent Spirit, so of far greater place and authority in Germany then Luther was, and one, that from as earnest detesta­tion of the Romish Churches pride and insolencies, notified as great a desire of reformation▪ as Luther had; yet thought he should but have lost his la­bour in oppugning that greatnesse whereto it was grown. The same Bishop, a little before his death being made acquainted with Luthers purpose; after approbation of his good intents to reform the abuse of Indulgences, burst out into these despairing Speeches of his good successe: Frater, frater, abi in cel­ [...], & dic; Miserere mei, Deus. Brother, Brother, get into thy cell, and take up a Psalm of mercie.

12 Would God the Incredulitie and carelesse carriage of the Israelites af­ter their mighty deliverance, had not been too lively represented by the like [Page 140] in most reformed Churches. When that generation was gathered to their fathers, would God another had not risen after them, which neither knew the Lord nor the works which he had done for Israel, Judg. 2. 10. A generation as much addicted unto Sacriledge, as abhorring Idols, Rom. 2. 22. dishonouring GOD by polluting that law of Libertie, wherein they gloried.

Lib. 1. SECT. IV. Pars. 2.

Of Experiments in our selves, and the right framing of Belief, as well unto the several parts as unto the whole Canon of Scriptures.

THough these we now treat of, be the surest Pledges of di­vine Truths, without which all Observations of former Experiments, are but like Assurances well drawn, but never Sealed: yet are they least of all communicable unto others. He that hath tried them may rejoyce in them, as of That Good Treasure hid in the Field, which he that hath found, can be content to sell all that he hath, and Buy the Field wherein it is: that is, (to moralize that Parable for good Students use) he can be content to addict himself wholly or principally unto this studie, suffering others to discourse of such matters as they most delight and glory in; Sealing his own mouth with that Hebrew Proverb, Secretum meum mihi. It shall suffice then, to set down some general Admonitions, for the finding of this Hidden Manna: albeit thus much cannot be so well performed in this place, seeing the search hereof is not so easie or certain without the doctrine of Gods Providence; and the matter or Subject of the most or best Experi­ments in this kind, belong unto particular Articles of this Creed, to be prose­cuted in their proper place, according to the Method used in these general In­troductions, by comparing divine Oracles with the Experiments answerable unto them.

CAP. XXXI.

Shewing the Facility and use of the proposed Method by Instance in some, whose Belief unto Divine Oracles hath been confirmed by Experiments answerable unto them.

1 THe Method is such as the Simplest Christian may easily learn, and the greatest Professors need not to contemn. For S. Peter himself, that S. Peters Be­lief of known Or [...]d [...] [...]ns [...] ­me [...] E [...]p [...]. great Doctor of the Circumcision, did profit much by this Practise. He had often heard, that God was no Accepter of Persons. This truth was acknow­ledged by Elihu, who had never heard, nor read the written law of God: He accepteth not the person of Princes, and regardeth not the rich more then the poor: J [...] 34 19. for they be all the work of his hands. The like hath the Wise man from the same reason: He that is Lord over all, will spare no person, neither shall he fear Wisd. 6. 7. any greatnesse: for he hath made the small and great, and careth for all alike. [Page 141] The same in substance is often repeated in the Book of Life: and no man could denie it, that had heard it but once proposed, if he did acknowledg God for the Creator of all. Notwithstanding the fresh Experiment of Gods calling Cornelius to Christian Faith, comfirmed S. Peter in the right Belief of Divine Oracles to this effect: and as it seems, taught him the true meaning of that place, Deut. 10. 16. Circumcise therefore the fore skin of your heart (as if he had said, Glorie not in the circumcision of the flesh) and harden your necks no more: for the Lord your God is God of gods, and Lord of lords, a great God, Mighty, and Terrible, which accepteth no persons. From this place alone, the proud Jews might have learned, that the Lord was God of the Gentiles as well as of Them: and, from the Abundance of his inward Faith, enlarged by the forementioned Experiment, S. Peter burst out into these Speeches: Of Acts 10. 34. a truth, I perceive that God is no accepter of persons: but in every Nation, he that feareth him, is accepted with him.

2 The same Method the Lord himself hath commended unto us in many places of Scripture, wondering oft times at the dulnesse of his peoples hearts, that could not from the Experiments of His Power, Might, and Majestie, shew­ed in them, or for them, acknowledge those Principles of Faith which Moses commended unto them in writing: O (saith he) that they were wise, then would they understand this; they would consider their later end: how should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; except their strong God had sold them, and the Lord had shut them up. And again, Eehold now, for I am He, and Deut. 32. 29, 30, 39. there is no Gods with me. Why should they Believe this? They were to take none for gods, but such as could do the works of God. What were these? Such as God avoucheth of himself in the next words: I kill, and I give life; I wound, and I make whole; neither is there any that can deliver out of my band. These, and like Effects, specified in the former place, often manifested amongst this People, might have taught them the truth of the former Oracle, albeit Moses had been Silent. For so the Finger of God, manifested in Naamans, the Syrian Naaman with­out the written word, by Ex­periment, con­firmed in the truth of what was written in the word. 2 Kings 5. 15. Generals cure (which was but one part of the former effects appropriated un­to God) did write this divine Oracle as distinctly in his heart, as Moses had done it in the Book of the Law. For after he was cleansed (from his leprosie) he turned again to the man of God, he and all his company, and came and stood be­fore him, and said; Behold, now I know there is no God in all the world, but in israel: And again, thy servant will henceforth offer neither burnt sacrifice, nor offering, unto any other God, save unto the Lord. This was as much, as if he had said: Behold now, for the Lord is He, and there is no other Gods with Him: He woundeth, and he maketh whole. Verse 17.

3 If the cure of Leprosie, contrary to Humane Expectation, could so di­stinctly write this divine Oracle in an uncircumcised Aramites heart, without any patern or written Copie, whence to take it out: how much more may the Lord expect, that the like Experiments in our selves should imprint his Oracles already written, by Moses and other his Servants of old, in our hearts and consciences, that have these paterns of Naaman and others registred to our hands, admonishing us to be observant in this kind? But alas, we are all by nature sick of a more dangerous leprosie, then Naaman knew: and yet the most of us far sicker of Naamans Pride, then of his leprosie.. If Gods Ministers shall admonish the curious Artists, or Athenian wits of our times, as Elisha his Prophet did Naaman: they reply with Naaman in their hearts: We looked they should have called upon the name of the Lord, their God, and made us New Men in an Instant: and now they bid us wash our selves again and again in the water of life, and be clean. Are not the Ancient Fountains of Greece (that [Page 142] nurse of Arts, and Mother of Eloquence) and the pleasant Rivers of Italy (the School of delicate modern Wits) better then all the waters of Israel? Are not Tullie and Aristotle as learned as Moses, and the Prophets? Thus they depart from us in displeasure.

4 But if the Lord should command us greater things for our temporal Preferment, or for the avoidance of corporal Death or torture: would we not do them? How much rather then, when he saith unto us, Wash your selves often in the Holy Fountain, the Well of life, and ye shall be clean, even from those sores, which otherwise will torment both body and soul eternally? Yea, but many read the Scriptures again and again, and daily hear the word Preached publickly, and yet prove no purer, in life and action then their Neighbours. The reason is, because they hear or read them negligently; not comparing their Rules with Experiments daily incident to their course of life: their preparation and resolution are not proportionable to the weight and consequence of this sacred Businesse; their Industrie and alacritie in ob­serving and practizing the prescripts commended to their Meditations by their Pastors, do in no wise so far exceed their care and diligence in worldly matters, as the dignitie of these Heavenly Mysteries surpasseth the pleasures or commodities of this brickle earthly life: and not thus Prepared to Hear, or Read the Scriptures; to Hear is to Contemn, to Read is to Profane them: even the often repetition of the words of life, without due reverence and attention, breeds an insensibility or deadnesse in mens souls. Yet should not such mens want of Sense breed Infidelitie in others: rather this Experience of so much hearing, and little doing Gods will, may confirm the truth of his word, concerning such Teachers and Hearers: Many in our times, not Monkes and Friars only, but of their stern Opposites, not a Few, Having a [...] of god­liness, but denying the power thereof, crept into houses, and lead captive simple 2 Tim. 3. 5, 6, 7. Women, laden with sins, and lead with divers lusts, ever hearing, and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth. And as the Philosopher said of his moral Auditors Indocilitie, that it skilled not whether he were Young or of Youthful affections: so is it not the difference of Sex but resolution, that makes a good Scholler or non proficient in the School of our Saviour JESUS CHRIST. Many men have weak and Womanish, and many women, Manly, and Heroick re­solutions, towards God and godlinesse.

5 The infirmitie which vexed the religious Hanna, was not so grievous Be [...] effects of Experiments lesse wonderful in Anna. as that of Naamans: she was in our corrupt language, as many honest women at this day are, by nature Barren; or, if we would speak as the Prophet did in the right language of Canaan, the Lord had made her barren: weary she was of her own; and, according to the ordinary course of nature, she saw no hope of being the author of life to others. Yet in this her distresse she prayed unto the Lord her God, and he granted her desire. From this Experiment of Gods Power, though not altogether so remarkable in ordinarie estimation as Naamans cure, she fully conceives not only the truth of the former Oracle, acknowledged by Naaman (but more Emphatically expressed by her, There 1 Sam. 2. 2. is none Holy as the Lord; yea, there is none besides thee, and there is no God like our God;) nor that other Attribute only of Wounding, or making whole (so lively uttered, vers. 6. The Lord killeth, and maketh alive; bringeth down to the grave, and raiseth up:) but Gods Word, planted in her heart by her fresh Experience, grows up like a grain of Mustard-seed, and brancheth it self into a faithful acknowledgement of most of his Attributes: The Lord is a God of knowledge, and by him enterprises are established; the Bowe and the mighty men are broken, and the weak have girded themselves with strength: they that were full, [Page 143] are hired forth for bread, and the hungry are no more hired, so that the barren hath born seven, and she that hath born many children, is feeble: the Lord maketh poor, and maketh rich; bringethlow, and exalteth: he raiseth up the poor out of the dust, and lifteth up the beggar from the dunghill, to set them among Princes, and to make them inherit the seat of glory: for the Pillars of the earth are the Lords, and he hath set the world upon them; He will keep the feet of his Saints, and the wicked shall be silent in darknesse; for in his own Might shall no man be strong. Nor doth it contain it self within the bounds of ordinary Belief, but works in her heart like new wine, filling it not only with Songs of Joy and Triumph over her en­vious Enemies, Mine heart rejoyceth in the Lord, my mouth is enlarged over my ene­mies, because I rejoyce in thy salvation; but also with the Divine Spirit of De Prophe­tiâ Hannae, vi­de Augustinū, lib. 17. de Civ. Dei, c. 4. Pro­phecy: The Lords adversaries shall be destroyed, and out of Heaven shall he thunder upon them; the Lord shall judge the ends of the world, and shall give power unto his King, and exalt the horn of his Anointed. verse 10.

6 The like docilitie was in the blessed Virgin, of whom perhaps Annah was the Type: both of them verified that saying, Verbum sapientisat est, One Different Ope­rations of like Experiments in diverse par­ties, with their causes. Experiment taught them more then five hundred would do most of us: The reason was, because their hearts were so much better prepared. For, as heat in some bodies, by reason of the indisposition of the matter, causeth heat and nothing else; in some scarce that; in others brings forth life, and fashi­oneth all the Organs and Instruments thereof: so Experiments of Gods power, in some mens hearts, breed onely a perswasion of his Might or operation in that particular, as in those foolish 1 Kings 20. vers. 23. Aramites, who, vanquished in Battel by the Israelites whom he favoured, questioned whether he were a God as well of the Vallies as of the Mountains; in others, the same or lesse Appre­hension of his Power or Presence, begetteth life, and fashioneth this image in their hearts, which thence will shew it self unto others in such ample and entire Confession of his Attributes, as Hannah and the blessed Virgin utter­ed. Some again are so ill disposed and indocile, that the whole Moral Law of God might sooner be engraven in hardest Marble or Flint, then any one precept imprinted in their hearts by such wonderful Documents of his Power, as would teach the godly in an instant both the Law and Prophets. Imagine some men in our dayes had been cured by like means of such a mala­die as Naaman was; or some women blessed from above with fruit of their wombes, after so long sterilitie, as Hannah endured. Who could expect, that one of ten in either Sex should return to give like thanks to God in the presence of his Priests or Prophets? Were Elisha now living, he must be wa­ry to work his cure by his bare word (and so perhaps he should be censured for a Sorcerer) in any case, he might not use the waters of Jordan, or other like second causes: otherwise curious wits would find out some hidden or secret vertue caused in them (at least for the time being) by some unusual, but Benign [...]ect of some Planet or Constellation in whose right they should be entitled ei­ther ful Owners, or Copartners of that glory, which Naaman ascribed wholly unto God. And poor Hannah, in this Politick Age, should not be so much praised for her devotion or good skill in divine Poesie, as pitied for a good H [...]st wel-meaning silly Soul, that did attribute more to God then was his due, upon ignorance of Alterations wrought in her Body by natural causes. For it is not the custome of our Times to mark so much the ordering or disposition, as the particular or present operation of such Agents. If any thing fall out amisse, we bid a Plague upon ill Fortune, or curse mischance: if ought aright, we applaud our own or others Wits that have been employed in the businesse, or per­haps thank God for Fashion sake, that we had Good Luck. He is to us, in our [Page 144] good successe, as a friend that lives far off; who, we presume, wisheth well to such projects as he knows in general we are about, being unacquainted with the par­ticular means that must effect them, or no principal Agent in their contri­vance. Hence do not I marvel (though many do) if such men in our times, as reap the fruits of the fields which God hath blest, in greatest Abundance, make no conscience of returning the Tenth part to him that gave the whole; when as not one of a thousand, either in heart or deed, or out of any distinct or clear apprehension of his power or efficacie, or true resolution of all ef­fects into the First Fountain whence they flow, doth attribute so much as the Tenth, nay as the Hundreth part to Gods doing in any Event, wherein the in­dustrie of man or operation of second Causes are apparant. We speak like Christians of matters past, recorded in Scripture; but in our discourses of modern affairs, our Paganismes and more then Heathenish Solecismes bewray the Infideli­tie of our thoughts and resolutions. And albeit we all disclaim Manes Heresie, that held one Creator of the matter, and another of more pure and better substan­ces; yet are we infected, for the most part, with a Spice of his madnesse, in making Material Agents the Authors of some effects; and the Divine Power, of others. Nor can I herein excuse the School-divines themselves, ancient or modern, domestick or forain; the best of them (in my judgement) either greatly erred in assigning the subordination of Second Causes to the First; or else are much defective, in deriving their actions or operations immediat­ly from Him, who is the First and Last in every action that is not evil, the Onely Cause of all good unto men: as shall appear (God willing) in the Article of his Providence, and some other Treatises pertinent unto it, wherein I shall, by his assistance, make good these two Assertions: The One, that modern events, and Dispositions of present times, are as apt to confirm mens Faith now living, as the Miracles of former would be, were they now in use, or as they were to in­struct that age wherein they were wrought; The Second, that The Infi­delity of such in this age, as are strongly perswaded they love Christ with their heart, and yet give no more then most men do unto his fathers providence, may be greater then theirs that never heard of either, or equal unto the Jews that did per­secute him.

7 Until the Article of the divine Providence, and that other of the God-head General di­rections for the right making of Experi­ments in our selves. be unfolded, these General directions for Experiments in this kind must suffice. First, that every man diligently observe his course of life, and survey the circumstances precedent or consequent to every action of greater importance that he undertakes, or events of moment that befal him. Secondly, that he search whether the whole frame or composition of occurrents be not such, as cannot be attributed to any natural, but unto some secret and invisible Cause; or whe­ther some cause or occasions precedent be not such, as the Scripture hath al­ready allotted the like events unto. Would men apply their mindes unto this study, Experience would teach them (what from enumeration of particulars may be proved by discourse) That there is no estate on earth, nor business in Christendom this day on foet, but have a ruled cause in Scripture for their issue and successe. Nor is there any prescript of our Saviour, his Evangelists, or Apostles, but his people might have a Probatum of it, either in themselves or others; so they would refer themselves wholly into his hands, and rely as fully upon his prescripts, as becomes such distressed Patients upon so Admira­ble The causes why so many in [...]ur dares have lit­tle [...] [...] Ex­perience of the truth of divine [...]. a Physitian.

8 But many who like well of Christ for their Physitian, loath his medi­cines for the Ministers his Apothecaries sake, and say of us, as Nathanael said of him; Can there any good thing come from these silly Galilaeans? They will not [Page 145] with Nathanael come near and See, but keep aloof. And what marvel, if spiritual diseases abound, where there be spiritual medicines plenty, when the flock, be they never so Soul-sick, come only in such sort to their Pastours, as if a sick man should go to a Physick-Lecture for the recovery of his health, where the Professour, it may be, reads learnedly of the nature of Consumptions, when the Patient is desperately sick of a Pleurisie; or discourses accurately of the Plethora or Athletical constitution, when his Auditor (poor soul) languisheth of an Atrophie? Most are ashamed to consult us (as good pati­ents in bodily maladies alwayes do their Physitians) in any particulars, con­cerning the nature of their peculiar griefs: so as we can apply no medicine to any but what may as well befit every disease. Whereas, were we through­ly acquainted with their several maladies, or the dispositions of their minds, the prescript might be such, or so applied, as every man might think the me­dicine had been made of purpose for his Soul; and, finding his secret thoughts with the Original causes of his Maladie discovered, the Crisis truly Progno­sticated, he could not but acknowledge; that he who gave this prescript, and taught this Art, did search the very secrets of mens hearts and reins, and knew the inward temper of his Soul, better then Hippocrates or Galen did the constitution of mens Bodies. Finally, would men learn to be true Patients, that is, would they take up Christs yoak, and become humble and meek, and observe but for a while such a Gentle and moderate Diet, as from our Saviours practise and doctrine might be prescribed by their spiritual Physitians upon better notice of their several dispositions, they would in short time, out of their inward Experience of that uncouth rest and ease, which by thus doing their souls should find, believe with their hearts, and with their mouthes confesse, that these were rules of Life, which could not possibly have come from any other, but from that Divine Aesculapius himself, the only Son, yea the Wisdom of the only Wise, Invisible, and Im­mortal God. The more unlikely the means of recovering spiritual health may seem to natural reason, before men trie them, the more forcible would their good successe and issue be, for establishing true and lively Faith. But such as can, from these or like Experiments, subscribe unto main particular Truths contained in Scripture, and acknowledge them as divine, may be un­certain of their Number, or Extent; doubt they may of the number of Books wherein the like are to be sought: and again, in those books which are acknow­ledged to contain many divine Revelations and Dictates of the holy Spirit, they may doubt whether many other prescripts, neither of like use, nor au­thoritie, have not been inserted by men.

CAP. XXXII.

Containing a brief Resolution of Doubts concerning the Extent of the general Canon, or the number of its integral parts.

1 THe ful resolution of the former doubt or rather Controversie, concern­ing the number of Canonical books, exceeds the limits of this present Treatise, and depends as much as any question this day controversed, upon the testimonies of Antiquitie. The order of Jesuits shall be confounded, and Reynoldes raised to life again, ere his learned Works, lately come forth upon this Argument (albeit unfinished to his mind, whilest he was living) [...] confuted by the Romanists: Or, if any of the Jesuitish Societie, or that [Page 146] other late upstart Congregation, will be so desperate as to adventure their Honour in Bellarmine, or other of their foiled Champions rescue, they shall be expected in the Lists before they be prepared to entertain the Challenge, by one of that deceased Worthies Shield-bearers in his life time: whose judg­ment in all good learning I know for sound; his observation in this kind, choise; his industrie great; his resolution to encounter all Antagonists, such as will not relent. For satisfaction of the ordinarie Reader, I briefly an­swer.

2 First, that this is no controversie of Faith, nor need it to trouble any Christian mans Conscience, that we and the Papists differ about the Autho­ritie of some Books; it rather ought to confirm his Faith, that men disagree­ing so much in many opinions, so opposite in their affections, should so well agree about the number of no fewer then two and twentie Canonical Books of the old Testament. Had their authority only been Human, or left to the choice of men, whether they should be allowed or rejected, many that now admit them, would reject them, because opposite Religions did em­brace them. That all sorts of Protestants, Papists, and The testimo­nies of the An­cient Israelites and modern Jews for the Canon of the old Testament is most Authen­tick. For even those A [...] Fathers which our adversaries alledge to ack­knowledg some more Books for Canonical then our Church doth; did it on­ly upon this Errour, that they thought there had been more in the Ca­non of the He­brew, upon whose testimo­nies they reli­ed; as will be made clear a­gainst the Pa­pists. Jews do receive them, is an infallible Argument, that he who is Lord of all, did commend them to all. Nor doth our Church so disclaim all which the Romans above these two and twenty admit, as if it were a point of faith to hold there were no more: it only admits no more into the same Rank and Order with the for­mer, because we have no such, warrant of faith or sure Experiments so to do. Many of them discover themselves to be Apocryphal: and albeit some of them can very hardly, or not at all, be discerned for such by their Stile, Cha­racter, or dissonancie to Canonical Scriptures; yet, that none of them indeed are, or can be admitted for Canonical, without manifest tempting of God, is evident from what hath been observed before, concerning Gods unspeak­able providence in making the Blinded and Perfidious Jews, (Christ's and our bitterest enemies) such trusty Feoffees for making over the Assurances of Life unto us. For, seeing by them he commended unto us, only so many Books of the old Testament, as our Church acknowledgeth: this is an intal­lible Argument, that His will was, we should admit no more; Had any more been written, before the re-edifying of the Temple by Zerubbabel, no doubt the Jews would have admitted them into their Canon. For all such as should be written after; the Prophet Malachie, who is the last of their Ca­non, had left this caveat in the last words of his prophecie for not admitting them; Remember the law of Moses my servant, which I commanded to him in Ho­reb, in all Israel, with the statutes and judgments: as if he had said, You must con­tent your selves with His Writings, & such as you have already, Consonant to his; for any others of equal Authoritie you may not expect, until the Ex­pectation of the Gentiles come. For no Prophet shall arise untill that time, as he intimates in the last words, Behold, I will send you Eliah the Prophet, before the coming of the great and fearful day of the Lord: and he shall turn the hearts [...] [...]at, M [...]. 11. 1 [...]. [...] be [...] ph [...] [...]nem, &c. That is, their writin [...] ▪ w [...]re the compl [...]at [...] of [...] and infallible means of salva [...]ion until John. Yet can it not be proved, that any Book held by our Church for A [...]al, [...] contained either unde [...] th [...] Law [...] Pro [...]ts, [...] the Historical books of the Hebrew Canon are. Evident it is that the b [...]ks [...] [...] and M [...]s were writ since M [...]l [...]chies time: from whom till John no Prophet was to be expected, [...]ut Mos [...] [...] ( [...] by [...] recorded in Histories and prophetical commentaries till Malachies time Inclusive) was to be the immediat [...] [...] for d [...]ning the Great [...]roph [...]. See Lib. 2. c. 17. numb. 3. & 4. & l. 1. c. 17. of the fathers unto the children, and the hearts of the children to their fathers, lest [...] come and smite the earth with cursing. The Ministery of others for converting souls, he supposed should be but ordinarie, by the Exposition of the Law and Prophets: and the Authoritie of such (writ they as much as they listed could not be Authentick or Canonical.

[Page 147] 3 Some others again of reformed Churches in these our times, have from the example of Antiquitie, doubted of the authoritie of some Books in the new Testament: as of The divine Authority of Some Books in the new Testa­ment, especially the Apoca­lypse, doubted of by the Anci­ent, brought to light in later times. Jude, of James, the second of Peter, and some others. Which doubt is now diminished by their continuance in the sacred Canon so long time, not without manifest documents of GODS providence in preserving [...]hem, whose pleasure (it may seem) was to have these Books, of whom the Ancients most doubted, fenced and guarded on the one side, by S. Pauls Epi­stles, and other Canonical Scriptures (never called in question by any, but ab­surd and foolish Hereticks, whose humorous opinions herein died with them­selves;) and on the other, by the Book of the Apocalypse: of whose Authoritie [...]hough many of the Ancient for the time being, doubted; yet He that was before all times did fore-see, that it should in later times manifest it self to be [...]is work, by Events answerable to the Prophecies contained in it. And, al­beit many Apocryphal Books have been stamped with Divine Titles, and ob­ [...]uded upon the Church as Canonical, whilest she was in her Infancie, and the sacred Canon newly constitute: yet the divine Spirit, by which it was writ­ten, hath wrought them out, as new wine doth such filth or grossenesse as min­gle with it whilest the grapes are troden. S. Johns Adjuration in the conclusi­on of that Book hath not only terrified all for adding unto, or diminishing it [...]elf: but hath been, as it were, a Seal unto the rest of this Sacred Volume of the new Testament, as Malachies prophecie was to the old; the whole Ca­non it self, consisting both of the Old and New, continues still as the Ark of God; and all other Counterfeits as Dagon.

4 Were not our Roman adversaries Doctrine concerning the general prin­ciples of Faith, an Invention devised of purpose by Satan to obliterate all print [...]r impression of Gods providence in governing his Church, out of mens hearts: how were it possible for any man endued with reason to be so far over­grown with Phrensie as not to conceive their own folly & madnes, in avouch­ [...]g we cannot know what books are Canonical, what not, but by the Infallible Testimony of the present Romish Church But of those impieties at large here­after. I wil now only infer part of their Conclusion, which they still labor, but never shall be able to prove, from Premises which they never dreamt of. For Wherein the Testimony of the Rimish Church in dis­cerning some Canonical Books is most available. [...] profess among others, this is not the least reason I have to hold the Apocalypse for Canonical Scripture, because the Romish Church doth so esteem it. Nor could reformed Churches Belief of its Authority be so strong unless that Church had not denied, but openly acknowledged it for Canonical Scripture. As the same Beams of the Sun reach from heaven to earth, and from one end of the world to another; so do the same raies of Gods power extend themselves from generation to generation, alwaies alike conspicuous to such as are Illuminate by His Spirit: for who, thus Illuminate, can acknowledg his providence in making the Jews so careful to preserve the old Testament; and not as clear­ly discern the same in constraining the Romish Church to give her sup­posed infallible Testimony of the Apocalypse? Doubtlesse, if that Book had been the work of man, it had been more violently used by that Church of late, then ever the new Testrment hath been by the Jewish Synagogue, or any Heretick by the Romanists, seeing it hath said far more against [...]hem, then any whom they account for such, ever did. But God, who [...]ade Pharaohs Daughter a second mother unto Moses, whom he had ap­ [...]ted to bring destruction afterwards upon her Fathers house and King­ [...]m, hath made the Romish Church of old, a Dry Nurse to preserve this Book (whose meaning she knew not, that it might bring desolation upon her self [...] her children, in time to come. For by the breath of the Lord shall she be [Page 148] destroyed; her doom is already read by S. John; & the Lord of late hath intan­gled her in her own snare, whilest she was drawing it to catch others. Her childrens Brags of their mothers Infallibility, wherewith they hale most silly sou [...] to them, were too far spread before the Trent councel, too commodious to b [...] called in on a sodain. Had they then begun to deny the Authority of this Boo [...] (though then pronouncing their mothers wo more openly then any Prophecies of old had done the ensuing desolations of the Jews) every child [...] have caught hold on this string, that this Church (as they suppose) alway [...] the same, never obnoxious to any errour, had in former time acknowledge­ed it for Authentick and divine: albeit (no question) but many of them sinc [...] have wish'd from their hearts that their forefathers had used the same, as Se­raiah did Jeremiahs books which he wrote against Babylon, Jer. 51. that bot [...] it, and all memory of it, had been drowned in the Bottom of the deepest se [...] ▪ and a milstone thrown upon it by Gods Angel, that it never might rise up again to interrupt their whorish mothers beastly pleasures, by discovering her filthy nakedness daily more and more. For conclusion of this point for this present: That this and other Canonical books had been long preserved or rather im­prisoned by the Romish Church in darkness and ignorance, until the Almigh­tie gave his voice, and caused them to speak in every tongue throughout these parts of the world; doth no more argue her to have been the true and Ca­tholick Church, then Moses Education in Pharaohs Court, during the time of his Infancie or Nonage, doth argue the Egyptian Courtiers to have been Gods chosen People.

CAP. XXXIII.

A brief direction for preventing Scruples and resolving doubts, concerning parti­cular Sentences or passages in the Canon of Scripture.

UNto the second demand, [How we know this or that Sentence in any Fo [...] of Canonical Scripture, to have been from God, Not inserted by man] Some perhaps would say this must be known by the Spirit. Which indeed is the Briefest Answer that can be given: but such as would require a long Apologie for its Truth, or at least a large Explication in what Sense it were true, if any man durst be so bold as to reply upon it. How our firm Assent to some Principal mat ters revealed in Scriptures, [...] our Faith unto their whole Canon. Consequently, to our former Principles, we may Answer, That our full and undoubted Assent unto some Principal Parts, doth bind us unto the Whole Frame of Scriptures. [...] you will say, we Believe such special parts, from undoubted Experience [...] their Truth in our hearts, and without This our Belief of them could not be [...] stedfast: how then shall we stedfastly believe those parts, of whose div [...] truth we have no such Experiments? for of every Sentence in Scripture, w [...] suppose few or none can have any: Yet even unto those parts whereof we have no Experiments in particular, we do adhere by our Former Faith because ou [...] Souls and Consciences are as it were tied and fastned unto other Parts wher [...] with they are conjoyned, as the pinning & nailing of two plain bodies in som [...] few parts, doth make them stick close together in all so as the one cannot b [...] pulled from the other in any part, whilest their fastning, holds. It will be r [...] plied, that this Similitude would hold together, if one part of Canonical Scripture were so firmly or naturally united to another, as the divers portions [...] one and the same continuate or Solid Body are: but seeing it is evident [...] so they are not, who can warrant the contrarie, but that a Sentence or Pe [...] [Page 147] [...] [Page 148] [...] [Page 149] od, perhaps a whole Page, might have been Foisted into the Canon by some Scribe or other? Here we must retire unto our First Hold or Principles of Faith. For if we sted fastly Believe from Experiments or otherwise, that some principal parts of Scripture have come from God, and that the same are sure Pledges for mans good, the only means of his Salvation: this Doctrine or Ex­perience of Gods Providence once fully established, will establish our Faith and Assent unto other parts of his Word, whereof (should we take them a­lone) we could have no such Experiments. For he that knoweth God, or his Providence aright; knows this withall, that he will not suffer us to be tem­pted above our strength. And once having had Experience of his Mercies past, we cannot, without Injurie to his Divine Majestie, but in Confidence of it, Believe and Hope, that his All-seeing Wisdom and Almightie Power will still (maugre the spight of Death, Hell, Satan, and their Agents) preserve his Sacred Word sincere without admixture of any profane, false, or humane Inventions that might overthrow, or pervert our Faith begun. Hereto we may refer all former Documents of His Care and Providence in preserving the Canon of our Faith from the Tyrannie of such, as sought utterly to deface it; and the Treachery of others, who sought to corrupt it. And it ought to be no little motive unto us, thus to think: when we see Austin, Gregory, and other of the Ancient writers, either maimed, or mangled, or purged of their best Bloud, where they make against the Romish Church; or else her untruths fa­thered upon Them, by her shamelesse sons, in places where they are silent for her: and yet this Sacred Volume untouched and uncorrupt, by any violence offered to it by that Church; only it hath lost its natural Beautie and Com­plexion, by long durance in that homely and vulgar Prison; whereunto they have confined it.

2 But as from these and like Documents of Gods Care and Providence in preserving it, and of His Love and Favour towards us, we conceive Faith and sure Hope, that he will not suffer us to be tempted with doubts of this nature, above our strength: so must we be as far from tempting Him, by these or like unnecessary, unseasonable curious Demands. How should we know This or That Clause or Sentence (if we should find them alone) to be Gods word? Why might not an Heretick of malice have forged, or a Scribe through negligence altered them? It should suffice that they have been commended to us not alone, but accompanied with such Oracles as we have already Entertained for Divine. And if any Doubt shall happen to arise, we must rely upon that Oracle, of whose truth every true Christian hath, and all that would be such, may have sure Trial. Deus cum tentatione simul vires dabit: God with the Temptation will give Issue; yea, Joyful Issue to such Temptations as he suffers to be sug­gested by Others, Not unto such as we thrust our selves into by our needless Curio­sity. When we are called unto the search of truth by Satan or his Instruments Objections against it, the Lord will give us better reasons for our own or o­thers Satisfactions, then yet we know of, or should be able to find, but by the conduct of his untempted Providence.

CAP. XXXIV.

Concluding the First Book with some Brief Admonition to the Reader.

TO conclude this Treatise, as it was begun. The greater the Reward proposed to the faithful Practise, or the Punishment threatned to the [Page 150] Neglect of these divine Oracles: the greater is the Madnesse of many men in our time, who in contemplative Studies, whose Principal End is delight, can under go long toyl, and great pains, never attaining to exact Knowledge but by Believing their Instructors, and taking many Theoremes and Conclusions upon Trust, before they can make Infallible Trial of their Truth,: and yet in mat­ters of their Salvation, which cannot be exactly Known, but only Believed in this life, and whose Belief must be got by Practise, not by Discourse, de­mand Evidence of Truth, and infallible Demonstration, before they will vouchsafe to Believe or adventure their pains on their Practise; and finally, so Demean themselves in speech and resolution, as if God Almightie should think himself highly graced, and our Saviour, his Son, much beholden to them, that they should Deign to be his Scholars, sooner then Mahomets, or Machiavels. But we that are his Messengers must not debase His Word, nor Disparage our Calling, by Wooing them upon such Terms, or professing to shew them the Truth before they be willing to learn it: One first Principle whereof is this, That such as will seek, may find starting holes enough to run out of Christs Fold, and escape his Mercies profered in his Church. And as many rea­sons are daily brought, sufficient to perswade a Right-disposed understanding of the Truth of Scriptures: so no Argument can be found of force enough to convince a Froward Will, or perswade perverse Affections. These are they which make a many altogether uncapable of any Moral, most of all, of any Divine Truth; and must be laid aside at the first Entrance into the School of Christ, and continually kept under by the Rod of his Judgements and Ter­rours of that Dreadful Day. Unto such as account these Consequents lesse dreadful, or their dread lesse probable, then that they should (for a time at least) lay aside all Perversitie of will, or Humour of Contradiction, to make sure trial of those divine Oracles for their Good; we can apply no other Medicine, but that of Saint John: He that is Filthy let him be Filthy still. Rev. 22. 11.

2. Thus much of general Inducements to Belief. In the Observation and Use of all these and others of what kind soever, we must implore the Assist­ance of Gods Spirit, who only worketh True and lively Faith, but (ordinari­ly) by these or like means. These Scriptures are as the Rule or Method pre­scribing us our Diet and Order of life: these Experiments joyned with it are as Nutriment: and the Spirit of God digesteth all to our Health and Strength. Without It all other means or matters, of best Observation, are but as good Meat to weak or corrupt Stomacks: With It, every Experiment of our own or others E­state, taken according to the rules of Scriptures, doth nourish and strengthen Faith, and preserve our spiritual Health. Many in our dayes uncessantly blame their Brethrens Backwardnesse to Entertain the Spirit, or rely upon it only; being more Blame-worthy themselves for being too forward in Believing Every Spirit, and seeking to This is that Circle which the Adversary [...] as a Counter [...] to us, whilest we seek to o­verthrow their Circular [...]. The Obje­cts [...] may justly be [...] up­on the Enthu­siast, but not on Our Church as shall appear in the [...] Section of the Second Book. discern Canonical from Apocryphal Scriptures by the Spirit, and again to Trie True from False Spirits, by the Scriptures, without serious Observation and setled Examination of Experiments answerable unto sacred Rules. Such mens fervent Zeal unto the Letter of the Gospel is like an hot Stomach accustomed to light meats, which increase Appetite more then Strength, and fill the body rather with bad Humors then good Bloud.

3 The Spirit no doubt speaks often unto us when we attend not; but we must not presume to understand His Suggestions by His immediate Voice or Presence; only by His Fruits, and the inward Testimony of an appeased Con­science (which he alone can work) must we know him. He that seeks (as † Ignatius [Page 149] [...] [Page 150] [...] [Page 151] Profici [...]ti­bus (ut admo­net P. noster Ignatius L. Ex­ercit. de dig­nosc. spirit.) Spiritus ma­lus se dure, implacide & violenter, quasi cum strepitu quo­dam, ut imber in saxa deci­dens, infun­dit. Bonus vero iisdem leniter, placi­de & suaviter, sicut aqua ir­rorat spongi­am. Illis vero qui in deteri­us proficiunt, experientia docet, contrà evenire. Del­rius disquisit. Magic. lib. 4. cap. 1. q. 3. sect. 6. Ignatius Loyola taught his sons) to discern Him without more ado, by his manner of breathing, may instead of him be troubled with an unwelcome Guest, alwayes ready to invite himself where he sees preparation made for his Better, and one (I am perswaded) that hath learned more kinds of Salu­tations then Loyola knew of, able to fill empty Breasts or shallow Heads un­setled in Truth, with such pleasant, mild, and gentle Blasts, as are apt to breed strong perswasions of more then Angelical Inspirations.

4 God grant the carriage of ensuing Times may argue these Admonitions need­lesse: which further to prosecute, in respect of times late past and now pre­sent, could not be unseasonable; but thus much by the way must now suffice me, purposed hereafter (if God permit) to Treat of the Trial of Spirits, and certain apprehension of inherent Faith: about the general means of whose production, and establishment, the Question; most controversed in these days, [...]s: Whether beside the Testification of Gods Spirit, which (as all agree) must (by these late mentioned or other means) work Faith in our hearts: the Testi­mony or authority of others besides our selves, be necessary, either for ascertaining our Apprehension of the Spirit thus working, or for assuring the truth of Experi­ments wrought by it in our Souls? or if no other besides the testimony of Gods Spirit and our own Conscience, be necessary, either after their Sentence given or whilest they give it, How far the Authoritie or Ministery of men is necessa­ry or behoveful, either for bringing us acquainted with the Spirit of God, or for the assistance and direction of our Conscience in giving right Sentence of the Truth or true meaning of Gods word? Of these questions and others subordinate to them, we are to dispute at large in the Books following.

How far the Ministry of Men is Necessary for PLANTING True Christian Faith; and retaining the Unity of It PLANTED.
The Second Book of Comments upon the CREED.

AS in the first Intention, so after some Prosecution of this long work; my purpose was, to refer the full Examination of the Romish Churches pre­tended Authoritie in matters Spiritual, unto the Article of the Catholick Church: Which (with those three others of the Holy Ghost, Com­munion of Saints, and forgivenesse of Sins, for more exact Methods sake, and continuation of matters, in nature, and sacred writ, most uni­ted) I have reserved for the last place, in this Frame of Christian Belief: annexing the Arti­cles of the Bodies resurrection, and Everlasting life, unto that of Final Judge­ment, whereon these Two have most Immediate and most direct Depen­dance.

2 But, after the Platform was cast, and matter for Structure prepared; upon evident discovery of the Jesuites Treachery, in setting up the Pope as a secret Competitor with the Blessed Trinity, for Absolute Soveraignty over mens Souls; (and for this purpose continually plotting, to have the Doctrine of their Churches Infallibilitie planted as low and deep, as the very first and Fundamental Principles of Belief:) albeit in laying the former Foundati­ons, I had come to ground firm enough (if free from undermining) to bear all I meant to build upon it: I was, notwithstanding, in this place constrained to Bare the whole Foundation, and all about it, unto the very Rock, on whose strength it stands; lest this late dismal Invention (concerning the Popes Infalli­bility) might prove as a Powder-plot to blow up the whole Edifice of Christi­an Faith; as it certainly will, if men suffer it to be once planted in their Hearts and Consciences. The Jesuites speculative Positions of their Churches tran­scendent Authority, are as the Train, the Popes Thunderbolts as the Match, to set the whole World on Combustion, unlesse his Lordly Designes, (though [Page 154] in matters of Faith, and greatest moment) be put in execution, without Question or demur: as shall (God prospering these proceedings) most clear­ly appear in the sequel of this discourse:

Wherein are to be discussed

  • 1 Their Objections against us; the Points of Difference be­twixt us; with the Positive Grounds of Truth maintained by us.
  • 2 The Inconveniences of their Positions: Erection of tripple Blasphemy by the overthrow of Christianitie.
  • 3 The Original Causes of their Errour in this; and such er­roncous Perswasions, as held by them in other Points, not descried by us, prove secret Temptations for others to fol­low them, or serve as previal Dispositions, for their Agents to work upon.
  • 4 The possible Means and particular Manner, how Orthodox­al may be distinguished from Heretical Doctrine, or the Life-working Sense of Scriptures from Artificial Glosses.

These Points discussed, and the Positive Grounds of Christian Faith clear­ed, as well against the open Assaults of the professed Atheists, as the secret Attempts of undermining Papists: we may with better security proceed to raise the Foundation, (laid in the first general Part of the first Book) to the height intended.

SECT. I.

What Obedience is due to Gods Word, what to his Messengers.

THe whole Scripture (saith the Apostle) is given by inspiration 2 Tim. 3. 16. of God, and is profitable to Teach, to Reprove, to Correct, and to Instruct in Righteousnesse, that the Man of God may be ab­solute, being made perfect unto all good works. What or whom, he means by The Man of God, is not agreed upon by all that acknowledge his words in the sense he meant them, most Infallible and Authentick. Some hereby un­derstand onely such men as Timothy was, Ministers of Gods word, or Pro­phets of the new Testament; and so briefly elude all Arguments hence drawn to prove the sufficiency of Scriptures, for being the Absolute rule of Faith, at least to All, as well unlearned as learned. Yet should they in all reason (might Gods Word rule their Reason) grant them to be such, unto all such as Timothy was, publick Teachers, men conversant in, or consecra­ted unto, Sacred Studies; but even This they deny as well as the Former, the former in their opinion be more absurd for us to affirm, especially hold­ing the Hebrew text only Authentick. Briefly, they charge us with deba­sing Peter, for advancing Paul; or rather for colouring or adorning our pre­tended sense of Pauls Words, that is, for giving too little to Peters Successors, or the Church; too much to Scriptures; too little to Spiritual, too much to Lay men.

2 These are plausible Pretences, and sweet Baits to stop the mouthes, and mussle the pens of Clergy-men in reformed Churches; unto most of whom, as they object) besides the Spiritual Sword, little or nothing is left for their [Page 155] just defence against the Insolencies of rude, illiterate, profane Laicks. And yet, who more earnest then they in this Cause, against the Church, against themselves? yet certain it is, that no man can be truly for himself, unlesse he be first of all for Truth it self, of which he that gains the greatest share, (what other detriment or disparagement soever in the mean time he sustain) in the end speeds alwayes best. And seeing To Lie or teach amisse, is a mat­ter altogether impossible to Omnipotencie it self: to be able and willing withall to defend a Falshood, or set fair colours on foul Causes, is rather Impotencie then Abilitie: Hence was that, quicquid possumus pro veritate possumus. Seeing by Truth we live our Spiritual Life: to weaken it for strengthning our Temporal Hopes, can never rightly be accounted any true effect of Power, but an in­fallible Argument of great and desperate Imbecillitie.

3 For these Reasons, since I consecrated my labours to the search of Di­vine Truth, my mind hath been most set to find it out in this present Contro­versie; whereon, most others of Moment chiefly depend. And, as unto the Romanist it is (though falsly) termed the Catholick, so should it be unto us, to all that love the Name of Christ, The very Christian Cause: a Cause, with which the Adversaries Fortunes, our Faith: their Temporal, our Spiritual Estate and Hopes must stand or fall: a Cause whose Truth and Strength on our part, will evidently appear, If we first examine what the Antichristian Adversary can op­pose against it.

CAP. I.

The Sum of the Romanists Exceptions against the Scriptures.

1 THeir Objections against Scriptures spring from this double Root: The One, that They are no sufficient Rule of Faith, but Many Things are to be Believed, which are not taught in Them. The Second, that albeit they were the compleat Rule of Faith; yet could they not be known of us, but by the Authority of the Church, so that all the former Directions for esta­blishing our Assent unto the Scriptures, as unto the Words of God Himself, were vain, seeing this cannot be attained unto, but by relying upon Christs vi­sible Church.

The former of these two Fountains, or Roots of Errour, I am not here to meddle with: elsewhere we shall. That the Scriptures teach All Points of Faith set down in this Creed, they cannot denie, or if they would, it shall appear in their several Explications: So that the Scripture, rightly understood, is a competent Rule for the Articles herein contained. Let us then see whether the Sense or Meaning of these Scriptures, which both They and We hold for Ca­nonical, may not be Known, Understood, and fully Assented unto, Immedi­ately, and in themselves, without relying upon any visible Church or Con­gregation of men, from whose Doctrine we must frame our Belief without distrust of Errour, or Examination of their Decrees, with any intention to re­form them, or swarve from them.

2 That the Scripture is not the Rule whereon Private Men, especially Un­learned, ought to rely in matters of Faith; from these general Reasons, or To­picks, The Romanists 1. Objection set down here, is answered in the next Chap. &c. they seek to perswade us. First, admitting the Scriptures to be Infallible in themselves, and so consequently to all such as can perfectly understand them in the Language wherin they were written: yet to such as understand not that Language, they can be no Infallible Rule, because they are to them a Rule [Page 156] only as they are Translated: but no Unlearned man can be sure that they are translated aright, according to the true Intent and meaning of the Holy Ghost: for if any man do infallibly Believe this, and build his Faith here­upon, then is his Faith grounded upon the Infallibilitie of This or That mans Skill in Translating; whereof he that is Unlearned, can have no sufficient Argument, neither out of Scripture, nor from Reason. Nay, Reason teach­eth us that in matters of ordinarie capacitie most men are obnoxious to br­rour: and the most Skilful may have his escapes in a long Work: For,—Opere in longo sas est obrepere somnum,—Aliquando bonus dormi­tat Homerus: A man may sometimes take Homer napping, even in that Art whereof he was Master: much more may the greatest Linguist living (in a Work of so great Difficultie as the Translation of the Bible, not another Mans (though that more easie to erre in, then a mans Own) but the Work or Di­ctates of the Holy Ghost) prove an Homer, but a blind Guide unto the blind. Many things he cannot See, and many things he may Oversee; And how then can any man Assure himself, that in those Places whereon we should build our Faith, he hath not gone besides the Line, unlesse we will admit an Insallible Authoritie in the Church, to assure us that such a Translation doth not erre.

3 Again, This [...] is answered Chap. 19, [...]c. [...]. 2. in those very Translations wherein they agree; Luther gathers one Sense, Calvin another; every Heretick may pretend a secret Meaning of his Private Spirit. Who shall either secure the People distracted by Dissensions amongst the Learned, or the Learned thus dissenting, unlesse the Infallible Authoritie of the Church? This is R [...] ­ [...] and an s [...] Chap. [...]. Finally, without such an Infallible Authoritie, Controversies will daily grow: and unlesse It be established, they can never be composed, seeing every man will draw in the Scriptures as a Party, to coun­tenance or abett his Opinion, how bad soever. Answered Chap. 12. The Ground of all which In­conveniences (though the Sectaries cannot see it) is the natural Obscurity and Difficulty of the Scriptures. These are the main Springs, or first Fountains, whence the Adversaries Eloquence in this Argument flows. And it will be but one labour to stop up These, and his Mouth. Or granting them passage, we may draw his invention against us drie, by turning their course upon himself.

CAP. II.

The former Objection (as far as it concerns illiterate and Lay-men) retorted and answered.

1 IF to suppose such an Authority, were sufficient to confirm any Translati­on, or secure the world of sincere Translations, or to allay all Contro­versies arising about the true Sense and Meaning of Scriptures: we were very Impious to deny it. But, if we have Just Cause to suspect, that such as con­tend for it, have but Put this Infallible Authority, as the Astronomers have Supposed; Some, Epicycles and Eccentricks; Some, the motion of the Earth; to salve their Phenomena, which otherwise might seem Irregular: We may, I trust, Examin: First, Whether the Supposal of this Infallible Authority, in the Church, do salve the former Inconvenience: Secondly, whether greater Incon­veniences will not follow upon the putting of it, then are the supposed Mis­chiefs, for the Avoidance of which this Infallible Principle was invented, and is by the Favourites of this Art, sought to be established and perswaded.

2 [...] That this supposed Infallible Authority of the Church visible doth no [Page 157] way salve the Inconveniences objected against our Positions, is hence evi­dent. As the Scriptures themselves were written in a Tongue not common, nor understood of all Nations, but of some few: so likewise the Decrees of this visible Church, concerning the Authoritie of Translations, are written in a Tongue neither common to all, nor proper at this day to any unlearned Multitude, but to the Learned only. Sometime they were written in Greek: but, in later years, all in Latin, or some other Tongue (at the least) not common to all Christians: for no such can this day be found. Nor is the Pope, (or his Cardinals) able to speak properly and truly every Lan­guage in the Christian world, of which he challengeth the Supremacie. He Would be the Universal Head indeed: but he hath not, nor dare he professe he hath, an Universal Tongue, whereby he may fully instruct every Person Tot verò trās­lationes, mu­tationes, sinc gravissimo periculo & in­cōmodo non fierent. Nam non semper inveniun cur idonei in ter­pretes: at (que) ita multi er­rores cōmit­terentur qui non possint postea sacilè tolli Cum ne (que) Pontifices, ne (que) Concilia de tot linguis judica­re possint. Bel­larm. lib. 2. de verbo Dei. cap. 15. in Fin. throughout the Christian world, in his own natural, known mother Tongue. For Bellarmin brings this as an argument why the Bible should not be transla­ted into modern Tongues, because if into one, why not into another: and the Pope (as he confesseth) cannot understand all.

3 Tell me then, you that seek to bring the unlearned Lay-sort of men to seek shelter under the Infallible Authoritie of the Romish Church: how can you assure them what is the very true Meaning of that Church? They understand not the Language wherein her Decisions were written. What then? must they infallibly, and under pain of Damnation, Believe that you do not Erre in your Translations of them? or must they stedfastly Be­lieve, that you Interpret Her Decrees aright? Nay even those Decrees, which you hold Infallible, condemn all private Interpretation of them: and your greatest Clerks daily dissent about the Meaning of the Trent-Councel in sundry Points. Yet, unless the Lay people can stedfastly Believe, that you Interpret the Churches Sentence aright: your supposed Rule of the Churches Infallibilitie in confirming Translations or Senses of Scripture, can neither be a Rule Infallible, nor any way Profitable unto them. For it hath no other Effect upon their souls, save only Belief: Were their Objections a­gainst us perti­nent: not the Popes Infalli­bilitie, but the Priests and Je­suites, Honestie or Fidelity, should be the Rule of mose Lay Papasts Faith. and they have no other Means to know that this which they must Believe is the Churches Sentence, but your Report: then can they not be any more certain of the Churches Mind in this or that point, then they are of your Skill or Fidelitie; neither of which can be to them the Infallible Rule of Faith. For, if they should be thus Infallibly perswaded of your Skil or Fidelitie: then were their good Perswasion of you, the Ground and Rule of their Faith; and so they must Believe that you nei­ther did, nor could Erre in this Relation; Whereas your own Doctrine is, That even the Learnedst among you may Erre: and you cannot denie, but that it is possible for the Honestest Jusuite, either to Lie, or Equivocate. Otherwise, your Infallibilitie in not Erring, were greater then your Popes or Churches: for they both may Erre unlesse they speak ex Cathedra. Now, whether the Pope speak this or that ex Cathedra, or whether he speak or write to all or no is not known to any of the common People in these Nor­thern Countries, but only by your Report: which if it be not Infallible, and as free from Errour as the Pope himself, the People must still stagger in Faith. Nor do I see any possible Remedie: unlesse every man should take a Pilgrimage to Rome, or unlesse you would bring the Pope throughout these Countries, as men use Monsters or strange Sights. Yet, how should they be certain that this is the Pope, rather then some Counterfeit? or how should they know Rome, but by others? Or can you hope to salve this In­convenience by an Implicit or Hypothetical Faith? as, that it were enough for the Lay people to Believe absolutely and stedfastly, that the Pope, or [Page 158] Church cannot Erre: but to believe your Report or Informations of his Sen­tence in doubtful Cases, only Conditionally; if it be the Popes Mind: if o­therwise we will be free to recall our present Belief. This is all which I can imagin any of you can say for your selves. And may not we, I pray you, say as much, if thus much would serve for us? Might not we by the self same Reason teach the People to admit of Translations, but only Conditionally, as far forth as they shall be perswaded that this was the Meaning of the Scri­pture or the Word of God? For Questionlesse, it is more certain that God cannot Erre, then that the Pope cannot. And it is more necessary un [...]o Chri­stian Belief to hold, that God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost neither can, nor will speak a Lie: then that the Pope cannot, or will not teach us amisse. That the Pope and his Cardinals do arrogate thus much unto themselves, is more then the Lay and unlearned People can tell, but only by yours and others Relation: But that the God of Heaven neither can, nor will Teach amisse, is a Principle not controversed by any that thinks there is a God.

4 Let it then first be granted, That God is freer from Errour, from Decei­ving, or being Deceived in Points of Faith, or matters of Mans Salvation, then the Pope is, although he speak ex Cathedra. From this Position it fol­lowes most directly and most immediately, that if the Lay unlearned People of this Land have as good Means and better, to know that these Books of Scrpture are Gods own Words, then they can have to know that this or that Canon in any Councel was confirmed by the Popes teaching ex Cathedra: then must the same People Believe the One more stedfastly then the Other; to wit, Gods Word, as it is read unto them in our Church, more stedfastly then the Popes Interpretations, Injunctions, or Decrees. Let us compare the Means of knowing Both. First, if the Popes Decrees be a certain Means of knowing any Truth: they are as certain a Means of knowing those Scriptures which our Church admits, to be Gods Word, as of any thing else; for the Pope and his Councel Concil. Tri­dent. Sessione quarta. have avoucht Them for Such, although they adde some more then we acknowledge.

5 If the worst then should fall out that can be imagined; as if we had Rea­son to despair of all other Translations save onely of the Vulgar, yet that it were the Word of God we might know, if by no other Means, yet by Con­sent of the Romish Church; and all the People of this Land might be as cer­tain of this Decree, as of any the Pope can give. But take the same Scri­pture as it is Translated into our English, the People may be as certain that it is the Word of God, as they can be that the Trent Councel was Lawfully called, or by the Pope confirmed, yea much more certain. The Jesuites may tell them, that these very words (being first englished) were spoken in the Trent-Councel, and confirmed by the Pope. Why should they believe it? Because they avouch it seriously, whom they think able to understand Latin? Suppose not only one, or two, or three, but the whole Assembly of our Clergie tels the same People, that these (reciting the Points of our Salvation are the very Words of God Himself; and are for Substance all one in the He­brew, Greek, Latin, and English. What Difference can you here imagine? That the Trent-Councel decreed thus, the modern Jesuites have it but from Tradition of this Age: That God spake thus, we have the Consent of all Ages. Yea, but it is easier to render the Trent-Councels Meaning out of Latin, then the Meaning of Gods Word out of Hebrew or Greek. Whether it be so or no, the unlearned People cannot tell, but by hearsay: yet, if we would take the Vulgar Latin, this foolish Objection were none: for It is as [Page 159] easie to be Rendred, as the Trent-Councel; and if the Trent-Councel be true, It is the Word of God. All then is equal concerning the Difficulties, that may arise from the Skill, or Ignorance of the Translators of the one or other; the Popes Decrees, or Scripture. Our Ministers know to Render the Meaning of Scripture as well as yours do the Meaning of the Councels. Let us now see whether it be as likely, that our Ministers Fidelitie in telling them as they are perswaded, and as they Believe themselves, be not to be presumed as Great. To call this in Question were extream Impudencie and Uncivili­tie, especially seeing we Teach, that the people should be throughly instru­cted in the Truth: whereas you hold it for good Christian Policie, to hold them in Ignorance. Our permitting the free Use of Scriptures to all doth free us from all suspition of Imposture of Guile: of which in the Jesuite or learned Papist the denail of like Libertie, is a foul Presumption. Further, let us examin, whether from the Matter or Manner of the Popes Decrees, there can be any Argument drawn to perswade the People that these are his Decrees and no other Mans: more then can be gathered from the Matter and Manner of Scripture Phrase, to perswade a man that these are Gods, and can be no Mans Words: And Here certainly we have infinite Advantage of Granting the Pope to be as infallible as God himself: yet were not his Decrees rela­ted by his mes­sengers to be so much believed, as Gods writ­ten Word, re­ceived by us & them, because it is more free from suspition of Forgerie, then they can be; harder to be Counterfeited, then they are. you. For no man of Sense or Reason, but must needs suffer himself to be perswaded, that it is a far easier matter to Counterfeit the Decrees of the La­teran or Trent-Councel, or the Popes Writs, Interpretations, or Determi­nations: then Artificially to imitate the Invincible and Majestical Word of God, either for the Matter or the Manner.

6 The Sequel is this, that if the Scriptures received by us, be obnoxious to any the least Suspition of being Forged: then from the same Reasons, much more liable to the same Suspition are those which we account the Popes Decrees, and therefore in respect of us, much lesse to be Believed; although otherwise we should grant the Pope Decrees (which without controversie were his Decrees indeed) to be as Infal­lible as the Eternal and Immutable Decrees of the Almightie. Gods Word oft-times unto Atheists hath discovered it self by the Majestie of Stile and Sublimitie of Matter, to be more then Human, and therefore Di­vine, not able to imitated by any lying Spirit. If any Jesuite will deny this: let him make trial of Imitation in the Prophecie of Isaias, the Begin­ning of S. Johns Gospel, the Relation of Joseph and his Brethrens Dialogues, the Book of Job, &c. The Majestie of Speech and other Excellencies which appears in them (especially if we consider the Time, wherein most of them were written) doth argue a Divine Spirit: in whose Imitation the most ac­curate Writers of later Ages, (albeit no man writes excellently but from some Beam of Divine Illumination in the Facultie) are but Apish, if we read the same Scriptures in the Tongue wherein they were written, or in sundry modern Tongues capable of the Divine Splendor which shines in the Origi­nal; with which the Latin (especially in Prose) hath greatest Disproporti­on of all Learned or copious Tongues. As for the Popes Decrees they be­wray themselves both for the Matter and Manner, to be only Human, and therefore easie to be imitated by the Spirit of Man, subject to many Errours. Nor doth the Pope challenge to himself the gift of Prophecie, but only of legal Decisions: which are no otherwise written, then many write, and con­tain no deeper nor more Supernatural Matter, then many may invent: most of them usually penned in a base and barbarous Logick Phrase: his Stile at the best is not peculiar, his Character easie to be counterfeited by any man that can pen a Proclamation, or frame an Instrument in Civil Courts.

[Page 160] 7 To recollect what hath been said. First, seeing God is more to be Believed then Men; secondly, seeing we have better Arguments to perswade the People that these Scriptures daily read in our Church, are Gods own Words, then the Priests and Jesuites have, that the Tidings which they bring from beyond Sea are the Popes or Churches Decrees or Sentence: we may and ought Teach them to relie immediately upon Gods Word preached or read unto them, as the surest and most Infallible Rule of Faith, the most lively, most effectual, and most forcible Means of their Salvation. Or if the Jesuites will teach them to Believe the Popes Decrees given ex Cathedra, or the Churches Opinion indefinitely taken Fide divina, by Infallible Faith; but the Jesuites or Priests Expositions or Translations of them, only Condi­tionally, and with this Limitation, [If so they be the Pope or Churches Decrees:] we may in like sort with far greater Reason, teach the People to Believe the Scriptures or the Word of God absolutely, and our Translations or Ex­positions of it but Conditionally or with Limitation, so far as they are Con­sonant to the Word of God. Seeing it is as probable, that we may expound Gods Word as rightly and sincerely, as the other can the Church or Popes Edicts; we have better Reason to exact this conditional Obedience and As­sent, in the Vertue and Authoritie of Gods Word, which we make the Rule of Faith; then they can have to exact the like Obedience by Vertue of the Pope or Churches Edict, which is to them the Mistresse of Faith. For it is more certain to any man living, that Gods Word is most Infallibly True, then that the Pope cannot Erre. Wherefore if the Absolute Belief of the Popes Infallibilitie, and Conditional Belief of the Jesuites or Priests his Mes­sengers Fidelitie or Skill, be sufficient to Salvation: much more may the Absolute Belief or Assent unto the Infallibility of Gods Word, and such Con­ditional and limited Belief of his Ministers Fidelitie, be sufficient for the Sal­vation of his People: who, as hath been proved, cannot be more certain that the Romish Church saith This or That, then we can be of Gods Word. For they never hear the Church or Pope speak, but in Jesuites or Priests Mouthes. And although they knew he said just so as those say: yet may a man doubt in Modestie, whether the Popes Words be alwayes Infallible; but of the Infallibilitie of Gods Word, can no man doubt.

8 And Here I cannot but much wonder at the preposterous courses of these Romanists, who holding an Implicite Faith of Believing as the Church Believes, (in many Points) to be sufficient unto Salvation: will yet fasten this implicite Faith upon the present Church of Rome, and not refer it rather unto that Church as it was under S. Peters Jurisdiction and Government. For if Universalitie be (as they contend) a sure Note of undoubted Truth: then must it needs be more undoubtedly True, that S. Peter could not Erre in Matters of Faith, then that this present Romish Pope and his Cardinals can­not so Erre. For all Papists hold this as True of S. Peter, as of this present Pope: and all Protestants hold it True of S. Peter, not in the present Pope: and so did all the Fathers without controversie hold it most True, that S. Peter did not teach amisse in his Apostolical Writings. So that Universalitie is much greater for S. Peter, then for this Pope that now is, or the next that shall be.

9 For these Reasons (fully consonant to their own Positions) all Papists me-thinks, in Reason, should make the same Difference in their Estimate of S. Peter and later Popes, which a French Cardinal (as the Tradition is at Dur­ham) once made betwixt S. Cuthbert and venerable Bede. Abeit S. Cuthbert was accounted the greater Saint amongst them, whose greater Benefactour [Page 161] he had been, (in which respect they brought the Cardinal first unto S. Cuthberts Tomb:) yet, because he knew him not so well, but only by their Report, he praies very warily; Sancte Cuthberte, si Sanctus es, or a pro me. But, afterwards brought unto Bedes Tomb then in the Consistory; because he had been Famous in Forrain Nations, from the Commendations of lesse partial Antiquitie: he fell to his prayers without Ifs and Ands; Vener abilis Beda, quia tu Sanctus es, or a pro me.

10 Proprotional to this Caution in this French-mans Prayers, should every modern Papist limit his Belief of the present Popes Infallibilitie in respect of S. Peters; And say thus in his heart: As for S. Peter, I know he Believed and Taught aright: And I beseech God I may Believe as he Believed, and that my Soul may come whither his is gone: as for this present Pope, if he believe as S. Peter did, & be likely to follow him in LIfe and Death, I pray God I may Believe as he Believes, and do as he Teacheth; but otherwise (believe me) I would be very loath to pin my Belief upon his Sleeve, lest happily he run Headlong to Hell to that which should have drawn me up to Heaven: For in this Life I walk by Faith, and by Faith I must ascend Thither, if I ever come There; and therefore I dare not fasten my Belief upon any Man, whom I would be loath to follow in his Course of Life. But most surely might this Implicite Faith be fastned upon Gods written Word, contained in the Wri­tings of Moses, the Prophets, Apostles and Evangelists. We know, O Lord, that Thou hast Taught them All Truth that is Necessary for thy Church to know. And our Adversaries confess, that thy Word uttered by Them, (rightly un­derstood) is the most sure Rule of Faith: for by This they seek to establish the Infallibilitie of the Church and Pope. They themselves speak aright, by their own Confession, where they speak consonantly unto it. Wherefore the safest Course for us must be, to search out the True Sense and Meaning of it: which is as easie for us, as them to find, as in the Processe of these Meditations, God willing, shall appear.

11 A brief An­swer to the Ob­jection concer­ning the Illite­rate. In what Sense the Scripture or written Word may be said to be the Rule of their Faith-see chap. 11. parag. 3. and 4. How far such are to rely upon their Instruct­ors Authority, see chap. 8. Unto the main Objection, concerning the Means of knowing Scri­pture to be Scripture, we have partly answered (or rather prevented it) in the first Treatise: and throughout this whole intended discourse we shall (God willing) explicate the former general Means or Motives, as also bring other peculiar Inducements for the establishing of True Faith, unto the particu­lar Articles in this Creed contained. For the present Difficultie, concern­ing the Rule of Illiterate Lay-mens Faith, or such as understand not those Languages in which the Holy Ghost did write: we answer briefly, That the Language, Tongue, or Dialect, is but the Vesture of Truth; the Truth it self for substance, is one and the same in all Languages. And the Holy See chap. 16. Spi­rit, who instructed the first Messengers of the Gospel with the true sense and knowledge of the Truths therein revealed, and furnished them with Diversity of Tongues to utter them to the capacitie of divers Nations: can, and doth, throughout all succeeding Ages, continue his gifts, whether of Tongues or o­thers, whatsoever are necessarie, for conveying the true sense and meaning of saving Truth already taught, immediately to the Hearts of all such, in every Nation, as are not, The want of skill in sacred tongues in for­mer ages was for their ingra­titude towards God, and lo­ving of Dark­nesse more then Light. For the like reasons were the Scri­ptures to the Jews (as to our Forefathers they had for a long time been) as a sealed Book See chap. 13. parag. 3, 4, 5. for their sin judged unworthy of his societie: of all such, as resist not His Motions, to follow the Lusts of the Flesh. And as for men alto­gether Illiterate, that cannot read the Scripture in any Tongue, we do not hold them bound (nor indeed are any) to Beleive absolutely or expresly, eve­ry Clause or sentence in the sacred Canon, to be the Infallible Oracle of Gods Spirit, otherwise then Lib. 1. cap. 34. is before expressed: but unto the several Matters or substance of Truth, contained in the principal Parts thereof, their souls [Page 162] and Spirits are so surely tied and fastned, that they can say to their own Con­cences. Wheresoever these men that teach us these good Lessons learned the same themselves, most certain it is, that Originally they came from God and by the gracious Providence of that God (whose Goodnesse they so often mention) are they now come to us.

Such are, the Rules or Testimonies of Gods Providence, the Doctrines or real truths of Ori [...]il Sin, of our Misery by Nature, and Freedom by Grace: Such are, the Articles of Christs Passion, and the Effects thereof; of the Resurrection, and Life everlasting. Unto These, and other Points of like Nature and Conse­quence, every true Christian Soul, indued with Reason and Discourse, gives a ful a firm and absolute Assent, directly and immediately fastned upon these Truths themselves, not tied or held unto them by any Authority of Man. For albeit true and stedfast Belief of these Fundamental Points might be as scant, as the true Worship of God seemed to be unto Flias in his daies yet every Faith­ful Soul must thus resolve: Thus mu [...] [...] g [...] eth de [...]. Theol. [...] cap [...] [...]. Ad [...] omnes [...], [...] the doc [...] ­ru [...], [...] a­d [...]ò an [...]cli [...]lo [...]um mi­hi a [...]rue [...]t oppo [...] [...], quod [...] de ten [...] m [...]a lab [...]fa­ [...]tare [...]ur. [...] [...]a Paul [...] Apo­ [...]oli [...]i­ptom illud, Licet nos [...]nt Angelus, &c. Gal [...] v. 8. C [...]sequently he [...]eunto he proveth the last Resolution of Faith not to be into the V [...] [...] or Infalli­bility of the Church, taxing Sco [...]s, Ga­bri [...]l, and Du­r [...], (as the margin telleth us:) But his [...] g [...]d against all sa [...]h as male the Churches [...]lity the Rule of [...] shall be [...]hewed God [...] Lib. [...] Sect. [...]. See l. 2. Cap. 10. Though all the World besides my self should worship Baal, and follow after other Gods: yet will I follow the God of Hea­ven, in whom our Fathers trusted, and on whose Providence who so re [...]es shal never fall. So likewise must every Christian, both in Heart resolve▪ & Cut­wardly profess with Peter, (but with unfa [...]ed praiers for better Succes [...] & di­ligent Indeavours by his Example to beware of all Presumption:) Though the World beside my self should ab [...]ure Christ, and admit of Mahomet for their Mediator: yet would not I follow so great a Multitude to so great an Evil, but always cleave unto the cruci [...]ied Christ my only Saviour and Redeemer who, I know, is both Able and Willing to save all such as follow him, both in Life and Death. So again, though all the subtiltie and wisdom of Hell▪ the World, and Flesh, should joyntly bend their Force, & stretch Invention to overthrow the glorious Hope of our Resurrection from the dead: yet every Faithful Christ an must here resolve with Job, and out of his Believing Heart profess▪ I am sure that my Redeemer liveth, and he shal stand the last on the earth: and though after my skin this Body be destroyed, yet shal I see God in my Plesh, whom I my self shal see, and mine eyes shal behold, and none other for me. Job 19. 25. As we hope to see Christ with our own eyes immediately and directly in his Person not by any other mens eyes: so must we in this life stedfastly believe, and fasten our Faith upon those Points and Articles, which are Necessarie for the a [...]taining of this sight of Christ, In and For Themselves, not from any Authoritie or Te­stimonie of Men, upon which we must relie; for this were to see with the eyes of others Faith, not with our own.

12 Many other Points there be, not of like Necessitie or Consequence, which unto men, specially altogether unlearned▪ or otherwi [...]e of less capacity, may be proposed as the Infallible Oracles of God: unto some of which it is not lawful for them to give so absolute, and firm irrevocable As [...]ent, as they must do unto the former, because they cannot discern the Truth of them in it self, or for it self, or with their own eyes, as (it is supposed) they did the Truth of the former.

CAP. III.

The general Heads of Agreements, or Differences, betwixt us and the Papists in this Argument.

1 A [...] the Di [...]iculties in this Argument may be reduced to these Three Heads▪ First, How we can know, whether God hath spoken any thing or no [Page 163] unto his Church. Secondly, What the Extent of his Word or Speech is; as whether All he hath spoken be VVritten, or some Unwritten; or how we may know amongst Books written, which are written by Him, which not. Likewise of Unwritten Ve­rities, which are Divine, which Counterfeit. Thirdly, How we know the Sense and Meaning of Gods VVord, whether VVritten or Unwritten.

2 These Difficulties are common to the Jews, Turks, Christians, and all Hereticks whatsoever: All which agree in this main Principle, That what­soever God hath said or shall say at any time, is most undoubtedly and infal­libly True.

3 But for this present, we must dismisse all Questions about the Number or Sufficiencie of Canonical Books, or Necessitie of Traditions. For these are without the lists of our proposed Method. All the Professours, either of reformed, or Romish Religion, agree in this Principle: That certain Books, (which both acknowledge) do contain in them, the undoubted, and infallible Word of God.

4 The first Point of Breach or Difference betwixt us and the Papist, is, The First Breach be­ [...]wixt us. concerning the Means how a Christian man may be in Conscience perswaded, (as stedfastly and infallibly as is necessarie unto Salvation) That these Books (whose Authoritie none of them denie, but both outwardly acknowledge) are indeed Gods Words.

5 The second Point of Difference (admitting the stedfast and infallible Be­lief The Second. of the former) is, concerning the Means, how every Christian man may be in Conscience perswaded, as infallibly as is necessary to his Salvation, of the true Sense and Meaning of these Books joyntly acknowledged, and stedfast­ly believed of both.

6 Our Agree­ment concern­ing the Neces­sity of Ministe­rial Function, for the plant­ing of Faith. In the Means or Manner, how we come to Believe both these Points stedfastly and infallibly, we agree again in this Principle: That neither of the former Points, can (ordinarily) be fully and stedfastly Believed, without the Ministerie, Asseveration, Proposal, or instructions of men appointed by God, for the begetting of Faith and Belief in others hearts; both of us agree, that this Faith must come by Hearing of the Divine Word.

7 Concerning the Authority of Preachers, or men thus appointed for the begetting of Faith, the Question again is Twofold.

8 First, whether this Authority be primarily, or in some peculiar sort, an­nexed to any peculiar Men or Company of Men distinct from others by Prerogative The points of Difference be­twixt us, about the Prer [...]gative of Pastors, and the mannes of their beg [...]tti [...]g Faith in others. of Place, Preheminence of Succession, and from him or them to be derived unto all others set apart for this Ministerie; or whether the Ministerie of any men, of what Place or Societie soever, whom God hath called to this Functi­on, and enabled for the same, be sufficient for the begetting of true Faith, with­out any others Confirmation, or Approbation of their Doctrine.

9 Secondly it is questioned, how this Ministery of Man, which is necessari­ly supposed (ordinarily) both for knowing the Word of God, and the true Meaning of it, becomes available for the begetting of true Belief in either point. In whomsoever the Authoritie of this Ministerial Function be, the Question is; whether it perform thus much, only by Proposing or Expounding the Word, which is Infallible, or by their Infallible Proposal or Exposition of it, that is: whether for the attaining of true Belief in both Points mentioned we must relie infallibly upon the Infallible VVord of God only; or partly upon it, and partly upon the Infallibility of such as expound it unto us. Or in other words thus: whether the Authoritie or Infallibilitie of any Mans Doctrine or Asseveration concerning these Scriptures, or their true Sense, be as infalli­bly to be Believed as those Scriptures themselves are, or that Sense of them, [Page 164] which the spirit of God hath wrought in our Hearts, by sure and undoubted Experience.

10 These are the principal Roots and Fountains of Difference between Other [...] [...]ch­cs of the for [...] Di [...]feren­ces. us, concerning our present Controversie, whence issue and spring these fol­lowing: First, Whether Christ (whose Authoritie both acknowledge for In­fallible) hath left any Publick Judge of these Scriptures which both receive, or of their right Sense and Meaning, from whose Sentence we may not appeal; or whether all, to whom this Ministrie of Faith is committed, be but Exposi­tors of Divine Scriptures, so as their Expositions may by all faithful Christi­ans be examined. Hence ariseth that other Question, whether the Scriptures be the Infallible Rule of Faith. If Scripture admit any Judge, then is it no Rule of Faith: If all Doctrines are to be examined by Scripture, then is it a perfect Rule.

11 Our Adversaries▪ especially later Jesuites, Positions are these. The [...] Roma [...]s [...]. Infallible Authoritie of the present Church, that is, of some visible Companie of living Men, must be as absolutely Believed of all Christians as any Oracle of God: and hence would they bind all such as pro [...]esse the Catholick Faith, in all Causes concerning the Oracles or Word of God, to yield the same Obedience unto Decrees and Constitutions of the Church, which is due unto these Ora­cles themselves, even to such of them as all Faithful Hearts do undoubtedly know to be Gods written Word.

12 The Reasons pretended for this absolute Obedience, to be performed unto the Church or visible Company of Men, are drawn from the Insufficien­cy of Scripture; either for notifying it self to be the Word of God, or the true Sense and Meaning of it self. Consequently to these Objections, they stifly maintain, That the Infallible Authority of the present Church, is the mos [...] sure, most safe undoubted Rule in all Doubts or Controversies of Faith, or in all Points concerning these Oracles of God: by which we may certainly know Both; without which we cannot possibly know either, which are the Oracles of God, which not, or what is the true Sense and Meaning of such as are received for his Oracles: one of the especial Consequents of these Assertions is, That this Churches Decisions or Decrees may not be examined by Scriptures.

13 Our Churches Assertions concerning the knowledge of Gods Word in general is thus As Gods Word is in it self Infallible, so it may be infallibly appre­hended, Our Churches Assertions c [...]n­tradictory to the f [...]mer. and Believed by every Christian, unto whom he vouchsafeth to speak, af­ter what manner soever he speak unto him▪ Yea whatsoever is necessary for any man to Believe, the same must be infallibly written in his heart: and on it once written there he must immediately relie, not upon any other Authori­tie concerning it.

14 Or if we speak of Gods written Word, our former general Assertion may be restrained thus.

15 We are not bound to Believe the Authority of the Church, or visible Com­pani [...] of any living men, either concerning the Truth or true Sense of Divine Oracles written, so stedfastly and absolutely, as we are bound to Believe the Divine written Oracles themselves. Consequently to this Assertion we af­firm.

16. The the In [...]allible Rule whereupon every Christian, in matters of writ­ten Verities absolutely and finally, (without all appeal, condition▪ or reserva­tion) is to relie, must be the Divine written Oracles themselves; some of which every Christian hath written in his Heart by the finger of Gods Spirit, and Be­lieves immediately In and For themselves, not for any Authoritie of Men; and these to him must be the Rule, for examining all other Doctrines, and trying any Masters of Faith.

[Page 165] But because most in our daies, in Matters of Faith, and Christian Obe­dience, misse the Celestial Mean, and fall into one of the two extreams: It shall not be amisse, while we seek to divert their course from Sylla, to admo­nish lest they make shipwrack in Charybdis.

CAP. IV.

Shewing the Mean betwixt the two Extremities.; the one in Excesse, proper to the Papists; the other in Defect, proper to the Anti-papist.

1 IT is a Rule in Logick, that Two contrary Propositions (for their form) may be both False; And hence it is, that many Controversers of our times, (ei­ther in love to the Cause they defend, or heat of contention) not content on­ly to Contradict, but desirous to be most Contrarie to their Adversaries, fal in­to Errour with them. No Controversie (almost) of greater moment this day extant, but yields Experiments of this Observation, though none more plentiful then this in hand, concerning the visible Churches Authoritie, or Obedience due to Spiritual Pastours.

2 The s [...]st [...] ­tremitie held by the Papis [...]. The Papists on the one side demand Infallible Assent, and illimited O­bedience unto whatsoever the Church shall propose, without examination of her Doctrine, or appeal; which is indeed (as we shall afterwards prove) to takeaway all the Authority of Gods Word and to erect the present Churches Consistorie above Moses, and S. Peters Chair. The second held by the Anti-papists. On the other side, sundrie by profession Protestants, in eagernesse of opposition to the Papists, affirm, that the Church, or Spiritual Pastors must then only be Believed, then only be Obeyed, when they give Sentence according to the Evident, and Expresse Law of God, made evident to the Hearts, and Consciences of such, as must Believe and Obey them. And this, in one word, is to take away all Autho­ritie of Spiritual Pastors, and to deprive them of all Obedience, unto whom (doubtlesse) God, by his written Word, hath given some special Authoritie and Right, to exact some peculiar Obedience of their Flock.

Now if the Pastor be then only to be Obeyed, when he brings evident Commission out of Scripture, for those particulars, unto which he demands Belief or Obedience; what Obedience do men perform unto Him, more then to any other man whomsoever? For whosoever he be that can shew us the ex­presse undoubted command of God, it must be Obeyed of all: but whilest it is thus Obeyed, It only, not He that sheweth it unto us, is Obeyed. And if this were all the Obedience which I owe unto others, I were no more bound to Be­lieve, or Obey any other man, then he is bound to Obey or Believe me: the Flock no more bound to Obey their Pastors, then the Pastors them. Yet certainly God, who hath set Kingdoms in order, is not the Author of such Confusion in the Spiritual Regiment of his Church.

3 Seeing then, it is most certain that the Romanists do foully Erre, let us see how their Errour may be fully Contradicted, not strive to be most Contrary unto them, but rather to seek out the mean between these two Er­roneous Extreams.

4 Infallible Assent, and illimited, unreserved Obedience we may not perform to the present Church, or any visible Companie of Men; but to the Scripture only, made known, and evident to our Consciences. This Assertion is direct­ly, and fully Contradictorie unto the Papists.

[Page 166] 5 Conditional Assent, and cautionary Obedience we may and must perform to our spiritual Pastors, Overseers, and Governours, albeit we see not ex­presse Commission out of Scripture, to warrant these Particulars, where­unto [...]. they demand Assent or Obedience. It is sufficient that they have their general Commission for Obedience, expresly contained in Scripture. This Assertion directly Contradicts the other Extream, or contrary Assertion, and of all the three onely doth not Contradict the Word of God, which expresly teacheth, that Some peculiar Obedience is due unto Spiritual Governours. Un­lesse we hold, that when Christ ascended on High, and led Captivity captive, his Donation of Spiritual Authority, was but a donation of bare Titles, without Realities answering unto them. To some He gave to be Aposiles, to some Prophets, some Evangelists, some Pastors and Teachers, Ephes. 4. 11. Though Prophecying in some degree hath ceast, and the Eminencie of Apo­stleship [...]. be dead with the Apostles; yet Pastors remain, and Teachers must continue in Christs Church unto the Worlds end. If Pastors we be, then must we have our shepherds Staff: if Teachers, a Rod to keep our Schol­lers in awe. The same Apostle from these grounds thus exhorteth the flock. Obey them that have the oversight of you, and Submit your selves: for they watch for your Souls, as they that must give account, that they may do it with joy, and not with grief, for that is unprofitable for you, Heb. 13. 17. What manner of Submission, or what kind of Obedience doth he here exact? On­ly Spiritual will the carnal Gospeller reply. But what manner of Obedience is this Spiritual? the least of all others? It is doubtlesse in their esteem, which fear no losse, but what is sensible for the present, nor know not the Vertue of any thing, but what is palpable: unto all such, to be Spiritual, is all one as to be In­visible, and to be Invisible, is all one as not to Be at all. This is the last Resolu­tion of most mens Conceit of all Spiritual Authority in our times. But such such as dread the Majesty of that Invisible God, and fear to grieve his Holy Spirit will be most afraid of contemning Spiritual Authority. Disobedience to it, though in a Prince, is as hateful to the King of Kings as the sin of Witch-craft: for no Subject is more bound to Obey his Prince in Civil Actions, than his Pastors in Spiritual. He that said, touch not mine Anointed, said also, do my Prophets no harm. Of Princes it is said by the Apostle Rom. 13. He that resisteth them, resisteth God. To Pastors it was said, (by the Wisdom of God by whom Princes raign) Luke 10. 16. He that heareth you, heareth me, he that despiseth you, despiseth me, and he that despiseth me, despiseth him that sent me, and else-where, Joh. [...]. 23. [...] hose sins ye remit, they are remitted, whose sins ye retain, they are retained. These are Prerogatives of Priests, and were not esteemed as words of Course, or Formality, in the Ancient and Primitive Church. It was the just fear of Disobedience in the Flock, which first gaue occasion to Pastors, to usurp this Tyranny over them, which now they practise. For as Idolatry V [...]d [...]l [...] 1 cap. 12. and Superstition could not have increased so much in the old World, unlesse there had been evident Documents of a Divine Power in Ages Precedent: So neither could this extreme Tyrannie over Christs flock have been either usurped in the middle, or continued to the later Ages of the Christian world, unlesse the Flock had made it a main matter of Conscience to Disobey their Pastors, and Overseers, whose Authority they knew from those places of Scripture, then well expounded by the Practise of Holy Men, to be exceed­ding great.

6 Saint Peter foresaw, that this Antichristian Authority was likely to spring from the Peoples Reverent Conceit of their Pastors Authority: and because the Fock was bound most strictly to Obey them, he willeth the Pa­stors [Page 167] not to be too Lordly in their Commands. 1 Pet. 5. 2, 3. Feed the flock of God, which dependeth upon you, caring for it, not by constraint, but willingly: not for fil­thy lucre, but of a ready mind: Not as though ye were Lords over Gods Heritage, but that ye may be Ensamples to the flock. So doth Saint Paul, Acts 20. 28, 29. Take heed therefore unto your selves, and to all the flock, whereof the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers to feed the Church of God, which he hath purchased with his own bloud: for I know this, that after me departing shall grievous Wolves enter in a­mong you, not sparing the flock. Unlesse the Flock, for their parts, had been bound to strict Obedience, Usurpation of Lordship over them had not been so easie, especially when there was no Power beside the Pastoral staff to keep them under: nor could their Pastors have had any such opportunity to attempt it, as might justly occasion these Caveats from these two Apostles, which by their moderate Carriage had prescribed a contrary Example to their Suc­cessours. Easie it had been for the Flock to have spared themselves, or kept aloof from such mercilesse Overseers: whose Designes, though they could not with safe Consciences contemn, Avoid they might, by circumspect and carefull attending to other true Shepherds voices, who by their skill in Scri­ptures, and true knowledge of the Apostles Rules, knew how to limit the former large Commission, directed to Pastors, after they begun to degene­rate into Wolves. For this cause, neither of these Apostles direct these Ad­monitions to their flock, as if it were permitted them to limit their Obedi­ence at their pleasure, but unto their Pastors. And Saint Peter in the words immediately following this Admonition unto Pastors, exhorts the Flock un­to Obedience, 1 Pet. 5. 5. Likewise ye younger, Submit your selves unto the Elders; without any the least intimation, that they might Disobey, as soon as the other began to Dominier. Not that the flock may not refuse to Obey their Overseers in some Cases; but our Apostles did foresee, that the People would be alwayes most prone to disobedience, upon lesse Occasions then was requisite: and yet Disobedience, unlesse upon evident, and just Occasi­ons, he knew to be as dangerous, as blind Obedience in matters Unlaw­full; the one usually is the forerunner of Superstition and Idolatrie; the other the Mother of carnall Securitie, Schisme, and Infidelity. And, according to our Apostles fear, did it fall out in the Church of God. The first Mischief, which befell her in her Prime, was from the want of due Reverence, and awfull regard of Ecclesiastick Injunctions, and Constitutions. Hence did He­resies spring in such abundance; Sathan had sown their seeds in proud hearts; and the Civil Magistrates facility to countenance every prating Discontent, or Forth-putting Vocalist, in preaching what he list, though contrary to his Governours Constitutions, was as the Spring-Sun to cherish and bring them forth. And as the Romish Church, upon the depression of such rebellious Spirits, did raise her self above all that is called GOD: So in truth it can­not be denied, but that many in reformed Congregations, by seeking to cure her Diseases, have cast the Church of God into a Relapse of her former Sick­nesse: which was the Usurpation of too much Libertie in her children. For the Avoidance whereof, we are now, as God hath enabled us, to Advise.

CAP. V.

Of the Diversity of human Actions: The Original of their Lawfulnesse, Unlaw­fulnesse, or Indifferencie: Which without question, belong to the proper Subject of Obedience, which not.

1 OF the Subordination of Spiritual Governours amongst themselves, we shall have fitter occasion elsewhere to treat: Now we are to en­quire the limits and Bounds of Spiritual Authoritie in general, onely so far forth as it concerns the rectifying of their Belief, who are bound to Obey.

2 Out of the places before alleaged, these Truths necessarily and imme­diately flow. There is some peculiar Authority in the Priesthood, or Ministers, which is not to be found in other men. This Authority in them, is as essentially Subordinate to Christ, as the Authority of any other Magistrates is, unto the Principality, or Soveraigntie, of that Nation wherein they live. Disobedi­ence unto Spiritual Governours, doth redound as directly and fully unto Christs, as disobedience to inferiour Magistrates doth unto the Princes or Su­preme Governours dishonour: For he that heareth Christs Messengers, heareth Him; he that despiseth Them despiseth Him: and yet it is as Evident again in some Cases they may be Disobeyed. The difficulty is in which they are to be Obeyed, in which not; or in one word, What is the proper Subject of Obedience due unto them.

3 [...]. All Obedience is seen, either in doing what is Commanded, or abstaining from what is forbidden; all Disobedience in refusing to do what is Commanded, and doing that which is forbidden by Superiours, or Men in Authoritie. Things commanded or forbidden are of three sorts, either Good in themselves, and re­quired, or else simply Bad and prohibited by the Law of God or Nature; or finally Indifferent, neither Commanded, nor forbidden by either of the for­mer Lawes. Again, of Good things, some are better, some lesse Good. And so of Evil, some are more, some lesse Evil Things Indifferent onely admit no degrees; but our Perswasion of their Indifferencie, as also of the two other kinds, may be stronger or weaker. Pe [...] Pure [...] M [...]. Our Perswasion in all three kinds may be Pure or Mixt. Our Perswasion of any kind, is then Pure, when there is no sur­mise or Perswasion of any contrary Quality in the Action to be undertaken; then Mixt, when we are partly Perswaded, that it is of this or that Nature, but not without some Surmise or Probability, that it may be of another Qua­lity▪ [...] The Mixture of our Perswasion likewise may be divers. Sometimes we may be strongly perswaded, that the Matter enjoyned is Good, and yet have some weak Perswasion or Surmise, that it is Evil, or contrariwise. Sometimes we may have an equal perswasion both wayes, and think it as probably Good as Evil. Sometimes we may have a strong Perswasion, that it is indifferent; and a weak, that it is Good or Evil, or contrariwise. Sometimes we may have a weak Per­swasion, or Conjecture, that it may be a great Good, and a strong Perswasion that it is but a little Evil, or contrariwise. Sometimes a strong Perswasion that it is a thing [...]ndifferent, and yet some surmise, that it is a great Evil, or great Good. Final­ly, as the Good or Evil apprehended by us; so our apprehension or Perswasion of the [...] Truth, or the Truth of that Indifferencie, which is found in some Actions, may be divided into as many Degrees as we please: from the Multipli­city of whose different Combination, the Variety of Human Actions (if we [Page 169] would descend to Mathematical mensurations of our Conceits, or calculate every scruple, which Curiositie of Speculation might breed in matters of Pra­ctise) may be in a manner Infinite. But because most men measure matters of Conscience, as they do Commodities of little worth, only Grosso modo; for our present purpose, it will suffice to suppose three degrees of Good, and three of Evil, and as many of our Perswasions concerning the Lawfulnesse, Unlawful­nesse, or Indifferency of our Actions.

4 Of Things Good in themselves, or so Apprehended by us, without any Suspition or scruple of Evil in them, there is no Question. Every mans Con­science hath Authoritie sufficient to enjoyn their Practise, and other Authori­tie is scarce seen in the Substance of such Actions. For seeing the Good it self is to be done, one time or other, in some Measure, only the Alacritie of doing it being enjoyned; in what Time or Measure it is to be done, or other like Circumstances, do properly come within the Subject of Obedience.

5 Concerning pure perswasion of things Indifferent likewise, there is no Difficulty of moment. For no man that understands what he saith, will once denie, that every lawful Governour is to be Obeyed, in things acknowledged for meerly Indifferent. Only this Question may be made, Whether things In­different in the general, or unto many, or most men at ordinary times, be In­different in the individual, to this or that particular man, at some peculiar Sea­sons? Either he makes no Conscience of his wayes, or else he is Besides himself, that denies Obedience unto any Lawful Magistrate: save only in such matters as at that time seem Unlawful for him to do, though Indifferent in the general, or at other Seasons, or to other men. Hence ariseth the first degree of Difference betwixt Governours and private Persons, That in things acknowledged for Indifferent unto us, at this very instant, we are not bound to follow private mens Advice; But a Magistrates or Governours Command we are in Conscience to Obey, and to make choice of whether part He shall appoint.

6 If we speak of private Resolutions concerning things evil: This Rule in general is most Certain; Whilest we are perswaded, that any Action is Evil, The Rule of private Reso­lutions in mat­ters apprehend­ed as meerly E­vil. without any Conceit or Perswasion of Good in the same, the adventuring upon it is Desperate, and the performance of it Unlawful. And yet, as he that exchan­geth a Commoditie worth eleven shillings, for another not worth five, su­stains greater losse, then he that hath a Crown taken from him, without any thing in liew thereof: so may a man oft-times wrong his own Soul and Conscience more, by undertaking Actions which have some Shew or Pro­babilitie In what Case some matters apprehended as meerly evil, may be under­taken with less danger, then o­thers which are partly ap­prehended as Evil, partly as Good. of Goodnesse in them, then in undertaking others, which have none, but are only apprehended as evil. This fals out only and alwayes then, when the Difference between the Greatnesse or Probabilities of the evil feared in the one, and the Goodnesse hoped in the other Action, is greater then the Quantitie or Probabilitie of the former evil, which admitted no mixt Ap­prehension of Good. The Reason is plain, because the Mixture of good doth only recompense so many degrees of evil as it self contains of good. Now if in the Actions of equally mixt Perswasions, the Proportion between the evil and good be such, as is between eleven and five; the overplus of the evil will be as six; and so shall it make that Action, wherein it is, worse, then that which hath but five degrees or parts of evil, albeit without all Mixture of any contrarie Perswasion, or Conceit of good. But alwayes where the evils feared are equal, and the Probabilities of their ensuing likewise equal: any mixt Apprehension of some good probably in­cident to the one, not to the other, doth make the Action whereto it is in­cident, lesse evil, according to the degrees, either of the good apprehended, [Page 170] or of our Probabilities that it may be accomplisht: and yet shall the Action still be evil, as long as the evil which we Fear is greater then the good which we can Hope for; or, (these being equal) the Probabilities greater, that the evil should fall out, then the good. For if to prefer a lesse good before a grea­ter, be evil, much more to adventure upon a great evil, in hope of a lesser good; most of all to adventure upon any great or probable evil, without Probabilitie of any good to countervail it in the choice.

7 Concerning mixt Persivasions of good and evil, this Rule is general for private Resolutions. Wheresoever the Probabilities or Perswasions of the Good­nesse [...] of any Action, are as great, as the Perswasions and Probabilities of the Evil that may ensue, and the Measure of the Goodnesse apprehended, as great as the Quantity of the Evil feared: a man of his own private accord may as safely adventure upon the Action, as the Omission of it, referring the Event to Gods Providence, which favoureth positive Actions, more then Privations; Works ra­ther then Idlenesse; and the following of that which is Good, more then abstinence from Evil. A Lawful Governours Command, whether Spiritual or Tempo­ral must in this Case rule all private Choice, either for doing or omitting it: the Case is all one, as in things meerly Indifferent; for here is an Indifferencie of Perswasions. These Rules are evident in private Resolutions.

8 All the Difficultie concerning the Subject of Obedience unto Gover­nours, The chief point of Dif­ficults [...] ­ing the [...] of Obedience. is, either in pure Perswasions of the evil, that may be in Matters Com­manded, without any Probabilitie of Good, or else where the mixture of Perswasions is unequal, in respect of the evil feared, or lastly, where (suppo­sing the Probabilities of good and evil are equal) the Quantitie of the evil which men Fear, is greater then the Quantitie of the good which they Hope: The Points of Difficulty are especially Two.

9 First, whether Injunction of Publick Authoritie may oversway any de­gree of our private Perswasions, concerning the Unlawfulnesse of any Opi­nion or Action; as, whether we may safely adventure upon such Actions, or embrace such Opinions, as we our selves judge Evil, without any shew or conceit of Good: or such as we are more strongly perswaded, that they are evil, then good: or such, wherein the evil which we Fear, seems greater, then it can be recompenced with the good, which we can Hope for; though it were as likely to ensue.

10 Secondly, if Publick Authoritie may over-sway any at all, what kind of private Perswasions these Be, or how far they may be overswayed by it.

CAP. VI.

That sincere Obedience unto lawful Authority makes sundry Actions Lawful and Good, which, without it, would be altogether Unlawful and Evil.

1 MAny in our dayes are perswaded, that no Injunction of Authoritie ought to move us to any thing, which privately we deem Evil, either Absolutely, or Unto us. Obedience, in matters Lawful, they acknowledg to be good, and acceptable in the sight of God: but the goodnesse of it not so great as may warrant our undertaking Actions, either suspected for unlawful, or already condemned for such, in the Consistorie of our private Conscience: for this, in their opinion, were to do Evil that Good might ensue.

[Page 171] 2 But here men should consider, that many Actions may be Evil, whilest undertaken by private Men, upon private Motions, which are not Evil, once allow­ed or enjoyned by Authority; not that any Authoritie can make that which is Evil, Good: but that it may adde some Circumstance or Motive, whereby the same Action, which barely considered, was Evil before, may now by this Ad­dition or Alteration, become not Evil, because not altogether the same. For Abraham, upon private Instigation or secular Motives, to have killed his Son, had been hideous and monstrous Cruelty, one of the greatest Breaches imagina­ble of the Law of Nature: but being appointed by God so to do, to have killed his Son had been no Man-slaughter. Not that God in this particular did (as some speak) Dispense with the Law of Nature: for dispensation had made his Action or purpose, only not Unlawful; whereas Gods Abraham non solum non est cul­patus crude­litatis crimi­ne, verum eti­am laudabus est nomine pietatis, quod voluit filium nequaquam sceleratè, sed obedienter occidere. Aug. de civit. Dei. lib. 1. Cap. 21. Spontaneus metus exe­crabils, Deo jubente Lan­dabilis. Aug. contra Faust. Man. l. 22. c. 73. Command­ment did, not only exempt his Resolution from that Precept, Thou shalt not Kill, but placed it in the highest rank of Goodnesse. For he had done better in killing his Son, upon this Motive, then in saving of his enemies Life, out of his pri­vate Resolution, or Goodnesse of Nature. Most true it is (for a Prophet said it) of the general, Abrahams Obedience made that Action, which without it had been worse then Murther, to be better then Sacri­fice. How far the former In­stance serveth to infer the Conclusion pro­posed. Obedience is better then Sacrifice: the truth whereof was most undoubtedly most perspicuous, in this particular, by which that very Action, which otherwise had been most cruel Murther, became more acceptable in the sight of God, then any Sacrifice that ever was offered, save only That, wherein greater Obedience, then Abraham here intended was here actually performed.

3 But some (perhaps) will here demand, what Argument can be drawn from Obedience unto Divine Supreme Authoritie, for justifying Obedience unto Subordinate Powers, in Matters, which, in our private estimation, we deem Unlawful? Shal we equalize Man with God, or Humane Authority with Divine? No, but we should know, that all Lawful Powers are from God, and he that resisteth them, resisteth the Authoritie of Divine Power. Abrahams War­rant for killing his Son, was more Authentick and express, then we can have for any particular Action, which we privately conceive as evil: but not more Authentick & express, then many Divine Precepts for obedience unto lawful Governours are. As his Warrant was better, so had his Action without it been more desperate, then such as superiour powers usually impose upon inferiors. The former Instance then was brought, principally, to mitigate the Rigour of their Preciseness, who stifly maintain, That no Obedience can legitimate such Actions, as, without it, would be evil; but all must be performed only in mat­ters presupposed Good and Lawful, or at least acknowledged for Indifferent unto Private Men, before injoyned by Publick Authoritie. The Contradicto­rie to which universal Negative appears most true, in this particular Affirma­tive of Abrahams Resolution and Obedience: from which we may further Argue thus. As the immediate interposition of Divine Authority made that Acti­on Holy and Religious, which otherwise had been barbarously Impious: so may the interposition of Authoritie, derived from God, make some Actions, which, barely considered, would be apparantly Evil, Desperate, or Doubtful, to be Honest, Good, and Lawful. To beat one that is Sui Juris, at his own disposition, and in his right mind, against; or one that is not such, with his Consent; were insolent Wrong: Because, we have no Power over the one; the other none over himself, to Authorize such usage of his Bodie. What would it be then, in private Men, to beat such as they know for Gods Embassadours, though requested by them so to do; when as the very Request might seem to argue some present Di­stemper, or Distraction of Minde? No doubt, but he that refused to smite his Neighbour Prophet (whether Elisha or some other: the storie is in the first of [Page 172] Kings) [...]. did not only pretend, but truly had some scruple of Conscience, left he should offend, either that general Law of not doing Wrong unto his Neighbour, or that peculiar Precept, Do my Prophets no harm: and yet for his Disobedience to the Prophets command became a Sacrifice to the Lion. But he that took the Prophets Authoritie for his Warrant, though he smote, and in smiting wounded him, yet did he not hurt his own Conscience a whit, but rather by thus doing, preserved it whole, notwithstanding the former Precept of doing Gods Prophets no harm. † To rifle a Spanish ship, upon pri­vate Quarrels, were Piracie in an English Navigator, to kill a Spaniard, Mur­ther; but suppose the Kings Majestie, upon Wrong done, by that Nation to our State, not satisfied; should grant his letters of Mart: to rob them of their Goods were no Piracie, to take away their Lives no Murther: yet were the out ward Action in both Cases the same, but the circumstances diverse, and the partie that now undertakes it, hath better Motives then before he had.

4 Many Instances might be brought unto this purpose, all evidently evincing thus much in general, That sundry Actions, which undertaken out of private Choice, would be Wicked, (because we conceive in them some Evil, without any conceit of possible good to set against it) may by Injunction of publick Authority become Lawful to us; because we have new Motives and bet­ter Warrants for to do them; nor can our adventure upon such Actions be censured for Desperate, as before it might well have been. For first, whilest Men of skill and judgement, appointed by God to Advise in such Matters, are otherwise perswaded then we in private are: the Rule of Christian Mo­destie bindes us to suspect our own Perswasion, and consequently, to think there may be some Good even in that Action wherein heretofore we thought was not; wherein as yet we our selves see none, yet may safely perswade our selves that others see, either more Good or lesse Evil. And unto this Per­swasion we must adde this Consideration also: That Performance of Obedi­ence it self is a good and acceptable Action in the sight of God. Or to come nearer the Point.

5 The goodness of our sincere Obedience alone is not a Consequent only of [...] the Action but either an essential part, or such a Circumstance, or Motive pre­cedent, as brings a new [...]ssence for it concomitant; whereby the Evil (which we, out of private Perswasions, fear) may be countervailed, as well as if we did conceive some good probably included in the very Object of the Action it self, which might be equivalent to the Evil feared. At the least then, some Actions, which privately we would avoid as altogether Evil, may upon the former Motives be as lawfully undertaken, as those which we hold, as probably Good, as Evil.

6 But, as every Conceit of any Good is not sufficient to countervail all Conceit of Evil, which may appear in the same matter: so neither may all Au­thoritie countervail every private Perswasion, in any man; but the greater, or more publick, the Authoritie is, the more should it prevail with all private Persons, for the undertaking of such Actions, as otherwise would seem Un­lawful. The like may be said of the danger, or scandal, which might arise from the Example of our Disobedience, or non performance of Obedi­ence. The greater the Harm is, likely to ensue such Neglect of Obedience, the more we are bound to be lesse scrupulous in Obeying, for these are not meer Consequents of the Action. The Reason why men often mistake them for such, is, because they distinguish not between the real Harms themselves, or scandalous Events, which follow the Action, and the serious [Page 173] Forecast of their Danger. For as the Means are precedent to the real Assequu­tion of the End, and yet the Intention of the End doth alwayes go before the right Choice of Means, and as it were, seasons them for the Production of what we intend: so albeit the real Events or Harms be meer Consequents, yet the mature and prudent forecast of Danger, likely to follow any Action or Resolution, must be admitted into the Consultation precedent, and ought to sway our Consciences, according to every degree of their Probabilities un­partially conceived, as wel as if we were as probably perswaded of so many degrees of inherent goodnesse in the Action it self, or its essential Object. For the Avoidance of any Evil equally probable, is as good as the Attaining of an equal good. If the danger which we justly fear may follow our Neglect of O­bedience, whether in things Forbidden or Commanded, be as great as the E­vil, which (upon like Probabilitie) we conceive in the very Action it self; it should make us as willing to do what we are Commanded, as to refuse: albeit we set apart the goodnesse, which may arise from the meer Act of Obedience it self.

7 That both goodnesse of meer Obedience, as Obedience, and also the danger of Evil likely to ensue our denial thereof, are either Essential Parts of the Object, or such Internal Motives precedent, as may raise a new Form in the Action: may be gathered from what hath been said afore, of things In­different. For the Injunction of Authoritie, as none (I think) will deny, makes Some Obedi­ence may af­ter that evil which appears in some Acti­ons: because a­ny Obedience (though in the lowest degree) doth make A­ctions which without it were indifferent, to be truly good. things which to have done, or not to have done, was before Indifferent, now not to be such, but Necessarie and good. So as, not only the Obedience is to be thought good, but the very Action wherein Obedience is seen, though before Indifferent, is now inherently good, and the Omission of it would be in it self Evil, and not by Consequent only. For Obedience either is, or causeth, a new Form or Essential Difference, which doth as it were sub­limate the outward Action, to an higher Nature and Quality then it was capable of before. For the same Reason may this goodnesse of Obedience, and the due Consideration of Harms, which may follow its Refusal, make such Actions, as before had been Evil for us out of private Resolutions to have undertaken, not to be any more Evil, but Good. The Difficultie only is, what private Doubts or Dislikes may be countervailed by publick Au­thoritie: or what certain Rule may be given when they may, and when they may not.

8 General Rules in this Case are very hard to be given, because the Circum­stances To give precise Rules what Actions may of evil become good by Obedi­ence, is very difficult. may be many and divers. The Authority may be greater or lesse: so may their Dislike that are to perform Obedience be of the things enjoyned. The Injunction likewise may be more or lesse Peremptorie. Sometimes it may seem to resemble rather an Advice, then absolute Command: sometimes rather to Adjure, then Command: Sometimes the Parties in Authority may be of lesse, and the parties of whom Obedience is exacted, of greater Reach, and deeper Insight in those matters, whereunto Obedience is enjoyned, according to the Diversitie of the Subject of Obedience, which sometime may be such, wherein men of Experience or Practice are to be most Believed, wherein Concurrence of Judgements and Multitude of Voices may argue more Truth: Sometimes the Subject of Obedience, may be matters of abstruse Speculation, wherein one man of profound Judgement is more to be Belie­ved, then five hundred but of ordinarie Capacitie. For as things Visible, but far Distant, so matters of abstruse Speculation, cannot be discerned by multitude of Eyes, but by clearnesse of Sight; and as he that could discern ships in the Carthaginian, from the Lilibaean haven, saw more then all Xerxes [Page 174] Armie could in like Distance: so doth it oft fall out, that some one pro­found Judicious Contemplator sees clearly that Truth, which all the Wits of the same Age had not been able without him to discover. Such men may sin in obeying Authority, whereunto others in yeelding Obedience, sin not; be­cause they can discern the Unlawfulnesse of the Command it self better than others. But unlesse a man can justly plead this, or some other like peculiar Reason or Priviledge, it is a very suspitious and dangerous Case to Disobey lawfull Authority, (whether Spiritual or Temporal) in such matters as he thinks others of his own Rank may with safe Conscience Obey, or in such matters, whereunto he sees many men, by his own Confession of great Judgement and Integrity of Life, yeelding Obedience with alacritie. For if thus he think of them, he cannot but suspect himself and his Perswasi­ons of Error; nay he cannot be otherwise perswaded, but that the Com­mandment, or publick Injunction of Authority, is not absolutely against Gods Commandment; for so it could not be Obeyed, with safe Consci­ence, by men of Skil and Integrity. A certain Rule when Authority may be dis [...]eyed, without whole of [...] [...] is alwa [...]es more [...] then Sa [...]e. And this I take to be the safest ge­neral Rule that can be given in this Case: Not to consider the particular Mat­ters enjoyned, with such of their Circumstances, or Consequences as we out of our private Imaginations conceive, or fear; so much, as the general Form of publick Injunction, as it indistinctly concerns All. If we can truly discern the Law or publike Act it self to be against Gods Law, and such as will lay a Necessi­tie upon us of transgressing Gods Commandements, if we yeeld Obedience to particulars enjoyned by it: Our Apostles have already answered for us, It is better to Obey God then Men. Christ had commanded them to preach