CHAP. 1. A short Account of Julian's Life.

COnstantine the Great, famous for being the Euseb. in vitâ Const. l. 4. c. 51. first Christian Empe­ror, divided the whole Empire, at his Death, amongst his three Sons, as a Father does his E­state amongst his Chil­dren. That Part which came by his Ance­stors, the West, he gave to the Eldest, the East [...]. Greg. Naz. In­vect. 1. p. 58. to the Second, and that which lay betwixt these; to the Yongest. All which devolved at last upon the second Son Constantius, by the death of his two Brothers. In the mean time, the Army used an extremity of Cauti­on to secure them in the quiet [...] of their respective Thrones, for being jealous lest their Uncles, and other Kindred, might u­surp, they put them to the Sword. In these outrages of the Souldiery, Constantius and Anibalianus, and Dalmatius Caesar, were slain; but Gallus, and Julian, the Sons of this last-named Constantius, were won­derfully delivered, and saved, beyond all expectation. The cause of their Delive­rance is variously represented. [...] every where attributes it to Constantius [Page 2] the Emperor; and so does Julian himself Socrat l. 3. c. 1. So­zom. l. 5. c. 2. acknowledge it in his Panegyrick of him. Others say, That Gallus the elder Bro­ther was very sick, and the Souldiers con­cluded, that his Disease would kill him, and save them the labour; and they did not think Julian dangerous, being but a­bout five Years of age. However that be, the Emperor Constantius afterward took great care of them, and they were main­tained Greg. Naz. In­vect. 1. p. 58. [...]. and served like Princes, in one of the Royal Palaces, as being the remaining Branches of his Family, reserved for the Empire. They both made so good progress in Learning, that they entred into Orders, so as to read the Scriptures to the People, thinking this no diminution to them, but that Piety was the greatest Ornament. The one of them was sincerely pious, though Ibid. p. 58. 59. hot and fierce in his Nature; but the other redeeming the time, hid his wicked Tem­per under a Masque of Gentleness.

Gallus after this was made Caesar, and a great part of the World put into his Hands; Ibid. p. 60. who being accused of Cruelty, and aspi­ring to the Empire, was rashly cut off by the Emperor. Julian at the same time fell under the Emperor's suspicion, but by Socrat. l. 3. c. 1. the intercession of the Empress, he had leave to go to Athens to study Philosophy. How he spent his time there, Theodoret informs Theodoret. Hist. l. 3. c. 3. us. Julian, after the death of Gallus, grew presumptuous, and had a great mind to the Royal Scepter. For which cause he went up and down Greece, to find out Fortune­tellers and Conjurers, having a mind to know whether he should obtain his desire. And he met with a Man that promised to fortel him these things; who led him into an Idol Temple, and there initiated him; [Page 3] so that the desire of a Kingdom strip'd this thrice wretched Person of his Piety. But, according to Gregory, he had none to lose Greg. Ib. p. 61. at that time. For before this, in his Bro­ther's Time, Asia was Julian's School of Impiety, for Astronomy, and Nativities, and the vanity of Prognosticating, and that which follows these, Magick; and he want­ed nothing but Power to add to his Wicked­ness. And before that, Gregory concludes, that he was a concealed Pagan, when he dis­puted Ibid. hard with his Brother in favour of the Heathens, and pretended, that he only tried how he could hold the weaker side of a Question. Which agrees with what him­self Julian Ep. 51. writes to the Alexandrians, when he was Emperor. He advises them not to worship Jesus, as God the Word, whom neither they nor their Fathers ever saw; but the great Sun, which from Eternity all Man­kind do see, and behold, and worship, which is the living, and animated, and un­derstanding, and bountiful Image of the Intelligible Father; if they would be ru­led by him, who had tried both Religions; who had lived twenty Years in their Religi­on, and was now onwards of twelve in this. However the Fathers all agree, that the oc­casion of his revolt from Christianity, was from a thirst of Empire; and from consul­ting his Heathen Gadbury's about it; for Sozomon tells us, That no Christian was to Sozom. l. 5. c. 2. meddle with the Arts of foretelling things to come. St. Austin has fully exprest the Matter in few Words; The same God, says he, that gave the Empire to a good Empe­ror, August de Civit. l. 5. c. 21. gave it likewise to Julian the Apostate, Cujus egregiam indolem decepit amore domi­nandi sacrilega & detestanda curiositas.

The World knew nothing at all of this, [Page 4] nor the Emperor himself, who was now perfectly reconciled to him, and sent for him from Athens, and made him Caesar; and as the greatest Pledge of his sincere Affection, Socrat. l. 3. c. 1. gave him his Sister Helena to wife, and gave him the command of an Army, against some of the Northern barbarous People who had invaded France. Julian indeed was jealous of this sudden advancement, and look'd upon it as grinning Honour; and in Homer's words, at that very time called it, [...], a purple Death; and long after, in his large Letter to the Senate and People of Athens he represents it as an Artifice to expose him to danger, and to de­stroy him. But as Socrates has well obser­ved, Socrat. Ib. it is plain that the Emperor had no such bad Intent, when he had given him his Sister, for that would be to have Defigns a­gainst himself. In France he was very suc­cessful, and routed the Enemy; and having got the Hearts of the Common Souldiers, by giving them Mony, they declared him Emperor. Thus Julian began to Reign; and after he had changed the Magistrates in every Province, and traduced Constantius in every City where he came, and having en­creased his Numbers, with those that revol­ted from Constantius, he openly laid afide his Hypocrisy of Christianizing, and mar­ches with his Army for Constantinople. His Greg. In­vect. 1. p. 67, 68. pretence was, that he came to excuse his be­ing made Emperor; but in truth it was to wrest the whole Empire out of Constantius's hands. Who, on the other side, was going against the Persians; but hearing of Juli­an's march, advanced with his Army to Ruffinus l. 1. c. 26. meet him; but fell sick and died in Cilicia. If this fatal Blow had not happened to the Christians, Gregory concludes, That Julian [Page 5] had now paid for his Folly, and not gone so Invect. 1 pag. 68. [...]. far as Persia for his Punishment, as he did afterwards, but had met it now within the Bounds of the Roman Empire. And he gives a very good reason for his Opinion; for when Julian was now lawful Emperor, and the state of Affairs was quite altered; ‘Yet he found much difficulty in conquer­ing that Army.’

The first thing he did when he came to Constantinople, was to change his Court; ‘By putting to death some, and banishing Greg. In­vect. 1. p. 75. others, not only for being loyal to the great King Constantius, but for being more loyal to a greater King, and therefore un­serviceable to him upon both accounts.’ The next thing was, to gain the Souldiery; ‘Which he presumed would be an easy busi­ness, because some of them would be pre­vailed upon by Honours, and some would be drawn away by Simplicity, as knowing no other Law than the Will of their Prince; and as for the [...] and time­serving part, he could not fail of them.’ And in conclusion, he did draw over the greatest part of them. ‘Nevertheless, God had still a Remnant, more than 7000 that did not bow he Knee to Baal, but repulsed Julian, as a brave strong Wall does asor­ry [...] that is played against it.’ He likewise called home the Orthodox Bishops whom Constantius banish'd, for one or both of these Reasons, as Sozomen will have it; Sozom. l. 5. c. 5. either that the Church might be embroiled by a Civil War of Contention among them­selves, or to lay an odium upon Constanti­us; which last is in effect what Theodoret Theod. l. 3. c. 4. says, He did it as a popular Act.

Having thus setled himself in his Throne, and made the Army sure to him, he began [Page 6] to discover his Malice against the Christi­ans. ‘For before this he stood in fear of the Ib. cap. 3. Souldiers, who were Men principled in the true Religion. First of all, the fa­mous Constantine having freed them from their former Errors, instructed them throughly in the Doctrine of Truth; and after this his Sons confirmed them in it. For though Constantius, at the Instigation of others, rejected the word [...], yet he sincerely confess'd the meaning of it: For he called the Genuine Son, who was begotten of the Father before all Worlds, God the VVord. Julian know­ing these things very well, did not disco­ver the wickedness of his Heart, nor as yet make any Laws against the Christians.’ Nay, he charged the People, That they Sozom. l. 5. c. 5. should injure none of the Christians, nor reproach them, nor draw them to Sacrifice against their VVills.

They suffered, notwithstanding, very much in this Interval, as well as [...], from the insolency of the Heathens, and Julian's con ivance at it. Of which Theo­doret gives us abundance of Instances. The Theod. l. 3. c. 6. Heathens, says he, ran about the Streets, and abused the Saints with [...] and Mockery, and omitted no sort of reproach­ful and abusive Language. The Christians, not being able to bear the hard Speeches of these Men, reproached them again, and ran down that false Religion which they had in great Veneration. The Heathens, on the other side, answered them with Blows, and all manner of ill Usage, which he there sets down. In some places they proceeded to the most barbarous Out-rages. At Ascalon, and at Gaza, where they rip'd up Chri­stians, and then stuffing them with Barley, [Page 7] threw them to be devoured by the Swine; As Gregory observes, the first Hogs-meat of Invect. 1. p. 88. that kind that ever was in the World, and fit only for Julian's Devils. At Heliopolis there was one Cyril a Deacon, who in the Reign of Constantine, burning with a Di­vine Zeal, broke many of the Images which were there worshipped: the execrable Hea­thens remembring this Act, not only kil­led him, but cutting open his Belly, they tasted his Liver. The Historian Records it as a Judgment upon those that did it, that in a short time after, their Teeth, and Tongues, and Eyes, drop'd out of their Heads. But, of all the rest, I must not omit their usage of Marcus Bishop of Arethusa; He, in the Time of Constantius, throwing down an Idol Temple, built a Church in­stead of it. The People of Arethusa having understood Julian's Aim and Intention, soon discovered their hatred against Mar­cus, who fled for it; but hearing that some of his Friends were like to suffer upon his account, he returned and delivered up him­self to that barbarous People; who (because he would neither rebuild their Idol Temple, nor pay the Money which they demanded for it) strip'd him, and beat him, and dragged him about the Streets by the Hair of his Head. They threw him into Sinks, and stinking Channels; after that, they set on the Boys to stab and pinck his Body all over with their writing Bodkins; they cut off his Ears with Thread, and otherwise tortured him; they anointed him over with Oil and Hony, and put him into a Net, and hoisted him up in the open Air, in the very heat of Summer, to expose him to [...] and Wasps, and such mischievous Insects. And, at last, when they were weary [Page 8] of abusing and tormenting him, they would have compounded with him for one piece of Gold. He said, No; it was the same Im­piety to [...] one half-penny, as to give the whole sum. It is observable, that this Marcus was one of those that saved Julian, and privately conveyed him away at that time of danger, which we spoke of before. Greg. In­vect. 1. p. 90. Whereupon Gregory has this sharp saying; ‘For that one thing perhaps it was, that he justly suffered all this, and deserved to suffer a great deal more, because he saved, unawares, so great an evil to the whole World.’ Now all this was done and much more, not only without, but against Law: whereby it appears, how much an established Religion is valued, when the Prince himself happens to be of another. For that alone authorizes the greatest Violence, and Op­pression, and Outrages against them that differ from him. The Heathens, you see, did not stay for Laws and Edicts to warrant such Proceedings, which indeed they never had at all; but as soon as they knew how Julian stood affected, they took that for their Cue, to act these Tragedies upon the Christians. They knew it would please the Emperor, and that was an unwritten Invect. 1. p. 92. Law. As Gregory wisely observes upon this occasion; ‘The VVill and Pleasure of the Emperor, is an unwritten Law, back'd with Power, and much stronger than writ­ten ones, which are not supported by Au­thority.’Upon which account he [...] all this Persecution to Julian himself, who being a Philospher, avoided the Name of a Persecutor; and compares those that in­jured the Christians, to several Implements of Mischief, but him to the first Mover who set them on work.

[Page 9] This under-hand Persecution, was follow­ed with one more open and publick; and though it were not so very severe in it self, yet it still encouraged the former. As The­odoret's Theod. l. 3. c. 7. words are in the next Chapter; ‘A thousand other Insolencies every where, both by Sea and Land, were then com­mitted, by the Wicked against the Godly. For, from this time, the hated of God publickly made Laws against Christianity.’ Invect. [...] p. 81. To begin with that which Gregory says was a Law, though a childish and ridiculous one; whereby it was ordered, That Chri­stians should be called Galileans; as if Men were to be put out of conceit with their Re­ligion, by a Nick-Name, especially when our Blessed Saviour himself suffered so much in that kind, as the same Father ho­nestly Theod. l. [...] c. 7. observes. In the next place, he pro­hibited the Children of Christians to have any Poetry, Rhetorick, or Philosophical Learning; for, says he, according to the Proverb, We are shot with our own Fea­thers: Or, as Socrates expresses it, He com­manded, Socrat. l. [...] c. 12. by a Law, That they should have no Schooling or Education, lest by this Advantage they might be better able to op­pose the Disputants of the Gentiles. Some of the Fathers say, That he would suffer no. Christian Masters to teach, and make no­mention at all of his forbidding the Youth [...] Ep. [...]. to learn. Nay, Julian himself says, That it would be an unjust thing to [...] Children, which knew not which way to turn them­selves, from the right way; and says ex­presly, That their Children were not prohi­bited. Upon this Baronius wonders at the Ecclesiastical Writers, for saying, They were prohibited. Bishop Montague won­ders more at him, for contradicting all [Page 10] Antiquity. These great Men could not see a Consequence, which every poor Hugenot that comes over, perfectly understands. For by removing the Christian Masters, he did effectually deny the Children of Christians any benefit of Learning. For who would send their Children to Heathen Masters, where they should be in apparent danger of being principled aud trained up in Heathe­nism? So that this Liberty which he indul­ged them, was a thousand times better let alone; it was one of his Traps, and deceit­ful Favours, wherein confisted the true Spi­rit and Genius of Julian's Persecution. And this has been one of the Modern ways of extirpating the pestilent Northern Heresy in France; where the Protestants have had the liberty, and almost a necessity, of sending their Children to Popish Schools, by being allowed but one Protestant School-master, where five would have been little enough. He made another Law, That those that would not forsake Christianity, should have Theod. l. 3. c. 7. Socrat. l. 3. c. 13. no place in the Guards, nor be Governours in the Provinces. Immediately, as Socrates adds, who were true Christians, and who had only past for such, were made as mani­sest to all Men, as if they had been set upon a Stage. They that were hearty sincere Christians, readily threw off their Military Girdles, chusing rather to endure any thing, than to deny Christ. Amongst whom were Jovian, and Valentinian, and Valens, who were afterwards Emperors. Of the other sort, who preferred the Mony and Honour which is to be had here, before true Happiness, was Ecebolius, who was always of the Emperor's Religion. Under Con­stantius he was an hot Christian, and under Julian a [...] Heathen, and after Julian's [Page 11] Time, would fain have been admitted for a Christian again.

Gregory likewise makes mention of his Invect. 1. p. 86. Edicts against the Churches, to spoil them of their Endowments, Plate, and publick Stock; which was performed with Military Execution, and in some places with much cruelty. And the last was, to levy Money Socrat. l. [...]. c. 13. upon those that would not Sacrifice, to de­fray the Charges of his Persian Expedition.

These are all the Laws which I can find he made against Christians; though he de­signed far greater Severities against them, when he came home again from Persia. He Invect. 1. p. 93, 94. [...]. intended, among lesser Matters, as Gregory tells us, to lay them all under a kind of Ci­vil Excommunication, for they should have no benefit of the Law, unless they would Sacrifice in the presence of the Courts of Justice; so that whatever Injuries had been done to them, hey were to have no Remedy. But to the great happiness of the Christians, that day never came, for he was killed in Persia: but by whom, and in what manner, we refer that to a more proper place.

CHAP. II. The Sense of the Primitive Christians about his Succession.

JVlian's coming to the Crown, a Pagan, was a perfect surprize to the World; so that we cannot expect to read of any Endeavours used to prevent his Succession, and to fore-close him upon the score of his Religion. There can be no Petition to [...] to exclude him, nor Addresses [Page 12] in favour of him; No Lives and Fortunes rashly staked down to maintain Impossibili­ties, to defend Him and Christianity toge­ther. These things are not to be had, and therefore we must be content to be without them: And the rather, because the Fathers have told us as much of their mind in this Point, as if they had actually, either Peti­tioned or Address'd.

To proceed the more faithfully and clear­ly in this Matter, it will be necessary to consider how the Succession stood, and what Right and Title Julian had to succeed to the Empire. And then, whether the Chri­stians would have been willing to set aside this Title, and to have excluded him, pure­ly for his Religion.

1. And in the first place, there is nothing more plain, than that the Empire was He­reditary: There are not words in the World to express it more plainly, then it is done, in these following Testimonies. Eusebius, speaking of Constan­tine Euseb. vita Const. l. 1. c. 5. [...]. the Great, hath these words; ‘Thus the Throne of the Empire descended to him from his Fa­ther, and by the Law of Nature was reserved for his Sons, and for their [...], and was to descend for ever, as ano­ther Paternal Inheritance does.’ To which we shall subjoyn as plain a Testimony from an [...]. Eumenius, in his Pan­egyrick to the same Constantine, besides a Non for­tuita [...], non repentinus [...] favoris even­tus te [...]: [...] nascendo meruisti. Quod [...] Decrum [...] & [...], &c. [Page 13] great deal more to the same purpose, tells him, ‘It was not the casual consent of Men, it was not any sudden effect of their Fa­vour which made you a Prince. You gain­ed the Empire by being born into the World; which seems to me the first and greatest Gift of the Gods for one to come into the World Great, and to have that at home ready for him which others can hardly attain with all the toyl and labour of their whole Lives.’ Now if Constantine the Great was born to the Empire, so was Julian, having the same Royal Blood flow­ing in his Veins; being the Grand-son, as the other was the Son of Constantius Chlo­rus. After such full and pregnant Proofs, it would be time ill spent to heap up more; such as that of Julian in his Pan­egyrick to the Empress Euse­bia, Julian Orat. 3. p. 202. [...]. where he says; ‘That Con­stantius married her, to have Heirs for his Great Lordship of almost all the VVorld.’He ha­ving none, Julian himself was the sole and undoubted Heir; for in him the Family was after­wards extinct.

Only there are some who would be glad (whether they understand what it is or not) to see some Divine Right mixed with a Ti­tle, for that would make it sacred and strong indeed. To please these Men if we can, let us again consider that Clause of Eusebius in the place last mentioned, where he [...], That the Empire was entailed, [...], by the Edict of Nature; which I think is the most sure and divine Settle­ment that can be. But lest we should think this Expression fell from him by chance, in another place he varies the Phrase, [Page 14] and calls it, [...], the Euseb. iv. Con. lib. c. 15. [...]. Law of Nature. Speaking of Constantius Chlorus; ‘He past over the Inheritance of the Em­pire, by the Law of Nature, to his Eldest Son, and then died.’ And in anotherplace he has these words; ‘His Son Constantine immediately receiving the Go­vernment was declared absolute Emperor Euseb. Hist. l. 8. cap. 25. [...]. and Augustus by the Army, and long be­fore that, by the great King of all, God himself.’ If this will not do, I know not what measure of Divine Right will serve their turn, unless they would have a Crown to drop from the Clouds. And Julian pretends to no less than that, in his Epistle to the Jews; where he makes them large Promises of Quiet and Safety under his Go­vernment; ‘That, savs he, enjoying this Julian. Ep. 25. [...]. Security, you may enlarge your Prayers for my Reign, to God the Creator of the World, who has vouchsased to crown me with his own unspotted Right-hand.’

2. And yet the Fathers had the Consci­science to set aside such a Title as this, and would have done an hundred more such, to secure their Religion. They were not so happy indeed, as to be before-hand with Julian, and to get him excluded; because, as I said before, there was not the least suspi­cion that he had changed his Religion; but they shew their good-will sufficiently by what they said and did afterward. If they had no occasion to make their Application to Constantius about this Business while he was here, will it not do full as well, if they call after him to Heaven, and expostulate the matter with him there? And this Gre­gory does in several places; In the very [Page 15] beginning of his Invective, which he made presently upon Julian's death. After he has summoned all Nations to hear his Speech, all that dwell in the World, all People, Tribes, and Languages, all Men that are or shall be: And that his preaching might go the farther, all the Powers of Heaven, all the Angels, whose work it was to destroy the Tyrant, who had not kill'd a Sihon King of the Amorites, nor an Og the Invect. 1. p. 49, 50. King of Bashan, but had kill'd the Dragon, the Apostate, the great Designer, the com­mon Enemy and Adversary of all, &c He applies himself particularly to Constantius: ‘Hear, O thou Soul of Constantius the Great, (if you can hear at all what we say) and the Souls of all Christian Kings before him; but his especially, for as much as having grown up with the Inheritance of Christ, and enlarged it to his Power, and establish'd it by a long continuace, so as to be upon this account the most re­nowned of all the Kings that ever were, (O the mischief of it!) he committed a gross mistake very unworthy of his own Plety: Not being aware of it, he bred up for the Christians an Enemy of Christ. And he did amiss to be good-natured in this Instance only, in saving and making him a King, who was both ill-saved, and made an ill King. And for this reason he is likely to be most delighted, as with the Destruction of Impiery, and the Restora­tion of Christianity, so likewise with this Speech.’ Which in the next words he de­dicates to God, as a Thanksgiving Oration, and a Sacrifice of Praise; so solemn it is. Now here is enough to shew that Constan­tius would never have made Julian, Caesar, nor have set up an Enemy of Christ over [Page 16] the Christians, if he had known him to have been such.

But the same Father will give us better Measure in another place, in these words; ‘Julian was presently Heir of his Brother's Invect. 1. p. 62, 63, 64. Kingdom, but not of his Piety; and not long after of him likewise who made him King; who partly gave way to it, partly was forced by Death, and suffered such a defeat, as was mischievous and pernicious to the whole World. What have you done, O divinest Emperor, and greatest lover of Christ! (for I am fallen to reprehending you, as if you were present and in hear­ing; although I know you to be much a­bove my reproof, being placed with God, and inheriting the Glory which is there, and are only gone from hence to exchange your Kingdom): VVhat strange kind of Counsel is this which you have taken, who did far excel all other Kings in VVisdom and Understanding!’ And after he has magnified him upon several accounts, he thus proceeds:

‘You, who were led by the Hand of God into every Counsel and Enterprize, whose VVisdom was admired above your Power, and again your Power more than your VVisdom, but your Piety was valued above them both: How comes it to pass there­fore, that in this Matter you should appear the only ignorant and inconsiderable Perfom VVhat haste was there of that cruel [...]. kindness? VVhich of the Devils [...] in along with you at that Consult? How have you thus, in a small and short point of Time, brought and delivered up to a com­mon Cut-throa, your great Inheritance, and your Father's Glory, I mean the Christians, that shining Nation which is [Page 17] in all parts of the VVorld; that [...] Priesthood, which has been encreased with much Toil and much Sweat?’

To this Accusation of this good Empe­ror, he presently subjoins an Apology, and shews at last, that what he did was through Ignorance; ‘For who could be ignorant, even of those that knew him but indiffe­rently, how that for the sake of Religion, and for the Love and good VVill he bare to us, he not only would have neglected him, or the Honour of his whole Family, or the Addition of an Empire; but also that he would have made no difficulty of part­ing with his very Empire, and all things he had in the VVorld, and his Life it self (than which no Man has any thing more precious) for our Security and Safety.’ And after a great deal more to the same purpose, he says thus; ‘But simplicity and plain-heartedness are not watchful, and weakness is joyned with good Nature; and who are freest from VVickedness, least suspect it. For this reason, what would come afterwards, was not known, and the Masque was not discovered.’ Sozom. l. 1. c. 5. [...]. Somewhat like our Prince of VVales, or King of the Ro­mans.

In this remakable Passage, we have all this for our present purpose.

1. That the making of Julian a Caesar, (by which means he had an easy Passage to the Crown, for it was the next step to it) was a rash, foolish, and inconsiderate Acti­on; that it was cruel and inhumane, and fit only for some Devil to advise.

2 That the Fault and Mischief of this Action, was not because he usurp'd after­wards upon Constantius, or upon any other Consideration whatsoever, bnt purely be­cause the Christian Religion suffered by it.

[Page 18] And. 3. That Constantius can be no o­therwise excused than by his ignorance of Julian's defection from Christianity.

And all this not nakedly set down, and coldly delivered, but with an Emphasis, and the greatest vehemency imaginable. He does not say, Constantius was to blame for this; but he calls him to account for it, he follows him with Interrogatories, and bids him answer from Heaven what he has done. He does not barely say, That if Constantius had known Julian's Religion, he would not have made him Caesar; but he fays, that he would have disinherited his whole Family first, he would have parted with his Empire, he would have strip'd himself of all, and lost his Life rather than have done it. And according we find, that as soon as Constantius understood his Er­ror, he bitterly bewailed it, which was just at his Death. He could not know it much sooner; For after Julian was decla­red Emperor, and had set up for himself, as Ammianus tells us, Am. Marcel. l. 21. ad init. Vt (que) omnes nullo impediente ad suum favorem alli­ceret, inhaerere cul­tui Christiano finge­bat, a quo jampri­dem occuliè descire­rat, &c. progressus in eorum Ecclesiam solemniter Numine or ato discessit. In. 1. p. 69. Or by his vigorous Expediti­on. [...]. ‘He still seigned himself a Chri­stian. And though in private he performed his Heathenish Rites trusting some few with the secert, yet he publickly went to Church on Twelfth­day, and after he had been de­vout at the Service, he came away again.’ This was at Vi­enna, not quite ten Months be­fore the Emperor's Death.

To return to what we were speaking of before, Gregory says, That Constantius made his excuse in many words, both to God and Man, for his kind­ness to Julian; and shewed the Christians, [Page 19] with much earnestness, the Concernment he had for the true Religion. This he did at his last gasp, when otherwise it was all one to him who had the Empire, for he had done with it. And in another place, and upon a different occasion, he has these words. ‘They report Constantius repented him at his last breath, when every Man is a just Judg of himself, because of the Tri­bunal, which is in the other World; for Orat. in laud. A­thanasii, p. 389. these three things he acknowledged were evil and unworthy of his Reign; the slaughter of his Kindred, and his decla­ring of the Apostate, and his innovating in Matters of Faith. And with these words in his Mouth he is said to have gone out of the World.’This is ten times more than if Constantius had actually excluded Juli­an, for he might have done that, and been sorry for it at his Death; as Men generally are for all the Actions of their Life, in which they are not satisfied. But now he repents him upon his Death-bed, where Men's Eyes are open, and they usually have their sobe­rest Thoughts about them, that he had not done it, and reckons it in the number of those things which have blackned his Reign.

This was the old fashion'd Doctrine of Gregory Nazienzen, who alone, except St. John, has had the Honour to be called the Divine; this was the sense of Basil the Invect. 2. p. 132. Great, for Gregory entitles him likewise to these Invectives; and this was the Consci­ence of a Dying Emperor. If this Doctrine shall displease any of those Men. who de­ceiving, and being deceived, say, That the Succession cannot be altered, which is pu­nishable by the Laws of the Land; or that it ought not to be altered for the safety and security of true Religion, which is contrary [Page 20] to what these Fathers assert with so much vehemency: In that case I have these two reasonable Requests to make to them.

1. That they would please to consute this Doctrine which they dislike, and prove it false.

And then, 2. that they would never hereafter fetch their Mountebank Receipts of Prayers and Tears, and such like En­couragements For even Scripture, not half so much abu­sed, these men them­selves call Cant. to Arbitrary Government, of which I shall say more anon, out of the Writings of these very Fathers; but let them pass from hence-forth for dan­gerous and Anti-monarchial Authors. Whom we can the better spare at this time, because the whole Christian World was of the same mind. Which, by the way, Julian This Am. Mar­cell. ex­presly ac­knowled­ges in the passage just now cited. understood very well; for what else made him go to Church? Nay, the Christians had such an aversion to a Pagan Successor, that they could not endure him, when he was become their lawful Emperor.

How fond they were of him, and what welcome they gave him to the Crown, and in how great heaviness they were at his Death, shall appear at large in the following Chapters.

CHAP. III. Their Behaviour towards him in Words.

ANd here a Man may almost lose him­self in the great variety of Instances, which may be given of their Hatred and Contempt of Julian, when he was Empe­ror. How they reproached him and his Re­ligion to his very Beard; beat his Priests before his Face, and had done him too, if [Page 21] he had not got out of the way; prayed for his Confusion, and triumphed at his Death, and loaded his Memory with the greatest Disgrace and Infamy. These things will better be seen in the History and Relation of the Matter of Fact: which I shall put into the best order I can, by giving an ac­count of what was done in his Life-time, and then all that concerns his Death, and after that, how they used his Memory.

Their Behaviour in his Life-time, will fall under these three Heads, of their Words, and Actions, and Devotions. I shall begin with the first of these, where Julian began with them. And they sufficiently requited him for calling them Galileans, for they named him Idolianus instead of Julianus, Invect. 1. p. 82. and Pisaeus, and Adonaeus, from his wor­shipping of Jupiter and Adonis, and Bull­burner, from the great number of them which he sacrificed. The Antiochians ex­ceeded in this kind of despiteful usage, and chafed him into the revengeful humour of writing a Book against them, which has preserved the memory of those Indignities which they put upon him. They derided the shape of his Body, his Gate, his Goat's Beard, every thing that belonged to him, as you may see in the very beginning of that Julian Misopogon. p. 88. Book. And afterwards he tells them they were very happy Men, who had renounced all service, either of the Gods, or Laws, or him who was keeper of the Laws; and that the Gods, as well as he, had suffered dishonour from that City. It was a say­ing among them, that Chi and Cappa had never done any injury to their City; by which Letters they meant Christ and Con­stantius. Ibid. p. 89. Yes, says he, let me tell you freely, Constantius did you one single [Page 22] Injury, that when he had made me Caesar, he did not kill me. Two or three times, in that little Book, he mentions their Anapests, and Lampooning his poor sorry Beard. P. 94, 95. He complains, that whereas the French lo­ved him for the likeness of his Humour, and P. 95, & 112. took up Arms for him, and gave him Mony, and applauded him; the Antiochians did the quite contrary: they said, That he turned the World up-side down, and that his Beard was fit to make Ropes of; and that he made War against Chi, and they wish'd for Cappa again. And after Juli­an Amm. Marcel. l. 22. Post quae multa in se facetè dicta comperi­ens coactus dissimu­lare pro tempore Irâ sufflabatur internâ. had written this Book, they were smart upon him again; and tho he was inwardly enrag'd, he was forc'd to dissemble it at the present. These things indeed were not said to his Face; but they were the common talk of the Christians just under his Nose, while he lay with his Army about seven Months in that City, to be in a readiness for the following, Campaign. And he was so en­raged Lib. 23. Nondum irâ quam ex compel­lationibus & probris conceper at emollit â loquebatur asperiùs se eos asserens posteà non visurum. at them, that at his de­parture, when some wish'd him a happy Expedition, and a glo­rious Return, he very roughly said, That he would never see them more, their Nick-names and [...] stuck so in his Stomach. But who commends them for this? Even that does no less a Man than Theodoret, who lived under two of the four Vid. 8. Act. Con­cil. Chal­cedonen­sis. Theod. l. 3. c. 22. first General Councils, and was himself present, and a great part of the last of them. He puts it all upon the score of their Zeal and Love for their Religion. His words are these; ‘That the Antiochians, who had received their Christianity from the [Page 23] greatest pair of Apostles, Peter and Paul, and had a warm Affection for the Lord and Saviour of all, did always abomi­nate Julian, who ought never to be re­membred, you have his own word for it. For, for this Reason, he writ a Book a­gainst them, and called them the Beard­haters.’

2. They did not only thus scoff at him, and derided him behind his back; but they took the freedom to reproach him and his Religion to his Face; of which I shall give these two Instances. The first of a Noble Man of Beraea; the story is very remarka­ble upon several accounts, which Theodo­ret Theod. l. 3. c. 18. gives us in this manner.‘Julian, be­fore his Expedition against the Persians, sent to consult the Oracles, who promised him certain Victory. And after his Vi­ctory, he designed the ruin of the Christi­ans, and threatned to set up the Idol of Venus in the Christian Churches. March­ing on with these Threatnings, he was over­come by one single Man in Beraea: This Man was indeed in other respects an emi­nent Person, for he was Governour there; but his Zeal made him more eminent. For seeing his Son warping towards the false Religion, which then prevailed, he turned him out of Doors, and publickly disinheri­ted him. But he coming to the Emperor, who was but one Stage from the City, de­clared to him, both his own Perswasion, and how his Father had disinherited him. Julian bid the young Man set his Heart at rest, promising that he would reconcile his Father to him. So when he came to Beraea, he invited the Magistrates, and chief Men, to a feast, and amongst these was this young Man's Father; and him, with his [Page 24] Son, he ordered to sit next himself. And about the middle of Dinner, Julian says to the Father; In my mind it is not just to force a Man's Judgment, which is other­wise inclined, and to reduce it, against his Will, to the other side. Therefore do not you force your Son, against his mind, to follow your Opinion. For neither do I force you to follow mine, although I can very easily compel you. But the Father, sharpnening his Discourse with a Divine Faith, answered, O King, do you speak of this Villain, who is hated by God, and has preferr'd a Lie before the true Religi­on? But, says Julian, putting on again a Vizard of Meekness; Friend, leave Rail­ing; and, turning his Face to the young Man, he said, I will take care of you my self, since I have not prevailed with your Father to do it.’

And that did Maris Bishop of Chalcedon, Socrat. l. 3. c. 10. Sozom. l. 5. c. 4. with a witness, long before. ‘Being led by the hand, for he was blind, and in Years, he came to Court to the Emperor, when he was publickly sacrificing to Fortune, and reproached him much, calling him Impious, Apostate, and Atheist. And he reproached him again with his Blindness, and saying, Your Galilaean God will not cure you. But Maris replied to the Em­peror, with more Boldness, than before, says he, I thank God for striking me with Blindness, that I may not see thy Face, who art thus fallen into Impiety. The Emperor said nothing to this, but he per­secuted [Page 25] him grievously afterwards. And the aged Bishop, I suppose, had more wit than to expect any other’

It would be endless to reckon up the Say­ings Theod. l 3. c. 14. Chrysost. Hom. 40. Theod. l. 3. c. 16. of Juventinus and Maximus, whose Anniversary Sermon St. Chrysostom in his Time preach'd at Antioch; of those Soul­diers that were trapan'd into Sacrificing, by one of Julian's Stratagems; and of many others, who did not spare him in the least: And therefore, in these Matters, the Rea­der must be satisfied with a tast only.

CHAP. IV. Their Actions.

HAving shewed you, the manner at least, how they treated him in Words, I proceed now to some of their Actions, which make manifest their hatred to him, and how they held him in the very lowest degree of Contempt. I shall give but two Instances, and the first is the Story of Valen­tinian, which Theodoret ushers in with this Preface: ‘And others that were in places Theod l. 3. c. 15. of Dignity and Authority, using the like boldness (as Juventinus and Maximus did) enjoyed equal Crowns. For Valen­tinian himself, who was afterwards Em­peror, but was then a Colonel of the Houshold Guards, did not hide the Zeal which he had for the true Religion. For when that Thunder-struck Mad-man went in Procession to the Temple of Fortune, the Chaplains stood on both sides of the Doors, cleansing, as they counted it, with Sprink­lings, or Holy Water, that those entred [Page 26] in. But when Valentinian, who gained both Kingdoms, of Earth and Heaven, for what he now did, walking before the Em­peror, saw this Holy Water coming near his Cloaths; he struck the Chaplain with his Fist, saying, that it would not cleanse, but defile him. Julian seeing what passed, sent him away to a Garison lying by a De­sart, and gave order that there he should spend his days. But in a Year, and a few-Months time, he was made Emperor, in reward of his Confession. For the Righte­ous Judg, not only rewards those that are concerned for Religion in the Life to come, but sometimes he presently gives them the recompence of their pious Labours, by these previous Gifts now, confirming the belief of those which Christians hope for hereafter.’

You see how Theodoret magnifies this Action; and though it was so high a breach of the Peace, as might have cost him his right Hand, if not his Head, in many Courts; yet he makes him no less than a Confessor for it.

And so St. Austin calls him; ‘Valenti­nian August. de Civit. l. 18. c. 52. was a Confessor of the Christian Faith under Julian, and lost his place in the Guards for it.’

Our next Instance, is a Passage of as great a Man in his way, and that is, Old Gregory Bishop of Nazianzum, Father to Gregory Nazianzen. We have it in the Funeral Speech or Sermon of the Divine upon his Father's Death; and after he has said a great deal in his praise, he has these Greg. Naz. O­rat. 19. p. 307. words: ‘But I suppose that some of them, who knew his Life very well, have won­dred a good while, that I should be so taken up in these things aforesaid, as if I [Page 27] had nothing else in commendation of him; and that I should make no mention of the difficulty of the Times, against which he seemed to have been set in battel aray. Come on then, and let me add these things to what has been said. Our Age bore such an Evil, as no Age did before, aud I sup­pose none will hereafter, an Emperor that was an Apostate, both from God and Rea­son, who thought it a small Bursiness to conquer the Persians, but a great Work to reduce the Christians. And the Devils that drove him, perswading him to it, he omitted no manner of Impiety, by Per­suasions, by Threatnings, Sophistry, draw­ing over to him, not only those that he gained by Artifices, but those also which he forced by Violence. Now who is there to be found that more despised this Empe­ror, or had a greater hand in destroying him, than my Father? Of his contempt of him, amongst many other, both those Archers, and their Commander, are a proof, whom he brought against our Church; as either to take possession of it, or to destroy it: For having assaulted ma­ny others, he came hither likewise with the same intent, and imperiously demand­ed the Temple. He so far failed of accom­plishing any thing of what he desired; that if he had not presently got out of my Fa­ther's way, (being aware of it, either of himself, or by some Bodies advice) he might have gone away kick'd; The Bi­shop boyling with Anger against him, and with Zeal for the Temple.’

I have had more trouble with this Pas­sage, than with all the rest in the Book. For I have often tried to make this seating intended for the Captain of the Archers, and [Page 28] have been ready to make Solaecisms in the Greek, to avoid the greater Solaecism of an Emperor of the World, awed and terrified with the fear of a kicking. But it will not do: it is too late for me to consult Julian's Honour, or to alter Gregory's words.

And that you may be satisfied this is the sense of them, I have here set down the Comment of a Metropolitan of Crete, who was a better Grecian than I ever expect to be.

Ac contemptionis, praeter multa alia, do­cumento Eliae Cre­tensis Com­ment. in locum. quo (que) sunt sagittarii illi & Dux eo­rum, quos impius ille adversùs Ecclesias con­citabat, tanquam scilicet eas aut assumptu­rus & subacturus, aut eversurus ac deletu­rus. Cum quibus scilicet omnibus nihil eorum, quae cupiebat, perfecit, in tale Eccle­siae propugnaculum incidens, quin potiùs, nisi quàm primum ipsi cessisset (nimirum vel ipse per se intelligens vel alium quen­dam consultorem audiens) etiam pedibus contusus abiisset, eo nimirum vehementiore quodam adversis eum Divino Zelo commo­to. Ergo contemptionis quidem luculentum hoc Argumentum est.

Here you have the description of one of the Lachrymists of old, who at fourscore and ten, and after he had been thirty five Years a Bishop, was an Over-match for a Pagan Emperor; and having vanquish'd him, and won the Field, kept it as long as he lived, which was about nine Years after Julian's Death. And which is more than that, The Garlands and Trophies of this Victory are hung up in the Church by the hands of another Bishop, to satisfy the Ex­spectation of a number of good Christian People, Basil the Great assisting at the Ceremony.

[Page 29] And now know I no more than the Pope of Rome, what to make of all this, what they meant by it, or upon what Principles these Men proceeded. Whether the Laws of their Country allowed them (which I am sure the Laws of our Country do not al­low a Man to imagine) to offer Violence to their lawful Emperor; or whether old Gre­gory distinguish'd, and did not resist Julian, but only the Devil, which his Son so often tells us was in him; Or how it was, I will never stand guessing. Only this we may be assured of, that none of these Bishops had ever been in Scotland, nor had learn'd to fawn upon an Apostate, and a mortal Enemy to their Religion.

CHAP. V. Their Devotions. And first of their Psalms'

THese Passages which we have hitherto related, were in common conversa­tion, in the Streets and Market-place, in the Court and abroad in the World; where the Christians might chance not to have their Religion about them, and so shew themselves Men of like Passions with other Men; but when they go to Church, and enter upon Holy Ground; or when­ever they make their Addresses to God in Prayers and Praises, there one may expect to see the flights of their self-denying and suffering Religion There one may justly expect they should lay aside all their Animo­sity against Julian, though he were their Enemy, and for that reason pray the harder for him. Yes, so they do, the wrong way; they cannot sing a Psalm, but they make [Page 30] his Confusion the Burden of it. And as they order the Matter, their Prayers and Tears are the Arms of the Church indeed, for they are Darts, and Arrows, and Fire­brands, and Death. If moving all the Power, and solliciting all the Vegeance of Heaven against a Man; if calling for the Sword, and the Plagues of Egypt, be praying for their Pagan Emperor, they give him enough of that; as you shall see anon in their own words.

I shall begin with their Psalms, which I shall set down so, as not to omit the Cir­cumstances I find with them.

‘Julian ordered the Christians to remove Theod. lib 3. cap. 9 and 10. the Bones of Babylas, and of the young Men who were martyr'd with him, from Daphne, where Apollo's Temple stood, Who gladly went and fetch'd the Coffin; and all the People went dancing before it, and singing David's Psalms; repeating after every Verse, Confounded be all they that worship graven Images! Julian not [...] the Disgrace which was hereby put upon him, the next day commanded the Leaders of this Dance to be appre­hended. Salustius the Governor, who was himself an Heathen, dissuaded the Emperor from it; but when he saw that Julian could not contain his Passion, he went and seized the first which came to hand; which was Theodorus, a young Man, adorned with Divine Zeal, walking in the Market-place: Him he tortured from Morning to Night, with so much Cruelty, and so many fresh Executioners, as no Age has mentioned the like. And when he was upon the Wrack, and a Toiturer plying him on either side, he did nothing hut sing o­ver again that Psalm, which the Congre­gation [Page 31] sung the day before, with an un­concerned and chearful Countenance.’This made Ruffinus, who likewise tells this Story, Ruffinus, lib. 1. c. 36. afterwards ask him whether he felt any pain? ‘Who said, that he felt a little, but there stood by him a certain Youth, who all the while wiped off his Sweat with a very white Linnen Cloth, and often poured cold Water upon him, which so delighted him, that he was sorry when he was taken off the Wrack. For when Salustius saw that he had spent all that Cruelty upon him to no purpose, he put Fetters upon him, and kept him in Prison. But he was soon released, and no Body else punish'd upon that account.’ Julian it seems did not care to have that Psalm any oftner re­peated; which he might very reasonably expect, when so much Cruelty could not make a Youth to alter his Note.

To this I shall only add, what Theodo­ret calls it, a memorable Story of an in­comparable Woman: ‘For even the Wo­men Theod. l. 3. c. 17. (says he) despised this Man's mad­ness, being armed with Divine [...]. Her Name was Publia, and she was Mother to John; who was often chosen to be Bi­shop of Antioch, but as often refused it. This Woman being a Widow, had a Quire of Virgins, which promised Virginity for LIfe, and was always singing Praises to God her Creator and Redeemer. And when the Emperor passed by, they sung their Psalms the louder, accounting him fit to be despised and derided. Now they sung, for the most part, those Psalms, which expose the weakness of Idols; and they said with David, The Idols of the Heathen are Silver and Gold, the Work of Men's Hands. And after they had shewed the [Page 32] senslesness of them, they added; Let them that make them, be like unto them, and all those that put their trust in them! He hearing these things, was grievously vexed, and commanded them to be silent at such time as he passed by. But she, little re­garding his Laws, put more courage into her Quire; and when he past by again, she bid them sing this Psalm, Let God a­rise, and let his Enemies be scattered! Julian, in great indignation, commanded the Mistress of the Quire to be brought to him; and when he saw her venerable Age, he neither had any compassion for her Years, nor honoured her Vertue, but commanded one of the Souldiers to strike her on the Face, till he made it all bloody with his hands. She receiving this Dis­grace, as the highest Honour, went back to her House; but she still shot him with her Spiritual Songs as she was wont.’

Now here indeed is a Suffering Religion, because the old Woman does not beat the Souldier; but I cannot possibly find out a­ny profound Primitive Obedience in this passage. Where is the Reverence due to Ma­jesty, or Eternity, as Emperors were then stiled, in courting him fit to be made a Laughing-stock? What dutifulness was there shewn, in refusing to comply with so reasonable a Command, as to forbear [...] Psalms only when he went by? But it was Julian, and they did not owe him so much Service. They say, Rage turns every thing into Weapons, and there seems to be some quantity of that Passion here, when their very Devotions are so plainly aimed and level'd at Julian's Head.

CHAP. VI. Their Prayers and Tears.

I Come now to their Prayers and Tears, of which Gregory gives us a large ac­count. He says, They followed Hezekiah's Example, who applied himself to God a­gainst Senacherib with good success. And he insinuates, that they had more reason to do it, because they had no other way to help themselves. ‘Thus did Hezekiah, who had great Forces about him, who was King of Invect. [...]. [...] p. 123. the great City Jerusalem, who perhaps might have beat off that numerous Enemy by himself. But we who had no other Wea­pon, nor Wall, nor any other Defence left us but our hope in God, as being altoge­ther deprived and cut short of all humane Aid: Whom else could we have, either to hear our Prayers, or to prevent what was threatned, but God, who swears against the Pride of Jacob? And presently after he givs us an Account of those Cries which they sent up to God, in some of them in­vocating him as a Lord and Master, in o­thers complaining as to a kind Father, in others again, as if they upbraided and ex­postulated with him, as Men in trouble use to do; O God, why hast thou rejected us for ever; why is thy Wrath so [...] the Sheep of thy Pasture? Lift up thy Hands against their Pride, &c. We chal­lenged the Sword, and the Plagues of E­gypt; and we besought him to judg his own Cause; and we urged him, that he would at length rise up against the Wicked. How long shall the Vngodly, how long shall the Vngodly boast?’And withall, we used [Page 34] those sorrowful and more proper Expressi­ons, ‘Thou hast made us a By-word and Reproach unto our Neighbours. We men­tioned the Vine out of Egypt, destroyed by the wild Boar, that wicked One, who made wickedness his own, and was all over pollu­ted with the Mire of it.’Hitherto Gregory speaks in the plural Number, as if others had joyned in these Prayers with him: Never­theless, because he says afterwards, These were my former Thoughts and Cries to God, it is possible they were his own private Devotions. However it is very evident, that their publick Devotions ran in the same strain.

In the forementioned Oration, at his Father's Funeral, you may remember that Gregory praises him for his contempt of Ju­lian, of which we gave you an account be­fore; and for contributing to his destructi­on. Concerning which he has these follow­ing words.

‘And as for his Destruction, How can Orat. 19. p. 307, 308 any one appear to have done more towards it than my Father? Either in publick, striking the Villain with the joint Prayers [...]. and Supplications of all the People toge­ther, and not at all fearing the Times; or in private, drawing forth his nightly Squadron against him; I mean, his lying upon the Ground, where he wore out his old Flesh, and watered the Floor with his Tears, for almost a whole Year together.’

In this place he does not specify what those publick Prayers were which they had for Julian, but he sufficiently describes them.

First, They were such as tended to his Destruction, and were a means of it.

2dly, They darted these Prayers at him. It is exprest by a word, which might more properly be employed to describe the throw­ing [Page 35] of that Javelin, which afterwards stuck in his Liver.

3dly, The nightly Squadron mentioned aster, confirms us, that with these they fought him by day.

And, 4thly, They were such Prayers as ex­posed old Gregory to a great deal of danger; but he did not fear the Times a crumb.

If ever the Christians were in cold Blood, sure they were at old Gregory's Funeral, for it was several Years after Julian's Death: And yet you see, that even then his opposi­tion to Julian serves to embalm his Memo­ry. It was thought to be so much for his honour, to help to pray Julian to Death, that a great part of the Congregation had been disappointed, if no mention had been made of it; as appears plainly from the Preface to this Passage before cited. So that in that Age the best Prayers and Tears were those, which did best execution upon an Apostate Emperor, and contributed most to his destruction. Which now follows to be spoken of in the next Chapter.

CHAP. VII. Julian's Death.

AFter Julian had reigned about nine­teen Months, which the Christians thought very much too long, he met with an untimely Death, and they with the answer of their Prayers. For when he had been some time in Persia, his Army being suddenly attaqued by the Persians, he made [...] Marc. [...]. 25. [...]. so much haste from place to place to re ieve [...] which were most hotly enga­ged, that he forgot his Armour; and while [Page 36] he thus exposed himself, he was struck with an Horse-man's Spear, which pierced his Side, and stuck in the bottom of his Liver; of which Wound, about midnight, he died.

And that the Christians might have this good News the sooner, as Historians tell us, it was conveyed to some of them by Miracle. ‘A Christian School-master at Antioch, who Theod. l. 3. c. 19. was ask'd in derision, by Libanius, Juli­an's great Master, What the Carpenter's Son was doing? being filled with Divine Grace, foretold what would shortly come to pass. For, says he, the Creator of the World, whom you in derision have called Carpenter's Son, is makings a Coffin. And in a few days after came the news of that wicked Wretch's Death.’

Which was likewise revealed in as extra­ordinary a manner to St. Julian Sabba. ‘Who having understood the Threatnings of that wicked One against the Christians, did more diligently offer up his Prayers to the God of the whole World. And on that day the Emperor was killed, this Person be­ing at Prayers knew, of it; although he was more than twenty days Journeys off. For, they say, as he was supplicating the mer­ciful and compassionate Lord, on a sudden he stop'd the current of his Tears, and was filled with Joy, which discovered it self in the chearfulness of his Countenance. They that conversed with him, seeing this change in him, desired to know the occasion of it. And he told them, that the wild Bore, the E­nemy of the Lord's Vineyard, had suffered the panishment of his Faults, and lay dead, having done designing. When they heard these things, they all fell a dancing, and offered up to God an Hymn of Thanks­giving. And they understood, by those that [Page 37] brought advice of his Death, that it was the same day, and the same hour, in which this Divine old Man, both knew the Wretch to be slain, and spoke of it before-hand.’

And thus the News, as fast as it arrived, was every-where entertained with all the demonstrations of joy and gladness. His old Friends, ‘The Antiochians, as soon as they heard of his Death, kept Feasts, and Theod. lb. c. 22. publick joyful Meetings; and they not on­ly had Dances in their Churches and Chappels of the Martyrs, but likewise in their Theatre they proclaimed the Victory of the Cross, crying aloud, with one Voice, God and his Christ have gotten the Victory.’In a word, the whole Church sung Songs of Triumph, as St. Jerome tells us, in his Comment upon the third of Habakkak.

Because it was not known who threw that Spear which killed him, it gave occasion to variety of Reports. ‘Some say he was kil­led by a Persian; but the more general and prevailing Report, is, That he was kill'd by one of his own Souldiers; as Socrates's words are. But Callistus, who was then in Julian's Service, and has given us the History of that War in Hero­ick Verse, says, it was a Daemon that did Socrat l. 3. c. 21. it. Which it may be he feigned as a Poet, and it may be was the truth of the Matter, for the Furies have punished very many.’ And so Theodoret after him. ‘Who it was Theod. l. 3. c. 20. that struck that just stroak, no Body knows to this day. But whether it was Man or Angel that thrust the Weapon, it is plain that he who did it, was the Minister of the Divine Appointment and Direction.’

But Libanius the Sophist, whom Julian in his Letters to him, calls his Dearest Bro­ther, is resolved to find out the Man that [Page 38] kill'd his good Friend; and thus he traces him. ‘Does any one desire to know the Sozom. l. 6. c. 1. Man that kill'd him? I know not his Name; but that he was none of the Ene­my, this is a clear proof, that no Body a­mong the Persians was rewarded for that Blow. Although the King of Persia made proclamation of rewarding him that kill'd him, yet no Body was tempted by the Re­ward to brag that he did it. And we are beholden to our Enemies, that they would not assume the Glory of those things which they did not do, but have allowed us to seek for the Murderer amongst our selves. Now his Life was not for their profit, who did not live according to his Laws, and had long plotted against him, and having then an oppotunity, put it it in execution. And Libanius writing after this fashion, insinuates, that he who kill'd Julian was a Christian; which it may be (says the Ib. cap. 2. Historian) was true.’This is a strange Concession, but you will more wonder that he should justify such a Traiterous Assassi­nation, and yet he does in the follow­ing words. ‘For it is not improbable, that some one of the Souldiers might take into consideration, how the Heathens, and all Men to this day, do still praise those who long since have killed Tyrants, as Men that were willing to die for the Common Liberty, and defended in that manner their Country-men, Kinsmen, and Friends. And you can hardly blame him, [...]. who shews himself so couragious for God, and for that Religion which he approves.’And it is another wonder to me, that this strange Doctrine should be dedicated to Sozom. dedicat. Eccl. Hist. Theodosuss the younger, an Emperor, who in less than fifty Years after, sat upon the [Page 39] very same Throne that Julian did.

And now we have brought Julian to his Grave, it may reasonably be expected, that there the Christians should let him rest in quiet, and let fall their Quarrel when their Enemy was gone. Which whether they did or no, shall be shewn in the next Chapter.

CHAP. VIII. How they used his Memory.

TO make amends for their dry Eyes at Julian's Funeral, the Christians spa­red neither pains nor cost to erect Pillars and Monuments to his Memory. Gregory gives us the Description of that stately one, which he reared for him; speak­ing to Julian; ‘This Pillar we erect for Invect. 2. p. 134. you, which is higher and more conspicu­ous than Hercules's Pillars. For they are fixed in one place, and are only to be seen by those that come thither; but this being a moveable one, cannot chuse but be known every where, and by all Men; which I am fure will last to future Ages, branding thee and thy Actions, and warn­ing all others not to attempt any such Re­bellion against God, lest doing the like things, they fare alike.’And I think he has made an Example of him.

For let any one read the Inscription of this Monument, and he will bless himself to see what Titles of Honour are bestowed up­on him. ‘Thou Persecutor next to Herod, Invect. 1. p. 76. thou Traitor next to Judas, (only thou hast not testified thy Repentance, by hang­ing thy self, as he did) and Killer of Christ Pag. 16. after Pilate, and next to the Jews, thou [Page 40] Hater of God.’

He calls him Murderer, Enemy, and Avenger, &c. And all the Ecclesiastical Historians do the like.

But I am weary of ripping up the re­proachful and ignominious Titles, which the Christians Tongues being unfettered, as Gregory's Expression is, and the great fa­cility Invect. 2. p. 132. of compounding Greek words have lavishly bestowed upon him. And after all, they lodg him in Hell, and there they leave him. Says St. Chrysostom, ‘Where is the Emperor that threatned these Chrysost. Hom. de S. Hiero­martyre [...]. p. 723. things? He is lost and destroyed, and now he is in Hell, undergoing endless Pu­nishment.’

What Protestants ever treated their worst Persecutors at this rate? Who ever called Queen Mary, mad Bitch, as St. Jerome does Julian, mad Dog? No, the Cour­tesy In the Preface to his Cata­logue of Eccles. Writers. of England has been shewn, even to that treacherous and bloody Woman, who deserved as ill of the Christian Religion, as ever Julian did, which I hope to make ve­ry plain by and by.

In the mean time it will be necessary to make some Reflections upon this strange and unexpected Behaviour of the Primitive Christians.

CHAP. IX. Reflections on the Behaviour of these Christians.

JVlian's Persecution was but a flea-biting Invect. 1. p. 53. to what the Christians had formerly felt; it was but a short and weak assault of the Devil, as Gregory calls it; and for that, [Page 41] reason, he very much bewails the Sin of all those that withered away, when there was no greater heat of Temptation. ‘If Men sell away from Christianity, they were ri­diculously overcome, (as St. Chrysostom Chrysost. Hom. 40. de SS. Juv. & Max. mox ab i­nit. expresses it); and if they persevered, it was no such great matter to quit a Trade or Profession for their Religion.’ Which was the Case of the discarded School-masters, and Physicians, and Souldiers, and was the greatest severity of all Julian's Edicts. He was, if we will speak properly, rather a Tempter than a Persecutor; ‘for some he Greg. O­rat. 10 in Caesar. p. 167. seduced with Mony, others with Places of Trust, others with Promises, others with Honours of all sorts, which he exposed in all Mens sight, not like a King, but in a very servile manner; and others again he won by the witchcraft of his words, and by his own Example.’He wrought upon Men's Covetousness and Ambition, more than up­on their Fear; and that with so good suc­cess, that St. Asterius says, ‘It verifies the Homil. 3. cont. Ava­ritiam. Bi­blioth. Pa­trum Co­lon. p. 704. saying of Paul, a Preacher of Truth, that Covetousness is Idolatry.’And as for what he designed against the Christians, it was far short of what other Emperors had exe­cuted. And yet how do the Christians treat this Emperor! One would take Them to be the Apostates; one while reproaching him, ruffling with him, and vexing every Vein in his Royal Heart; another while saying all their Prayers backwards, and calling down Vengeance upon his Head; after that, dancing and leaping for joy at his Death, and insulting over his Memory. But for the name of Christians, he had better have fallen amongst Barbarians. And yet he of­ten put them in mind of their Christianity too: He told them, when they complained [Page 42] of any Oppression; ‘It is your part, when Socrat. l. 3. c. 14. you are ill used, to bear it, for this is the Commandment of your God. But they flurt at him for this, and say, He makes a very wise Speech, and this he remembers Greg. In­vect. 1. p. 94, 95. since he was Reader; and he should have read on, and not skip'd over that Passage, The wicked Man shal be miserably destroy­ed, such a one as denies God, and which is more, vexes those that persevere in the Confession of him. They ask, How or where that Right is that they should suffer and bear it, and that the Heathens should not spare those, who when time was spared them?’ They call him by the bloodiest Names of the Devil, for taking advantage of the Christian Doctrine in this Particular, which says, ‘We must not avenge our selves, nor go to Law, &c. nor render Evil for Evil, but pray for, and wish well to those who injure and persecute us.’ And in con­clusion, they come with their Distinctions, and tell him, ‘That he must not think to drive all Men up to the top and pinacle of Vertue. For there are several commands in the Gospel, (which are no more than Counsels of Perfection) which bring ho­nour and reward to them that keep them, but to those that do not keep them, no manner of danger at all.’Is not this the right course to interpret and gloss away all their Duty? In a word, they seem to have broke all the Measures by which all the An­cient and Suffering Christians have gone in all former Persecutions.

The plain truth of the Matter is this; Their Cafe differed very much, and they were in quite other Circumstances than the first Christians were. When Julian came to the Crown, he found them in full [Page 43] and quiet possession of their Religion, which they had enjoy'd without interruption for almost fifty Years, and which was so in­estimable a Blessing, that they had plainly undervalued it, if they had not done their utmost to keep it. And then to have this Treasure wrested out of their hands, by one that had been bred up in the Bosom of the Church, who profess'd himself a Christian, and never pull'd off his Masque, till it was too late for them to help themselves; this was enough to raise, not only all their Zeal, but all their Indignation too. Whereas the poor Primitive Christians of all, were born to Persecution, they neither knew better, nor expected it. They professed their new Religion, as in some places the propounded new Laws, with an Haltar about their Necks. The Laws of the Empire were al­ways in force against them, though not al­ways put in execution; and the edge of the Ax stood always towards them, though it were not at all times stained with their Blood.

In a word, they perpetually lay at the Mercy of their Enemies: their Religion at the best was in the VVorld but upon suffe­rance, as Abraham was in the Land of Ca­naan; Acts 7. 5. where he had none Inheritance, no not so much as to set his foot on. But as his afflicted Posterity were afterwards Lords of that Country, so after another Egyptian Bondage, Christianity was advanced to be the established Religion of the Empire. It is worth the while to read Eusebius, only to see in what a transport of joy the Chri­stians were, upon that happy Revolution. The Christian World at that time, was the very Picture of Heaven. Such joy there will be again amongst good Men, when they [Page 44] have cross'd the tempestuous Sea of this VVorld, and are safely landed in the Regi­ons of Light and Immortality. For what Gregory says of Constantius, was true of Invect. 1. p. 64. many others; ‘Never any Man in this VVorld set his Heart so much upon any other thing, as he did to see the Christi­ans flourish, and to have all the advanta­ges of Glory and Power. And neither conquered Nations, nor a well-govern'd Empire, nor great Treasures, nor excess of Glory, nor being King of Kings, nor be­ing stiled so, nor all other things, which make up other Men's Notion of happiness, did delight him so much, as to have the honour of bringing Honour to the Chri­stians, and of leaving them establish'd for ever in the possession of Power and Au­thority.’ And Men that valued the esta­blishment of their Religion at this Rate, would not easily part with it. Now for Ju­lian, who by his Baptism first, and by [...] into Orders after, and by his going to Church after that, sufficiently engaged him­self to maintain Christianity, to endea­vour on the other hand to dispossess them of their Free-hold, was an insupportable in­jury.

Is there no difference, I appeal to all the VVorld, between being turn'd out as Sheep among VVolves, which was the deplorable, but unavoidable case of the first Christians, and being worried by one of their own Flock? Has a Man no more Right nor Pri­viledg after he is naturalized, than when he was a Stranger, or Alien, or accounted an Enemy? Do not the same Laws, which forbid Men to invade other Men's Rights, enable them notwithstanding to maintain and defend their own? These are the plain [Page 45] and palpable differences between the State of the first Christians, and of those under Julian.

To sum up all in one word; The first Christians suffered according to the Laws of their Country, whereas these under Julian were persecuted contrary to Law. For it is manifest that Julian oppressed them in a very illegal way. He did not fairly enact Sanguinary Laws against them for their Religion, but he put them to Death upon Shams, and pretended Crimes of Treason and Sacriledg. He dressed up Theod. l. 3. c. 14. an Accusation of Treason against Juventi­nus and Maximus; and though they died for their generous Zeal, and hearty Con­cernment for Christianity, he gave out, and commanded it to be noised abroad, That they were punish'd for Treasonable words.

The other sham of Sacriledg St. Chryso­stom Hom. de SS. Juvent & Max. mox ab init. acquaints us with in these words: ‘If any one, in former Times, when Godly Kings had the Government, had either broken their Altars, thrown down their Temples, taken away their Oblations, or done any such thing, he was presently hur­ried away to the Tribunal; and some­times the Innocent were executed, when they were only accused.’ The truth of which Julian himself confirms in his own Writings; where he says, ‘Let no Man Frag­ment. Ju­lian. p. 540. distrust the Gods, when he hears how some have done despite to Images and Temples. For have not many slain good Men, such as Socrates, and Dion, and the great Em­pedotimus, which I am well assured were much more the Care of the Gods than their Images are? But they have afterward punish'd their Murderers; and this like­wise has manifestly happened in our Time, [Page 46] to those that were Robbers of Temples.’ And besides all this, by his connivance and encouragement, he let loose the rage and fury of the Heathens upon them, as I shew­ed before. And therefore Gregory, all over his Invectives, charges him with Tyranny, and often calls him Tyrant. So that the same Men, who would quietly have submit­ted to the Laws, under a Nero or a Dioclesi­an, do nevertheless pursue Julian, as if he were a Mid-night Thief, or a High-way Robber.

As for us, who, blessed be God, Bracton. l. 1. c. 2. Leges cùm fuerint approbatae consensu utentium & Sacra­mento Regum con­firmatae mutari non possunt nec destrui si­ne communi consen­su & consilio eorum omnium quorum con­silio & consensu fue­runt promulgatae. have our Religion settled by such Laws as cannot be altered without our own consent, we cannot better express our thank­fulness for so great a Blessing, than by living up to this Holy Religion, and resolving to keep it. For surely it is not of the Es­sence of the Gospel, to be a Suf­fering Religion, that is an evil Circumstance, which attends it only in bad Times; it is a Reign­ing Religion amongst us, and I hope will never be otherwise while the World stands. And therefore I much won­der at those Men, who trouble the Nation at this time of the day, with the unseasonable prescriptions of Prayers and Tears, and the Passive Obedience of the Thobaean Legion, and such-like last Remedies, which are pro­per, only at such a Time as the Laws of our Country are armed against our Religi­on. What have we to do with the Thebaean Legion? Blessed be God, who has made the difference! but I ask again, VVhat have we to do with their Example? Are we to Sacrifice, or go to Mass to Morrow, or else [Page 47] to have our Throats cut? Are we under the Sentence of Death, according to the Laws of our Country, if we do not present­ly renounce our Religion? Poor Men, they were! and though they died as glori­ous Martyrs, in respect of their Religion, yet they died as Criminals, and Malefactors, in the Eye of the Law. I hope many good Protestants would make a shift to die for their Religion, though it may be not with the gallantry that these Souldiers did, if they were in the like sad Circumstances, and had the Laws against them; but till then, they throw away their Lives, and are cer­tainly weary of them, if they practise any such Passive Obedience. And the truth is, we justly deserve to be so used, as the The­baean Legion was, and moreover to be loa­ded with the Curses of all Posterity, if we suffer our selves to be brought into that condition. For that can never happen, but by our own Treachery to our Religi­on, in parting with those good Laws which protect it, and in agreeing to such as shall destroy it.

VVhen a Man is condemned by God and his Country, in a due course of Law, it is time for him to die, and he ought willingly to submit to the Laws of the Land, (for every Man enjoys the benefit and protecti­on of them upon those terms; and Job lays down a great Rule of Equity, when he asks, Shall we receive Good things at the Hand of God, and not likewise Evil?) But if a Man be illegally assaulted, in the way of Violence and Assassination, he may use all lawful Remedies to defend himself.

[Page 48] It is a currant Notion among the Fa­thers, that we ought to spare our Persecu­tors, and not suffer them to be guilty of Murder. Gregory gives that as a very good Invect. 1. Chrysost. Hom. [...]. Vol. 2. p. 1015. reason of Marcus's flight from Arethusa. And St. Chrysostom introduces David, speaking after thisis manner, when he fled from Saul, and as the Scripture tells us, had Goliah's great Sword with him, and put himself into a posture of Defence: It is better for me to be miserable, and to suffer more hardships, than that Saul should be condemned by God for the Murder of an Innocent Person. And that he meant no more, than only to prevent the effusion of Innocent Blood, appears by the several Opportunities, he had to have cut off Saul, but the sense of his Duty made him abhor the least thought of it. He only sought his own safety and preservation, which he could not abandon, without being accessa­ry to Saul's murdering of him. There is no question, but it is every Man's Duty to pre­vent the murder of any Innocent Person, and especially of himself, by all the ways and means, which the Laws of God, and of his Country, do allows; and if he do not, he is a kind of Felo de se, and guilty of his own Murder. VVe are to suffer Persecu­tion 1 Epist. 1 chap. vers. 6. ( [...]) if need be, as St. Pe­ter's words are, and not else. Now I humbly conceive, being the VVrit, de Hae­retico Comburendo is taken away in time, and the Laws protect us in our Religion, that it will be a very needless thing to go to Smithfield, and there be burnt for an Heretick.

[Page 49] And so far it is fit to inform the Popish Crew (for we have no apprehensions of Persecution from any other Quarter) lest they should be mistaken in the good Protestant Religion of our good Church, as Coleman calls it in his Declaration. No doubt they would bestow more good words upon us, if we would be all Passive Protestants; for then the fewer a­ctive Papists would serve to dispatch us. But most men are satisfied, that Arch­bishop Abbot's Doctrine was much more the good Protestant Religion of our good Church, than Dr. Sibthorp's; and that Dr. Manwaring was Orthodox when he Recan­ted, but by no means when he preached his Pulpit Law. For that name the Great and Loyal Lord Faulkland, long before the War broke out, was pleased to bestow up­on such mischievous flattery; which he then complained had almost ruined the Nation, and it can never be good for any thing else in any Age. And yet the Arbi­trary Doctrine of those Times did not bring any great terror along with it, it was then but a Rake, and served only to scrape up a little paltry Passive Money from the Subject, but now it is become a Murdering piece, loaden with no body knows how many Bullets. And that the Patrons of it may not complain that it is an exploded Doctrine, as if Men only hooted at it, but could not an­swer it, I shall stay to speak a little more to it.

'Tis true, this Doctrine cannot discover its malignity under his Majesty's Gracious Reign, which God prolong and prosper, who has been pleased to give the Nation the security of his Coronation Oath, which we know all Protestant Princes value and [Page 50] look upon as Sacred, and likewise of ma­ny Gracious, Promises, that He will go­vern according to Law. But in case we should be so sharply punished for our Sins, as to fall under a Popish Successor, then this Bloody Doctrine will have the oppor­tunity to shew it self in its own Colours, and we may then see, and it may be, feel the sting of it.

For, first, I suppose these Men will allow a Popish Successor, when he is in possessi­on, to be a Lawful Magistrate; because, ac­cording to them, it is not lawful, no not for the King and Parliament, to exclude him.

2. I suppose that this Lawful Magistrate will persecute Protestants; for by so doing, he does God and the Church good Service, he merits Heaven; he cannot better testi­fie the truth and reality of his Conversion: Nay, if he does not persecute Hereticks with Fire and Sword, he lies at the Pope's Mercy to have his Kingdom taken from him; and further, he is in danger to be so ser­ved, as the two Henries of France were. However, because some Persons are so happy as to believe that he will not persecute! no; he will protect the Church of England as it is now established by Law, and be a Mighty Defender of the Faith; I shall be con­tented with what every Body must grant, that he may persecute, that the thing is pos­sible.

3. In this case all Protestants cannot fly, they will not be all in travelling case; and if they were, the Ports may be [...], the Writ ne exeas Regnum may be serv'd upon them; and besides, many may be persua­ded that they ought not to fly, and leave their Native Country naked and defence­less, [Page 51] and expose it to a Conquest; they may likewise believe it a thing of very ill Consequence, perdere Patriam, which no Man in England is bound to do.

4. Now we are taught in this Case, That if Men do not over-run their Country, there is nothing but Death or Damnation at home; or, as it is in their own words. ‘Nei­ther p. 8. doth the Gospel prescribe any Re­medy but flight, against the Persecutions of the lawful Magistrate, allowing of no other mean, when we cannot escape be­twixt denying, and dying for the Faith.’What the Gospel prescribes is one thing, what it allows is another; there are ten thousand things allowed by the Gospel, not one of which is prescribed by it, indite­ments, Appeals, suing for Tythes; in a word, all humane Constitutions, which are not morally Evil. But it seems the Gos­pel does not so much as allow any mean, when we cannot escape by flight, betwixt denying and dying for the Faith. As for de­nying the Faith, that is down-right Destru­ction, both of Body and Soul, and there­fore is not to be thought of, as being the far greater extremity of the two. And so welcome Death! But by what Law must we die? Not by any Law of God surely, for being of that Religion which he approves, and would have all the World to embrace, and to hold fast to the end. Nor by the Laws of our Country, where Protestancy is so far from being Criminal that it is Death to desert it and to turn Papist. By what Law then? By none that I know of, but Parasites, Sycophants, & Murderers may. For it is plain, that every Protestant, who is persecuted to death in these Circumstances, [Page 52] is barbarously murdered. If they can tell us therefore, who it is, in that Case, that shall have authority to commit open, bare­faced, and down right murders, they will then direct us where to pay our Passive O­bedience. It would be the horridest slander in the World, to say, that any such Power is lodged in the Prerogative as to destroy men contrary to Law. The Prerogative is no such boundles bottomless Pit of Arbitra­ry power and self will, but it is limited, stated, and certain, and as well known as other parts of the Law; and it is fit it should be so, that the Subject may not offend a­gainst it. It is the Glory of the Crown, and is intended to be for the Benefit, Quiet, and Safety of the people, to save innocent Lives, and not to destroy them. There is no authority upon Earth above the Law, much less against it; and that this Doctor might have seen, if he had pleased to have read on in that very Chapter of Bracton, P. 29. Bracton. l. 1. c. 8. which he makes use of without citing the place. What he says concerning the King is very true, and readily acknowledged by every English man; Omnis sub eo est, & ipse sub nullo, nisitantùm sub Deo. Bracton does not barely assert it, but he shews the rea­son of it in these words; Parem autem non habet in Regno suo, quia sic amitteret praecep­tum, cum par in parem non habet imperium. Item nec multo fortiùs superiorem, nec potenti­orem, habere debet. So in another place, Rex Lib. 2. cap. 22. parem non habet, nec vicinum, nec superiorem. He likewise often uses these expressions, Rex est Vicarius Dei. Dei Minister & Vicarius. But Lib. 2. cap. 2. Lib. 2. cap. 24. Bracton is so far from setting God's Vicege­rent above the Law, that among other rea­sons, he inforces his being under the Law [Page 53] from that very Title, which is the greatest upon Earth in the forementioned Chap. 8. he has these words; Ipse autem Rex non Lib. 2. cap. 8. debet esse sub homine, sed sub Deo, & sub Lege, quia Lex facit Regem. Attribuat ergo Rex legi quod Lex attribuit ei, videlicet dominati­onem & potestatem. Non est enim Rex ubi domi­natur voluntas & non Lex. Et quod sub Lege esse debeat, cùm sit Dei Visarius, evidenter ap­paret ad exemplum Jisu Christi, cujus vices gerit in terrâ, &c. qui [...] uti viribus sed ratione & judicio. Nay, he will not al­low Lib. 3. cap. 9. him to be God's Vicegerent any longer, than he acts according to Law; speaking of the King, he says, Potestas sua juris est, [...] injuriae. Exercere igitur debet Rex potestatem juris, sicut Dei Vicarius & Minister in [...], quia illa potestas solius Dei est, potestas autem injuriae Diaboli & non Dei, & cujus horum o­pera fecerit Rex, ejus Minister erit, cujus opera secerit. Igitur dum facit justitiam Vicarius est Regis aeterni, Minister autum Diaboli, dum de­clinet ad injuriam. So that this Popish Suc­cessor we are speaking of, can have no Au­thority to exercise any illegal Cruelty upon Protestants, and how far an inauthoritative Act, which carries no Obligation at all, can oblige men to obedience, I desire the Do­ctor to resolve. For it is an undeniable Max­im, Where there is no Law, there is no Trans­gression. I freely and readily acknowledge, that according to the known Laws of Eng­land, this Popish Prince, when he is lawfully possest of the Crown, will be inviolable and unaccountable, as to his own person, and ought by no means to have any violence of­fered to him; for who can do that as David says of an anointed King, and be guiltless? so that if a Man be reduced to those Straits, as either [Page 54] to lose his Life, or contract Guilt by keep­ing it, he ought to die, and his time is come. But this must needs be a rare case, which can seldom happen; for bad Princes are hard­ly ever known to stoop so low, as to be the Executioners of their own Cruelty, they generally reserve themselves for a better Office. And how far men may endeavour notwithstanding to save themselves, with­out breach of their Allegiance, and of that true Faith and Loyalty which they ought to bear of Life, and Limb, and terrene Honour, if they have a mind to know, they may ask advice.

But though we are out of our pain, as to this first difficulty, yet still there is nothing but despair left behind; for him that esca­peth the Sword of Hazael, shall Jehu slay, and him that escapeth from the Sword of Jehu, shall P. 8. Elisha slay. For we are told, that the Gospel, by its own Confession, is a ‘Suf­fering Doctrine, and so far from being prejudicial to Caesar's Authority, that it makes him the Minister of God, and com­mands all its Professors to give him, and all that are put in Authority under him, their Dues, and rather die than resist them by force.’ At this rate, under a Popish Successor, the Lives of all Protestants shall lie at the mercy of every Justice of Peace, Constable, or Tything-man, who shall have Catholick Zeal enough to destroy them. E­very Commission-officer, and Janizary, shall kill and slay without resistance. I never knew this before, that our Throats were the dues and perquisites of their places, and that an­other Man is bound to stand still and suffer himself to be murdered, while they only give him a cast of their Office. We readily ac­knowledge, [Page 55] that no Inferiour Magistrate is to be resisted in the exercise of his Of­fice, so far as he is warranted by Law; but illegal force may be repelled by Force, if you will believe Bracton, who has these words; Ei qui vult viribus uti, erit virili­ter Bracton l. 4. c. 4. resistendum. Who likewise tells us, Ar­morum quaedam sunt [...]; which he after calls, Arma pacis & justitiae, in the hands of private Men for their own Defence; and adds, Quod quis ob tutelam sui corporis fecerit, vel sui juris, justè fecisse videtur. This is in the Case of violent Disseisin; and I hope a Man's Life is his most valuable Free-hold, of which if he be disseised, he shall hardly be restored by any legal Reme­dy afterward.

All the world knows, that it is a misfor­tune for a man, in his own lawful Defence, to kill another, but it is neither Murder nor Felony; whereas it is Murder even in a Magistrate to kill any man, if it be not done in due course of Law. And through the help of God, though we cannot hinder the Papists from being Idolaters, we will en­deavour to keep them from being Murde­rers, they shall not have that to answer for too.

Is the Doctor serious, and in earnest, when he teaches and preaches up Passive Obedience for Evangelical in this Case? Would he really have men prostitute their Lives to Malice and Violence, when all the Laws of God, and of the Kingdom, pro­tect them? Surely this is too light for the Pulpit, and is just such another piece of Drollery, as that which was dedicated to Oliver Cromwell, in the Book called, Kil­ling no Murder. Where the Ingenuous Au­thor [Page 56] offers Oliver many convincing and sa­tisfying Reasons, why he should kill him­self, and very fairly gives him his choice, of Hanging, Drowning, or Pistolling him­self, shews him the absolute Necessity of it, the Honour he would gain by it; and in a word, uses such Arguments, as might have prevailed upon any body but an hardened Rebel. Bating that Dedication, I never met with any thing like this Passive Do­ctrine, for wheedling a man out of his life. orat. 10. p. 166. Gregory says, ‘That Julian stole a Persecu­tion upon the Christians, under a shew of gentleness, for he always disclaimed his being a Persecutor.’ And we, for ought I know, may be exposed to the bloodiest Persecution that ever was, under the meek pretences of Passive Obedience. For as a worthy person has lately observed, One sin­gle Arm, unresisted, may go a great way in Mas­sacring a Nation. But how many irresista­ble Arms will there be lifted up against us under a Popish Successor, when every petty Popish Officer, according to this Doctrine, shall be an Absolute Emperour, and have the Power of Life and Death? It is a Do­ctrine fit to turn a Nation into a Shambles, and enough to tempt and invite Tyranny and Cruelty into the World. For let a Prince be either a Papist, or an Atheist, and his Subjects well fetter'd and mannacled with this slavish Principle; and then what hinders, but the one of them may destroy Millions for their Estates and Heresie toge­ther, and the other as many, to see what ugly faces and grimaces they will make. The lives of the best men in the World shall be exposed to the fiery and ambitious Zeal of a Papist, or the extravagant and [Page 57] unaccountable humours of a Wretch; and hang at their Girdle, as Souls do at the Pope's.

If the Doctor looks upon these as ex­cepted Cases, why did he not except them; why did he not particularly except the Case of a Popish Successor, the mischi of which, it has been the care of several Par­liaments to prevent, and of which we have such a dismal prospect, that it makes every honest mans heart to ake. But I am afraid this Doctrine is calculated and fitted on purpose for the use of a Popish Successor, and to make us an easier prey to the Bloody Papists. For why else is there all that Wrath against every little Pamphlet which op­poses that Interest?

How comes the History of the Succession to P. 29. be an Impious and Treasonable Book, and the Dialogue between Tutor and Pupil ano­ther? Why, the first is an Impious and Trea­sonable Book, because it shews how the Suc­cession has been alterable in all ages. And this is so far from being an Impious or Trea­sonable Assertion, that it was impious High Treason, in Queen Elizabeth's Time, to say the contrary; and is still Impiety, and forfeiture of Goods and Chattels at this day. Which is so far from making the Monarchy Elective, as the Doctor might easily have understood, if he had read the Ancient Historians of England, instead of Dissenters Sayings. He would likewise have found it possible to write an History of the Succession, without borrowing from Dole­man, and impossible to write it, without having a great many passages, which Dole­man has got into his Book.

[Page 58] And the other is an Impious and Trea­sonable For that is the true meaning of sitting, till all Grievan­ces are redres­sed, and Pe­titions an­swered. Book, for saying, That Parliaments should sit till they have done that for which they are called, and sit, and were originally intended. But these men are not for a Po­pish Successor, and so they and their Books, and whatever they have said, is to be blast­ed with the names of Impious and Treaso­nable. He talks as if he were already ar­rived at that Age, in which these Books will be sure to be called Treason, and the Authors used accordingly, unless they make haste and die out of the way, as my Lord Hollis has done, who is another of his Im­pious and Treasonable Authors.

However, let the Design of preaching up Passive Obedience, and the Example of the Thebaean Legion, at this time especial­ly, be what it will; if the Papists taking us to be all Passive, and a fine glib and easie morsel, shall try to swallow up innocent men quick, it is my hearty desire that they may find themselves choak'd. For where is it said, in the Word of the Lord, which these men cannot go beyond, that the World was made only for Banditi, or that we are to yield up our selves to Cut-throats and Assassinates, which the Papists have ever been to poor Protestants; and how many hundred thousands they have massa­cred I know not; but this I know, that they never did, nor ever will massacre more or less than just as many as they can.

To leave a matter of this importance as clear as may be, in such an occasional and accidental Discourse, I shall reduce the strength and force of what has been said, into these following Propositions.

• [Page 59]1. Christianity destroys no mans Na­tural or Civil Rights, but confirms them.
• 2. All men have both a Natural and Ci­vil Right and Property in their Lives, till they have forfeited them by the Laws of their Country.
• 3. When the Laws of God, and of our Country interfere, and it is made Death by the Law of the Land to be a good Christian, then we are to lay down our Lives for Christ's sake. This is the only Case wherein the Go­spel requires Passive Obedience, name­ly, when the Laws are against a man. And this was the Case of the first Christians.
• 4. That the killing of a man, contrary to Law, is Murder.
• 5. That every man is bound to prevent Murder, as far as the Law allows, and ought not to submit to be murdered if he can help it.

And now I shall desire those men, who of late have thundered in all publick places with the Thebaean Legion, to keep that com­pleat and admirable Example, (for which, thanks be to God, we have no occasion) till they have gotten another Maximian, and till that Maximian has gotten authority to cut such an unconscionable number of Throats, as 6666 at one time.

[Page 60] I have many more Exceptions against their Artillery of Prayers and Tears, than I can now stay to insist upon.

First, There are only Tears mentioned, Greg. Invect. [...]. p. 57. Eton. where they quote Prayers too.

2dly, The passage has nothing at all of that sense which they put upon it, speaking of the grievous things Julian designed against the Christians; but says Gregory, he was hin­dred by the Goodness of God, and the Tears of Christians, which were shed in great plenty by many, who had this only Reme­dy against the Persecutor. They had no other way to help themselves; What then? Does not Gregory complain in another place, Invect. 2. p. 100. Eton. that they were stripp'd of all humane aid; they had no other Wall, nor Weapon, nor Defence left them, but their hope in God? For besides, that Julian had gotten all the strength of the Empire into his Hands, there seems to have been a general Revolt from Christianity, almost like that in Queen Mary's time; which makes St. Asterius say, Quantus ab Ecclesiâ ad al­taria Homil. con­tra Avariti­am. factus est concursus? Quam multi per honorum escam & illecebras und cum ipso transgressionis hamum devorarunt? What then would they have a few defenceless Christi­ans do, when they had lost all their Strength, and so many of their Numbers? Have they never heard a West-Countrey­man say, Chud eat Cheese an chad it?

3dly, It is very odd they should quote this scrap out of Gregory's Invectives. Believe me, they must look out very sharp, who could find out such a Daisy as this in a whole Field of Nettles. For never were two such Thunderbolts in this World sent [Page 61] after a Persecutor, as those two Speeches are.

4. Whether they did not make use of some few other ingredients, besides Tears and Prayers too, in their Composition a­gainst a Persecutor; I refer my self to the matter of Fact related in the former part of this Book.

And, Lastly, I do earnestly desire them to take heed, how they recommend Gre­gory's Prayers and Tears to the World; for, I declare, they are no better than Treason by our Law: They were such as did imagine and compass Julian's Death. If they would have these prayers and Tears be­lieved to be in favour of Julian, they de­ceive the World; and if they recommend them, such as they are, to people's use, I do again, as a Friend, give them fair warn­ing.

The Protestants in Queen Mary's Days, found their short disjunctive prayer made High Treason, ex post Facto, though they prayed, in the first place, That God would turn her Heart from Idolatry: and in case that were not done, then to take her out of the way. Whereas I do notfind that there is one single wish among the Ancients for Julian's Con­version, but all for his down right destru­ction.

The preamble of that Act in Queen Mary's Time has some remarkable passages in it, which for the Reader's ease I shall here set down, and so conclude this whole matter.