King Charles I. No such SAINT, MARTYR, or GOOD PROTESTANT as commonly reputed; BUT A FAVOURER of PAPISTS, and a Cruel and Oppressive TYRANT.

All plainly proved from undeniable Matters of Fact.

To which are added Dr. Burnet's (now Bishop of Salisbury) and other Reasons, against the keeping up any longer the observation of a Fast on the 30th of January.

AS ALSO Short Answers to these three Questions. I. What is the Occasion of the Clergies Pride and Lording it over the Laity? II. Why they, and many of the Laity, cry up this King for a Saint, Martyr? &c. III. What is the true Reason that the genera­lity of the Clergy, and many of the Laity, both Lawyers and others, are constant Advocates for Kings (tho never so wick­ed) and Sacrificers of the People?

He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. 2 Sam. 23.3.

And Ahab, the Son of Omri, did evil in the sight of the Lord, above all that were before him. 1 Kings 30.

And hath despised, in the indignation of his anger, the KING and the Priest. Lam. 2.6.

And it shall come to pass in that day, that the Lord shall punish the host of the high ones that are on high, and the Kings of the earth, that are on the earth. Isa. 24.21.

And I will come upon him while he is weary and weakhanded, and will make him afraid, and all the people that are with him shall flee; and I will SMITE the KING ONLY. 2 Sam. 17.2.

But when his heart was lifted up, and his mind was hardned with Pride, he was de­posed from his Kingly Throne, and they took his Glory from him. Dan. 5.20.

[...]or this Melchisedeck, King of Salem, Priest of the most high God, who met Abra­ham returning from the Slaughter of Kings, and blessed him. Heb. 7.1.

LONDON, Printed in the 10th Year of our Redemption from Popery and Slavery. 1698.

To the good People of England, who sincerely love and will maintain the Protestant Religion, English Laws, Liberties and Properties.

Honest Countrymen,

THE design of this Book is twofold:

First, To give many and clear Demonstrations, that King Charles the First was no such Saint or Martyr as he has been commonly reputed, nor yet a true Protestant; but on the contrary, a great favou­rer of Papists, and an oppressive Tyrant.

Secondly, To vindicate the just Resistance the Parliament of 1640, and People, were constrain'd for their own safety to make.

I foresee this Treatise will meet with two Objections, First, That it contradicts the old Maxim, De mortuis nihil nisi bo­num. The second, That it treats a crowned Head (nay, a pious Martyr's too) with little respect.

To the first I answer, That bonum here must be under­stood quasi verum, that is, do not wrong or belie the Dead, for they are not in being to justify their own Innocency: otherwise it will not only reflect on profane but sacred Hi­story, nothing being more common in both, than to record the evil Actions even of Princes themselves. I find this Maxim sometimes highly insisted on by some of our Clergy and Lai­ty, especially in favour of King Charles I. At other times these sort of men make not the least scruple (for sinister ends) most unjustly to vilify, as the greatest Villains imaginable, the Parliament of 1640, and those worthy Patriots that join'd with it, to prevent the then many apparent inundati­ons of Popery and Arbitrary Power, that King, his Queen, and evil Counsellors were bringing on the three Kingdoms.

To the second, of respecting this crowned Head, I must confess I have not treated him as I would a King [...] [Page 2]for the good of his People according to Law, but as a Tyrant, who cannot pretend to the least Love or Ho­nour from any of his Subjects; except those Papists and others that were his Favorites, and were embarked in the same wicked Designs with him, esteem it a great Sin to ido­lize and deify the best Magistrate on Earth, but a much greater, to adore a bloody and tyrannical Oppressor. And if the same men will, through custom, simplicity, or want of information, no otherwise consider Kings than in the gaudy name of Majesty, and admire them and their doings, as if they breathed not the same Breath with other mortal men, I thank God I have learnt better; and plainly see with what a besotted and degenerated baseness of spirit, imbas­tardized from the antient nobleness of their Ancestors, they have not only in a religious, but a civil kind of Idolatry, idoliz'd this King, and ador'd the Image and Memory of him, who hath offered at more cunning fetches to undermine the Liberties of England, and put Tyranny into an Art, than any British King before him.

To make good my Charge against this Prince, I shall first prove, that the general course of his Actions, &c. were di­rectly inconsistent with what a Saint doth, and ought to do: viz. 1. He was a proud Nimrod, a hardened Pharaoh. 2. A great Liar, (if he writ the Book call'd Eicon Basilike) for a­mongst the many false Assertions against, and Accusations of the Parliament, he begins with this notorious one, viz. That he call'd this last Parliament, not more by the advice of others, than his own choice and inclination; when the con­trary was well known, both by the current of his own Acti­ons, and by the Favorites about him. For further proof of this, let any unbiassed Person but read his Promises, Oaths, Protestations, and solemn Declarations to the Parliament, and consider how little of truth was in them, how the Par­liament in many of their Petitions charged him with the breach of them, and he will receive sufficient satisfaction. [...] He unhallowed, and unchristianed the very Duty of [Page 3]Prayer it self, by borrowing to a Christian use, Prayers of­fered to a Heathen God. What little fear had he of the true all seeing Deity? what little reverence of the Holy Ghost, whose Office is to dictate and present our Christian Prayers? What little care of Truth in his last words, or honour to himself or to his Friends, or sense of his Afflictions, or of that sad hour which was upon him, as immediately before his death, to pop into the hand of that grave Bishop who attended him, as a special Relick of his saintly Exercises, a Prayer stolen, word for word, from the mouth of a Hea­then Woman praying to a Heathen God; and that in no se­rious Book, but a vain amatorious Poem of Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia, a Book in that kind full of Worth and Wit, but among religious Thoughts and Duties not worthy to be named, nor read at any time without caution, much less in time of trouble and affliction to be a Christian's Prayer-Book; that thought no better of the living God, than of a buzzard Idol, by serving him with the polluted trash of Romances and Arcadia's: A bold and irreligious affront to the Divine Being! And in the 5th Chapter about Triennial Parliaments, he hath this passage, That the Tumults threatned to abuse all Acts of Grace, and turn them into Wantonness. If they had turn'd his Wantonness into the Grace of not abu­sing Scripture, it had been well; this no ways became such a Saint as they would make him. Herod was eaten up of Worms, for suffering others to compare his Voice to the Voice of God: But the borrower of this phrase gives much more cause of jealousy, that he likened his own Acts of Grace, to the Acts of God's Grace: And in the same Chap­ter, his letting some men go up to the Pinacle of the Temple, was to cast him down headlong. In this Simily we have himself compared to Christ, the Parliament to the Devil; and his giving them that Act of settling, to his letting them go up to the Pinacle of the Temple: this was a goodly use made of Scripture in his solitudes! And in Chap. 8. on his repulse at Hull, in his Prayer, thus, Let not thy Ju­stice [Page 4]prevent the Objects and Opportunities of my Mercy. Must this be imputed to his Folly, or Blasphemy, or to both? Shall the Justice of God give place, and serve to glorify the Mercies of a Man? All other men that know what they ask, desire of God that their doings may tend to his Glory; But in this Prayer, God is required that his Justice would forbear to prevent, and as good as said to intrench upon the Glory of a Man's Mercy. If God forbear his Justice, it must be, sure, to the magnifying his own Mercy; but here a mortal Man takes the boldness to ask that Glory out of his hand. He hated all those that were esteemed Religious, doubting that their Principles too much asserted Liberty; this was plainly seen by his vehement prosecution of them. He took a most bloody and treacherous advantage of the Parliament's Army near Colebrook, whilst he was under Treaty at Ʋxbridg with them, as he protested, to prevent the shedding of Blood. From the beginning of the War he would rather sacrifice the Lives of thousands of his good Sub­jects, than deliver up those evil Counsellors that sought to en­slave England, or govern according to Law himself. He admired, encouraged, and protected none but the worst and corruptest sort of Courtiers; and the ragged Infantry of Stews and Brothels, the spawn and shipwrack of Taverns and Dicing-houses, were the Bravo's and Hacksters that at­tended him when he went in the most arbitrary and illegal manner into the House of Commons; and that in his Army he had 1000 of blaspheming Cavaliers about him, whose mouths let fly Oaths and Curses by the Volly; that entertain'd and encouraged a most ignorant, profane and vicious Clergy, learned in nothing but their Pride, their Covetousness and Superstition, whose unsincere and levenous Doctrines cor­rupting the People, first taught them Looseness, then Bon­dage, loosning them from all sound Knowledg and strictness of Life, the more to fit them for the bondage of Tyranny and Superstition: A Clergy that from the Press and Pulpit poisoned the People with the following abominable enslav­ing [Page 5]Doctrines, of Passive (or more properly Assive) Obe­dience, Non-resistance, Obeying without Reserve; That the Kings of England (by being anointed Birds) are ab­solutely unaccountable to the People: That they have a power over the Lives, Liberties, Laws and Goods of their people, and may do what they will with them: That the King can do no wrong, and many more such horrid Noti­ons; enough to corrupt the best Prince, and enslave the freest people.

These devilish enslaving Doctrines, are most prejudicial and ungrateful to any people, that not only believe, but know, that they are Free-born Subjects: That all Govern­ment was originally in the People, for they were before Kings: That all Kings, &c. came by their power, Ex Pacto aut Scelere, either by Compact, Covenant, &c. with the People, or by Usurpation. That they did not like the Beasts in St. Peter's Vision, drop down from Heaven, with all their Dignities, Power, &c. but had their Root and Foundation from the Earth. If by Usurpation, the longest Sword must decide the Controversy; but if by Compact, the People of England cannot harbour such hard thoughts of their Ancestors, as to imagine they would make such ri­diculous, foolish and nonsensical Bargains, as to sell them­selves (and as far as in them lay) their poor Posterity (for I may then with reason call them so) to a vile, miserable and lasting Slavery. That if their Ancestors were such Fools, Knaves or Madmen to sell their Birthrights, as Esau did; the people of England know better things than to stand to that blind Bargain, it being against the Law of Na­ture, which teaches Self-preservation. Neither will the sen­sible part of Mankind any more believe, that any Kings have such a Divine Right as will justifie their violating their Coronation Oaths, breaking through all the Laws of the Land, that are the Peoples chiefest security: for they know and will preserve the undoubted privileges of free­born English Men.

They are also well assured, that when a King or Prince ceases to govern according to Law, he turns Tyrant, and therefore ceases to be King, by which, as the Scots wisely call it, he forefaults his Kingdom.

That Salus populi est suprema Lex; That the King was made for the Kingdom, and not the Kingdom for him. That the King doth not maintain the Kingdom, but the Kingdom the King. That the King and all Magistrates are the Kingdoms Ministers and Servants. That it is their Duty and Glory to serve the Kingdom. That Kings must not reign by their Kingdoms ruin, nor be lifted up by their downfal. That the End is greater than the Means, Health better than Physick. That the King was not advanced to debase and enslave his People. That it is not the Ordi­nance of God that millions of men should be miserable slaves and vassals to One. That if the King be God's Anointed Jure Personae, in the Right of his Person, he is Man's ap­pointed Jure Coronae, in Right of the Crown; and there­fore tho' he is above every one singly, yet not above All. For common safety is the sole Sovereign.

That if a King accepts of the Dignity of Government, and by his Coronation Oath or otherwise covenants with his People; he must submit to all such Agreements, to the Rules, Burdens and Troubles thereof. That the end of the King's Revenue was not to make him able to destroy, but preserve his Subjects.

That the King hath no Council above his Parliament. That the foolish sensless and wicked Doctrines of Passive O­bedience and Non-resistance, if strictly observed, are of dangerous consequence to any Nation: for by these abomi­nable Positions, the Peoples hands being tied up, and no­thing but Prayers and Tears left, One Armed Tyrant may (if he pleaseth) destroy all his Subjects, and they like madmen be accessory to their own deaths. Surely none but Turks, Slaves, or French Vassals can really admire, or approve of such an Obedience.

That Bracton and Fleta (who were eminent Lawyers) were in the right in declaring, That Rex Angliae habet superio­res, viz. Legem per quam factus est Rex, ac Comites & Barones qui debent ei Fraenum ponere. The King of England hath for his Superiors both the Law, by which he is constituted King (and which is the measuring of his governing Power) and the Parliament, which is to restrain him if he do amiss. Bra­cton l. 2. c. 16. Fleta l. 1. c. 17.

That the King by his Coronation Oath hath a power to rule his People for their best advantage, to administer to every man his just rights, to confirm such Laws that the Peo­ple make, conducing to the Common Good, &c. And no other Authority can he with justice claim.

That it is against the Moral Law, that a Kingdom should suffer it self to be unkingdom'd, ruin'd and destroy'd (ha­ving power in their hands to save themselves) self-preserva­tion being natural, even to brute beasts when disturbed.

That God doth sometimes require that One should suffer for all, but never that All should suffer for One.

That Rebellion consists in resisting of just Governors in their just Government, and not in defending legal rights against a Tyrant.

That it is unlawful to keep any Oaths, Vows and Cove­nants to or for the King, that are against the good of the Kingdom; for the performing or keeping them would be an adding sin unto sin, wickedness unto wickedness, that is, to do Evil, as well as to promise the doing thereof. He that covenants to do things unlawful, covenants with Hell; must therefore the League of Hell and Death be maintained? These things one would think should have some weight with our Nonswearing Jacobites, who choose rather to break the solemn Oaths they took to feed their Flocks, than to comply with swearing Faith and true Allegiance to that Prince, that Providence in a most miraculous manner raised up to deliver these Three Kingdoms from the Egyptian slavery it groaned under. A Prince who by his own Me­rits [Page 8]and the Peoples Election can justly claim the best Title that ever any King of England had, let the Fools and Knaves who madly dote on the Divine Right of Succession, &c. say what they will to the contrary.

That the Oath of Allegiance is not made to the King Warring, or any ways Acting against the welfare of the Kingdom, but to him as Governing for good according to the Laws of the Land.

That the Oath of Supremacy doth not allow him to be the Supreme Legislative Power of the Kingdom, and that he is in all Cases the sole Judg, and over all persons an absolute Lord, unto whose Will and Pleasure the People are bound to be subject Actively or Passively; for such a Power becometh only those that are perfect as God himself is perfect.

That all Oaths, Vows, Covenants and Compacts what­soever, are conditional, reciprocal and mutual, the King being as well bound to the People as the People to the King.

That the King's voluntary and plenary breach of his Agreement with the People, doth ipso facto discharge the People from their Vows and Covenants, until such time as the Agreement and Compact between the King and Peo­ple be again renewed, and united. The Nobility, Gentry and Clergy have in their noble assistance in the late Revo­lution justified this Position to the height, and also that Kings are accountable to their Subjects for their Male Ad­ministration.

That the People of England cannot give the Parliament a power to enslave themselves, for thereby they would be Self­betrayers, and in a degree Self murderers. Neither can the People de Jure make Laws destructive to the Common-safety, or give any Power to others to the making of such Laws.

That what King James the First told the Lords and Com­mons in the Year 1609. is certainly true, viz. That he is no King but a Tyrant that governs not by Law.

That there is a very great and dangerous defect in the constitution of the Government of England, if the same Power that gave the Coronation Oath, cannot judg whe­ther the said Oath be kept or not, and call to an account for the violation thereof. Bracton, Fleta, the Parliament of 1640. and the late Revolution seem clearly to allow Kings being accountable, &c.

That Kings and all Magistrates ought to be Nursing Fa­thers, not Bloody Tyrants to make their People miserable, to reward Virtue, and not to encourage Injustice, Oppres­sion and Vice. That if they would answer the end of Go­vernment, which is the Publick Good, they ought to study the happiness and welfare of their Subjects equally with their Own.

Lastly, That if they will not govern thus according to Law and Justice, they must not think the People of Eng­land will be such Fools as to stay for their accounting in the other World; for they do not love the Welshmans reck­ning, which was to let her alone till the last Judgment, and then her would account fairly for all her Rogueries, &c.

I am very well satisfied (let the wretched Advocates for Tyranny and Arbitrary Power say what they will to the contrary) That these Doctrines or Maxims cannot destroy Government, because they will not permit Governors to destroy the People. Nay, they will establish a Just Go­vernment by rooting out the Unjust. The Throne will be established by Righteousness, but ruined by Wickedness. Those Doctrines that rectifie Governors in the administra­tion of Common Right and Justice, do fasten the Crowns of Government upon their Heads; for by doing every man right, their Throne is set up in every man's Heart: and not only so, but the promised Presence of an Infinite Power, will ever secure and prosper such Administrations.

These pious Doctrines do not implead Government, but the Evils thereof, and are all included in this, The Safety of the People is still the chiefest Lord, Rule, Reason and Law.

These Divine Truths will, I hope, be highly acceptable in this age of light and knowledge; tho Laud, Sibthorp, Manwaring, Mountague, and other wicked Clergy-men of those and later times have unjustly esteemed them Rebellious.

I could produce many more Instances to inform the de­luded part of mankind, that this adored Prince was far from being a pious One; but for the present shall give but one more clear Demonstration, that is, His causing a Decla­ration to be published and read in all Churches, that all Sports, &c. whatsoever, were lawful on the Sabbath-day. How agreeable this most wicked Act can be to Religion I cannot conceive, and I am of opinion it will puzle all those that in a blasphemous strain call him a Saint and Martyr to defend him from this horrid impiety. See the Declaration at large printed in the Book called A Vindication of the Par­liament of 1640. Neither can I see for what Reasons any of his adorers can make him a Martyr; for the word Martyr, in the Greek Martur, signifies Testis, a Witness, In Ecclesia dici­tur Testis & Confessor Veritatis Verbo Dei patefactae, singulariter autem ille, qui propter Confessionem Evangelicae veritatis sustinet Afflictiones, ipsamque adeo Mortem. Our pretended Martyr (God knows) cannot come under any one of these Chara­cters; for it is plain that he did not dye for being a Witness or Confessor of the Revealed Truths in God's Word, nei­ther did he suffer Afflictions even unto Death for the sake of owning or professing Evangelical Truths: No, the Par­liament did not oppose or prosecute him for being a Pro­testant, but for favouring Papists, and subverting in a most arbitrary manner all the Laws and Liberties of England.

I shall now proceed to shew that this King could not be a firm Protestant: His Letter to the Pope (printed at large in the Book called A Defence of the Parliament of 1640. and the People of England, against King Charles the First and his Adherents) in answer to the Letter he receiv­ed from the Pope, is enough to startle any (but such as Land's) Protestants. He calls the Pope Most Holy Father, [Page 11]and tells him, I shall never be so extreamly affected to any thing in the World as to endeavour an Alliance with a Prince that hath the same apprehension of the True Religion with my self. Mr. Rushworth hath it in these words, Your Holinesses Conjecture of Our Desire to contract an Alliance and Marriage with a Catholick Family and Princess, is agreeable both to your Wisdom and Charity; for we would never desire so vehemently to be joind in a strict and indissoluble Bond, with any mortal whatsoever, whose Religion we hated.

And towards the end of the Letter, I entreat your Holi­ness to believe, that I have been always very far from encoura­ging Novelties, or to be a Partisan of any Faction, against the Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion.

In another place he protested, That he would expose Life and Estate in the Exaltation of the Holy Chair. This cannot redound to the honour of a Protestant King; for the Holy Chair, in its proper sense, means nothing but down-right Popery.

In another place he tells the Pope, I will employ my self for the time to come, to have but one Religion, and one Faith, —Having resolved in my self to spare nothing in the World, and to suffer all manner of Discommodities, even to the hazard­ing my Estate and Life for a thing so pleasing to God. This Resolution cannot look like his converting the Pope and others to the Protestant Religion, but directly the con­trary. And in his Reply to the Nuncio upon his delivering the Popes Letter to him, which you may read in Cabala, or Mysteries of State, pag. 214. he says,

I kiss his Holiness Feet, for the Favour and Honour he doth me; so much the more esteemed, by how much the less de­served of me hitherto; and his Holiness shall see what I do hereafter. [And so did England, Scotland and Ireland, and the whole world; His Bishops and Chaplains pressed Popish In­novations, and preached Doctrines of gross Popery.] And I think my Father will do the like; so that his Holiness shall not repent him of what he has done.

His marrying a violent Papist, and making Articles with [Page 12] France in favour of Papists, (read his Articles at large in the Book called A Defence of the Parliament of 1640. &c.) His stopping all Prosecution against them; His preferring ma­ny of them to places of eminent Trusts, particularly Weston to be his Lord Treasurer, Arundell, Weston, Gottington and Windebanck, who all died Papists; His pardoning Mountague his Chaplain for preaching down-right Popery; His un­lawful corresponding and conspiring with the Irish and French to land Forces against the Parliament. He was kind to the Irish Papists: And in his third year, against the plain advice of Parliament, like a kind Pope, sold them many Indulgences for money. Advised with them on all occa­sions, admitted them to private Consultations with him and his Queen. His sending one Dillon, a Papist Lord, soon after a chief Rebel, with Letters into Ireland; and his dispatching a Commission under the great Seal of Scotland (at that time in his own Custody) that they should forth­with, as formerly had been agreed, cause all the Irish to rise in Arms. Read the Commission at large in the Book be­fore mentioned. His causing ten thousand Popish Irish Soldiers to be ordered for England by the Earl of Glamorgan, do all shew he had more confidence in Popish Irish, than in his Protestant English Subjects: A rare Protestant I profess. These with his betraying the Protestants of the Palatinate, Isle of Rhee and Rochel, and the poor Protestants of Ireland, to the number of 154000, shew the slender affection he had for the Protestant Interest, either at home or abroad. From such a mer­ciless Protestant, Good Lord for ever deliver these Kingdoms. Read his Letters to the Rochellers, and their Remonstrance upon his betraying them, both printed in the Book, called A Defence of the Parliament of 1640. and you will have little cause to admire this Martyr; And also the Sheet called, Murder will out, printed in the same Book, which makes it appear he had a hand in the horrid Irish Rebellion.

In the next place I shall plainly make it appear, beyond all doubt, that this King was an oppressive Tyrant; and should [Page 13]I proceed on this melancholy Subject so largely, as with the greatest truth and matters of Fact I might, I should have cause to cry out with the Poet, Tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem. Many Instances of his Arbitrary and Ille­gal Government being printed in the Book called, A De­fence of the Parliament of 1640, &c. and also the following Papers, which set this King out to the life, viz. The Pope's Letter to King Charles I. and King Charles's Answer. His Ar­ticles of Marriage with France. His Declaration of Sports on the Lord's Day. His Letters of Assurance to the Protestants of Rochel; and their Remonstrance on his deceiving them. His Commission to the Irish Rebels: and Rorie Macquire and Philem Oneal's Declaration thereupon. K. Charles II. Letter to the Court of Claims in Ireland, in behalf of the Marquess of Antrim, for acting by King Charles I. Order. King Charles's Prayer taken out of Pembrook's Arcadia. An Abridgment of the Articles of Peace that King Charles I. made with the Irish Rebels. Lord Anglesey's Memorandum, and Walker's Rea­sons against Eikon Basilike.

I shall now content my self with enumerating a few more Instances of his grievous oppressing the People of England as a Tyrant: viz. By his raising, without Act of Parlia­ment, 200000 l. on the poor Merchants for Ship-money, Coat and Conduct money. His great Minions and Favo­rites, inventing new methods of Monopolies, without ever acquainting the Parliament, to enable him, in a full time of Peace, to live without a Parliament, as he did about 11 Years together; Compulsive Knighthoods; the seizing, not of one Naboth's Vineyard, but of whole Inheritances, un­der the pretence of Forest, or Crown-lands; Corruption and Bribery compounded for, with Impunities granted for the future: Arbitrary and excessive Fines on those People that stood in the gap against his Tyranny; besides the barba­rous Slashings, Whippings, Pillorings, and horrible Impri­sonments for many years. His intending to bow or break his People, to perswade or force them to slavery, is so clear [Page 14]by the whole course of his Reign, that 'tis amazing that men (even of the highest stamp of Toryism) should have Front enough to deny it. He turn'd the Lord Conway out of his Secretary's place, because he would not make the ne­cessary advances to Rome, but refused to receive the Sacra­ment in Henry VII's Chappel, after Popish Laud's way, which was not in Bread, but in Wafers. His undermining our Re­ligion and Government; his raising an Army of English, Scots, Germans, and bloody Irish Papists, to subject his Peo­ples Fortunes to his Will and Power, and make good the Breaches upon the Liberties of England. That never was in­clined to Parliaments, nor to call them, but for a greedy hope of a whole National Bribe, his Subsidies; and never loved, never fulfil'd, never promoted the true End of Parlia­ments, the Redress of Grievances, but still put them off and prolonged them, whether gratified or not gratified. That caused Court Letters and Intimations to be sent to de­ter the People from their free electing the best affected to their Religion and Countries Liberties. That could not forbear declaring, that the execution of Strafford stung his Conscience; and no marvel, when he was the chief Author of those Misdeeds he suffered for. This Stafford was one of the boldest and most impetuous Instruments that the King had, to advance any violent or illegal Design. He had ruled Ireland, and some parts of England, in an arbitrary manner; he had endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws, to subvert Parliaments, and incense the King against them. He had endeavoured to make Hostility between England and Scotland; he had counsel'd the King to call o­ver that Irish Army of Papists which he had cunningly raised to reduce England, as appear'd by good testimony then present at the Consultation. For which and many o­ther Crimes proved against him in 28 Articles, he was con­demned of High-Treason by the Parliament. This pious Martyr could highly demonstrate his remorse for the Blood of Strafford that all good Men acquitted him of, but not the [Page 15] least sorrow for setting up his Standard, and causing a Sea of innocent Blood to be spilt by the Civil War, occasion'd by his Male Administration. That according to his own confessi­on, violated the Privileges of the Commons, by going in an Arbitrary way into their House. That as his Cabinet Letters declare, call'd them a mungrel Parliament, that vext his Queen with their base and mutinous Motions. A special Bargain of such a Queen, at whose landing at Dover, the 25th of June (New-stile) 1625, the Sun withdrew its Beams, as being unwilling to shine upon a Descent so migh­ty fatal to this Nation, and the Night hid the Miseries which that Day were brought into this flourishing Island upon her arrival.

On the 26th the Queen with the King made their entry to London, having among others in her Train, A Roman Ca­tholick Bishop, on whom King Charles was obliged to settle a Pension of 4000 l. a Year. Four Abbots under the Title of Almoners, on each a 1000 l. Two Chaplains Priests 1400 l. Two Clerks of the Chappel; two Grooms: Moreover, 12 Priests of the Oratory, on whom 6000 l. were to be settled for their subsistence and maintenance. But besides all the Ecclesiasti­cal Persons, the Queen, not to trust to Protestants, brought over with her a Train of Roman Catholicks, whereof she form'd her House, and, as it after prov'd, a Seminary in the Kingdom; four Ladies of Honour for her Bedchamber, six Ladies of Honour with their Governante, and one under her, besides Servants; 18 Gentlemen, six Valets de Chambre, a Chamberlain, a Secretary, five Chambermaids, Semstresses, Laundresles, a Physician, an Apothecary, Chirurgions, a Pantler, Cup-bearers, Cooks, Potagers, Roasters, Bakers, Stewards, Coachmen, and all the Officers of her Stables. At her coming up to London, almost all the People of that great City went before her (just as heretofore the Trojans did the Horse that was the cause of their destruction) in triumph into their City, with demonstrations of joy. But to their great sorrow, these Halcion days lasted but a short [Page 16]time, for they soon found the Queen's numerous Train of Ecclesiasticks caused no small clamours and murmuring a­mongst the People all over the Kingdom; for these Vipers were in perpetual motion, and continually running from House to House under pretence of Conversion-work; openly boasting they had already converted many thousands in the little time they had been in England. Whereupon the King received divers Complaints, as well from Protestant Bishops and Ministers, as from the Masters of Families, who accused those Priests, not only of perverting their Servants, but their Children; and that by their wicked instigation, un­known to their Parents, several of them were gone away beyond Sea, to be put into Colleges and Convents, for their more commodious being bred up in the Romish Reli­gion: But upon all matters that happened as to that sub­ject, the Queen still stept into the Breach, to prevent by her Credit any Mischiefs that should have fallen on the Priests. But the Complaints of the People against these Vermin the Queen brought with her were so great, that the King was necessitated to send them back into France; which was done in August the same Year he was crown'd. But at the same time to prevent their complaining, the King heaped Favours, Benevolences and Present upon all the Fry of Cler­gy, to reward their labour of the Tares they had sown and left behind them in England: However all this Liberality of the King was not sufficient to hinder their Complaints, nor their Sollicitations in the Court of France to return into England, to gather (as they said) the Fruits of their La­bour. The Queen on the other hand saw her self forestall'd of her desire to propagate the Catholic Faith, especially in her Kingdom of England; and being push'd on by her Confes­sor, and others of the same brood, did not fail to write of this matter very smartly to Lewis XIII. her Brother, but par­ticularly to the Queen Mother. And the King of France being pushed on by the Queen Mother, took as a very great and sensible Affront, the sending back of all the French [Page 17]that belonged to the Retinue, and were the Domestick Ser­vants of the Queen his Sister. The Cardinal that was abso­lute Governour of the King, was so angry to see the French returned, (for that grievously broke his Measures in Eng­land) and prevailed so much on the King his Master, that he got him to send over an Embassador Extraordinary to con­fer with the Queen, and to make his complaints of it to the King. And that Minister did his business so effectu­ally, that those who had been dismissed, and obliged to leave the Kingdom, return'd to their former Post a­bout the Queen, their Mistress, and began their old trade of perverting people to the Romish Religion; which lasted as long as the Queen continued in England. Whilst the King was thus govern'd by his Papist Queen and France, how could poor England think of being happy, or free from Popery, and its natural Consequence Tyran­ny?

That instead of praying for his People, as a good King should do, he pray'd to be delivered from them, as from wild Beasts, Inundations, and raging Seas, that had over­born all Loyalty, (that is, would not let him be according to his Will, a great Tyrant) Modesty, Laws, Justice and Religion: God save the People from such Intercessors.

That the petitioning for removal of Evil Counsellors, and redressing Grievances in Church and State, was to him an intolerable Oppression. His sending an Agent to Den­mark with Letters to that King, requiring Aid against the Parliament, besides the 8000 Irish raised by Strafford, which with a Scotch and French Army were to join the English he then had. He encouraged the Scots by telling them, what Money and Horse he was to have from Denmark; yielding to the hireling Army of Scotland, rather than to the reaso­nable Requests of his Parliament. His stopping and way­laying, both by Sea and Land, to his utmost power, those Provisions and Supplies which the Parliament sent to relieve [Page 18]the miserable Protestants of Ireland, clearly demonstrates he was desirous of having them sacrificed to his Irish Friends, who were bloody Cut-throats. Ireland being as Ephraim, the strength of his Head; Scotland, as Judah, was his Law­giver; but over England, as over Edom, he meant to cast his Shoe. His being so false in all his Treaties, as to follow his grand Maxim, viz. Always to put something into his Treaties which might give colour to refuse all that was in other things granted, and so make them signify nothing: a way of treat­ing that no way became a Crown'd Head, much less an ho­nest pious Prince, who ought to be sincere in all his Under­takings.

That was so full of Revenge upon the Parliament, that he sent his violent Queen (who with the greatest willing­ness went) to Holland, where she, by his order, pawn'd and set to sale the Crown Jewels, (a Crime heretofore counted treasonable) for no other use, but to raise an Army of Horse and Foot, with Arms, &c. a very pious Design to bring in a wicked parcel of Foreigners to cut his English Subjects Throats. This was a Martyr with a witness, by whom the Nation had been swallowed up with Blood and Ruin, had not his Strength fail'd him more than his Will. His admiring those Ministers that strengthened his Hands, and hardened his Heart, and applauded him in his wilful ways against the Good of his People, to whom he was a Con­stantine. They were as dear and pleasing to him, as Ama­ziah the Priest of Bethel was to Jeroboam; for they had learnt not to prophesy against Bethel, for it is the King's Chappel, the King's Court: But his hating those good and pious Ministers the Parliament sent him, proceeded from their telling him plain Truths, what was his Duty and In­terest, and preaching up Repentance for what he had done. His most wrongfully pretending that he must kill or be killed, is so notoriously false, that nothing can be clearer, it being very manifest that never was King less in danger of [Page 19]any violence from his Subjects, till he unsheath'd his Sword against them. Nay long after that time, when he had spilt the Blood of thousands, they had still his Person in a foolish veneration. His own Letters taken at the Battel of Naseby were of great importance, to let the People see what Faith there was in all his Promises and solemn Prote­stations: they discovered his good Affection to Papists and Irish Rebels; the strict Intelligence he held; the perni­cious and dishonourable Peace he made with them; not sollicited, but rather solliciting, which by all Invocations that were holy he had in publick abjured. See the Articles of Peace abridged, in the Defence of the Parliament of 1640, &c. These Letters revealed his Endeavours to bring in Foreign Forces, Irish, French, Dutch, Lorainers, and our old Invaders the Danes, upon England. These were visible to all men under his own hand, and were or­dered by the Parliament to be printed for publick Informa­tion. These his own Letters discovering his Grand Myste­ry of Iniquity, this holy Man was not a little concern'd at their being made publick; for they pull'd off his Mask, and shew'd the World what sort of a Man he was.

Having, I hope beyond all doubt, given clear Demon­strations that King Charles the First could be no Saint, Mar­tyr, nor a true Protestant; but on the contrary, a favou­rer of Popery, a wicked and oppressive Tyrant: I have little or no occasion to proceed to my second Proposition, which was, to vindicate the Parliament of 1640, and all those Noble Patriots that joined with it against that King and his Evil Counsellors; however I shall briefly defend them from the impudent Charge of Rebels, tho I am hear­tily sorry that the ignorance of some, prejudice and self-interest of others, should give the least occasion for this Defence, especially in these our days, when, God be prais­ed, Men can speak and write English Truths without be­ing [Page 20]hang'd for them, as in the late wicked Reigns, when Villains declared it for Law, that Scribere was Agere.

In prosecution of this Defence, I shall shew you,

  • 1. Who did rise and oppose this Prince, and his Evil Counsellors.
  • 2. What were the Reasons that induced so great an Opposition.

1. The Parliament and their Adherents, consisted of the best of the Nobility and Gentry, Men eminent for Piety and Justice, viz. The Earls of Bedford, Manchester, and Es­sex, &c. Lords, Paget, Mandeville, Wharton, Hollis, Brook, &c. Commoners, Sir Thomas Fairfax, Mr. Hamb­den, Mr. Pymm, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Strode, Sir John Elliot, Sir John Heveningham, Sir Nathaniel Barnardiston, Sir John Strangeways, Sir William Earl, &c. and many more too many to be herein mentioned. It was also evident, that the most worthy of the Nobility, Gentry, and Commo­nalty of the Kingdom, did most heartily engage with them in this most Righteous Work of delivering Eng­land; and tho by Blood, yet God gave them success against that Tyrant.

2. For what Reasons did the Parliament and People presume to resist the Lord's Anointed? I answer, let those that desire satisfaction in this point, but read over care­fully and impartially, this small Book, and that called A Defence of the Parliament of 1640. &c. and they will have no cause to enquire further; so many real matters of Fact being therein contained, almost enough to convince even Thomas a Didimus. But to be short, they were necessita­ted thereunto, being in the greatest danger of losing the Protestant Religion, their Laws, their Lives and Liberties. [Page 21]Was it not high time to stand up, when all that was dear to Free-born Englishmen was at stake? Was not the King a great favourer of Papists, and lover of Tyranny? Was he not ruled by his violent Popish Queen, a wicked, corrupt and Arbitrary Nobility, Gentry and Clergy, many of them of mean fortunes, that were unhappy for Himself, but more unhappy for his Kingdom? And were such persons as these fit to be trusted by the people? Men that laboured all they could to make the King a powerful Tyrant, and his Sub­jects a miserable enslaved people. Besides, could rational men think it safe to permit such a King, and his Evil Counsellors to carry on those their Arbitrary Designs, ap­parently destructive to the happiness and welfare of Eng­land? If they had permitted these Evils to come upon them, they ought not only to be beg'd for Fools, or Madmen, but deserved to lose the privileges of a Free People. But God be praised for inspiring and assisting them with greater Wisdom and Courage, than foolishly and tamely to suffer their Religion, Laws and Liberties to become a Sacrifice to that Tyrant, or his Crew. His governing ad Libitum Regis by his own arbitrary Lust and Will, and not per Legem Terrae, and calling but three Parliaments in all his Reign, which (to the sorrow of England) was almost twenty four years, must naturally create enemies against him. To conclude this Head: His whole Reign was such a continued piece of Popish Ty­ranny and Oppression, that the people of England with the greatest chearfulness ran the hazard of their Lives and For­tunes to free themselves and posterity from them both: and I challenge the greatest Advocates for this pretended Saint and Martyr, to disprove the least matter in this Book laid to his charge; nay, I'll go farther, I challenge them to give me, or any one else a satisfactory account of one good Act he ever did for the glory of God or the good of his three Kingdoms, except constrained by his people thereun­to.

For a conclusion of this Discourse, I shall make a few Remarques, which I hope, if well observed, may be very useful not only to this present age, but to posterity.

1. I shall give a short Answer to this Question, Why do the generality of the Clergy and Laity so much adore and ido­lize all Monarchs (whether good or bad) above the People? The Reason is plain, The People have nothing material in a Monarchical Government to bestow upon these Court Pa­rasites, for the Kings have the disposal of the Bishopricks, Deanaries, Prebendaries, Archdeaconries, and most other great Livings, and also most of the Temporal beneficial Places, as Chancellors, Judges and other great Offices; from such a sort of men as these nothing but Court-Do­ctrines can be expected; for they are well assured, should they preach or write for the Rights or Privileges of the People in Arbitrary Reigns, it would be the ready way to dash all their hopes of preferment into pieces. And here I cannot but make a melancholy Observation, as to the Clergy in general of the late Reigns, viz. That by all I could hear or read, they have been so far from being Christian Advocates for the Rights and Privileges of milli­ons of people, that they have in a most wicked manner pro­moted and preached up those Doctrines that plainly tended to make them miserable and lasting Slaves. Indeed I must confess some few of them have signalized themselves for the good of the People, and against Popery. Particular­ly that incomparable Phoenix of our Age, Mr. SAMƲEL JOHNSON, a person that by his sensible Conversation, and his golden Works, hath done more service, to rescue England from Popery and Slavery, and secure English mens Rights and Privileges, than most (if not all) the Bishops and Clergy-men ever did since the Reformation. His Works are so excellent and highly valuable, that they will preserve his Fame long after he is dead; and will make [Page 23]good that Motto, Vivit post funera virtus. And I could wish the Nobility and Gentry would encourage (by sub­scriptions) some Bookseller or Printer to reprint all this great Man's Works in one Folio; that the Divine and No­ble Truths therein contained, might be handed down (for the publick good) to posterity. I am extreamly well pleas­ed, that our Gracious King WILLIAM hath in some measure (tho not so much, nor so soon as I could wish, tho he had merited more than others) rewarded his inhu­mane sufferings and eminent services for these Kingdoms. I would never have a good man have the least cause to say, Virtus laudatur & alget; and that

Aude aliquid brevibus gyaris aut carcere dignum,
Si vis esse aliquid—

Was the right way to preferment.

2. What occasions the Clergy's usurping one Pro­vince more than belongs to them, viz. the Law, when, God knows, they have work enough to preach the Gospel as they ought to do, that their Flocks might be well fed with the Milk of God's Word? 1. Want of that true Piety that would keep them closer to their duties to God and men. 2. As I hinted before, they pick up scraps of Law to make Princes great, that they may get promotion thereby, tho to the sacrificing of their Country. Lastly, The imprudent familiarity the Nobility and Gentry have with them, many of whom are poor, ignorant, impious and scandalous fellows, that arise from being Parish Boys, &c. which makes them so proud as to strut and lord it over the People to a pro­digious degree. I would by no means be thought by this, to be an enemy to pious good Clergy-men, that as Christi­an Ministers discharge their duties; for I solemnly profess I have the highest value and esteem for all such holy men. And I observed in my Travels in Holland, that the Dutch did highly respect their Ministers (whom I must really [Page 24]confess, I believe to be famous for good Lives and Con­versations, far beyond the generality of the English Clergy.) Yet they kept these good men at a due distance, not suffer­ing any of their Ministers to be seen at any time in an Ale-house, Tavern, or in a Coffee-house, except on their Travels, where refreshments must be had to support na­ture. And if any of them shall transgress in this matter, they immediately forfeit their reputation and esteem with the people. And if they should in their Pulpits presume to meddle with State-affairs, and the Magistrates hear of it, they send them a pair of Shoos, and order them to be gone.

If Mountague, Sybthorp and Manwaring, of old; Pelling, Sherlock, Cartwright, White, Lake, Watson, Crew, Thompson, Collier, Snet, Cook, Hawkins, Hicks, Wilson, Long, Thomp­son of Bristol, Hollingworth, Milbourn, Birch, and a great many more of the same stamp in the late Reigns, had been dealt with according to their deserts, I know what would justly have become of most of them.

'Tis observed, that the People of England are famous for punishing little Rogues, such as Pick-pockets, &c. but care­lesly and imprudently pass by those Clergymen and Law­yers that have to the greatest degree robb'd them of their undoubted Birthrights and greatest Privileges, by whole­sale, and endeavoured to establish a Government over them as absolute as the Grand Seignior's.

3. I shall take notice of the Observation of the 30th of January, in that solemn manner as now kept; and if I make some close Remarks thereon, I hope I shall not be hardly thought on, since a Person in so high a station, so eminent for Parts and Piety, as Dr. Burnet, now Bishop of Salisbury hath, before a great Auditory in the famous City of London, (viz. the Aldermen, &c.) expressed himself fully against the keeping up that day, in his Sermon preached at St. Law­rence [Page 25]Church London, Jan. 30. 1680. and since printed by R. Chiswell: His words are, I acknowledg it were better if we could have Job's Wish, that this day should perish, that darkness and the shadow of death should cover it, that it should not see the dawning of the day, nor should the light shine upon it; it were better to strike it out of our Kalendar, and make our January determine at the 29th, and add these remaining days to February.And to put it out of doubt, what the Bishop of Salisbury's meaning was in that expression, It were better if we could have Job's Wish, I shall quote some other expressions in that Sermon. Pag. 4. are these words; Upon their loving Truth and Peace, those black and mournful days should be converted to days of gladness. Pag. 5. It might have been ex­pected, that our 29th of May should have worn out the remembrance of the 30th of January; and now at the end of two and thirty years, (to this time 50) it may be reasonably asked, Should we still continue to fast and mourn? Pag. 28. [If we come to love the Truth and Peace] to live in Love and Peace one with another, then our days of Fasting shall be turn'd into solemn and chearful Feasts: Then shall our 29th of May swallow up the remembrance of the 30th of January: Or perhaps, as the Prophet foretold such happy Deliverances should come to the Jews, as should make even that out of Egypt to be forgotten; so we might hope for such days as should out shine and darken the very 29th of May—If we come to love Truth and Peace, then shall even this Fast of the 10th month, according to the Jewish Account (which according to Arch-Bishop Ʋsher, is exactly our 30th of January) be to us Joy and Gladness.

1. I shall observe, That the keeping up the 30th of Ja­nuary hath never, as I could learn, done the least good, but much burt to these Kingdoms; for it hath given, and [Page 26]still gives the Clergy (who rarely preach or write for the good of the Kingdom) an opportunity of poisoning the People with lying Stories, and dangerous Notions, many of them crying up this King (to the great scandal of Chri­stianity) in a blasphemous manner, venting such horrid Expressions as these in his behalf, viz. THAT HIS BLOOD CRIED LOWDER FOR VENGEANCE, THAN THE BLOOD OF JESUS (our dear Redeemer.) Another vile Wretch said, That they accused our Saviour of being a Winebibber, and a Friend of Publicans and Sinners, but could lay no such Charge to the Martyr of their own making. Are such wicked Asser­tions to be tolerated among Christians? God forbid.

2. Contrary to all Christianity, it effectually keeps up perpetual Animosities, Wraths, Feuds, and Divisions, in these three Kingdoms. Which are of a pernicious conse­quence to the publick Welfare of any People. For what good Man can hear (without a just resentment) his Ance­stors that ventured their Blood and Treasure for the delive­rance of their Country, be most falsly and wickedly ar­raigned as Rebels, by a parcel of Clergymen, generally Ad­vocates for Tyranny, and many of them little sneaking, ignorant, and scandalous Fellows, who on this madding Day impudently vent their lying Harangues against them, who under God were the Instruments of much happiness to England?

3. The keeping up that day, furnisheth the Jacobites with a mighty Argument against the late happy and glo­rious Revolution; for they argue thus. Since by Act of Parliament, the opposers of King Charles the First, who acted by authority of Parliament (mark that) are brand­ed as Rebels, &c. how much more are they Rebels, that against their own Principles of Passive Obedience and Non Resistance, turned out their Jure divino King, the late Ty­rant [Page 27] James, who had not committed half so many arbitra­ry and illegal Actions, nor been guilty of such notorious Violations upon the Laws and Liberties of England, as that Holy Martyr Charles the First was justly charged with?

4. This solemn observation is pleasing or acceptable to none, but those wicked Clergy-men or Laymen, that either had a hand in those arbitrary doings of that King; or that would still maintain and justifie such pernicious Doctrines and Actions. Neither is it to be wondred at, that some of the Laymen are for keeping up this day; by reason thy now enjoy the Estates of those men that assisted in the redemption of their oppressed Country: for the old Saying is true, Interest may flatter, but it will ne­ver lie.

5. If against all reason and justice to the memory of our deceased Patriots, I should pro confesso allow they had been Rebels by resisting this King, I would willing­ly be satisfied, what hath their innocent posterity to an­swer for in this case?

To conclude all; I do solemnly profess and declare in the presence of God, That I have not written this Book to vindicate the Actions of any Relations of mine that had any hand in opposing that King; nay I am not sure any of my Family was engaged in that Righteous Cause; but for the undeceiving of those that are most strangely, against all truth and reason, deluded by the Clergy to believe a Lie, viz. That King Charles the First was a Saint and Martyr, and that all those good people that withstood his notorious op­pressions and evil designs, were great Rebels.

Dear Country men, I have now set clear light before you, and I hope you will no longer walk in darkness; I [Page 28]desire you will carefully read over and consider this small Book, and that called A Defence of the Parliament of 1640, which contains a black list of the pretended Martyr's ty­rannical actions, &c. and upon all occasions stand u p for the undoubted Truths therein; by doing of which you will highly contribute towards the securing to your selve [...] and posterity, a Lasting Happiness:

Which is the most hearty prayer of yours and his Countries real Friend, D. J.
FINIS.

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