ILLUSTRATIONS Of the Obscurer Passages in the SATYRES OF D. Junius Juvenalis.
SATYRE. I.

1. DEcimus Iunius Iuvenalis. Those that have hitherto in pub­lishing this Authour, bestow'd three names upon him, have for the first, either with a secure ambiguity, prefix'd only the let­ter D. or with a liberality of Pen and error, written at large Decius Junius Juvenalis: amongst which last is Petrus Crinitus (who is there­fore justly taxed by Ludovicus Carrio, in his Emen­dations, lib. 1. cap. 1.) and also Cerutus before his Pa­raphrase upon this Authour, alleadging Crinitus his words without correcting them. But, to stay the farther propagation of this error, amongst the three sorts of Names which the Romans had, the first whereof was called Praenomen, the second Nomen, the third Cognomen (under which last, with Onuphri [...]s Panvinius, I comprehend Agnomen) it is to be noted that Decius was a Nomen; as also may appear by the Catalogue of the natural Roman Praenomina, which were about thirty, as they are reckon'd up by S [...]go­nius, de Nom. Roman amongst which Decius is not mention'd. This D. therefore is Decimus, as it is written in all those Manuscripts in which it is writ­ten at large; and this agrees with Antiquitie, for Decimus was a Praenomen amongst the Romans. This [Page 10]may be also confirm'd by those, who wrote the Ro­man story in Greek, as by Polybins, Diodorus, Diony­sius, Plutarch, Di [...]n: who alwayes when they found the letter D. used in Latine Historians for a Praeno­men, as it is here, expounded it at large by Decimus. Yet Lubine, in his annotation upon that in his fourth Satyre, vers. 103.—Quis priscum illud miratur acumen, Brute, tuum?—Makes Decius a Pranomen, calling him that expell'd Tarquin, Decius Junius Brutus. But herein he multiplies an error: for first, he that ex­pell'd Tarquin, and which is there meant by Juvenal, was called Lucius Junius Brutus, as is manifest by the Roman Fasti. Secondly, he that was called D. Junius Brutus, was one of them that conspir'd against Caesar; and thirdly, that conspirator was not called Decius, but Decimus Junius Brutus, as it is manifest by the Grecian writers of the Roman story; And therefore in the exacter Editions of Dio, published by Xylander, and Leuncl [...]vius, when this Brutus is in the Text called Decius, it is corrected with a va­riety of Reading in the Margin, by Decimus; and in one place, where he is said to be nam'd in Caesar's Testament, he is absolutely called Decimus, without the mentioning of his other names, and on this place is no diverse Reading, or correction in the Margin. So likewise he is by Appian absolutely cal­led Decimus, without the mentioning of his other names. I think the more plainly to distinguish him from the other Brutus, who was the chief in the same conspiracy, and was called Marcus Junius Brutus. It is an error therefore in the Author of the Prosaical part of our Grammar, called Lily's Grammar, p. 2. where he says, that when D. stands for a Praenomen, it signifies Decius. But it will be needful to remove one scruple. In Lucilius his Fragments, P. 13. Numb. 101. we find this verse, Persium non curo legere, haec: Laelium Decimum volo: which words are so recited also in Tully, de Oratore, lib. 2. and by Pliny, N [...]t. Hist. lib. 1. Epist. ad Vespas. Haec doctissimum Persium legere nole, Laelium Decimum volo. The sense is, Lucilius would not have the learned Persius (not the Poet, but) one, who in Tully's judgment was, as he says, Omnium ferè nostro­rum doctissimus: but he would have a lesse learned Reader, such a one as Laelius Decimus. By which order of the names, Decimus seems not to be a Prae­nomen. It is therefore to be known, that all the common Copies of Pliny (and so consequently of Tully and Lucilius) are corrupted. For all the an­cient Printed and Manuscript Copies of Pliny, as Hermolaus Barbarus observes, and after him Fr. Dousa, on Lucilius, pag. 105. read, not Laelium Decimum, but Junium Congium, or Laelium Congrum. But by a licentious transposition, the cognomen was sometimes set before the Praenomen, as in that Maluginensis M. Scipio; (see Robertellus, and Sigonius de Nom. Rom. cap. 24. and 52.) which seems to have been the first occasion of the vulgar error.

2. Whiles his gown'd Comick Scene. The Ro­man Comedy, so called from the Habit, which by pro­priety of Country the Romans wore, as the Graecians did Cloaks. So the Scholiast on this place, accor­ding to Pithaeus his Edition, Togatae sunt Comoediae La­tinae, Palliatae Graecae, quales Afranius scribit. Yet be­cause Afranius does not write Greek Comedies, cor­rect the Reading, as Rutgersius does very well, in his Var. Lection. lib. 6. cap. 18. reading it thus, Togatae sunt Comoe diae Latinae, quales Afranius scripsit, Palliatae Graecae. And here note, that although Toga and Pallium are opposed as the Roman and Graecian gar­ments, the Gown and the Cloak, yet some garments used by the Romans, neither have been, nor in our Tongue can be more properly render'd then by the name of Cloaks, a [...] Lacerna and Penu [...]ae; yea Pallium doth not only signifie the Graecian Cloak, but also a garment which the Roman Women work over their stola or their long coat down to the heel. Sometimes also it is taken for bedcloaths, as Antonius Augustinus de Legib. 12. Tab. p. 267. ob­serves out of Juvenal, Sat. 6. in that verse, Advo­cat Archigenen onerosaque pallia jactat; and as Passe­ratius notes in his Prelections upon Propertius, lib. 4. p. 589. The Lacerna and Penula are both in the Old Gloss upon Persius, Sat. 1. vers. 68. called pallia: which identitie of name doubtless arose from the near similitude which they had each with other, and both with the Graecian Cloak: nay the Roman Gown too was almost of the same form, as Lazius shews in his Commentaries, lib. 8. cap. 3. The La­cerna by the descriptions of the ancients was a kind of Cloak first used in the Camp, but afterwards through civil wars it got into the Citty, and was worn upon their gowns to defend them from Cold and Rain. The penula was used for the like defence; yet this by Larius his description, lib. 16. cap. 11. was shorter and fitter for expedition, and therefore cheifly used in travel. And yet according to diver­sitie of times it was more or less frequently used, as Lipsius shews, Elect. lib. 1. cap. 13. I judged it ne­cessary here to shew the diverse acceptions of the word pallium and Cloak, because here it seems to be appropriated to the Graecian, when notwith­standing we shal frequently hereafter in this Au­thor render those Roman garments lacerna and pe­nula by our word Cloak: which without the pre­vention of a note might peradventure have been to some the occasion of some error.

3. Upon the very back. The custome of the Ro­mans was to write but on one side of the leaf, leav­ing the other for any after-thoughts, or brief re­membrances. But in a continued course to fill the second side, the accounted extream folly or ex­tream industrie; and such writings the Latines cal­led à tergo scripta, the Graecians [...]. See Catanaeus on Pliny, lib. 3. epist. 5. and Claudius Minos. Rader on Martial. lib. 8. epig. 62. Alexander Nea­pot. in his Genial. Dier. lib. 2. cap. 30. and Tiraquet on that place.

4. The Grove of Mars. The common Reading is Lucus Martis; but Ptolemaeus Flaevius in his Conjectan-cap. 29. tels us of another Reading, which Johannen Baptista Blautius hath, and that is Luctus Martis: but whether this be grounded upon copie or con­jecture I know not. The sense they make diverse, and so uncertain, understanding one while the adul­tery of Mars and Venus, another while the fight between Mars and Diomedes in the Trojan war, and so they would obscurely have Nero. touch'd, who set Rome on fire, that he might write his Troica. But all this being rather wit then truth, and a stranger to all the Manuscripts, which I have seen, the old Reading is to be retain'd, which also is subject to as much variety of interpretation. Some travel as far as Athens to find Lucus Martis there, others as far as Colchos to find it there; where they are both as far from the Poet's intent, as Athens or Colchos are from Rome. The Lucus Martis, which some would have at Athens, was, as they say, the Athe­nian Areopagus: but Britannicus his exception will stand against this, who says, That was not Lucus but Villa Martis, though the margin of one manu­script (but without any proof) says that there was also Lucus Martis. Calderinus thinks it might be understood of a place at Colchos, where the gol­den [Page 11]fleece was; but I approve not this conjecture: for then, methinks, we should scarce quit our Au­thor of a tautologie; seing that by and by after he reckons-up that of the golden fleece, as a distinct argument, which the cheap versifiers of those times did trade in. Others not taking the pains to go out of Rome, make Lucus Martis there, and so take it for a place, wherein the Poets did use to read their poems. But this opinion Lubine, witti­ly derides, urging that by consequence the Poet should say, that he had not been likewise in Vulcan's Aetna, for this immediately follows in the like sense. Yet this jest of Lubine may be answer'd in earnest; for Baptista Egnatius in his Racemations, cap. 6. urges out of P. Victor, de Ʋrbis regionibus, that Antrum Vulcani was a place in Rome, in the fourth region of the Citty, but the copies which we now have of Victor, have in that place not an­trum but area Vulcani; which how it can be made to signifie antrum, I see not. There is besides in Victor, in the ninth region, Aedes Vulcani, and this peradventure may with a less violent abuse be cal­led Antrum Vulcani. Now Egnatius thinks that this was a place where Poets did use to recite their po­ems; indeed the Old Scholiast says so of Lucus Martis; but as the Scholiast hath some singular re­membrances of less-obvious antiquities, so hath he likewise some uncertainties. For if we view the contexture of the place, we shall find, that he does not here speak of Lucus Martis, as of a place where­in poets did read, but as of a vain argument, which they handled. The learned Parrhasius, Epist. 2. be­sides all these brings another exposition, saying that by Lucus Martis, Valerius Flaccus is touch'd, whom, as he says our Poet did emulate, they liv­ing at the same time together under the Vespasians, whom Flaccus flatter'd, and Juvenal hated; and therefore flouts at many passages of his Argonautica, as Parrhasius by a diligent parallel of diverse places shews at large. Which conceit some highly ap­prove, and so do I, yet with some abatement from so full an approbation; and that for these reasons. First, I dislike that he assignes as a partial motive of Juvenal's anger, Emulation: for, which of the learned is so young, as to compare the labours of young Flaccus, at the best unperfect and but an imi­tation of Apollonius (though a commendable Essay for a young wit) with the masculine and subact judgement of Juvenal, to whom, for the admirable mixture of advanced Passion and equal wit, old Rome from all her monuments cannot casily pro­duce a parallel. The orher motive which Parrha­sius assigne [...], we ought to beleeve; that is, the just indignation, which Juvenal's zeal conceiv'd against the impotent disingenuitie of Flaccus, who for out­ward respects would flatter a vile Prince. Second­ly though Parrhasius his conjecture on this place be true, yet it is but an allusive, not an absolute ex­position; so that it may be admitted but in a se­cond place. To find out then the true interpretation we will neither travel to Colchos nor stay at Rome, but with a moderate and neighbour journey to Alba, and find there the grove where Rhea brought forth Romulus and Remus; which place was called Lu­cus Martis, as Merula in his Commentary on this place, shews out of Justine and Plutarch. To deli­ver then the absolute and best meaning of our Au­thor, which I would choose; We may understand Lucus Martis either Metonymically for the story of Rhea done there, or Synechdochically for any grove, according to the sense of that in Persius, Sat. 1.—Nec ponere lucum Artifices—such stories and such descriptions being the first tria's of slight wits. This interpretation I take to be most natural, as being upon examination true, and not far fetch'd: which conditions I think to be safe rules for all interpre­tation. After an absolute expofition allusions take place, and so in the next place we may embrace Parrhasius his apt conjecture.

5. Fronto's Plane-trees. A noble Roman famous for learning and bounty, who used to lend his state­ly house encompassed with shady trees, to the Po­ets of his time, wherein they did read their Poems. This is at large describ'd by Persius in his first Sa­tyre, and by Juvenal in his seventh. Of the [...]de­lightful shade and spreading branches of the Plane-tree, see Claudius Minos on Pliny, lib. 1. epist. 3. Bisciola in his Hor. Subseciv. lib. 9. cap. 21. and Wo­werus de Ʋmbra, cap. 26. The imitation of this Roman custome of publique and Voluntary Reading, though not in such a manner of place, hath been heretofore amongst Us; as Mr. Camden notes in his Epistle before his Anglica, Normannica, &c. For when Giraldus Cambrensis was return'd out of Ire­land with John, King Henry the second's Son, to whom he was Tutour, he read publiquely in Ox­ford, in the year 1200, his Topographie of Ireland.

6. And look what the best wits choose. Expe­pectes eadem a summo minimoque poeta. Amongst the diverse conjectures which are deliver'd upon this verse, this which I here use seems to me the most consonant to the nature of the place. For the Poet here intending to express first why he writ, secondly why he writ Satyres, gives the reason of the first in this verse; which was because Every one writ, both Good and Bad, nay the worst durst writ of the highest arguments, when as our Poet knew himself furnish'd with as much School-learn­ing either in Grammar or Rhetorique, as many of them: and therefore as he passes from this verse, he markes it with the particle or sign of a reason thus, Et nos Ergo manum Ferulae, &c. We therefore Now, &c. The reason of the second he makes to be the crimes of Rome, as the text it self clearly shews.

7. From the Ferula. The vertuous indignation of the Poet [...]who having in the Schools learn'd the grounds of Grammar, and practised himself in the Rhetorique of a Declamation, would not any longer endure to be an Auditor of others, and as it were suffer the ferula again, but would now af­ter his declamation upon Sylla, or the like argu­ment, perform'd by him in the Shools, attempt the writing of a Satyre, especially the Ignorant with the confidence of the learned daily publishing the fruits of their wits.

8. We Once to Sylla gave. There is an especial Emphasis to be put in the Praeterperfect tenses Sub­duximus and Dedimus, as Turnebus acutely observes in his Advers. lib. 28. cap. 24. For though our Au­thor had perform'd these younger exercises Here­tofore, yet Now, he saith, he will venture upon a more manly task.

9. To spare the cost of paper. Scing that others spoile paper, he will spoile some too, though (in the modest apprehension of his own worth) he thinks that what he shall write will quikly perish.

10. Yet wherefore in this field. The Field of writing Satyres.

11. In which happy Aurunca's worthy Son. Lu­cilius born at Aurunca a Citty of the Rutilians, as some say; others would have him only educated there, but born at Suessa a Citty of the Aurunci; a Mediterranean Citty in Campania, says Ptolemie. Su­essa Pometia, says Florus, was the chief Citty of [Page 12]the Volsci in Campania; which, as Livy relates, the Aurunci forsaking their own through fear, came in­to, and called it Aurunca. Livy, lib. 32. makes mention of Suessa Aurunca. Add what Ortelius in his Thesaurus says from Sylburgius, &c. Caius Lucilius (to speak of the man) being about the age of 16. was a souldier under P. Scipio Africanus Minor in the Numantian war, as Fr. Dousa, notes on Lucilius, p. 98. He was a Roman Knight, and great Uncle to Pomp [...]y the Great. He was a souldier in Spain, 18. years. At Rome he dwelt in the house that was built for King Antiochus his Son, when he was a ho­stage at Rome. Lucilius died at Naples, and had there a publique funeral. Eusebius says he died in the 46. year of his age: but Horace implies, that he was an old man; —quo fit, ut omnis Votiva pa­teat veluti descripta tabella vita Senis. He did save diverse of the Roman Nobilitie, and the most fa­mous Poets though dead, as Euripides, Ennius, Cae­cilius, Pacuvius, Aetius and Others: nay, he is sayd to have written his own life, and not to have spared himself. Se his Reliquias, p. 20. He was of most fa­miliar acquaintance with Scipio Africanus and Laelius.

12. Weds. The wit of Lust! to marry an Eu­nuch, so to enjoy marriage without Child-bearing.

13. And Maeviae strikes a Tuscan boar. A familiar but strange impudence of Women (yea Noble ones) in Domitian's time, to combat with wild beasts (not upon a stage, but) in the Amphitheater. See Onu­phrius de Ludis Circ. lib. 2. cap. 1. and Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Domitian. cap. 4.

14. His Purple cloak recall. The slipping of his cloak implies the impatient delicacy of Crispinus in wearing his cloak loose; it being the custome of the Romans to fasten their Lacerna about their neck; as appears by that of Am. Marcellinus, lib. 14. Sudant sub ponderibus lacernarum, quas in colli exerta singulis ipsis adnentant: which place Marcellus Dona­tus upon Sueton's Augustus, cap. 40. rightly amends by reading, for singulis, fibulis.

15. His small Summer-rings. The dainty pride of the Romans had great rings for winter and smaller for Summer.

16. One that betrays. Heliodorus a Stoick Phi­losopher greatly favour'd by the Emperor of Domitian.

17. Whom Massa fears. One flatterer flatter'd another if greater then himself.

18. A fair Thymele. The receiv'd story and inter­pretation of this place hath commonly been this; Latis and Thymele his wife were Mimiques very grateful to the Emperor: but Latinus being by Heliodorus taken in adultery with Messalina the wife of Claudius, as the manuscript commentary hath it, or the wife of Nero, as the Scholiast, or the wife of Domitian, as one Manuscript hath it in the mar­gin, to prevent accusation and ruin which he fear­ed, sent his wife Thymele to winn Heliodorus to a silence, either by delighting him which some mi­mique, sports, or, as some would have it, by the prostitution of her self to his desires; for submissa bears either of those senses. But Calderinus dislikes the last; for, saith he, what beauty could there be in a Mimique to move desire in the great Helio­dorus? But this may be easily answer'd; for why may we not justly think, that the wife though a Mimique had beauty enough to content a favorite, when as her husband of the same profession had enough to be desired by an Empress? Hereupon, saith the manuscript Commentator, the matter was conceal'd; yet afterward, as the Scholiast tels us, it was known and he was put to death by Nero. This narration if it were true, were a sufficient in­terpretation of the place: but to bring it to a brief examination. That Latinus and Thymele were mimiques greatly favour'd by the Emperor, it is manifest by many testimonies; but that Thymele was his wife, Politian. lib. 7. epist. 33. eagerly de­nies: yet herein may be used some moderation; for as there are not any authorities alleadged to prove them married, so neither are there absolute­ly to denie it. And seing that the explication of the place depends not upon any necessity of such relation between them, as it will appear, we may leave it as a point not more uncertain then imper­tinent. But for the rest of the story it may be thus opposed; first, Latinus was not put to death by Nero, as Sueton testifies in his Domitian: Secondly, he was guilty of no such crime, but died in the great love of the Emperor; for Martial writing his Epitaph, lib. 9. epig. 29. expresseth the innocency of his mirth, and the Emperor's love towards him. The Epitaph is made in the person of Latinus speaking of himself: wherin after that he hath ex­pressed the sports he shew'd in his parts, he adds,

Leaving therefore this opinion too much hither­to receiv'd, I most willingly embrace the inter­pretation of Turnebus, who in his Adversar. lib. 20. cap. 8. gives this exposition; Latinus and Thymele famous mimicks had often on the stage as an adulte­rer & an adulteress performed their parts: in which personated work the adulterer had either been ta­ken, or at least been suspected by the husband of the adulteress; whereupon she by the instruction of her lover went to her husband with much flat­tery, like some love, to smooth-up the matter and clear the adulterer, which stage device was ge­nerally known in Rome; and the like is imitated in the sixt Satyre in that verse, Quem toties texit peri­turi cista Latini: for this Latinus had playd the adul­terer, and upon the apprehension of the Husbands comming, was sodainly clapt into a chest. The poet then saith, that as Latinus upon the stage did send his adulteress to make peace for him, so do many now adays that offend, use the mediation of others to bribe great informers to a silence. There­fore I understand it not by way of story but of allu­sion; it being false in the person, but in the allu­sion true: because Thymele did not bribe him: but as Thymele excused her adulterer to her husband, so some she-intercedents did obtain pardon of great informers for some offenders.

19. When they thee remove. An Apostrophe of the Poet, to any true heir disinherited by an adul­terer.

20. Proculeius and Gillo. Famous adulterers.

21. At the Lugdunian Altar. A contention of Orators was instituted by Caligula, as Sueton in his Life, cap. 20. relates, at Lions in France: where was a famous Altar (mentioned by Strabo) and where he that was overcome was to write the prai­ses of his Conquerer, and bestow a reward upon him. If he did extreamly displease the Auditory, he wiped out his own lines with a sponge or with his Tongue, unless he chose rather to be punish'd with a ferula and (not drown'd, but) ducked over head and ears in the next River; as Sueton's lear­ned [Page 13]Interpreter renders it in English.

22. Condemn'd in vain. Marius Priscus Proconsul of Africa, for spoiling the Country of great sums of mony, was forced, upon the complaint of the Afri­cans, to pay a fine to the Roman Treasury, and was banish'd Italy. Yet reserving the greater part of his former spoils, he lived in a wanton exile; whiles the distressed Africans had the sentence of Law pas­sed on their side, but no restitution. The sum, in which he was condemn'd, was, as some tell us 7000. Sester [...]ii, herein following Lubin, who says, 7000. nummûm; but the sum it self might shew the error, this being not so many two-pences, and in exact reckoning but 54 l. 13 s. 9 d. but if they had consul­ted with Britannicus, he would have told them, it was Septingenta millia, that is, if deduced to our coin, 5468 l. 15 s. though this also was but a trifling Fine for such an Offender.

23. The eighth hour. The Romans greatly dif­fer'd from our times in the division of the day: for we use a Civil day, that is the space of day and night, which we divide into 24. parts, or Equino­ctial hours, which are always constantly equal. They used a Natural day, which is the space, from the Sun-rising to the Sun-setting; as Censorinus shews, De Die Natali, cap. 23. so that their own hours varied according to the season of the year; an hour at Mid-sommer being a twelfth part of their longest day, and an hour at the deep of Winter, be­ing but a twelfth part of their shortest day. The like was the division of the night. Thus they had only one six'd hour both of day and night, when the Sun was at the Meridian in either Hemisphere. So that when would render their hours by ours, we must not make the comparison absolutely, but con­sider the time of the year. Yet for the aptest and general equation, we may consider the Roman hours when they are the same with the Equinoctial, which is when the Sun is in the first points of Aries and Libra; and then the sixt hour, both Roman and Equinoctial, being at 12. of the clock, their eighth hour was at our two of the clock; And so conse­quently their hours at all seasons of the year, may be easily reduced by allowance or abatement. Now their custome was to allow the first part of the day for business, and at the ninth hour to Sup; accord­ing to that of Martial, Imperat extructos frangere nona thoros. To bath and Sup sooner was accounted Luxury, except on Festival days, for then they might prevent this time; as is implied in that of the eleventh Satyre,—Quanquam Solida hora supersit Ad Sextam—. See Achilles Statius in his Observati­ons, cap. 9. and Parrhasius in his 63. Epist. touching some part of this argument, and Lipsius in his Ex­cursions on Tacitus, Annal. 14. de Conviviis tempestivis. Concerning the hour of Bathing, read Bisciola, in his Hor. Subseciv. lib. 9. cap. 20. Alexand. Neapol. Genial. Dior. lib. 4. cap. 20. And Tiraquel's Annotati­ons on him. For the division of the day, according to the Ancients, see Rader on Martial, lib. 4. epig. 7. and the more diligent Expositors of St. Mark, cap. 15. vers. 25. as also Beroald. Chron. lib. 1. cap. 3. and Aldus de Dierum generibus & horis, by way of Commen­tary upon Palladius de Re Rustica. Concerning the Number and Distinction of the Roman Meals, or times of repast, as Jentatio, Frandiculum, Prandium Merenda, Coena, Vesperna, & Commessatio, there is di­versity of opinions. Servius denies Prandium to have been in use amongst the Ancients: but Philip Beroald, in his Annotations on Servius, does abun­dantly prove this to be an error; as likewise Stuckius in his Antiquitat. Convivial. lib. 1 cap. 11. to which we may adde that of our own Poet, Sat. 13. Pran­debat sibi quisque Dens—. See also Marsilius Cagnatus in his Var. Observation, lib. 1. cap. 17. Some have held, that the Romans did use to eat but once in a day: but this likewise is refuted by Muret. in his Var. Lection. lib. 4. cap. 12. The truth of their cu­stome was this; There were in all Five times of repast in a day: which before we reckon and pa­rallel with ours, one difference is to be observed concerning Prandium and Merenda. Prandium is by Festus made the same with Merenda; but Nonius di­stinguishes them, making Merenda to be in the After­noon: which controversie between these two, Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epistol. lib. 1. Epist. 4. endea­vours to compose, saying that Merenda (a word in use before Prandium, and derived a meridie, the time of the day wherein it was) did at the first signifie that, which was afterwards called Prandium; which thus came to pass. The Romans at the first, called their repast at Noon, Merenda; and used to fast from that time till Supper: but afterwards Luxury encreasing amongst them, they thought it too much to fast so long, and therefore made another meal between; then calling that meal Prandium, which before was called Merenda, and bestowing this name Merenda on the new repast, which their delicacy invented. Yet Andreas Baccius, de Convi­viis Antiquorum, lib. 4. hath a conceit, though he denies not the former Etymologie of Merenda; thinking that it may be equally called so a Merendo, and so that it properly signified the repast of La­bourers; which for conceit we may commend, whiles we approve Manutius his Opinion for Truth. This doubt then being removed, the times of their repast were these; First, their Jentaculum (which was the same with Prandiculum) answered to our Break-fast. Their second, Prandium, in an ordinary acception, answered to our Dinner; but in an accu­rate, it agreed neither in time nor quantity of food; theirs being about Noon, or our twelve of the clock, and but a light repast. Their third, Merenda, bears apt proportion to our After-noon Bever, or drink­ing. Their fourth, Coena, (called also Vesperna) answered to our Supper. Their fift, Commessatio, was a Drinking about two or three hours after Supper. All these were used by the luxurious; but the tem­perate were content with few. Break-fasts were scarce used by any but Children: Dinners likewise were made a full meal only by Them, as too tender to endure hunger, and by Labourers, in whom the repair of strength makes food more ne­cessary. The better sort, if they dined at al, did it but slightly. The Merenda was required by the me­rit of Labourers, and the tenderness of Children. Their Coena was the only meal which the better sort usually made; and unto This were their most re­spected Invitations. Their Commessatio was by the Riotous often abused: but the learned made it the occasion of enjoying each others vertue and learn­ing by discourse. This light diet amongst the Ro­mans may be understood to have been caused by the heat of their Climate; whiles by experience we see that they which dwell far Northward, when they come into the heat of Southerne Countries, have an abatement of appetite.

23. Whiles the Law takes care. Adulterers used to bequeath their whole Estates to their Adul­teresses: which enormity Domitian endeavour'd to prevent by a Law, by which he made all such in­famous Women incapable of Legacies; who did notwithstanding delude the Law, by making their own Husbands Pandars to their Lust, and so causing [Page 14]the Legacies to be given to Them.

25. For He. Even in his Youth, like another Automedon, Achilles his Chariotier.

26. The rains did guide. It was a humour in the Roman dames to fall in love with such Gallants, as could drive a Chariot bravely: and therefore your young Nobles did use to shew themselves in the pride of their Art, to their admiring Mistresses. Which vanity is partly taxed in the eighth Satyre, in that verse on Damasippus, Ipse rotam stringit multo sufflamine Consul, Nocte quidem—, and in that other, —Clara Damasippus Luce flagellum sumet—.

27. His Warlike Mistress. Britannicus in this place by Lacernata amica, understands Nero's Sporus, being the rather induced to believe thus, as we may conceive, because by Lacerna, we may Metonymical­ly understand the Sex, (it being the Man's Garment) and, by amica, vilely understood, the abuse of the Sex. But by the precedent Annotation (which is the Exposition of Turnebus, Advers. lib. 28. cap. 24.) it is manifest, that in this place is taxed the humor of Women. Here therefore he speaks of a Woman; so that amica expresses the Sex, and lacerna an abuse or impropriety, it being properly the Souldiers Garment; and therefore, as Isidore tells us, Lacer­natus was used absolutely for Miles, as Togatus for Ʋrbanus: which the Scholiast well understood; and therefore on this place sets this note, Saryrice, ha­bitu virili foeminam describit. So that according to the natural meaning of this place, he calls a Woman thus stoutly affected with the hurrying of Chariots, a Warlike Mistresse. To have follow'd the letter, I should have rendred it, His Cloak'd Mistress, or his Mistress using the Souldiers Cloak: but because it is spoken by a metonymie of the Adjunct, which more agrees with the sense, I chose rather to ren­der it by the aptness, then the severe propriety of the word.

28. Large Table-books. Tables of wood cove­red with wax, on which they writ with an Instru­ment of Iron or Brass; and therefore they were called Pugillares, à pungendo, as Aldus Manutius ob­serves, De quaesitis per Epist. lib. 2. Epist. 1. Of these Tables, see Lud. Carrio. Emendations, lib. 2. cap. 6. Meursius upon Lycophron. p. 340. Victorius his Variar. Lection. lib. 16. cap. 5. and Laurentius Pignorius de Servis, pag. 116. & 117. In the first of which he says, Pugillarium forma fuit oblonga & quadrata, emi­nenti quadam margine circumcirca conclusa, ut vidimus Romae in veteri arca sepulchral [...] in hortis Cyriaci Matheii. Which I note, because Georgius Longus, de Annulis Signatoriis, cap. 8. describes them to have been of a triangular form. In the last cited page of Pigno­rius, is expressed the form of the Roman Graphium, or Stylus, which was sharp at the one end to write with, and flat at the other to smooth out what they had written. It was commonly carried in a little case, called Graphiarium, as Philip Beroald notes in his Commentary upon Sueton, lib. 1. cap. 82. and Pig­norius, pag. 119. And because it was too apt and dangerous to stab with, and too frequently abused in that practise, it was sometime at Rome publickly prohibited to be worn, if made of Iron; such only being permitted as were made of bone, as Casaubon notes on the forecited place of Sueton. Before the invention of paper, they did use to write on Palme leaves, (as some tell us; yet see Sat. 8. Illustrat. 9.) on the barks also of trees, (strictly, the inward rind of them) as also on lead, on linnen, and on waxen tables: which last remain'd in use after the inven­tion of Paper and Ink, being portable and conveni­ent. See Aldus Manutius, de Quaesitis per Epistol. lib. 2. Epist. 1. and Cornelius Witellius in his Annet. in Georg. Merulam, cap. 3.

29. Locusta. A notorious wretch of this name there was in the time of Nero; whom she help'd by her execrable experience in poisons, to dispatch Britannicus,. See Sueton's Nero, cap. 33.

30. The narrow Gyarus. A place in the Aegean Sea, of most uncomfortable banishment.

31. The Goat too. The Images on the sides or foot of their stately bouls. One Manuscript (not to omit the mirth) would teach us, that Caper here mentioned was a Philosopher; and so tell us, that by stantem extra pocula, we must understand, that he was a Sober one!

32. Adultrous Boyes. An elegant contradicti­on, praetextatus adulter; for as Pompeius tells us in his Fragments, some used pratextatum for pudicum. And yet it was sometime used in a contrary sense, for obscoenum, as in that place of Agellius, lib. 9. c. 10. Non praetextatis sed puris honestisque verbis; and in that of Juvenal Sat. 2. verse the last, —Praetextates re­ferunt Artaxata mores. See Meursius in his Exercit. Critic. Part. 1. ad Plauti Capteivos cap. 1.

33. A hundred Sesterces. The Romans amongst their Coins had two, which almost agreed in Name, but in valew greatly differ'd; Sestertium and Sester­tius, the first containing a thousand of the latter. In this place the first is meant, as it is manifest by the words Sestertia centum. The valew of them is to be reduced to our coins by this account; The Denarius or Roman penny is by the most judicious, and particularly by the last and accurate Transla­tors of our English Bible in the Marginal notes upon Matthew 18.28. and the 20, 2. and 22, 19. valew'd at 7d. ob. which Denarius according to the Roman writers, contained 4 Sestertios; so that Sestertius is 1d. ob. qa. q. which being multiplied by a thousand, arises to 7l. 16 s. 3. which was the value of a Sester­tium; which being again multiplied by a hundred, arises to 781l. 5 s. which is the summe, which our gamester here looses. And whiles we are now re­ducing this coine, let us again multiply these hun­dred Sestertia, that is these 781 l. 5 s. by 4. and they will amount to 3125 l. or quadringenta sestertia, which was the value of a Roman Knights yearly Revenue. Our English yields not diversitic of termination to express the difference between Sestertium and Se­stertius; therefore rendering it Sesterces, it was ne­cessary to point out, and clear the ambiguity. Con­cerning the Denarius I may farther note, that Ga­briel Simeoni (an Italian Antiquary, in his Illustratione de al' Epitaffi Antichi) tells us, that the Head (ex­pressed in it) arm'd signifies Rome; the Wings its Diligence; the Vessel (us'd in Sacrifice) their reve­rence in Religion; X. the Value Denarius, implying thus, that by Armes, Diligence, and Religion, Rome got the Empire of the World.

34. So many brave Piles. Summer houses in the Country for pleasure.

35. Who alone. Three things are here repre­hended, as being against the Roman custome. The first, that now they supped Alone; which, if we weigh the etymologie of the word coena, implies a Satyrical contradiction; it being so called, because it was common. For it was the manner of the Ro­mans (though they might lightly Dine alone) to Sup with their Friends. The second thing was, that now they supped privately, whereas before they used to Sup in the Porches of their houses; which Porches (or Halls, for so atria are sometimes ren­dred) were covered over head, and built fair and large, wherein they did keep the Statues of their [Page 15]Ancesters, and used to make fire; for which cause Servi [...]s derives atrium, ab atrore. See Cland. Minos, on Pliny, lib. 2. Epist. 17. and this expounds that in the 8th Satyre, vers. 8. Fumosos equitum cum di­ctatore magistros, in which he calls the Statues smoaky, because they stood in their Porches, where they made fire. Of the Romans supping with their doors open, that the peoples eye might be a witness of their temperate diet, see Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Angustus, cap. 35. A third thing here repre­hended, was the number of their dishes; for so with Britannicus by fercula we understand patinas, according to that of Horace, lib. 2. Satyr. 6. Maltaq, de magna saperessent fercula coena. The temperance of former times was far from the riot here mentio­ned by our Poet; see Casaubon and Torrentius on Sue­ton's Angustus, cap. 74. where it is noted of that Em­perour, that he had but commonly three dishes, and when more plentifully, not above six. Our Poet in his 11th Satyre, where he invites Perstens to Supper, and names to him what he should expect, reckons up but two dishes of meat, Kidde and Hen, and some Fruit. The Romans indeed when they feasted, had sometimes strange varietie; and with more state and solemnitie divided the Feast into three parts or courses; of which see Sat. 5. Illustrat. 3.

36. A Basket-doal. It was at first the custome of the Romans, after their Clients had graced them with their attendance, to have them home with them, and give them a good Supper, which was cal­led coena recta, that is legitimum convivium, or a just and full meal. But afterward they changed their bounty into a lighter and cheaper doal, which one distributed to them at the outward threshold, and commonly they received it in a little Basket; and therefore the Grecians called it [...], the Latines Sportula from Spartum (as some think) which signifies a kind of Broom, of which the Basket was made; and so by a Metonymie from the matter, it vvas called by that name; see Sat. 3. Illustrat. 38. They gave also sometimes, instead of coena recta, centum quadrantes, vvhich in a round account vve call a hundred farthings; though in an exacter reckoning they were much lesse, then a hundred of our farthings, vvhich make tvvo shillings and a penny. To reduce then these centum quandrantes to our coine; vve may take notice, that the Denarius or penny valewing 7d. ob. contained ten Roman Asses, each of these by consequence valewing ob. qa. As likewise contained three trientes, each being a far­thing; but 4 quadrantes: so that quadrans is as much with us as q. c. vvhich quadrans or q. c. being multi­plied by a hundred arises to eighteen pence half­penny farthing, vvhich is the summe that vvas given them instead of their coena recta. The vvord Spor­tula in after times came to have other signifieations; for in the civil Lavv there vvere Sportulae Judiciales, vvhich vvere the Fees for Counsellers at the Lavv; and by the Grecians called [...]. There vvere also Sportulae sponsoriae, called by the Grecians [...], vvhich were pavvns for assurance. For vvhen tvvo vvere about to go to Lavv, before the Plaintif put in his Declaration, or the Defendant his Ansvver, they laid dovvn a summe of mony by vvay of Caution or Surety, vvhich he that vvas cast in the Suit vvas to loose. It did also in the Primitive Church signifie the Ministers maintenance.

37. A Libertine. A Libertine is one that is ma­ [...]issed from servitude. Of the exact acceptions of Libertinus and Libertus; see Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 1. epist. 7. and Josephus Castalie, in his Var. Lect. cap. 13.

38. The dainty Windows. The Eastern People were commonly of servile condition; yet by the common vanity of their country they much delight­ed to were pendents in their ears, and for that purpose did use to make holes in them.

39. Four hundred Sesterces. A Roman Knights just wealth, or yearly revenue according to the Law. Yet note by the way that a Roman Knight's estate was once raised to 500. Sestertia, as it may be collected from Sucton's Julias, cap. 39. by those wo [...]ds, Ludis Decius Laberius eques Romanus mimum suum egit, quingentis sestert [...] & annulo, &c. though afterwards it was reduced by Tiberius to the former custome. See Medius, in his Nov. Antiq. Lection. epist. 33. p. 154. Yet we may observe the fault of the copie which Modius used, the name of Laberius being not Decius but Deci [...]s, as it is corrected in the best editions published by the latest Criticks.

40. Pallas and the Licinii. Fellows that were raised from servile estate to exceeding great wealth; Pallas being accounted richer then Crassus, as Ca­pellus in his Miscellanies, cap. 11. proves out of Tacitus.

41. With his chalked seer. Slaves that vvere brought from other countries, when they vvere exposed to sale, were wont to be marked on their feet with chalk; as Brissonius (to omit others) ob­serves, lib. 6. de Formulie.

42. Temple none thou hast. Mony vvas adored as a Deity, though it had not a temple, as the o­ther Gods and Goddesses had: yet some (as Fulbeck in his learned Pandects of the Law of Na­tions and before him Coelius secundus Curio) think our Poet deceived vvhen he writ this; and urge for the contrary, 81. August. lib. 4. De Civitat. cap. 21. Arnobius indeed seems likewise to imply as much, lib. 3. saying, Quis ad extremum Deam pecuniam esse eredat, quam velut maximum numen vestrae indicant Literae? vvhich implies, I grant, that mony had a Temple; yet is being under the name of the God Aes, or Aesoul [...]s, it shevvs not the structure to have been of same or continuance enough to con­vince Juvenal here, of much mistake, or of any, for his ovvn Time.

43. Whose old Temple. On the top of the Temple of Concord vvere many storks nests; into vvhich vvhen the storks flevv-up they made a noise vvith their beaks, vvhich noise of the stork is not­ed also by O [...]id in his Metamorph. saying, Ipsa sibi plandat crepitante ciconia rostro. Some more inti­mately tell us that the Goddess Concord vvas vvor­shipped sub Imagine Ciconiae: but the Scholiast under­stands it more plainly of the stork and her nest, saying, Satyticè, salutato nido, non templo. Templum Concordiae vetur, in qua ciconia m [...]ia est.

44. A litter closed. The reason, vvhich caused the servant to take a careful vievv of those that came to receive the Sportula, vvas because it vvas given only to such as in the nature of clients (as they called them) honourd their Lord vvith their attendance. In vvhich passage though I render according to Britannicus, Sella (as if like the Lecti­ca) a Litter (our language not so exactly expres­sing the difference) yet they differd in this, that Sella vvas properly to fit-in, and Lectica, to ly-in; partly such difference vve may see betvven our Litters and Coacher, or our late Seda [...].

45. Gain from the Arabian: custome. Some read here [...], some [...] others Arabarches; their interpretations and proofs are these. Turne­hus in his Advers. lib. 27. cap. 25. inclining to the first Reading, [...], confirmes it from a Greek [Page 16]Epigramme and the Authority of Josephus, yet thinks it to be the same with Arabarches; and that the softning of the R into an L might peradventure arise from the nature of the Alexandrian Idiom; and that, because the Jews were near the Arabians, the Aegyptians called them Alabians. So he would have it signifie the magistrate of Alexandria, who was prefect over the Jewes, which dwelt there; and almost half the Inhabitants were Jews, as Phi­lo witnesses. Others read after the same manner, Alabarches, but in a different sense: for they would have it come from [...], inke; and that thus here is meant magister Scripturae, a Customer, which kept a Reckoning book of revenews which he farm­ed. And this opinion, though not in Reading, yet in sense, will prove good. Others supposing the Copie false, propose another sense, reading. [...], and so make it to signifie the Prefect of the Salt. Indeed Lazius in his Commentaries, de Repub. Rom. lib. 2. cap. 13. shews the Offices of Halasar­ches and Alabarches to have been distinct imploy­ments: but being here impertinent, the Manu­scripts having generally Arabarches, this I retain; there being also as just a libertie for the compo­sition of this word, as for Lyciarches, or Syriarches, or Ethnatches, which are usual. Some would have it to signifie one extreamly effeminate; as Baptista Pius, in his Annot. Poster. cap. 93. labours to prove, alleadging Tully in an epistle to Atticus, where he calls Antonie by way of disgrace, Arabarches; to ex­press, says Pius, his extream luxury; the Arabians being exceeding luxurious, and Arabarches, accord­ing to the force of the word, being the cheif amongst them, and so one most notorious amongst others very notorious. But this is but opinion and an imagin'd signification of the word. Tully indeed does by that word disgrace Antonie, yet not by that express his riot, but his base oppression, to which his riot, whiles he was in those parts, did drive him. For he being a Noble Roman, did notwith­standing to maintain his luxury, as it were perform the office of the Arabarches, or Aegyptian Publican, which was too vile a practice for his Nobilitie. To express then the nature of the office and the reason of the name, it may be observed, that in the Pro­vinces subject to the Romans there were Officers, which received the custome and paid it to the Ro­man treasury; and that particularly in Aegypt there was a great custome paid for the cattle, which were yearly brought into that country from Arabia; and that this Customer for this respect was proper­ly called Arabarches; as may be collected from Rhodigin. Lection. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 35. Consent of Copies having it thus, it is not lighty to be reje­cted. The Office then of a Publican and Customer, though at the first it was of good credit, yet as at the first it had the Occasion, so at the last the Opi­nion of Baseness. See Waserus de antiquis numis He­braorum, lib. 1. cap. 18. But now it is to be enquir­ed, who is to be understood by this Arabarches. The common opinion hitherto has been, that Cris­pinus was the man; but Prolemaeus Flavius (in his conjectan. cap. 49.) seems to have observed, (for he positively affirmes) that He had not a statùe: and he being cut-out, he sayes, that the man here understood is Josephus the Jew, who for his worth, says he, had a statue erected to him, which, as he adds, our Poet took in great indignation, and therefore satyrically describes him saying, that he knew not whether he were a base Aegyptian, or an effeminate Arabian, meaning by an exclusive scorn, a third thing as vile, a Jew. But against this witty opinion we may suppose these reasons; First, the ingenuity of our Poet: for although Josephus was a Jew and so by country odious, yet being eminent for learning and wisdom, our Author probably would be far from jeering at such worth. Secondly, Josephus never had the office of the Arabarches. Thirdly, this interpretation cannot stand without a manifest corruption of the text: for then it should be read with the particle of division, Aegyptius aut Arabarches; which is false, as, in the reason fol­lowing, it appears. Fourthly the Poet does not say, he knows not whether he were an Aegyptian or an Arabian; but not what Aegyptian, or an uncertain one, the text being not An Aegyptius, but Quis. The person then here understood was one Tiberius Alex­ander by birth an Aegyptian, who for embracing at that time the religion of the Romans, was highly honour'd and made Prefect of Aegypt, as Tacitus affirmes in his Hist. lib. 1. and was afterwards a prime agent to help Vespasian to the Empire, as Ta­citus shews, Hist. lib. 2. and he had a statue, as Bis­ciola observes in his Hor. subseciv. lib. 14. cap. 22. So that by this double mark Aegyptius atque Arabarches (for that is true reading, atque not aut, according to the Manuscripts which I use) our Poet right­saryrically points him out. Where this caution may be taken by the way; that seing that Tiberius Alexander was the Arabarches, it is not without a slip expounded by some by Arabiae Praefectus: for at what time Tiberius Alexander had this prefecture of Aegypt, there was no Prefect of Arabia: Arabia being not conquer'd to the quiet obedience of the Roman Empire till Trajan's time (as it is manifest by Lazius de Rep. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 4. and by Lipsius de Magnitudine Romanâ, lib. 1. cap. 3.) when as Ti­berius Alexander had this prefecture of Aegypt long before under the Empire of Galba. Wherefore he was called Arabarches not from any residence in Ara­bia, or a dominion over it; but only from Colle­cting the custome, which was yearly paid for the cattle, which were brought from Arabia into Aegypt.

46. Who car'd for Mutius's Pardon? some give as a reason of Lucilius his boldness the Povertie of Mutius: but this is probably an untruth, Mutius be­ing a Noble Roman, as may clearly appear from Lubin, on Persius, Sat. 1. and this sense being be­side the intent of the Poet, who raises the cause not from the difference of Persons, but of Times; Satyrists in former times usurping a tyrannical li­cence over any man's fame, were he never so great, if liable to reprehension. Besides the Poet here signifies, that it is ever secure enough to write against such when they be dead, but not whiles they yet live.

47. In that dire taper shine. The story to which this place alludes is this. It was an usual cruelty practised by the Romans against the Christians, to put upon them a shirt anointed on the inside with matter apt to take fire (called by our Poet, Sat. 8. Tunica molesta) and then tying them to a stake, to make them serve for Lights by night. See Meursius his Exerc. Critic. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 4. Schot. Obser­vat. lib, 5. cap. 4. Turnebus, in his Advers. lib. 13. cap. 9. and Lipsius on Tacitus, Annal. 15. Thus the story of this place seems easy enough: but the construction is very perverse and almost incorrigi­ble; Pithaus professing, that there is no place in all Juvenal, which he less Grammatically under­stands, and, as the text hath been hitherto, we may think so too. The common Reading is —tada lucebis in illa, Qua stantes ardent qui fixo guttere fu­mant. Et latum mediâsulcum deducit arenâ, in which [Page 17]there is an inconvenient perturbation of Numbers, in the words fumant and deducit. Wherefore Lip­fius in his Commentar. on Seneca de Ira, lib. 3. cap. 3. ventures upon a conjectural emendation (for he mentions no Manuscript for the proof of it) and reads it thus, Et latus mediam sulcus diducit arenam; by which, I grant, he makes it Grammatical, and according to that Exposition I may render it thus, And where an ample furrow parts the sand.

Making a pit, wherein their feet may stand; so that sulcus shall be the furrow, pit or hollow place, which as Lipsius thinks, they made for the feet of the condemn'd person, that so the fire might be kept-in the closer to him. For this pit being made somewhat large and descending towards the mid­dle, (as we see in the form of a bason) when the fire sunk, it fell towards him and encreased the flame. The Scholiast also implies this conceit, at­tributing it to the thrift of the executioner, who thus would burn the body with less fewel. Scali­ger also Ie Emetidat, lib. 5. p. 471. corrects this verse as Lipsius does, but expounds it somewhat differently concerning latus sulcus, saying, stantibus ad palum destinatis unco (ne motatione capitis picem cadentem declinarent) gutturi suffixo è lamina ardente ( [...] vocat Imper. M. Aurelius) pix aut un­guen in caput liquifiebat, ita ut rivi pinguedinis humanae per arenam Amphitheatri sulcum facerent. According to which exposition it may be thus rendred, And where an ample furrow, as they stand, Made with their melting fat, divides the Sand. Yet this being without the warrant of copie, and so but conjecture here, though otherwise probably truth, I rather approve of the apt conceit of Prolemaeus Flavius in his Conject. cap. 48. who retaining the ancient Read­ing, thinks here is only a dislocation or transposition of this troublesome verse; and that it should be plac'd two verses lower, reading the place thus, Qui dedit ergo tribus patruis aconita, vehatur Penfili­bus plumis, at que illine despiciat nos, Et latum mediâ sulcum deducat arenâ? And this order of these ver­ses I keep in my translation. The sense is as this verse is here plac'd, that Tigellinus his train of fol­lowers made a large lane through the people. The like is spoken of Marius in the first part of this Satyre.

48. Make a large furrow. Et latum media sul­cum deducat arena; Pithaeus out of one manuscript reads diducis arena, and so some placing this verse two verses higher, expound the whole place thus; speak against Tigellinus and thou shalt be burnt alive, and thus thou dost but speak in vain, thou dost but plow the shoar. But none of the manu­scripts, which I use, having this Reading, I rather like Flavius his conjecture as ascending neerer to the advanc'd passion of a Satyrist; it seeming also somewhat a ridiculous fall, after he has said, Thou shalt be burnt alive, to add, and shalt loose thy labour.

49. 'Tis slander, if but the words, That's he, slip. I [...]bin reads this place thus, Accusator erit qui verbum dixerit, Hic 'st; but I know not what copie he fol­lows; those which I use, have Accusator erit qui ver­bum dixerit, Hic est, which some expound thus, He shall not want an accuser, whosoever he be, that points with the finger and says, This is that vile Tigelline. But this is harsh; for it being clear that accusator and qui express the same person, the ex­position in the margins of the manuscripts, which I here use, is to be preferr'd: which is, that accu­sator is here to be taken in the worst sense, as oppo­site to veridicus. According to which the sense here is, that he which shall speak against Tigelline, though most truly, shall yet be esteemed but as a false accuser or slanderer.

50. Weigh all then right. The common copies have this place thus, — [...]ecum prius ergo voluta Hac animo, ante tubas, galeatum sero duelli Paenitet.— and some read —voluta haec, anime, ante tubas: but some manuscripts (though without any material diversity of the sense) have this elegant variety of reading, — tecum prius ergo voluta Hac; animante tubâ galeatum sero duelli Paenitet—.

51. Whose ashes lie. Concerning the original of this custome of the Romans to burn the bodies of the dead, see Hieronymus Magius in his Miscellan. lib. 3. cap. 10. disputing against Pliny. Quintilian (Declam. 10.) gives the reason of this custome; which was from an opinion of the Romans, that the soul was first to be purged in fire, before it could ascend unto the stars. Yet this use was not gene­ral among the Ancients; for the Persians did not burn their bodies, as Herodotus testifies, lib. 3. giv­ing the reason for it, [...], &c. because they held the fire to be a God, and so thought it abominable for a God to feed upon the carcass of a man. Our poet also seems to attribute somevvhat to the fire, in his 15. Satyre; vvhere telling the tale of the fellovv, that vvas torn in pieces and eaten ravv at the feast and quar­rel in Aegypt, he does vvittily rejoice that the Fire was not prophan'd in boiling or roasting any of him —Hinc gaudere libet quod nou: violaverit ig­nem, Quem summa caeli raptum de parte Pronetheus De­navit terris. Elemento gratulor. Yet tha [...] they, esteem'd it not as a God, it is plain enough by that in the third Satyre, verse 214. Tum gemimus casus urbis, tune Odimus ignem; to applie vvhich vvord (Odimus) to a Deity had been a boldness more then Satyric [...]l. The Aegyptian [...] likevvise did not burn their bodies, as Herodotus vvitnesses in the same place; and he gives the reason, because they thought fire a devouring beast, and it vvas not their custome to cast the bodies of men to beasts. So Cyrus in Xenophon from the custome of the Persi­ans, giving order at his death, that they should not put his body in gold or silver or the like, con­cludes, [...], but that they should vvith all speed commit it to the earth. Be­sides, the Romans themselves did not burn the bo­dies of Traytors, or of Tyrants, or of such as killed, their masters or themselves, holding it profane. See Jacobus Durantius Casellius in his Variatum lib. 2. cap. 3. Neither did they burn the bodies of infants, which died before they were 40. days old, or, as some say, before the seaventh. See Satyre 15. [...] ­lustrat. 12. And therefore the sepulchers in which infants were buried, were not called Busta, their bodies being not burnt; but suggrundaria, from sug­gero, as some derive it, an infant, as they say, being carried into a subterraneous place, or, as others, from suggredior, which is as much as latenter gradior, the place where infants were buried not rising to any apparent height; for which respect they were not called tumuli. Plutarch in his consolatory epi­stle to his wife gives the reason of this custome, which was because that infants dying so young were thought to need no purging, as having never been infected with the world. Our Poet expresses this custome in his 15. Satyre, in those words, —vel terra clauditur infans, Et minor igne rogi—. See Meur­sius upon Lycoph. p. 114. Philip Beroalds Annotati­ons upon Martial, and Heraldus his Animadvers. on Jamblicus, cap. 8.

52. Flaminian and Latine ways. The ancient Fa­thers in the first times did use to bury in Caves; so Abraham buried Sarah in a cave, Gen. 23. and this we may see also in the latter times of the Jews, as from that place of St. John, cap. 11. vers. 38. where speaking of our Saviour comming to Laza­rus his grave, he says, [...], &c. It was a cave and a stone lay upon it. their use of burying without the City may be aptly collected from St. Math. cap. 27, vers. 53. where speaking of those that rose after the resurrection of our Saviour, it is said, [...], they went into the holy Citty. Saul was buried under an Oak in Ja­b [...]s [...]. 1. Chron. 10.12. which in the first of Samuel, cap. 31.13. is only in general called a Tree; as our English Translatours have it: but St. Hierome and Tre [...]elius render it by Nemus, a Grove; which may very well stand both with the word and sense, the word in the Original being [...], which ac­cording to the Masters in the language (Pagine, Ma [...]in [...]s, and Schindler) signifies ne [...], the word as some derive it, comming from [...] which sig­nified to be Quiet, and so may aptly agree to a grove, a place of retirement: and so our latest translatours render the word, in Gen. 21. vers. 33. shewing only in the margin, that it signifies a tree. The varieties are easily reconciled, if we suppose it to have been under an Oak at the grove of Jabesh; and so some conveniently render it an Oak-grove. The Septuagint less accurately say, [...]. Our Saviour was buried in a Garden, which was in the place where he suffer'd, John, 19, 41, which place was mount Calvary, called by the Jews in the Sy [...]l [...] Tongue (which at that time they used) Ga­g [...]t [...] as Tremellius notes; in the Greek it is [...], vers. 17. which was the common place of execution for the City of Jerusalem, and without the City, at the North-West part thereof. See A [...]io [...]o [...]ius his description of Jerusalem, Numb. 235. and also Numb. 204, in the explication of Vallis Jo­s [...]phat. Meunsi [...]s (upon Lycophron. p. 289. and in his Spitideg. p. 6.) observes an Order of the An­cients to bury their Famous men at the foot of a [...]illo. The supposititious Dares Phrygius (de Ex­cidia, Troja [...]) writes, that Priamus buried Hector, according to the custome, before the Gates of Troy. The Romans at the first did use to bury in their private houses; as Heraldus notes in his Adversar­ [...]b [...] cap. 6. and Meursius in his Exerc. Crit. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 20. and hence came the worshipping of their domestick L [...]es, as Servius notes on the 6. of the [...]neads, A Sepulcher is in diverse Authors cal­led by diverse names, as Requietorium, Locus, Ossua­rium, Ci [...]erarium, Locus communis (as Meursius notes in his last-cited place) and Sedes (as Petrus Bur­gius observes, in Elect. lib. 1. cap. 4.) likewise Do­ [...]s [...]ternalis (as Mr. Cambden notes, in Glamorgan­shire) or domus aterna (as in two Inscriptions in O [...]tavi [...] Rossi his Memorie Bresciane. pag. 277. and 297.) To bury among the Romans in the City, was forbidden by a Law. HOMINEM. MORTU­OM. EN. DO. URBE. NEI. SEPELITO. NEI. VE. URITO. For they held the burial prophane, in not distinguishing the place of the Living and the Dead; besides, they held the Burning dangerous to the City. See Antonius Augustin [...]s de Leg. 12. Tab. cap. 44. and Fulvius Ʋrsinus his Notes on that Law. See also Marcellus Donatus upon Sueton's Ti­berius, cap. 1. who cites out of Dion a Roman Edict, whereby it was prohibited to burn the bodies of the Dead within two miles of the City. Thus then the Roman custome was to bury without the City; yet were there distinct places for the No­bles and the People. The common sort were bu­ried at Puticula, a place so called from the little Pits or Graves, in which their bones were buried, But the Rich had stately Monuments on the sides of the publick ways in their own suburbane fields; and therefore, as Burgius (in the fore-cited place) well observes, our Saryrist by these intimated in this verse, Quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque La­tin [...]. understands the Great Ones. There are even yet to be seen in the Flaminian way the vast ruines of Sepulchers, as Marlianus reports in his Topogra­phie of Rome, lib. 7. cap. 13. and such monuments were erected by the sides of the fields, unless the places were barren and stony; for then they were raised in the midst of the field; as Meursius shews in his last-cited place. Upon such monuments was inscribed, how many feer of ground about them was consecrated; as is commonly still to be seen throughout Italie; as Victorius relates, lib. 14. Var. Lect. cap. 21. Among the Lace damonians it was law­ful to bury in the City, that so they might conti­nually remember the famous deeds of Worthy men; and to bury near their Temples (much like our custome now in these times) that so the Sepulchers might be the more secure from violation, as Cragi­us de Repub. Lacedem. lib. 3. p. 110. and 111. deli­vers the observation and the reason. Heraldus also in the fore-cited place observes, that in some Ci­ties of Greece they did for honour bury some in the midst of the City, near their Forum. And in lat­ter times the use of burying in the City was ad­mitted among the Romans; see Burgius in the fore­cited place, and Plutarch, problem. 79. who says, that it was permitted to such as had Triumph'd. Eu­tropius de Gest. Roman. tels us, that it was granted unto Trajan; and Rhodigine, lib. 17. cap. 20. ob­serves, that it was also permitted to the Vestal vir­gins. Lastly, Burial was admitted in the Temples themselves, as Heraldus, in the place before-alleadg­ed, shews out of Arnobius, lib. 7. Adversus Gentes.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Second Satyre.

1.BEyond the Tartars. Ʋhra Sauromator. Sauromatae were those, which did inhabite Sarmatia, which was two­fold, Europaea containing Polonia with Russia, and Asi­atica called Cumania: which in Mercator's, and likewife in Ho [...]dius his Edition of Ptolemie's Geographie, lib. 5. cap. 9. is by Petrus Montanus (on that place) in his marginal exposition of old names by less anci­ent, called Tartaria. But we may observe, that Petrus Bertius (in his latter and more exact Edi­tion of the same Work published, 1618) retains Montanus his annotation, yet leaves-out the word Tartaria. Whose reason, as I conceive, is because in a strict acception, Tartaria is a word too gene­rall. For, Sarmaria Asiatica was but a part of Tar­t [...]ria, which contained in it That and Both the Scy­thia's (as Ortelius shews in his description of Tarta­ria) and likewise Cathay, as Maginus hath it: so that the Saurematae inhabited all that, which is now called Polonia, Russia and Moscovia. Yet seeing that a part of Tartaria also was inhabited by the Sauro­matae (according to Ortelius) and was the Farthest part of their habitation, by One I express Synech­dochically the Rest, and rather by This, then by the rest; this part being farthest from Rome, and so nearest to the sense of the Poet.

2. Cheifly the Unlearned. Indocti primùm. This place is diversly expounded, because the word primùm may be taken several ways; First, as imply­ing Order, and so might be render'd, First the un­learned; but that the Poet in the rest of the Satyre passing to the descriptions of other hypocrites, does not use particles answerable to this: Second­ly by way of Aggravation, as if those he reprehended were exceedingly ignorant; but this were untrue in respect of the Judges, and as Improper in res­pect of the Nobles, here reprehended: lastly by way of Comparison, according to which sense I ren­der it, the Poet saying, that he had rather flie to the frozen North and live there with Vertue, then at Rome with Hypocrites; of all sorts of which they are cheifly to be detested, which pretend the Love and knowledge of Vertue, but are destitute of both.

3. Bids a first-form'd Cleanthes. Et jubet arche­typos plutenm servare Cleanthas, the antique images of Cleanthes: such pictures and statues being called [...]chetype, as are first form'd, and those ectype, which are made by the first. The first as most ancient and true were held in great estimation, and there­fore with the more curiositie sought-after by these hypocrites. But this passage is not without some difficulties arising from the diverse fignifications of pluteus, and the ambiguous order of the constru­ction. Pluteus is properly taken for a Desk, figura­tively for a studie or the books in it. The Manu­script Commentary takes it in the first sense, telling us, that they us'd anciently to draw the pictures of learned men upon their desks, whereon they writ. The Scholiast takes it according to the second, for a study; so likewise Britannicus: who, though the opinion be in a sort true, illustrates it ill from that of Persius, Nec pluteum caedit; as if the Poet had there implied, that Poets, when their compositi­ons were not easy but with violence, us'd to knock their knuckles against their studie-walls. But the whole difficulty may be best removed, by taking notice of the custome of the Romans, who orderd several sorts of Images into several places. The first of which was before their Gates; where they pla­ced the Images of their Ancestours expressed in brass, or such solid matter. The second was in their Halls, as in a conspicuous part of their house: and here they set the like statues but curiously wrought in waxe. The third was in their Chamber, where they placed their Lares (for the careful keeping of which a servant was appointed) then the Images of those friends, whom they lov'd most dearly; as also the Deities, which had the care of the Marriage bed. The Roman Emperors in latter times kept here also a golden Image of Fortune: yet Domitian had not an Image of Fortune, but of Minerva; as, before him, Tully also had. The fourth place was their pinacotheca; by comparison of the use we may call it a gallerie of pictures: and in this they placed the representations of their Gods and their Heroës, and likewise painted fables and histories. The fift and last was their study, wherein they kept the Images of Learned men. Of which two last that place of Lampridius may seem properly to be understood in his Alexand. where he speaks of the Emperor's two-fold Lararium: in the one of which, he says, he had the Images of Apollonius, Abraham and Orpheus; and this agrees with the use of their pinacotheca: in the other he says, he had the Images of Virgil and Tully; and this agrees with the propertie of their bibliatheca, or study. By this then we may avoid the error of Calderine, who says, that pluteus here signifies pi­nacotheca; for proof alleging that of Pliny, Pina­cothecas veteribus tabulis consumunt, as he reads it, [Page 28]or consnu [...]t, as the common copies have it as ill; or rather, as Dino [...]sius Peravius (in his Notes upon Synes. Ca [...]it. Encom. p 27.) better conjectures, construunt. Lubin likewise, though he delivers and chooses the true opinion, says this also may stand which cannot be. For since the Images of learned men were kept only in their studies, not in their galleries; and that pluteus, according to them­selves, signifies the place, where such Images were kept; it follows, that pluteus here cannot fignifie pinacotheca, but bibliotheca. That place of Pliny shews only, that in their pinacotheca they kept Ima­ges: but that they were not of learned men, ap­pears from the distinction of places. See also Be­roald upon Sucron's Augustus, cap. 7. and Casaubon on the same place. To applie this; Pluteus may be taken conveniently in the second or third sense, for a studie or the books in it; the figure and sense bearing bo [...]h. As for the Order of the construction some would have it, that the study should keep the Images: but this is cold and without life; the contrary order more happily expressing the vigour of Ironie. According to which way of interpreta­tion our Poet then says, That this ignorant hypo­crite never applying himself to his book, bids his Images take care that his studie and Books run not away.

4. Their locks. Supercilio brevior coma. By this passage it is commonly conceived, that the Severe Philosophers cut the hair of their head, as short as that upon their eye brow. But with what truth then could Seneca have said, Epist. 5. describing the form of the severe Philosopher, Asperum & incul­tum & intonsum caput, & negligetiorem barbam devita. For the removing therefore of this scruple, we may take notice of the Scholiast upon Aristophanes his N [...]. Act. 1. sc. 1. writing thus, [...]. Which last words implie, as Heral­dus observes in his Adversar. lib. 2. cap. 16. that the Stoicks were close-cut only in the lower part of the head, where locks were by others nourished: but that upon the upper part of their head their hair was negligently rough. The sense then of this place lies in the special acception of Coma, which is not here in a general acception the same with cu­pi [...]us (the hair of the head) but rather as much as compta caesaries, the ornament of locks; which the negligent Roughness of these Stoicks avoided.

5. With a Herculean style. Verbis Herculis. Some make this an allusion to a passage in Xenophon, in which Hercules is described severely checking the Woman, that offerd him Pleasure, and following her, that represented Vertue: according to which this may be expounded; and the rather because it follows—Et de virtute loqunti; which seems aptly to express that story of Hercules. Yet, to speak with libertie, I think this not to be the Po­ets intent, and that this verse does only casually agree with that description. For we must suppose that the Poet's meaning was in his own time com­monly understood, and that therefore probably it had not a special reference to a private story with which few were acquainted. More likely therefore it is, that he alludes to the famous labours of Her­cules: whose hand, known to be dreadful in the taining of Monsters, these false Stoicks (whom Ju­vonal detested) would seem to emulate, using as terrible language against the monsters of Vice; and so striving, in a diverse kind, to be as fierce as Hercules himself; and thus Hercules his words, (or style) are such as might seem sutable to Hercules his Courage.

6. The three Scholars of Sylla. These by the Scholiast are said to be Caesar, Pompey and Crassus: yet by way of probability he changes them into An­gustus, Lepius and Antonie. Indeed though the in­stance in the three first be a truth, yet we may say, that the three last, not so nere to Sylla in Time, were nearer to him in Imitation.

7. A serve Adulterer. Nuper pollutus adulter. Inverpreters differ much in defining the person here intended. Diverse think it to be Caligula, whose shameless incestes and adulteries are largely related by Sueton, in his Life, cap. 24, 25, and 36. His horrible countenance also is noted by the same Author, cap. 50. in these words, Vultum ver [...] natur [...] horridum ac tetrum etiam ex industriâ efferabat, compo­nens ad speculum in o [...]nem terrorem ac formidinem. Which I may grant to be marks of the adulterer here described; yet they are but some of them: and to pronounce a judgment on the whole person for some few signs, were but to imitate an unskil­full Physiognomer. There are then three more de­livered in this place; The first, that he did at the same time put in execution Laws against Adultery, when he himself committed the same; The Second, that a Cheif Adulteress with whom he offended, was called Julia; The Third, that she had Abor­tives, or untimely Births: none of which are by these Interpreters proved to be recorded of Him. There is indeed, cap. 25. mention made of one, whom he adulterously abused and quickly dismis­sing, commanded her to abstain from the bed of any man for ever after: but there is no mention of putting en execution Laws against Adultery. [...] sides the word nuper, which notes the season of this fact, must be drawn back very much, from Juve­nal's time (who writ partly in the raign of Domi­rian) to Caligula's; and so be understood of crimes committed about 40. years before, which will but inconveniently be carried by the propertie of the word naper: and therefore we may nor yeild to this first opinion. A second is of them, that appli [...] this to Claudi [...]s the Emperor: who after the exe­cution of his leud wife Moffa [...]na, married the daughter of his brother Germa [...]icus, Julia Agrippius the mother of Nero, and by a decree of the Senate made such incestuous marriages lawful for any man; as Tacitus notes in his Annals, lib. 12. nere the beginning. By which we find him guilty of incest, but not of adultery; Agrippina being a wi­dow when he married her, as Tacitus there testi­fies. Besides, that he reviv'd Laws against adul­tery, the Interpreters take not the pains to prove. Moreover, whereas some Expositers make Claudius very ill-favour'd, Sucton (accurate in the descrip­tion of his Emperors) bestows a better visage on him, cap. 30. saying, Authoritas dignitasque forma non defuit stanti, velsedenti, ac praecipuè quiescenti, and adding, that he was specie canitieque putchrâ. Indeed he describes his Laughter and his Anger to have been very unseemly: but Now we speak of his Own face, not of the face of his Passions. But the word naper will not so readily admit likewise this opini­on, there being 27. years between Claudius his End and Domitian's Beginning. Wherefore, (in a third Opinion) we may rather look upon Domitian, to whom the Time agrees and the Fact: he having not only corrupted many mens wives, but also more particularly taken away Domitia Longina from her husb [...]md Aelius Lamia, and made her his own wife; as Sueton relates in this Domitian, cap. 1. Yet he made Laws against dishonest women; reviv'd the Scantinian Law against unnatural lust, and another [Page 29]against the prophane pollution of the Vestal Vir­gins; and put a Roman Knight out of the number of the Judges, because, after that he had accused and dismissed his wife for adultery, he took her again; as Sueton relates, cap. 8. He desil'd also his brother Thus his daughter, Julia, who was at that time another man's wife: and when her father and husband were both dead, he sham'd not to love her openly; yet was he the cause of her death, by forcing her to abortion; as Sutton cap. 22. testifies saying, Ʋt etiam cause morris extiterit, coact ae concep­tum a se abigere. This therefore we must conclude to be the person here intended. Only there is yet one doubt to be remov'd; Juvenal seeming here to implie his ill visage, in those words abortivas pa­true similes off [...], whereas Sueton, cap. 18. says that he was vultu modesto, and afterward —praterea pulcher ac decens. Indeed after the first words, vul­tu modesto, he adds ruborisque pleno; which, if they be taken only as an interpretation of the former, then must they fignifie only, that he was much sub­ject to blushing, which is also implyed in that chap­ter: but if they be expounded of his constant co­lour, as the words do aptly bear it, then they will most litterally and exactly expound these words of our Poet and Domitian's complexion, partrus simi­les offas. But Juvenal's sense may be made more easy and appliable, if we understand this, not of Domitian's complexion, but of his conditions, in respect of which he might figuratively be call'd an Abortive, and so like the fruit which he got and destroy'd.

8. The Scantinian Law. When a Sto­ick objected to Laro­nia a bold harlot the Julian Law against Adultery, she requit­ed him by objecting the Scantinian Law against Unnatural Lust; a Law so nam'd not from him that made it, but from Scantinius, who was the occasion of it by his crime. Which manner of giving names to Laws (it being less usual) some have denied: but you may see it justified by Janus Parrhasius. Epi [...]. 23. by the like among the Graecians: who made the La [...]an Law (mentioned by Pla­te) of the same na­ture with the Scan­tinian, upon occasion of the like crime committed by Laius.

9. By their thick Squadrons. Junctaque umbone phalanges. An expression of com­panions in Vice, de­sending themselves like souldiers, when for fifty they joine their targets so, that one touches anothers boss, as when, accord­ing to some, they cast themselves as, an the assaulting of a fort, into the mili­tary figure of the te­stad [...], or the torteise­shell: which in Gu­ [...]ll [...]e du Choul, in his Discours sur la Ca­stra [...]etation des Ro­mains, fol. 41. b. is thus represented.

10. The wrastlers bread. Coliphia. Some take Colophia to be a strong kind of meat made of cheese and flower: but Rigaltius on this place takes it to be the same with the Athenian [...], which were pernae, gammons of bacon; which we may grant to be a strong meat, yet there is no prooffor such de­rivation of the word. Junius would have it in an unclean sense to signifie the form of the loaf (not unlike the glasse-priapus, Sat. 2.) from [...], membrum; though there is no necessitie of such un­seemly signification from the word it self. Where­fore the usual derivation from [...], seems best: as if, only transposing the words, the food had been called strong-limbs, metonymically from the effect of it. Which varietie of expositions may be drawn from the note, which the Scholiast gives on this place; Pulmentum sive membrum — aut potius athletarum cibum dicit. The last part of which annotation I think to be the best: so that it shall in general signifie the wrastlers diet, as Bu­ [...]aeus thinks. Yet because the coliphia seem to have been some special part of that diet and most proba­bly loaves, as we may conjecture from the Number­ing of them by that in Martial, lib. 7. Epig. 67. Cum coliphiasexdecim comedit; as also from their Making, according to that of Plautus in Persa, Coliphia mibi ne incocta detis: we may with the most interpreters render them, the Wrastlers bread. Which also in probabilitie was some special Diet bread, to advan­tage them at once in breath and strength.

11. A trembling harlot, &c. In codice pellex. Mi­stresses that perceiv'd any suspicious familiarity of their husbands with their maids, did in the absence, or after the death of their husbands use such ser­vants according to their deserts, with shame and labour. So the Scholiast and after him Joseph Sca­liger and Turnebus; as also Janus Parthasius, Epist. 22. But Autunmus on this place says, that such a servant was made to sit thus before the door (for so he adds) horrida & inculta, ne habeatur uxor, that she might not be mistaken for the wife, or mi­stress of the house; and this interpretation he thinks to be most agreeable to the mind of Juvenal. Both which reasons may be admitted, the one im­plying the Revenge, the other the pride of the Mistress. Codex may be interpreted either by a Clog or a Cage, or a like place of restraint made of timber; both acceptions being frequent, and the latter also us'd by Propertius in this particular busi­ness, lib. 4. Eleg. 7. Codicis immundi vincula sentit anus; she induces the narrow limits or restraint of an unclean cage. In which passage it is figurative­ly used by a metonymie of the matter; but in this of Juvenal it is commonly understood with more plainness, only for a clog, as here I render it.

12. In his last Will for his sole heir. —Cur solo tabulae impleverit Hister Liberto. Wills being writ­ten in waxen tables, primae cerae is taken for the first table, as [...]mae for the last; which is sometimes cal­led also extrema cer [...], and ultima tabula, as Tiraquel notes on Alex. Ne [...]pol. lib. 1. cap. 1. In which last table the second heirs were nam'd, and legacies with other burdens imposed upon the first heirs; as among others L [...]gus shews, de Annulis Signa­toriis, cap. 10. p. 95, alleging also the last part of a Will made by one Grunnius Corocotta: which partly for the humor of the testator and partly for the track of Antiquitie in it, (shewing their Plentie of Witnesses and Manner of testifying) may be ob­served. It is thus in him, as also in Brissonius de Formulis, lib. 7. Optim. amatores mei, vel consimiles vitae, rogo vos ut corpori meo benefaciatis, benè condia­tis bonis condimentis, nuclei, piperis & mellis, ut [...] ­men meum in sempiternum nominetur. Mei Domini, & consobrini mei, qui buic meo testamento interfuistis, ju­bete signari. Septem testes. Lucanicus signavit. Ter­gillus signavit. Nuptialicus signavit. Celsanus signavit. Lardio signavit. Cymatus signavit. Offellicus signa [...]vit. It may be farther observed, that imâ cerâ scribere, does sometimes signifie (as in Sueton, in vita Caesa­ris) to write so deep in the waxen tables, that it can hardly be blotted out. So St. Jerome takes it in epist. ad Chrysog. saying, Ita nostrae es necessitudinis penitus oblitus, ut illam epistolam, quam in corde Christi­anorum Apostolus scriptam refert, non parvâ liturâ, se [...] imis, ut aiunt, ceris eraseris. After which explica­tion of Antiquity and Phrase, we may more easily understand the rare bounty of Hister's Lust, that troubled his Freed-man with no co-heirs; but made him alone take-up all the room, as in his Affections, so in his Will.

13. With rich cylinders. These precius stones (worn as jewels) were called so from their fi­gure: which (to speak exactly) was not ovall, but long and round, like a small pillar, of the same circumference from one end to the other.

14. And pard'ning crowes. Pedro Cerone a Spani­ard in a large work, which he hath written de la Musica, touching upon this passage expounds it thus; Entendiendo por el cuervo al noble y rico que suele yr ve­stido de negro: y por la columba ò paloma al pobre labra­dor, por quanto suele vestir de pannos blancos. So that by Crows he understands Great men, because, saith he, they usually go in black; and by Doves the Poorer sort, because they use to go cloathed in White. Which reasons we need not refute in earnest; yet to give satisfaction to some, it may be known, that the Lacerna, or Souldier's Cloak, was Black, according to Manutius (but in this part is a mistake) and the upper garment which was usu­ally worn at home is by some thought to have been black: but to wear black publickly was not the custome. Nay, if any came so attir'd into the Thea­ter, he was forbidden by a Law, to sit among the better sort, mediâ caveâ, as Sueton speaks in Au­gust. cap. 44. yet we grant that it was permitted in Mourning. In like manner, for the apparel, of the poorer sort, that they went in white, perchance Cerone might imagine, by misapprehending that in the 10th Satyre, vers. 45. — Et nive [...]s ad fraen [...] Quirites, such as went by the Consul's Chariot in his triumph being so attir'd. But this was not to express povertie, but state, it being an extraordi­nary matter and proper to an Assembly, or a time of Triumph, that those Clients which went by the Consul's horses, should go thus dress'd. Yet was it permitted to Paulus Aemilius going to Iberia with Command: who rode all in white and on a white horse, all his followers likewise were in white; but this was by the special favour of the Senate. It was indeed a special colour in the time of the Empe­rors, and the meaner sort were so far from wear­ing of it, that the contrary, Black, was an expres­sion of Povertie; as Rosinus shews, lib. 5. cap. 32. from that of Calpurnius, O utinam nobis non rustica ve­stis inesset Pullaque paupert [...] —: and it was grown a distinction of the Citizens, that some were candi­dati, not such as anciently were suters for Offices, but only the better sort; others, pullati. On the contrary, that the better sort, except in mourning, woar not black, as also that the colour of the la­cerna was not always black, see Sat. 3. Illustrat. 25. See also Sat. 10. Illustrat. 9. So that it seems, whiles Cerone thought upon the use of black in our times, [Page 31]wherein it is often a Wear of Gravitie, he mistook the propertie of the Times Here intended.

15. Cretian Metellus. Cretice. One Manuscript has here Critice, as if the sense were, Critick or Judge of manners: which for the purpose might be very agreeable, but that the word seems a noveltie in Juvenal, as being against all the other copies. Be­sides, there is no end of alteration; and therefore we retain the common Reading, Cretice: which some would have to allude to those severe Judges of Creet, Minos and Rhadamanthus. But we need not search so low for an interpretation: Juvenal's conversation was with Men, though their crimes were hellish; and in the language of Rome he speaks unto them. Creticus therefore in this place most probably signifies, as it does in another place of Juvenal: who in Sat. 8. vers. 90. says to a Moble Roman, by way of advise, and under this name, —ne sic tu Creticus aut Camerinus; deserve not thou to be ironically call'd Creticus or Camerinus; and thus he uses these two words in a like kind, that is, as the names of Noble persons. By some here is un­derstood Julius Creticus, a great Lawier in the time of the Caesars: but we may more safely and gene­rally take it for any, that were descended of this familie, the familie of Metellus, noble as much by Vertue, as by blood: who for his conquest of Creet had the honour in his name, and was call'd Creticus, as Scipio was call'd Africanus. Thus a few verses before in the same 8th Satyre, Juvenal calls another Nobleman, for a like reason, Getu­licus (in those words, —salve Getulice) he being of the famous familie of Him, that had gotten that name from his conquest of the Getulians. So here he speaks of Creticus, as of Metellus; aggravating the levitie and filthiness of wearing transparent, and so immodest, apparel, from the Nobleness of his Person; as if he should say, Wilt Thou do this, that should'st remember, that thy Ancestor was a noble warrior severely detesting such effemi­nacy? This seems the least constrain'd exposition, and for advantage I add the Name (Metellus) to enlighten the epithet and the sense.

16. Shee'll ne're wear such a gown. —Talent Non sumet damnata togam —. Toga (the Gown) was properly the Man's garment, as stola was the Wo­man's, especially in the latter time of the Roman Commonwealth. Yet the obscurer sort of Women, also, and maid-servants, and dishonest Women, cheifly those that were convicted of adultery, were enjoined publickly to wear the gown; as Manu­tius de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 3. Epist. 1. shews out of Porphyrio upon that of Horace, Sat. 2. lib. 1. —quid inter Est in matronâ, ancillâ peccesve togatâ? opposing Matrona and Togata. He brings this also of Juvenal, as an allusion to that; marvailing at Servius and Nonius Marcellus for delivering the con­trary, and thinking that they speak only of the most ancient times of the Roman Commonwealth. Indeed Tully implies as much for His times (as Ma­nutius notes) Philip. 2. Sumpsisti virilem togam, quam stati [...] mullebrem reddidisti, primo vulgare scor­tum: certa flagitii [...]erces; nec ea parva.

17. But July's Fire! I Boil. Sed Julius ardet, Aestu [...]. These words are an objection supposed and presently answer'd by the Poet.

18. The Good Goddesse's chast shrine. Atque bo­nam tenerâ placant, &c. As the Goddess Cotytto was worshipp'd at Athens (the first King whereof was Cecrops) by her Preists the Baptae, so called because they were washed in (hot) water, before they were admitted to her filthy Sacrifices call'd Or­gia, from the furious raptures wherewith her preists were thought to be inspir'd; and as, to add opportunitie to leudness, these Rites were cele­brated by night, a time fitter for sleep, then for service: so at Rome the Goddess Bona, or the Good Goddess, was worshipp'd by Women, who were usu­ally summon'd to such service by the noise of a horn or the like instrument, men being excluded. In imitation whereof, some filthy Men perform'd by night and stealth such sacrifices to the same God­dess, excluding Women, but not pleasure. To these Juvenal here alludes, saying that they which first would not blush to wear wanton Apparel, would at the next degree be partakers of those odious Rites, and wear Women's apparel; and not only be thus unmanly in their Attire, but worse in their Behaviour.

19. By Juno swears. The Poet here, saith Poli­tian in his Observations, reprehends Men for Swear­ing after the manner of Women, by Juno; where­as they should more properly have sworn per Geni­um. Seneca implies the reason of this, Epist. 110. speaking of former times, Singulis enim & Genium & Junonem dedê [...]unt. Which words Dempster de Ju­ramento, lib. 1. cap. 8. p. 145. mends thus, lege aut Genium, scilicet viris, aut Junonem, foeminis: but be­fore Him, Lipsius on that Epistle mended them so. Where we may farther note, that some Oaths were observ'd to have been peculiar to Men, as to swear by Jupiter, Hercules, Fides, Genius; Others to Women, as Aedepol, Mecastor, and by Juno; for so Lubin delivers out of Politian. Yet I find Valen­tinus Acidalius, an accurate Critick, in his Annota­tions on Plautus his Asinaria, cap. 10. making Aedepol a common Oath to Men and Women.

20. Otho's shield (a Looking-glass). Some have seem'd to doubt of the truth of this Disgrace, which Juvenal here lays upon Otho; being mov'd by the elogies, which Historians bestow upon his death. Yet that is not enough to clear his Life; if but ac­cording to History we remember his vile commerce with Nero, his effeminate periwig to hide his bald­ness, and especially his impudent coin circumscrib'd with His Name and Title; wherein he is expressed with such a curious method of wreaths, that it will suppose Otho's hand, or his mistresse's, rather then the engravers, to have dress'd it. It is thus preserv'd and publish'd by Antoine le Poix a learned French Antiquary, at the end of his Discours sur les Medalles Antiques, p. 1. figur. 8. The Poet then faith

that these base sinners as much esteem'd of Otho's looking-glass, as Turnus did of the mighty spear, which he bravely wonn from Actor Aruncus; as it is in Virgil. Aeneid. 12.

21. Vastly they feast. Nay, This so Rare a Bride, &c. The Poet having expressed the portion which this execrable Gracchus brought to his dear Cor­net-winder, namely 400. sestertia (3125 l.) pro­ceeds [Page 32]saying, as the common copies here have it, Ingens coena sedet; gremio jacuit, &c. In which pas­sage Lubin takes coena sedet for convivae sedent; which is but a hard acception: and whereas he once thought with Lipsius (as he says) in his Epist. Quast. p. 133. that it should be read, Sed & gre­mio, in English as much as, Nay even to bed went this bride, and so to be an aggravation: yet he tells us that now he likes of the other Reading, Coena sedet, expounding sedet by posita and parata est; making this phrase or manner of speech pe­culiar to Juvenal: who, as he alleges, speaks on this fashion also in that of the first Satyre, —nunc sportula primo Limine parva seder. He might have taken that other instance also from our Au­thor, Sat. 8. vers. 63. —Rara ju [...]o victoria sedit. But I approve not of his change of opinion for these reasons; first, it is a new expression to say coena sedet for coenantes; and Lubin is fain to say, that it is peculiar to Juvenal. Secondly, his proof out of Juvenal, and the other of the like form, which I allege, do not advantage his exposition of coena by coenantes; nay, they rather make it the more harsh; because then it should be, coenantes sedent mensâ: which, if expounded like the other (juga victoria sedit) the guests would be placed as well upon the table, as at it. Thirdly, though the learned Pithaeus in the text of Juvenal reads coena sedet; yet in his Var. Lection. on this place, he gives this note, An potius distinguendum fuit—ingens Coena, sedet: gremio jacuit, &c. and then adds out of A [...]uleius, Accumbit ad summum thorum maritus, Psy­chen gre [...]io suo complexus, intending it as a like sense. whereby it appears, that he disliked the insolency of the phrase coena sedet, and sought to avoid it by the varietie of Reading: according to which, coena cannot be the word that must agree with sedet; but either the Bride-groom, or Grac­chus the new Bride, or both of them; that so it may answer to accumbit maritus, &c. But then gre­ [...]io jacuit should only signifie that she lay in his bo­some, after the Roman fashion, at Supper; which were to take away the greatest aggravation of the crime, and according to this sense, sedet might have been spar'd in this concise expression, being imp [...]ed, if it did signifie accumbit, in the next words jacuit, wherefore I cannot here approve his conceit. Besides the Poet in this place uses most judicious and accurate brevitie in the distin­ctions and parts of his speech, as Signatae tabulae; dictum feliciter; ingen [...] coena: after all which, to come dropping in [...]ith no news; but to say, that the meat was let on the table, and then that they Sate down, were but a filling speech, being that which every man must suppose, especially at a wedding, though Juvenal had held his tongue. But let us take Lipsius his Reading, Sed & gremio (which I here use,) and it is an elegant advancement of expression, an admiration sutable to the crime.

22. A Cen [...]or or the Aruspex. The One purged the the City from Offences by Punishment, the other by Sacrifice; or upon occasion when Monsters were produced.

23. The frindge, long gown, &c. The Poet here describes the singular pravitie of Gracchus, who had been even a Priest of Mars, and therefore should have been far from filthy esseminacy: yet so far did degenerate from Nobilitie and Manhood, that as a bride he was married and attir'd. But in the Poet's description of the Salii or Preists of Mars, there seems to be some ambiguity, whiles he says of Gracchus, as of one of them, Arcano qui sacra se­rens nu [...]antia loto, Sudavit clypei [...] ancilibus—. The Dress of the Salii in number twelve (though after­wards twice so many) and all of the Nobilitie, was chiefly this; A cap like a helmet, for the head; for the body the tunica picta or a coat embroyder'd; on this a brasen breast-plate with a little shield fa­stened with a thong on the inside (as some de­scribe it) & small daggers in their hands, wherewith they struck upon their shields; and in this Dress yearly in March they solemnly danced about the Forum and the Capitol. In which passage it may seem doubtful, though the doubt be not proposed by the Interpreters, what is meant by Sacra. In breif, they take it generally, I grant, for the same with clypels ancilibus, and, as I think, rightly; make­ing the sense to be, as I have render'd it, that they carried the shields and danced with them so long, that they sweat. But this I thought necessary to be mention'd for two reasons; the one whereof is, because Lubin says here, upon arcano loro—lorn̄ è c [...]r [...] intrinsecus statuis appositum erat: which to what pur­pose he adds here I know not, unless he would have us suppose, that every one of the Salii carri­ed some statue of Mars fastened to him; but, that any such thing was here used, it appears not. The other reason is, because the poet varying the ap­pellation of the same thing in the very next verse, it might justly seem obscure, as I think it is, and therefore fit to be observ'd: though I think it also justly warrantable; the first (sacra) being but a general expression, the latter (ancilia) more espe­cial. And here we may observe, that though an­cile be according to some rendered by Scutum, it is more accurately here by the Poet called clypeus [...] the difference being, that the Scutum was a larger defence, being somewhat like a door, more long then broad, and therefore by the Greeks called [...]; whereas the clypeus was less and round, and therefore the eye of the Cyclops is compared unto it by Virgii (yet to a large one, an Argolick shield) saying, Argolici clypei & Phoebeae lampadis instar; as Godelevaus observes out of Livy, lib. 8. where the Historian says, that to some souldiers was appointed the clypeus, but to others pro cly­pe [...] Scutum. Yet the form of the Ancile (or the sheild, as the fable has it, that fell from Heaven with a voice foretelling, that, That City should bear rule, in which that should be kept) is de­scribed not without varietie; some saying that it was cut on each side like a half Moon, as Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 3. Epist. 6. others, that it was rounder, according to that of Ovid, Atque an­cile vocan [...], quod ab omni parte recisum est: Quaeque oculis spectes, angulus omnis abest. Both expressions are presented by Du Choul de la Religion des Ancien [...] Romains. p. 239. the one from a friver-coin, in Augustus his time, which by some is taken for the form of the Ancile; the other from a brasen coin, in the time of Antoniaus Pius, which last has the flame expressed upon it.

24. Great Marcher. Thus I choose to render, Gradive. Gradivus here signifies Mars: but Autum­nu [...] against the common exposition takes it here for Romulus, the Son of Mars; but gives no reason of his dissent. Yet I suppose it to be from the former words of Juvenal saying, O pater Ʋr­bis; which likewise Autumnus expounds by Romu­lus. But I think that Gradivus ought here to be taken for Mars; it being the safest way to expound any Author by himself, and so Juvenal by Juvenal: who Satyre, 13. vers. 113. call, Mars by this name, Gradivus Homericus, Mars mentioned in Homer, as it is there justly and necessarily expounded. We may add that of Livy, Decad. 1. lib. 2. Jovem patrem Gradivumque Martem aliosque iratos deos invoco; and thus it was usually taken by others. For so when Juvenal says, Sat. 13. Et Martis frameam—, it is borrow'd and altered by Martianus Capella into Gradivi frameam. And whereas Autumnus takes pater Ʋrbis to be Romulus, there also it more fitly signifies Mars: who, being the father of Romulus, may with more honour to Rome, as being account­ed in their fond religion the greater deity, be called the father of it. But to shew beyond just replie, that Gradivus must here signify not Romu­lus, but Mars, it is apparent from the continuation of this Apostrophe, in which, a little after, the Poet says unto him —Go then, no more respect Thy warlike field—: by which, Autumnus (as the rest of the Interpreters) understands Campus Martius, an ample place, where military exercises were us­ed. Which manner of speech, thy field, makes it clear, that he speaks to Mars, whose field it was. Thus even according to Autumnus himself it must be expounded, though he observed not the inconve­nient truth of his own exposition, against himself. Now, for the word Gradivus, some (as particu­larly Servius) would bring it from [...], and so it might with small addition be rendered, Shake­spear; which in effect is the sense also of the name Pallas, from [...], vibro; but that this is a near and easie derivation, the other somewhat remote; as also is theirs, who vvould dravv it from gramen, because a Grass-coronet vvas in Honour amongst Martial men, being the revvard of those, that rais­ed the enemie's Siege. Others make it quasi Gran­dis divus: but this vvere no name of distinction from some other gods; nay, even in this sense it might seem fit to be given to Jupiter himself by vvay of excellency. Festus the Grammarian de­rives it from gradior, à gradiendo in bello ultro citro (que) from bestirring himself in Battels: but Britannicus though he sets this derivation in the first place, yet expounds it in a different sense, saying, quia gradatim, & per ordines eatur in bellum; implying that the vvord does seem to express the stately and leasurely March of the God of War; according to vvhich apt sense I choose to render it.

25. Bigg Lyde's Physick-box can This ne're gain. There are tvvo Readings of this passage; the one, Turgida non prodest in pixide condita Lyde; and this is renevved and approved by Fortunatus Scaccbus in his Myrothecium, lib. 1. cap: 44. vvhere he says, that Lyde signifies a spider, so called from Arachne a Lydian turned into a spider; and that condita in pixide turgidâ, implies that it vvas closed in a swelling box, so called either, because it vvas full of Ointments, or else somevvhat round sided, of this form, as Schacchus presents in Myrothecuim, p. 431. and lastly that this vvas thought to be of

special vertue to make Women fruitful. Upon this perswasion, says he, they carried a spider about with them in a box; which that it might not cor­rupt and so by the smell offend, they added oint­ments to it. Which beleife was occasion'd by a kind of spider called Phalangium, which as Pliny re­lates, lib. 11. cap. 24. brings forth 300. young ones at one time. Thus we must first suppose that Women generally took notice of this obscure fable of the spider Phalangium; and secondly we must make turgida, which is here a dactyle, to be of the ablative case and agree with pixide. Indeed the interpretation is as excusable as the poëtry; yet I mention it, because he does more fully then others, set down this Opinion, or rather phansie. Junius also did deliver this conceit about a spider, out of an old Manuscript, and so it came into the more estimation, and seems to please Autumnus, as the best: but let him beleive the trifle, whiles we beleive it to be but a triflle; this Reading and Interpretation being in effect long since rejected by Philip Beroald in his Annotations as an exposition too remote and an affectation grounded upon no suffici­ent [Page 34]authority. The other Reading is Turgida non prodest conditâ pixide Lyde; and this most Manuscripts agree upon: according to which, Beroald and Poli­tian make Lyde turgida (that is, ventricosa) to sig­nifie a corpulent Woman called Lyde from her country (the Lydian Women commonly of such a size, as Statius seems to emplie in those words, Hoc plaudunt grege Lydiae tumentes); adding, that such went with boxes of Ointments to sell, pretend­ing them to be effectual for Womens fruitfulness, and that they were intertain'd with a common and foolish belief; which exposition as the most pro­bable I receive. To the like effect indeed the Lu­perci the priests of Pan did use in February to run naked about the City (yet Plutarch mentions a lit­tle covering) the Women that desired to be fruitful holding our their hands unto them not without impudent folly, and the priests striking them with a goat skin, or, as the Scholiast has it, with a ferula.

26. The Coated Gracchus's trident This surpass'd. Tunicati fuscina Gracchi. Under the name of Grac­chus, the Poet here and before declames against some of the cheif Nobility; before for their exe­crable marriages, and here for hiring their lives to the Prator (who set forth shews to the people) and, as infamous persons, for fighting publickly in the Amphitheater strew'd with sand, to drink up the blood that was shed. For they that were put to the worst were according to the custome usually killed: yet to this base madness did some of the vicious and bank-rupt Nobilitie descend. Where it is worth the noting, that the Poet, in passing to the description of this other Gracchus, says Vicit &c hoc monstrum tunicati fuscina Gracchi, as if this fault had been more monstrous then the other crime. Which sense may seem unworthy of Juvenal's judgement, namely that he should make a fault against Honour to be greater then a sin against Nature; and I mar­vail that this inconvenience has almost scaped all Interpreters. Indeed Lubin seems to take notice of it, saying that the Poet calls this the worse fault, because unto the former, some of the Nobilitic had been forced by Nero, but unto This baseness they did voluntarily descend. This were somewhat, if it were all true; but he proves none of it. I remem­ber that Sulpitius Severus in his Eccles. Histor. lib. 2. relates that the monster Nero was, as a Woman, married to one Pythagoras, and that Xiphiline says the same and also, that as a Male he was as mon­strously married to one Sporus! Orosius says the same; only whereas some call the former infamous person, Pythagoras, Sueton calls him Doryphorus, Ne­ro's freed-man: yet in this as there is no mention of Nobility, so neither of compulsion. Wherefore unless we saw better ground for this assertion, we may rather seek some other reason; and I propose this. The Poet does not here compare the two faults for the Hainousness, but for the impudence in the committing of them: in which respect, this though the less sin in it self, did exceed the former. For in the committing of that, they had some shame, as the Poet implied saying, — Nubit amicus, Nec multos adhibet—, it must be closely carried; and Fiert istapalam—, hereafter they will commit this openly, so that as yet it was a secret villanie: but as for This Baseness, though extream, they run into it open faced; as may appear from the nature of the fault now to be set forth. Of the two that are here described for the combat, the one was called Retiarius, as this Gracchus here was; the other Myrmillo and Sequutor. The first is (in effect) used a little after this passage, when the Poet says,—retia misit: the two latter are used in Sat. 8. where the Poet falls again more largly and vehemently upon this argument. Yet because the Antiquity and Form of these exercises is very necessary to be here declar'd, the exposition of that in the eighth Sat. may be here deliver'd. The Retiarius then was so call'd from the principal part of his furniture, which was diverse. For first he was dressed in a short Coat, which beseem'd not the state of a Noble Person. Se­condly he had a three-pointed Mace or iron in his left hand; and thirdly a Net in his right; with which, if he could by his skill (which was commonly pra­cticed) he did enwrap his adversary by sodainly casting of it over his head and as sodainly drawing it together, and then with his trident usually slew him. In which mad exercises, the net was counted such an advantage, that they allowed the Retiarius no other fence. For on his head he woar only a hat or long cap tied under his chin with a broad string or ribband, as this Gracchus is described, Sat. 8. And thus he fought in part bare-faced, which farther ar­gued the unworthiness of such a person, thus to engage his life and honour with a hireling. The other combatant was called Myrmillo, who, besides a hooked sword (falx supina) and a buckler, was allowed also a helmet, whereon was the picture of a fish: which gave occasion to the Retiarius to say usually to the Myrmillo that strived to avoid the casting of the net, Non te peto, piscem peto, quid me fugis Galle? not that the Myrmillo was always a Gaul or Frenchmen, but because his Armour or furniture was after the Gallique fashion. The reason of the name Myrmillo is by some mentioned, as by Marcellus Do­natus on Sueton's Caligula, cap. 32 where Myrmillones are said to be so called, quasi Myrmidones, as if it were from their singular valour, the Myrmidons hav­ing in their time been the flower of the Greek soul­diery. But not to abuse our selves with such deriva­tions, the learned Johannes Isacius Pontanus in his Glossarium Prisco-Gallicum, in the word Myrmillo, p. 254. tells us, that the Myrmillo is a fish by the French-men anciently called Mormyron, or Mormilon, which will so subtilly shoot himself into the mud, that the Fishermen are scarce able to take him with a drag. And because he that fought with the Retia­rius did sometimes use great bendings or windings of his body to avoid the net, and as it were to hide himself from the art of the Retiarius; therefore by similitude he was called Myrmillo, and wore the pi­cture of the fish upon his helmet. Thus Pontanus, chiefly out of Gillius, partly out of Gesner; though the Scholiast indeed gave the light to them all: who on this word, Sat. 8. v. 199. gives this note, Mirmillo armaturae Gallicae nomen, ex pisce inditum, cuius imago in galeâ fingitur. The Myrmillo is also upon occasion, Sat. 8. v. 210. called Sequutor, as much as the Pur­suer; because if the Retiarius did not cunningly poise his arm in the casting of his net, but cast either to short or to far, so that he missed his purpose, in­stantly he betook himself to his heels, running a­bout the Amphitheater for his life, with all possible agilitie, that he might happily recollect his net for a second cast; the myrmillo in the mean time as swift­ly pursuing him (whence he was called Sequutor) to deprive him, if he could, of his purpose and life. This kind of fighting (with the Net) came from Pittacus the wife Grecian, who (as Diogenes Laertius relates) fighting a single combat with Phrynon, did with a net which he hid under his buckler sodainly entangle him and then slew him.

27. Then the first Rank at Shews. Ad Podium spe­ctantibus. [...] was the chief place at Shews, and called so because, as some think, it did jut-out like a foot, or as others, because it was at the foot or low­er [Page 35]part of the building, and so being the formost and nearest place of Seats for the advantage of sight and hearing, was appointed for the Nobilitie. Servius alleges this to expound that of Virgil, Aeneid, [...]. Mox totum caveae [...]cessum ingentis, & [...] Prima p [...]trum—. So that our Poet says that Gracchus, who thus dis­grac'd himself, was by birth more noble, then the best of his Spectators, or the Prator himself, who set forth these Shews.

28. If they 've the Bath-see paid. The Scholiast tells us that the children did not pay the Balneati­c [...]m, or see for being Bath'd; seeming to implie that they were bathed. The Author of the Manuscript Commentarie would be too impurely subtile, saying that the Poet here speaks against little children, who that they might be bathed without paying the fee, permitted themselves to the Bath-keepers worst desire. Lubin first says that children were not bath'd at all: but afterwards he prefers another opi­nion before this, saying that though they were bath­ed, yet they paid not the farthing, or fee. But he might have better kept himself to his first opinion; children being not bathed at all in the publique baths, as C [...]lde [...]ine shews out of Tully de Oratore; and the time that they thus abstained being till they were four years old. One Manuscript well expresses the sense of this passage, the Author of it saying that none but infants believe a hell, that is, such as not comming yet to the publique Baths, are by this means as yet not corrupted in their lives. Thus does he implie the epidemical impietie of those times, wherein hell was counted rather a fable, then a place of justice, and only such satyrically supposed to believe it, as could not understand it.

29. Or the bold Legion of Cremera—. It may peradventure give occasion of doubt to some, that Juvenal here calls those, that were slain at the river Cremera in Tuscanie, a Legion; it being expounded of the Fabii, who were in all but 306. whereas a Legion, according to Vegetius, and Modestus, contained 6000. foot and 700. horse; not to examine farther the ex­act overplus of these numbers. And though the number of a Legion did sometimes vary, yet this number of the Fabii may not presume to swell to that extent. Britannicus indeed says that they were aided by their Servants and Clients, yet Florus, calls them Patricius exercitus; and Livy, lib. 2. cap. 49. says of them, Nunquàm exercitus, neque minor numero, neque clarior fama & admiratione hominum per urbem incessit. wherefore the word Legio seems here not to be used in an exact sense, but rather by way of wit: such brave Romans, though but few, being termed a Legion for their equivalent worth.

30. If Sulphure and the pine tree were With them—. The Ancient manner of purging those that were polluted was with Sulphure and fire made with the wood of the unctuous pine tree, and such like; they used also to wet a lawrel branch and sprinkled them with it. See Turnebus, lib. 23. cap. 21. Meursius in his Spicileg. p. 144. and Marcellus Dona­tus on Sueton's Nero. cap. 6.

31. Beyond the Irish foe. Juverna here used is by the Scholiast taken for Britany; and Ortelius shews out of Isacius upon Lycophron, that Juverna was cal­led West-Britany. Yet both by Orielius and Mr. Camb­den it is taken for Ireland, and otherwise, methinks the Poets expression would seem disjointed, first mentioning Britany, then the Orcades, and then the Britans (for so the Poet orders them, saying —ultra Littora Juvernae—&—Orcadas—ac—Britannos): be­sides to name both Britanie and the Britans were su­perfluous. But the chief doubt here is, whether, as Juvenal here says, the Romans had extended their victories beyond Ireland; seing that it is thought by our accurate Cambden, that the Romans did not con­quer Ireland. Wherefore, this passage of Juvenal seeming to imply the contrary, we may conclude that the Poet speaks here at large, as a stranger to there parts, and but according to the report of the triumphing Romans, who sometimes took discoveries for conquests, and thought those overcome, who were but neighbours to those, whom they overcame. And here we may observe, that the Poet notes the Britans for their short nights; which is to be under­stood of the Summer-solstice, when the night, in the extreamest part of the Isle is scarce six hours long; as Lipsius notes on Tacitus his Agricola, on those words, Dierum spatia ultra nostri orbis mensuram.

32. He came a hostage; here he's made a Man! Ve­nerat obses; hic fiunt homines; That is, He came inno­cent, from his own country, and rather into a sor­rowful stare, to be but a pawn for the loyaltie of his country-men, and therefore indeed but as an ho­nourable prisoner: but here by commerce, he is made a Man no doubt! which last words are usually understood as an Ironie; the meaning being, that he was rather turn'd a Woman. Indeed the word Homo will bear either sense; and peradventure, though a­gainst some interpreters, the later will prove the truer, if we take notice of the significations of the word, Which sometimes by way of excellency signi­fie the First of men, as (according to the Latin co­pie) in that of Gen. 2.25. Homo & uxor ejus: where not only the word Homo is used by way of distinction for the Man, but also necessarily Homo and not Vir, & that according to the strictness of the Original; wherein the word is not [...] but [...]. Johannes Drusius in his Notes upon Sulpitius Severus his Eccle­siasticall History, lib. 1. p. 8. shews also that sometimes homo is taken only for the Woman; see there also his Epistle to Baudartius of the acceptions of Homo. But for the sense of the word in this place, I think it ought to be render'd here, as it is on a like occasion used again in Juvenal himself: who, in the sixt Satyre bringing-in an impudent Woman not able to deny her dishonesty, makes her confess her shame, in a kind of excuse, by crying-out Homo sum; which I there render, —I me Woman. And I think it might as truly be render'd here in that feminine sense; Hither he came a hostage, an innocent Male, as Pledges (to pre­vent dishonourable inconveniences) use commonly to be (though not always, as Lipsius observes on Ta­citus his Germania) but now we may say, he is of one sex more; though not meer Woman, yet of the Com­mon gender. And this the Poet implies by his effe­minacy, saying that the change and corruption of his manners appears in the change of his attire: for now mittentur braccae, &c. not (as some would have it) He shall have such things sent as guifts to corrupt him; but, as the Scholiast well expounds it by shewing an [...], Mittentur, that is, Dimittentur; the sense being this, Now he will bid farewel to his former simpli­city, he will lay aside his own Country Ornaments, such as were the (braccae) Slops, and the ruder knives of His country fashion; likewise the whips and bri­dles used by him in his home-bred, honest, manly & hunting exercises; And will carry home to his Arme­nian City Artaxata, the brave sins of Rome. Whence we may farther see, that Mittentur cannot signify, that such things should be sent as guifts unto him, this being to preserve him in his innocent attire & exercises; but it must signify a chang of his Armenian manners into R [...]man. It were a truth, though but a sport, to remember that in one Manuscript the word Artaxata is expounded by a kind of strange garment; but we must add that such exposition is more strange.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Third Satyre.

1. AT private Cumae. Vacuis Cu­mis. Ʋmbritius a skilful A­ruspex and a friend of Juve­nal is wittily brought-in giving the causes of his de­parture from the City, and telling whither he would go to dwell, namely to Cu­mae, where Sibylla had a Chappel and where, as Ʋm­britius afterwards speaks, Daedalus put-off his wings, or rested after his flight from Minos. But the Poet calling it here Empty Cumae, and yet little after, Janua Baiarum, and so greatly frequented, being a thorough-fare to those frequented Bathes; to pre­vent the seeming inconvenience of some contradi­ction, I render it private Cumae, it being so, accord­ing to the Poet's intent, it compar'd with Rome. And as he thus preferr'd Cumae before Rome, so like­wise Prochyta a small Iland near Baia and the Cam­panian shoar, before Suburra a most delightful street in Rome. *

The Baian prospect and delight is thus presented by the courtesie of Bertellius in his Thea­ter of the Italian Cities, p. 84. by which, Cali­gula's bridge of ships may be the better under­stood; of which, see, Sat. 10. Illustr. 31.

2. And in August's heat, When Poets read. He notes the importunate ambition of Poets; who not content to read at other times of the year, would trouble men even in August also, when men usually sought the shady relief of the Country. This Cu­stome is partly touch'd, Sat. 1. Illust. 5.

3. Some Jews, Whose hay and basket is their wealth. Judais, quorum cophinus foenumque supellex. The Poet in this difficult passage inveighing against the base coveteousness of his times, says that for Gain they did rent-out sacred places, as Groves, and that to the poor Jews: whose poverty he de­scribes by their Basket and Hay, which, as he says, was all their householdstuffe. And if we ask, why by such marks their necessity should be expressed, Lubin makes answer, —Supellex erat cophinus, in quo victum & cibum gerebant, & foenum adjumenti alimentum. But why should we suppose a poor Jew to be able to keep a beast, when as he was fain to beg to keep himself? as Lubin acknowledges, whiles he expounds mendicat silva by the poor Jews, who hiring obscure habitations in Groves, went begging about from door to door. Besides, if their hay was for their beast, why did they carry it about with them? Or how will this agree with that in Sat. 6. —Cophino foenoque velicto Arcanam Judaea tre­ment mendient in aurem? implying rather that they left them at their poor home, when they went forth to beg. Some think that the Hay was for the their Bed; so Britannicus on Sat. 6. v. 540. saying, foenum ubi cubitavent: but this seems but vain, it we confider either how they could carry enough, or rather why they should carry any at all. Lyranus on that in Psalme, 81. v. 6. —His hands were deli­vered from the Pots, or Baskets, [...](ab aheno, according to the Latin) thinks that these were the marks, not of their Poverty, but (by an ancient custome) of their servitude in Aegypt, where in baskets they carried straw, hay, mortar and such things for the making of brick, and in such like labours. Which opinion I think to be the best exposition of this passage, and for these reasons. First, it is as probable, that the Jews might by way of thankfulness glory in the marks of their Servi­tude, but in effect of their deliverance and deli­verer, as the Christians once in the use of the Cross, making that the badge of their glory, which the Enemie accounted their Shame. Secondly, because it is said, that the Jewish Women also carried the basket and the wisp. Thirdly, because it is said, that the Jewest, when she went forth to beg, left these things behind her. Cophino foenoque relicto, says the Poet; but not as A [...]umnus expounds it, Negotiis omissis & supellectile relicta: it being a chief part of her Business to Leave them at home, that by concealing her religion from publick notice, she might not endanger such Roman dames, as she endeavour'd to draw to her devotion; and so the

Poet adds, mendicat in aurem. By which also it farther appears, that they could carry their provi­sion without a basket. Fourthly, though the Poet might with some sharpness describe their povertie by their basket and wisp; yet it follows not, but that these things might have a farther signification. So may we collect from Sidonius Apollinaris, lib. 7. epist. 6. where writing to one Basilius a Bishop, concerning the pressures of the Christians under the Gothique King Evarix an Arrian, he says, Ordi­nis res est, ut (dum in hac allegorica versamur Aegyp­to) Pharao incedat cum diademate, Israelita cum co­phino. 1. It is sutable to the divine order or ap­pointment of humain affairs (whiles we are in this figurative Aegypt of the world) that Pharao (or the wicked) should have the mark of Dominion, and the Israelite (or, Jew) his Basket, or bag of servitude. Where also the word incedat may be observ'd, implying these things as properties, or marks of distinction. According to which sense the learned Savaro expounds the place, saying Allego­rice Catholicus servituti addicitur, Evarix dominatur & imperat. And here we may farther observe for the understanding of the next verse, Omnis enim po­pulo mercedem pendere jussa est Arbor; that although it be commonly understood, by the Rent exacted from the poor Jews for every tree, that could yield them but a shelter; some more particularly expound mercedem by [...], a tribute which was exacted of the Jews (capitatim) by the pole, after the destruction of the Temple, as the Pro­vincial Census was Before the destruction of it; and that thus what was formerly paid to the Sanctuary was afterwards brought to the Capitol; as Josephus and Xiphilin testifie. Lastly I think, that we may farther and probably guess, that the occasion, for which the Jews left-off to carry the basket and hay, was the greeveous disadvantage in discovering by Them their Religion. For as Sueton notes in his Domitian, cap. 12. Judaicus fiscus acerbissimè actus est; telling us, that They were made to pay, who lived after the Jewish manner, vel dissimulata origine, as he adds, imposita genti tributa non pependissent. Where he makes mention also of filthy rigour; saying that he remembers, that when he himself was a youth, he saw a man of 90. years of age publiquely search'd in a great assembly by the com­mand of the Overseer of the Jewish tribute, to know if he were not circumcised. Concerning some other passages about this argument (the Jews) see farther in the explication of this Sa­tyre, Illustrat. 44. and also Sat. 6. Illustrat. 65.

4. The Water's Deity. Numen aquae. This esti­mation of Fountains among the Heathen may ap­pear as well by their ancient inscriptions (one of which extant in Orravio Rossi his Memorie Bresciane, p. 279. begins thus, Fontibus Divinis Sacr.) as also by their Fontinalia, Festivals so called a fonte, says Varro, de Linguâ Lat. lib. 5. at which feasts they used by way of Reverence to cast garlands into Fountains. But that Fountain from which this honour was derived to others was, as Joseph Scali­ger thinks, by Porta Capena. Yet Dempster, de Juramentis, lib. 1. cap. 5. citing him dislikes his Opinion, saying that such honour was done unto Fountains in honour of Fontus sometime a King in Hetruria (he cites T [...]ebus, lib. 16. Advers. cap. 11.) and in honour of whom were the Fontinalia sacra mentioned by Varro and Festus. There was also Fontua the Goddess of Fountains, as he shews out of Saxo Grammaticus, lib. 1. Histor. Danica.

5. The People's thumb being turn'd. Verso pol­lice vulgi. The Poet here sets forth the vile con­ditions of such, as thriv'd most in Rome, namely flatterers and impudent undertakers, as in Repair­ing of decay'd Temples, or in Farming the reve­nues of them or of Customes in Port-Towns, or of the carriage of goods by Rivers, of Cleansing of Sinks, of performing the Office of the Libitinarii (who sould all things fit for Funerals) or of the Pollinctores (who were imploy'd in the Burial of the dead) or of Selling Servants under the Spear stuck-up to signifie such sale according to the Ro­man Custome. Which employments though tole­rable, if perform'd severally and by sutable per­sons, were an argument of base greediness, if per­formed all by the same person. Yet such there were and they grew rich, though formerly they had been but cornet-winders, and that but in pet­ty Towns. Nor were they only grown rich, but also impudent; for, having in former time basely hazarded their lives in Shews set forth by the Wealthy Romans to please the People, and so might have lost their lives, if overcome, had but the People but pleased to turn their thumb; now they themselves, though once such vile persons, set forth such costly Shews, wherein others at their wanton charge were familiarly kill'd. But here the manner of the Custome of Turning the thumb seems to be a point rather controverted, then ex­pounded. Premere pollices was a sign of Applause; Vertere pollicem, of Dislike: but the doubt is, what these Gestures were. Horace implyes the first, lib. 1. Epist. 18. in that verse, Fautor utroque tuum laudabit pollice ludum: in which words, says Porphyrio the Commentator, there is a Synecdoche, pollex being taken for manus; so that both thumbs, according to him, [...]signifly both hands. For which interpre­tation he is reprehended by Politian, in his Miscell. cap. 42. who by this seems to implie, that it was an expression not of the hand, but only of the thumb; proving it from that of Pliny, Nat. Histor. lib. 82. Pollices, cum favemus, premere, etiam pro­verbio jubemur: but I see not how this authority refutes Porphyrio; who proceeding in his exposi­tion says, though with some obscurity, that qui­laudat vehementiùs manus jungens jungit pollicem cum proximo. Acron would have premere pollices to be the listing up of the hands and the moving of them of­ten. Cruquius speaking of this phrase mentions on­ly pollicem in the singular number, with no small alteration of the matter; and adds, that this is done, when the thumb pressing upon the top of the middle finger falls back towards the the fore­finger making a noise; and that, if it were done on both hands, it was the greatest approbation. So convertere pollicem, according to him, was to open the hand, and so consequently not to make such noise, or give such notice. But Ferrarius, de Veter. Acclamation. lib. 2. cap. 13. justly objects a­gainst this, that this were not pollicis pressus, but crepitus digitorum, not a gesture of the thumb, but a noise of the fingers. He therefore rejecting all this exposition as uncertain, if not false, thus de­cides the point. First, at the Sword-plays or pub­liquely Fencing it was usual for him that overcame, to kill the other; yet the matter was altered ac­cording to the sign, which the people were pleas'd to make, so great was their power at these shews: and accordingly, sometimes they made a sign, to have the person, that was overcome, slain; and sometimes they made a sign to have him saved. Secondly, these signs were very easie to de dis­cerned, being of such sodain importance, and were instantly understood; the sign of favour be­ing made with both hands, the sign of death only [Page 49]with one; the first of which was called premere pol­lices, the second vertere pollicem. Thirdly, he thinks the manner to have been this; Premere pol­lices was to lift-up both hands and clinch them as a fist, pollices ipsos intra pugnum arctè vehementerque comprimere, that is, to clinch the thumbs strongly and vehemently within the fist. Which expression, in this last point seems somewhat unnecessary: for, what did it avail to the makeing of the sign mani­fest, to clinch their thumbs either vehemently or gently? Vertere pollicem, says he, was to lift-up one hand clinch'd like a fist, the thumb appearing a­bove the fist, and either to point it backward to­ward himself that held it up, or to move it about circularly. But this might more strictly have been anciently render'd, supposing this to have been the sense, by elevare pollicem, or invertere pollicem: though this be likewise liable to his own censure, being but probable. Yet I think his expression comes near the custome: notwithstanding with a like libertie I think I may reasonably vary and enlarge the conjecture. The natural acti­ons of all people are generally much alike, and therefore the outward expressions of approbation and dislike; and no more was intended by these signs. When therefore the people saw a brave fencer sometimes unhappily put to the worst, we may probably suppose, that they did instantly, to save his life, lift up both their fists, their thumbs being clinch'd or press'd on each fist, yet not both their hands put together, but each being at liber­tie, as men that are ready to strike, the left arm being stretch'd out and the right somewhat drawn back. So that the immediate or first signification of this sign seems to have been a threatning of the conquerer, if he spar'd not the life of him, whom he overcame; a second and but a consequent sense was an applause of his valour and skill: and this we ghuess to have been the sign, which they called premere pollices, to clinch the fists at one. But if they saw that he which was overcome, had be­hav'd himself but like a coward, without courage or art, we may suppose they did clinch one hand, the thumb standing upwards, and so cast their hand moderately over their shoulder, in a kind of con­tempt, as if one would have said Away with him, meaning that he was not worth their mercy. And this they might call vertere pollicem, that is, reiro­jicere, to cast back the thumb, or to turn it over the shoulder. But I leave everyman here to the libertie of his own phansie, contentingmy self in these conje­ctural arguments to propose that, which to me seems most natural, and so most easie to be admit­ted.

6. Inde reversi Conducunt foricos. Fovicae are by some taken for common shops near the forum, be­longing to the City; and so rented out to such as let them again to others for a greater rent. But others think that this alludes to the farmers of some homely rents in Juvenal's time; such as in some degree that was, which was rais'd by Vespa­sian, from Ʋrine (mention'd by Sueton in his life, cap. 23.) for the receit whereof there were vessels purposely set in publick, and, as some think, for the use of fullers. And this unto some seems to have been that greivous chrysargyrum famous in hi­stories, and taken away by the Emperour Anasta­sius. Which pension was (as Lipsius, Adm. lib. 2. cap. 6. out of Cedrenus) ut quisque mendicus aut pauper, meretriis sive jam emerita, omnis servus item­que libertus, inferrent in aerarium pro Ʋrina & stercore, jumentorum etiam & Canum; sive in agris, sive in op­pidis habitarent: & hamines quidem utriusque sexus, nomisma argenteum; equns, mulus, bos, tantundem; asinus & canis follex sex (follox was a small peice of mony.) Yet even these profits the Cheif of the Roman Nobilitie basely sought to farm, and by the Lawiers were call'd Foricarii. Caligula also (as Sueton in his lise, cap. 40.) Ex captivis prostitut a­rum vectigal instituit, quantum quaeque uno concubitu mereret, and afterwards under Heliogabalus, Leno­num vectigal & mererricum, & exoletorum fuit; as Lansius observes, in Orat. contra Italiam, p. 1005. But the most receav'd interpretation, is that dis­graceful one, by which I render it; and Forirarii in the law signifies such vile Officers. According to which sense if we more sharply view the words, Inde reversi, they may be understood not of their returning home from proud shews to base offices; but a falling back through vain prodigalitie to base necessitie. For, the inference upon this seems to implie some such thing, whiles the Poet says that Fortune makes a Sport of them: which were not so properly by raising one from Povertie to Wealth, which is not very rare; or, by casting one down from Wealth to Povertie, which is very common; but by making the same person the subject of both these fortunes, which is a Rarity, and by the Poet here call'd the Sport of Fortune.

7. Rome turn'd Greek. Gracam Ʋrbem. He shews the pestilent manners of the Graecians; who though they were not many at Rome, had so corrupted the Romans both in Manners and Language, that the Romans in a ridiculous affectation of the Greek tongue, delighted in it more, then in their Own Latin. Which sense of this passage is implyed by Pignorius, in his Symbol. Epist. 41. Where he says, that this affectation continued from the time of Au­gustus to Alexander Severus. Yet by his leave we may remember, that Sueton says, Tiberius to shew the Majestie of the Roman Empire abstain'd from Greek: though we may grant that this fashion was ancient, Tully writing a Commentary of his Con­sulship in Greek, as he himself testifies at large, lib. 2. ad Atticum, epist. 1. But a worse custome was brought in by the Asiatick People, particularly by the Syrians; whose manners, as the Poet notes, were as crooked, as their Musicall instruments, in­fecting the City with their out-landish harlors, which at the Circus, where Shews were presented, did set up Stews.

8. Their painted Miters. The Miter was properly a Trojan attire, and not only of that form which is usually with a divided top; as Pignorius a Paduan Antiquary shews in his treatise entitled, Le Origini di Padua: in which (cap. 12.) upon occasion of that in Virgil. Aeneid. 9. —habent redimicula mitra, he pre­sents this form of a miter, following, express'd ac­cording to an ancient head in the Vatican; which for difference may be observ'd, not varying much from an ordinary cap.

9. The Haunt-Doal Gown, Quirinus, Thy Clown weares. Rusticus ille tuns sumit trechedip­na, Quirine. The Poet here in an Apostrophe to Romulus says, that the Roman, who was once rustical, or sim­ple, is now come to the familiar and artifi­cial servilitie of the Greeks, namely in pa­rasitical Haunting after Patrons and, accord­ing [Page 50]to some, in Gymnastick exercises; though by these last also they were rather corrupted then in­abled: yet that for vain and vile abilities the Greeks did still far exceed them; witness their rowling Eloquence, (in which they surpassed Isae­us the Oratour) and their pretended Art of Fly­ing. witness Daedalus. But a difficulty there is in these words, Rusticus ille tuns sumit trechedipnae; the last of which the Scholiast expounds by Parasi­ticall garments, which he calls caligulos Graias, or as some mend it, Galliculas, Shooes used by the Gauls, which according to some others were called also [...] and [...]. But this seems too narrow a sense, unless we should phansie, that they wore a special fashion of shooes only to feasts. Some copie have, rechedipna, some taking it for a gar­ment us'd at feasts, and uneasily drawing the name from recinium or rejicinum, it being, as they suppose, usually in the manner of wearing it, cast backward, and from [...], coena: others, as the Scholiast, takeing it for the Master of a feast; implying, that the Romans once plain and thrifty were now become Feasters. But this implies an unseemly superfluity of speech; for then the construction should be, trechedipna tuns sunait & fert niceteria, in which man­ner of expression, sumit were a vain over-plus: others (& they the greatest part) read trechedipna, deriving it from [...], curro, and [...], cana; because in these garments they haunted after their patrons, for the sportula. Yet some understand by it, the person, in whose hasting to feasts some note a Pride to take place, others an appetite to good chear; though this stands not with the exception before alleged, nor with the certainty of the word: see­ing that, as the Scholiast told us of rechedipna, it is sometimes taken for the feast-maker, and not in a jeering, but in an innocent sense; as, according to most reasonable conjecture, it is to be taken in that ancient inscription cited by Rigaltius, FILIO. BE­NEMERENTI. FECIT. PATER. TRECEDIP­NUS. ET MATER. ATTICE. But the most take it for a garment, though with some difference; Turnebus and others thinking it to signifie expedite garments used in gymnastis, in which exercises they were but in part cover'd, and as the word implies rather Naked, then apparell'd. Yet the excess in those exercises seeming to be touch'd as a di­stinct foult in those words following, fert niceteria; it may seem somewhat more sutable to the Poets varietie of reprehensions, to expound this passage, as some do, of several corruptions, which had prevail'd upon the Romans. Scaliger, de Emen­dat. Temp. lib. 5. De primo Agone Actiaco, says, that they, which were conquerors in the sacred Games among the Graecians, had a Supper provided at the publick charge; unto which such as ran betime to get place, were by way of a common jeast call'd [...], supper haunters; yet that they were not rashly admitted, but first known by their nice­teria, or signs of mastery hang'd at their neck. But Rutgersius, in his Var Lect. lib. 6. cap. 13. thinks that trechedipna were Liveries (as we now adays call them) or garments distinguish'd by the co­lour, that so a parasite being known might have a ready admittance to his Patron's table. To which sense he thinks our Poet alludes in that passage, Sat. 5. —viridemque thoraca jubebit Afferri, —Ad mensam quoties Parasitus venerit infans: which he would have to be understood of Virro's Livery: and thus thinks the Romans to be here taxed for des­cending to servile Flattery and the Gymnastick fears, to both which they had been especially cor­rupted by the Greeks. Lubin more plainly and nearer to the Roman custome understands here by trechedipna, the Roman Gown in which they did vi­sit and attend their Patrons, whether in hope of the Sportula or an Entertainment; and by niceteria the trisling rewards, which as encouragements, they wore at their neck in token of their mastery in Fencing; and that in both these respects the Ro­mans had receiv'd some addition of corruption from the Graecians. This I choose as the most moderate opinion including in it in effect the Gracian cu­stomes; the Roman Gowns being for their simill­tude of employment jeeringly called trechedipna, and the use of the niceteria being by the Romans vainly learned of the vain Graecians. Thus the Satyrist breifly tells the Romans, that whiles other nations are exquisite in Flattery and Thriving; the dull Roman (though he imitates the Greeks and others in Trivial Vanities) is good for nothing but to trudge about for his hungry sportula, or to seek a perverse fame from infamous Sword-playing.

10. —Must I Let Him seal first, and on the cheif Couch lie, &c. The Roman custome was, says the Author of the manuscript Commentary, to have seven witnesses at the making of a Will; which was but according to the strict provision of the Civil Law, but now corrected by the Ecclesiasti­call; it seeming unreasonable that Two should not be accounted sufficient, when as they are allowed by the Divine Law. Our Lawiers therefore now call those ancient ones, Solemn Testaments, as the latter sort, Unsolemn. Now the manner was among the Romans, that all the witnesses should set their seals unto a Testament and in Or­der, as the Poet here implyes, according to their dignitie; which custome and form may partly be seen, Sat. 2. Illustrat. 12. A Multitude of witnesses has likewise been used in ancient time here in our own country, not only to Wills, but also to other Deeds, as among others may appear from that grant of certain mannors here in England made by William the Conqueror unto the Abbess of Caën in Normandy, which is alleged by the accurate Mr. Au­gustine Vincent in his Discovery of Errors in a Cata­logue of Nobility, publish'd by R. Brook, p. 119. The Deed is thus testified, Signum ✚ Willelmi An­glorum regis. Signum Comitis ✚ Roberti Moritanii. Signum ✚ Lanfranci Archiepiscopi. Signum ✚ Matil­dis Reginae. Signum ✚ Roberli Comitis filii regis. Sig­num ✚ Henrici filii regis. Signum ✚ Willelmi Co­mitis filii regis. There follow nine witnesses more; but these may serve for the illustration of this cu­stome, not only for Number, but also for Order, which is somewhat remarkable. And, the better to know some of the witnesses, the reades may understand, that Robert mention'd in the second place was Earl of Mortaigne (in Normandy) and of Cornwall, and brother to the Conqueror by his Mo­ther Herlot; as also that Matildis mention'd in the fourth place was the Conqueror's Wife. Farther, it may suffice in this place breifly to take notice, that the Romans did anciently use to ly [...]on Couches at their Supper: the manner whereof, as also which was the cheif place, shall more fitly and largly be declared, Sat. 5. Illust. 3. on that verse, Tertia ne vacuo cessaret culcitra lecto.

11. Cast up the hands before the brow. A facie jact are manus. Britannicus tells us, that flarterers did use with both hands to stroak the face of their friend, as imitating the ancient manner of the Greeks, who, as he urges out of Pliny, did use in their supplications to take their Gods by the chin. [Page 51]Which interpretation seems more learned, then apposite; and to suppose such applause to be used by flatterers towards their Patrons, may sooner, I think, win the reader to a smile, then to a be­leif. The interpreters usually take the phrase, A facie jactare manus, only for a sodain expression of applause and admiration: but Ferrarius de Vet. Acclam. lib. 3. cap. 22. peirces farther into it, and tells us that it is, manibus oscula jactare, to kiss the hands and then cast them up before the face, ac­cording to that of Martial, (as Scriverius reads it) Audieris cum grande sophos, cum basia jacta (1. au­dieris) when thou hearest the great acclamation, sophos, (or, as Persius speaks, Sat. 1. euge and bellè) when thou hearest the kisses cast up into the air. Thus he implies, that they used by way of Ap­plause to kiss their hands, which in parting from their lips made a gentle noise, and so cast them up before their face, or brow. For, not only the casting up of the hands and the kiss is expressed in basia jacta, but also the noise in audieris basia. Which we do grant to be a true interpretation of Martial, and that it may in this place also have a like sense, yet not a like necessity of such accep­tance; admitted it may be, but not hence enfor­ced.

12. Leak on his couch. The common copies have here, Si rectum minxit amicus, they praise him, if he performs but the offices of nature well. For so we may vail the sense of it, as also Johannes Sarithuriensis does in his Polycrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. who avoiding this plainesse of our Poet varies it thus, S [...]bene ractavit, aut si quid fecit amicus, Quod pro­serre palam non possit lingua modestè. But far better is that Reading, which Parrhasius uses, Si lectum minxit, agreeable to that of Horace, Comminxit le­ctum potus: which is to be understood of the beds or couches, on which they used to lie at their ta­bles. Thus the Poet intends, that some great ones drinking so hard, that they even leak'd on their supper couches, were yet even for this ap­plauded by unconscionable flatterers.

13. His lips but smack against the golden cup Si trulla inverso crepitum dedit aurea fundo. Some make this a flattering applause at the rich mens per­formance even of the homely offices of nature; but they force the words, methinks, from their pro­per sense, and seem as far from truth, as from cleanliness. Others take it for an applause given to one that excelled at the Cottabus, a kind of sport, which they used in their immoderate Drink­ings, to omit some other less pertinent acceptions of the word. But the Manner of this sport is not without great uncertainty & variety deliver'd by diverse; some telling us that before them which drank or play'd thus, if we shall so speak, there were set empty vessels swimming in water, into which they used to cast the snuffs of their draughts so violently, that commonly they sunk them, and that he, which thus sunk the vessels lowest, won. Some make it to have been but the placing of a brazen ewer fill'd with wine before the company, and the pouring of it from a-loft into a bason with a loud noise. Some say that they cast their snuffs thus violently upon the pavement. Others more cutiously describing the performance of this Sici­lian invention (for, such they account it) yet us­ed also by the Athenians, tell us, that they pitch'd a staffe into the ground laying another on the up­per end of it on cross, at each and of which cross flasse hung a scale, and that under each scale was placed a [...]tulla or broad vessel filled with water; each of which vessels was set upon a brazen statue guilded, the head of which was called Manes, Then one of them which play'd, say they, arose takeing a pot full of wine, and from a lost pout'd out the wine into the scale with, a sodain and vio­lent fall, that so he might strike the scale under water▪ In which sport he had the foolish victory, who so threw the Wine, as that he shed none, yet made the greatest noise; this being counted good luck in the success of their Love. At which vanity they that conquer'd were called [...] 1. ex cottabo temulenti; the snuffe of the wine, which was cast forth, was called Latags, and the noise or clap in the casting of it, [...] and crepitus cottabi. See for the parcels of these antiquities, Athenaus, Sutdes, Pol­lux, the Etymologicon, Plautus, and of late time Pa­thasius, epist. 36. where he writes of it more larg­ly then clearly. In which variety to resolve what to depend on, we may take all these descriptions for truth, they being probably the expressions of the various forms of the same sport; seeing that in the main they agree, that is, in the noise, and so in the cause of the applause. Yet I see no ne­cessity to make this custome to be the intent of the Poet in this place, although I grant it probable, it being a Greek vanity, and so likely enough to have crept in among the Romans; and therefore surable enough to the precedent passages and purposes of Juvenal. But with far less straining we may ex­pound it of a Greek custome of applauding a man, when he drank off a large vessel at a draught (such as the trulla, used, not without excess, in drinking) which clear carousing it non seldome expressed by a smack or kissing of the bottome of the cup. After which carousing, the Greeks were wont to cry, Zho [...]es, (1. vivas, or Long maist thou live) as Ferrarius de Veter. Acclam. lib. 7. cap. 13. shews out of Dion. lib. 12. and Suidas in the word [...]. The form of the Trulla (or [...], catinus, properly too large to drink in, yet used by drunkards) is by Scatchus in his Myrothecium, lib. 1. cap. 43. P. 418. thus presented. *

14. They 'll ransack house and heart, &c. Aulam resupinat amici; he will turn his friends house and all in it, as it were, upside down, so to discover his secrets and keep him in awe. But the Scholiast here reads aviam, very aptly and satyrically; mean­ing, that if there were neither a young Son nor Daughter, nor a young master nor mistress in a house to be corrupted, the impudent and vile Greeks would complie even with their friends gran­dame though never so aged and deform'd, and by corrupting her, though themselves with her, to explore the secrets of a family. An acute exposi­tion if warranted by copy, which therefore I ra­ther propose, then approve.

15. Their Schools go view. Transi gymofia. Par­thasius, [Page 52]epist. 24. (and, after him, others.) does justly reprehend those, who think that here the Poet in effect says, Let us now pass from their gym­nasia (their Schools); seeing that he speak not any thing of these before: but expounds transi gym­nasia by transi ad gymnasia; transire signifying not only praeterire, to passe-by, but also demigrare, to pass from one place to another. So Ti [...]. Donaetus in vit [...] Maronis, A Cremona Mediolanum, & inde paulo p [...]st Neap [...]lim transit; and thus the sense here will be, Let us pass now from the faults of the People to the Philosophers themselves. Yet here we ob­serve, that when Parrhasius says, that the Poet made no former mention of the gymnasiae, the word must not here extend to the Places of their bodily Exercises; these being, according to some inter­preters, intended before, when he speak of nice­teria.

16. Born where the too bold Gorgonean horse a feather lost. —Ripâ nutritus in illa Ad quam Gorgonei delapsa est penna Caballi. Lipsius on Tacitus expounds this of one Aeguatius: but because some doubt (as Autumnus notes) whither or no he was a Greek, others expound it of one Heliodorus. But whoso­ever it was, the Poet here aggravates his crime from his country, as Parrhasius says, Epist. 24. and 25. First, because this person, says he, was born at the famous Tars [...]; Secondly and rather be­cause Alexander, de Successionibus, (mention'd by Diogenes Laertius) says that Chrysippus also, the most famous of the Stoicks, was from thence. The last of which two may seem like a reason: yet peradventure Juvenal intends this description of the place of his birth only as an odd scoff at a vile condition'd fellow. Vid. Tacit. Annal. 16.

17. Upon a rich man's servant's left hand run. It will be somewhat necessary to set down more largely this passage of our Author, whose words are these;

To prevent mistake the reader may observe, that these words contain not three equally opposite parts, as to some they might seem by occasion of the three particles, Hic, Alter and Tu; but that the first of them, Hic, fignifies adverbially, Here, that is, at Rome; and that only the other two are opposite, expressing two sorts of persons, the Ser­vant and the Freeman pointed out, though by diffe­rent construction, in those words, Divitis hic servi claudit latus ingenu [...] Fi [...]ins—; some making it filius divitis servi, others filius ingenuorum. Autumnus takes, the first, expounding it thus, Hic filius servi div [...]tis occupat locum ingenuorum; and adds; claudit. i. e. Tegit. Which though it be a truth, yet is not a true interpretation, being not the truth here intended. The Poet indeed complains, that ser­vants took the place of freemen: but this reaches not to the phrase and sharpness of the Satyrist: who says not only that Freemen gave place to rich ser­vants, but so expresses it, that the phrase, claudit latus, which is acknowledged to fignify, to go on the worse hand of one, must by this order he spoild of its proper sense, or else the construction must be, filius ingenuorum claudit latus divitis servi, which is contrary to Autum [...]s. Besides in the two subse­quent parts, by Alter, according to some, is un­derstood filius ingenui, and by Tu, servus divitis: which likewise, methinks, is contrary to naturall construction and the Poet's intent. For first, see­ing that the construction (as is shew'd) ought to be filius ingenuorum; alter cannot so naturally be re­ferr'd to the nearest in place, namely to ingenuo­rum filius immediately precedent, as to that which was more remote, namely divitis servus: alter being as it were a calling back of a thing formerly named. Secondly, seeing that by alter, the Poet, as the description shews, expresses one more wastful and Luxurious, and by tu one more thrifty and coursely wanton; it were not sutable to his indignation to make the Freeman in a better or more plentiful fortune, then the servant: and therefore he must by Alter rather intend the Ser­vant, and by tu, the Freeman. But here though L [...]bin tells us, that as far as he knows, never any man before him rightly understood this place; yet methinks he does not rightly expound it, whiles he understands both by Alter and Tu, only the Rich: when as the diversity of their condition is a cheif part of the Poet's intent, and explains the reason of his speech. The Poet in effect says, that such is the baseness now in Rome, that the Son of a Freeman gives the better hand to a rich man's servant, or (as the Scholiast says) to one now grown in wealth, who notwithstanding was but a servant, and as it were, smells still of his servi­tude. Yet is it not fit? seeing that the one (al­ter) the servant is grown so rich, that he can give as much to his gallant harlot, as the Tribune has for his military Pay; but that the other, the Freeman, as Poor, is afraid to deal with such a costly peice of pleasure. Thus the sway of the speech and reason seems to be, that it is but sura­ble that they differ in their precedency, as they differ in the curiosity and courseness of their lust. This point then being excepted, I grant the rest of Lubin's interpretation to be good; as that the Poet here inveighs against the baseness both of the Freeman and the servant grown rich, that they both ran obsequiously for the doal or Sportula, and then as vilely spent it. Likewise, that in their running, the Poet notes the baseness of the Free­man, who not only made himself the companion of a servant, or of one lately a servant, but also went on the lower hand. For to that sense claudere la­tus is usually extended, it signifying to guard ones side, as an attendant does, that protects a man, and so consequently one that goes on the inferior side. And such attendants were anciently call'd stipatores and laterones, or latrones; though now this word be degenerated. And here it may be farther observ'd, that, in Going, the Better man was said, if there were but two, ire interior, and his companion (the worse) ire ex [...]erior; and that, if there were three, the Best went in the middle; according to that of Ovid speaking of an aged man, (Fast. lib. 5.) Et medius juvenum [...]non indignanti­bus ipsis That, & interior, si comes [...]us [...].

18.

Ʋmbritius having set-forth with indignation the wealth and wantoness of proud Servants, shews now the Beggerly and ridiculous thrift of such as were free-born. He speaks to Juvenal, and in him to other free-born Romans, as if he should say, But you alas, for all your freedome, being of petty fortunes if compar'd with lucky and guilty ser­vants, [Page 53]must be glad of a poor harlot. For this is the sense of Scortum vestitum, that is, togatum; the gown being properly the Man's garment, and there­fore when applied unto a woman it signifies the viler sort: it being enjoin'd as a Punishment and shame to leud women; as is shew'd, Sat. [...]. Illu­strat. 16. But as for a Chiöne (says Ʋmbritius.) that is, for a curious and dainty harlot, in a neces­sary thrift, thou (though free-born) hae [...]es, dost stick through fear, and doubtest to attend such a costly one, or complementally to help her down in the street from her high Chair, in which she is wantonly carried. Such Chairs were call'd Sellae, and from thence such women (as Britannicus says) were call'd Sellariae. But Pignorius, de Servis, p. 143. thinks that it should rather be cella (mean­ing meretricia) and so alta cella should according to him be fornix (the slews) so call'd from the fashion of the building, it being rais'd high and with an arch'd roof. Which conjecture he con­tirmes from that in Sat. 6. —Et cellam vacnam, and —ultima cellam clausit. But methinks here is no need of mending this place, and that the truth which he delivers is not here to be applied. For does not Juvenal, Sat. 6. reckon the Sella among the wanton womens provisions, when he says, —conducit Ogulnia vestem, Conducit Comites, Sellam, cervical, amicas? So also Seneca in his book enti­tied, In Sap. n [...]n cadit injuria, cap. 14. Quid refers quot habet lecticarios, quam oneratas aures, quam lax­am sellam? Which testimonies Pignorius himself takes notice of, in another place, de servis, p. 217. and might more fitly have applied them here. Be­sides, this interpretation seems more sutable to Juvenal's purpose; who intending to express the free born Roman's Poverty, Thrift and Fear in at­tending on a costly harlor, might fitly express it, by shewing how he withdrew himself from the greatest charge; it being probably more chargable and vain to wait upon his mistresses humours a­broad also, then only at home. And here on the contrary we may take notice of the expence of the rich man's riotous servant, who is said to bestow upon his lust, as much as the stipend of a Military Tribune, of which there were diverse in one Le­gion, every thousand foot-men being usually under a several Tribune: whose stipend, as Britanni [...]us (on those words, Aenea lampas, v. 285. of this Satyre) alleges out of Strab [...], lib. 11. was a ta­lent. Which, to omit Britannicus his reducing of it, is according to the common rule, when abso­lutely nam'd, to be understood of the lesser Attick talent, which was as much as 24. Sesterria, or 1871. 10 s. the summ of the riotous Servants expence here inveigh'd at by Ʋmbritius.

19. By the Great Samothracian Gods and Ours. —Jures licet & Samothracum Et nostro [...]um aras— The Poet sets forth the desperate estate of Home, where neither Honesty nor Oaths were sufficient in a witness, but only wealth. For though he were as honest as Scipio Nasica, in whose house the mother of the Gods, Cyb [...]l [...] the Phrygian Goddess, when she was brought to Rome, was entertained, till a Temple was provided for her; or as N [...]m [...] the founder of the Roman Religion; or as Me [...]ell [...] who, when the Temple of Miker [...]a was on fire, r [...]n in though to the loss of his own fight and brought out her statue, the Pulladium, which was kept there a yet so great honesty, whiles but ho­nesty, would not serve. Besides, though one should swear by all the Gods either of the B [...]ba­rians or Romans, it were all one. For th [...] the margin of one manuscript does expound the intent of Sam [...]sb [...]am a [...]as, taking them pro q [...]ib [...]scunque barbaris [...] according to which interpretation it should be a Syneed [...]che of one particular for the ge­neral. But the accurate Mac [...]obi [...]s discussing this last point, what the Sam [...]thr [...]cian Gods were, makes them Proper to the Romans and the same with Pe­nates and Magni [...]ii; and though some held them to be Apollo and Neptune, he after cutio [...]s search affirms them to be Jupiter, Juno and Minerva: and makes Vesta also either to have been of their num­ber, or without doubt their companion. He shews also out of Varro, that they were brought by D [...] ­dan [...]s out of Sam [...]h [...]raci [...], an Iland in the Aegaean Sea, into [...]ygi [...], and by Aene [...] from Troy into Italy, and that by Virgil they are called Di [...] Patri [...]. Which being so clear from the learned Macr [...]bius, we need not repeat the p [...]tty varieties and errors of some Interpreters: only we may add, that some with more convenien [...]y then others, by No­stror [...]m ar [...]s would understand Mars and Romulus; which I believe to be a part of truth, yet an im­perfect one in respect of this place, the intire sense whereof I take to be brei [...]ly this. Be a man here at Rome never so honest and brought for a wit­ness, yet if he be hot rich, he shall not be believ'd, though he swears both by the Gods of our Ance­stors the Tro [...]ns, brought from Samothracia into Phrygia and thence by Aeneas into Italy, as also by all those other Gods, which in the many ages since Aeneas his time we have added to them, and which we may therefore rightly call, not the Sam [...]hra­cian Gods or the Gods of our Ancesters, but more properly Our Own. Which sense, methinks, re­lishes of some sharpness against the multitude of the Roman Gods; which argument he far [...]er and vehemently prosecutes, Sa [...]. 13.

20. —Let him not here claim A fea [...] on the Knights cushion'd bench—. De p [...]l [...]n [...] surga [...] Eque­stri [...]. There were distinct sea [...]s in the Theater for the Roman Knights and the People; the first were called Equestria, mention [...] that of Senec [...] [...] Be [...]f. [...]b. 7. cap. 12. Equestria omn [...]um Equi [...]um Ro­ma [...]or [...]m su [...] [...] the last were called P [...]p [...]a. So Sue [...]on in Domitian; Omne [...]enus return [...], [...]ar­sit, & quia pa [...] major inter popular [...]a decider a [...], quin­quagenas [...]essa [...]as in [...]ingulos cuneos Equestris at Senato [...]ii ordinis pronun [...]i [...]v [...]t; as Marcell [...] Donatus notes on Sueton's Augustus, cap. 4 [...], p. 401. Now whereas this difference was almost wot [...] out, Domi [...]an in contempt of the people [...]enew'd this distinction, which had been brought in by a Law made by Lu­cius Roscius Otho Tribune, of the People; and for the pre [...]ing of which difference there were in Domiti [...]'s [...] Overseers in the Theater. Such a one was Lecti [...]s mentioned by Mar [...]ial. lib. 4. in that epigramm of Ch [...]restra [...]us, Qu [...]aringenta tibi no [...] sunt Ch [...]res [...], s [...]rge, Lec [...] e [...]ce [...]enit.—.

21. Son [...] of some Catch fis [...] or chei [...] Fencer. [...]in­ni [...]apus (notwithstanding other opinions) signi­fies here according to Bri [...]a [...]us, Turnebus and the most, the Re [...]arius d [...]scrib'd [...] Sa [...]. 2. Illustr [...]t. 2 [...]. who has [...]er [...] this name bestowed on him from his catching with his n [...]t his adversaries he [...]me [...], where­on was pa [...]ed a fish. In the [...]eyer [...]ty of the most li [...]eral expression the word [...] [...]apus may be rendred, a finne [...]a [...]cher. Some tell us, that the Retiarius wore a feather in his Orest; and so it might be render'd a Catch- [...]: but I think the first interpretation the more, accurate. L [...]a which is here added, signifies one, who tram'd up sword prayers in the art of fencing, and t [...]e [...] [Page 54]hir'd them out. The name, as some think, comes à laniandis hominibus, from his Art of killing men: which we may take rather for truth then phansie, if we consider the inhuman practice of those times. Britamicus illustrates it also from that of Sueton in his Caesar, Tyrones neque in ludo, neque per lanistas, sed in domibus per Equites Romanos a [...] etiam Sena [...]o [...]es armorum peri [...]or erudieb [...]t. The Poet's intent then is, that poor yet worthy men were excluded from the chief seats, but rich ones were admitted, though their fathers were of the vilest sort of peo­ple; so that knighted Wealth, not Vertue, was respected.

22. When asks an Aedile Their advise? Even a mean Magistrate scorns to consult with a poor man, though never so wise. Wherefore, says he, the poor should indeed long e're this have made one departure more from proud Rome, and have left it desolate, as once they did; though they suf­fer'd themselves to be perswaded back again by Menenius Agrippa. He indeed wittily expressing the quarrel between the Nobility and People by the fable of the Parts of the Body quarrelling with the belly for devouring all, till by withdrawing their aid to fill the belly, not only that, but all the other parts were like to perish, won them to a reconciliation, which was made by creating Tribunes of the People to defend them from the insolency of the Rich.

23. Though he Well lik'd it, that by sodain change did see The Marsians and Sabellians thrifty [...]ood. Some Interpreters undestand this generally, that he who shall be sodainly taken from the Roman plenty and wantonness, and be but practiced to the more homely fare and thrift of the Marsians or Sabellians, will well like an earthen dish. Which, though a good sense seems not to be the sense of this place; for then it had been proper and as casy to have expressed it by the future tense, nega [...]is: but the generalitie of copies having negavit, in the time past, it does more aptly implie story. Wherefore I think the old ex­position to be best, according to which it is understood of C [...]rius Dentatus, who used such simplicitie of earthen vessels, when the enemies brought him gold; saying, he had rather eat in vessels of earth, and be Lord of such as eat in vessels of gold: besides making war against these people, be became as famous by victory, as before by Thrift. Some few understand here P. Cornelius Scip [...]; but the variety of the instance varies not the manner of the interpretation.

24. The course Venetian hood. There were diverse people called Veneti, as Ortelius shews in his Thesaur. Geograph, there being of that name in France, others in Italy: which latter are here in fittest probabilitie to be understood, that so more su [...]eably may be laid together homely and innocent Italians, such as the Marsians, Sabelli­ans and the Veneti. Where we may note, that al­though Venice, which now flourishes, were not built till the year of our Lord, 429. yet the whole pro­vince, which belongs to it, was long before that called Veneti [...], as amongst others Machi [...]vel notes in his [...]lore [...]ine History, lib. 1. and as the Scholiast implies in his annotation on this place, saying that these were course hoods, such as the Perusini wore, vel a colore out provinci [...] Venetos; whose name by a little change was made from the Haneti, who are said to have come thither to inhabite after the de­struction of Troy. We may farther take notice of what A [...]tu [...]nnus says on this place, Venetum carule [...] temperate Alexandrid reperit: whence we may collect, that though this kind, of hood was not for the in­vention of the colour called the Venetian hood, ye [...] that it was so call [...]d for the frequent use of it in that part of Italy. The colour is by Britannicus cal­led bla [...]us, which is a blew; by others it is common­ly render'd by caerule [...]s; and so is taken for skie-colour, or Sea colour: of which see Sat. 11. Illustrat. 16. The hood it self, though a course one, was worn not only by the meaner, but also the better sort [...] which custome is partly touch'd by Columella, lib. 2. cap. 8. who advises Masters to provide hoods for their familie against rain and cold. Julius Capi [...]oli­nus, in his Pertina [...], mentions tuculli Bardiaci (or, as some read, Bardaici) which, it seems, the French Bardes did anciently use; and thence it is, as Mar­c [...]llus D [...]natus (on Jul. Capitolin. in Pertin.) thinks, that Poets in latter times were painted with hoods, as, according to his instances, Petrach and Dan [...]e: but I leave his opinion to the Reader's Judgment.

25. Not any, till they're dead, weare Gowns. The Roman Gown was a garment without sleeves, of a semicircular form, different in largness ac­cording to mens wealth or povertie, though the just size of it were six ells, according to that of Horace, Epod. 4. Videsne sacram metiente [...] viam, cum bis ter ulnarum toga. In the time of the ancient Commonwealth they wore it down to the shoo [...], as the Graecians, did the pal­lium; as Aldus Manutius, de Quaesitis per Epistol. lib. 3. Epist. 1. shews cut of Quintilian. Lubin on this place render's it a mantle; the form of it R [...] ­sinus sets out, Antiquit. Roman. lib. 5. cap. 32. The colour of it is said to have been white; yet we may not forget what Pancirollus an exquisite obser­ver tells us concerning this, lib. 1. Tit. 43. Toga [...] communiter portabant caruleam an [...] alterius coloris: nunquam vero atram vel pullam; nisi in funeribus? Abam, autem tum imprimis, cum ad spectacula acce­derent; qu [...] colore & Senatores [...]ebantur. Ʋnde & Ordo C [...]ndid [...]tus dicitur. Ru [...]gerfius also; as is shew'd, Illustrat. 9. of this Satyre, ventures upon a conjecture of Livery-gowns voluntarily, though flatteringly, worn by Clients: which being for distin­ction of attendance and Patrons, argues some liber­tie and variety of colours. Under this they wore a short garment, the tunica or coat. By this then it appears that the Gown a garment of such largeness was indeed a burthen, and more for Solemnitie then other use. Wherefore the S [...]cii or Confede­rates of the Romans in diverse parts of Italie living plainly and without pomp did all their life forbear the use of it; yet when dead, they were carried to their funerals in the solemnity of the Gown, as Manutius shews in the place before cited. Who also thinks that the [...]oga was a garment, which was worn only in Publick, but that their usual domestick garment was the L [...]cern [...], which, as he says, was black. Yet, if he took this to be the only colour of the l [...]ce [...], he erred; our Poet mentioning Tyrias l [...]er [...]s (purple) Sat. 1. and likewise a [...]rata lacerna, Sat, 10. Martial also makes the Lacernae Betiea to speak thus, Non est lana mihi mendax; nec m [...]tor aheno: Sic p [...]ceant Tyriae, me me a tin [...]it ovis; implying that some were of the natural colour of the wooll; of the Betick wooll, which was, as Britan [...]icus thinks, ru­tilous, of a bright of fiery colour. The form of the Orator's Gown i [...] thus by Rubenius (in his Elect.) set forth from an ancient Monument [...] though con­cerning some father expression of a Closing of the Roman Gown upon the shoulder, see Per­sius, Sat. 5. Illust. 2.

26. When the known Parting-song Returns unto their stages—. They had yearly shews, as Trage­dies or Comedies: at the end of which, it was the Custome, as the Poet here implies, to have a con­cluding Song at the People's departure or Going forth of the Theater, and therefore called Exodi­um, after the nature of a jigge after a play, the more cheerfully to dismiss the spectators. Where it may be observ'd that the Scholiast and after him others would have the Exodium to be proper in a sort only to Tragedies, to put the hea­viness out of the Spectators minds; yet Pollux makes it belong to Comedies: which uncertainty may make it probable that it was used at both.

27. At the sight of a pale gaping Actour. Personae pallentis hiatum. At the A [...]ellan plays they did anciently bring in terri­ble, or rather ridiculous goblins with great jaws, and gnashing their teeth. Manducus is taken for such a one in Plau­tus, and signifies the same with [...], & so they feign'd Lamia to be a de­vourer of children: and therefore Pompo­nius an A [...]ellan Poet entitled an Ex [...]dium which he made, Python Gorgoneus; the Gorgons also being painted with great teeth. See Joseph. Scaliger on Varro de Lin­guae Latina, lib. 6. p. 150. & 151. & Pignorius de Servis, p. 99. aptly thus presenting this from an ancient brazen expression by him applied to this passage of Juvenal. *

28. —No [...] the First seats more gay. Orchestra (from [...], to dance) was properly the place where the Players usually danced: but here figuratively it signifies the seats next the stage. Of this see Marcellus Donatus more largely, on Sueton's Caesar. cap. 76. p. 265. It was the place in the Theater, where the Senators sate at Shews, as Vitruvius tells us, lib. 5. cap. 6.

29. —But a white Coat. In Municipal Towns, [Page 56]only the Aediles, to whom belong'd the oversight of the Plays, wore a White coat; whereas at Rome the people used it at their publick Shews, as ap­pears by that of Martial, Et plebs & minor ordo maxi­musque Sancto cum duce candidus sederer. Thus Bri­tannicus on this place; yet we must farther remem­ber, that in places out of Rome, as the Poet says, the Aediles wore only a Coat.

30. —Another trimms his page, Inrich'd with their fine caks. Crinem hic deponit amati, Plena domus libis venalibus. The Poet here shews the misery of poor clients, who [...]o continue their Patrons favour are forced to take all flattering courses in their se­veral professions; as to barb their Patron's ser­vants of riper age, and, if he had any younger and wanton attendant, to trimme his locks; or rather, when his hair was cut-off and dedicated to some God (which time was accounted Festival) they were glad to send bribing-cakes, as presents to the young favorite, which being many and costly he sold again (as men over-fill'd with New year's guifts) and so grew rich. This is the most receiv­ed interpretation, as implying the fond custome in the dedication of their Hair and First Beard, as also the Offring it self in a manner holy; Liba pro­perly, as Britannicus notes, being offrings to the Gods. Concerning the Custome of offring their first beard to some God, Sueton mentions it of Nero: whose beard being cut-off was put in a box, and be­ing adorn'd with pearls was dedicated. Of the Dedication likewise of their Hair, Martial speaks, lib. 1. epig. 31. in those words, Hos tibi Phoebe vo­vet totos à vertice crines Encolpus Domini Centurionis opus. But we must take notice that some latter cri­ticks do according to some copies read here, Plena domus libris venalibus, understanding it of a custome in Great mens houses to keep books containing a vain-glorious catalogue of all their clients: which books say they (among whom is Pignorius) were sold unto Great mens Clients at dear rates. For the first of which, that they had such books, I grant that Seneca, de Benef. lib. 6. cap. 33. (cited by Pignorius, de Servis, p. 218.) implies it: but as for the copying of them out for sale, and so for any great gain, it seems but a supposition: the use of these books being not for the clients, but for the Patrons, or rather for their Nomenclator, or Prompter, who readily was to tell them the name of any client that came to salute them; as Lipsius shews on that passage of Seneca. Wherefore we may probably suspect those few manuscripts, which have this last Reading, as being but ignorantly transcribed, and the occasion of more phansie, then truth. Besides methinks that if these Criticks had but observed the connexion of the Poets discourse, they could not easily have interjected this imper­tinent argument. For with what proprietie should the Poet have immediately added, accipe, & illud Fermentum tibi habe, (take also this Leaven with you,) if he had not spoken of Liba before? What proprietie of inference from Libri to Fermentum! But having spoken of dainty cakes, which are usu­ally made light and easy of digestion, to shew not­withstanding, if they were truly consider'd, that they were heavy to a poor client, what could more naturally and aptly be said, then that these cakes though fine did notwithstanding not want their leaven, which might justly make a poor client Swell with anger at the charge. Where it may be observ'd that the Poet (in the person of Ʋmbritius) bids the client, though he gives away his cake, yet to keep the Leaven to himself; fermentum tibi habe, says he; implying that the rich favourite had the guift, and the poor client the greif.

31. And Barb'rous mice gnaw'd Poems though Divine. Et divina Opici rodebant carmina mures. The Poet proceeding to describe the misery of the poorer sort, shews that they were forced to hire the cock-losts of mean mens houses, to which they usually ascended by a ladder, according to that of Martial. lib. 1. epig. 117. Et scalis habito tri­bus; sed altis, and there dwelt in a place next the slats, fitter for pigeons then men, and which if a fire happen'd below, was unhappily ready for in­stant ruine (yet even in a storme without all fear of drowning) Orbilius the rigid School-master, as Sueton describes him, had such a habitation in his old age; and here Codrus a poor Poet, by Juvenal call'd raucus, Sat. I. seems to be dressed in the like povertie, as may appear by the small furni­ture of his house, in which he had yet forsooth a statue or two; particularly one of Cheiron, which underpropp'd his table. Yet some would here understand the Works of Cheiron, who was Physi­tian to the Argonautick fleet; and that poor Codrus not thriving by his Poetrie turn'd Physitian. But this last they speak without proof; and the Poet seems only to imply that this Codrus was not ac­commodated either with the ordinary ornaments of a house, or with so much, as a convenient place for his few books; which, it seems, were so cours­ly layd-up, that the mice gnaw'd them. Concern­ing the explication of which last and cheif passage we may know, that some would have Opici come from Ops, (terra) and so it should signifie earth­ly or base mice; others rather from [...], which, say they, signifies to imitate the noise of mice when they gnaw, and so it might nibbling mice. Which interpretations are recited in the manuscript commentary, and the last is perferr'd; and so in the margin of one manuscript, opici is expounded by rosores: which is a tautologie, being but to say, rosores rodebant. The Scholiast brings it from [...], but makes it to signify those that speak unskilfully, or, according to others, those that have an unplea­sant [...]ce. Mancinellus an ancient Interpreter of Juve [...]al (and since him others) deriv'd it from [...], c [...]verna, or foramen: which we may grant to be an ingenious conjecture, according to which it might be rendred, lurking mice. Some take Opicus for one that is ignorant of the Greek language, and prove it from Agellius, lib. 11. cap. 16. where he says, Per [...]unctant [...] cuipiam, qui literarum & vocum Graecarum expers fuit, cujusnam liber & quâ de re scrip­tus esset, adds, tunc ille opicus verbis meis inchoatis & inconditis adductus: and that this should be the sense, they the rather think, because he speaks of Greek books, which Codrus had, and which are here said to be gnaw'd, Yet Brita [...]jcus, though he alleges this, thinks that opicus signifies one ig­norant of the Latin, and so expounds Opici by Ru­des & barbari, nec qui Latine sciant. But the word and sense he draws from Opici a People of Campa­nia, the same with the Osci a rude people, of whom that of Titinius an old Poet is spoken, Osce & Volsce fabulantur, nam Latine nesciunt. Which derivation is very agreeable to the sense of this place. But whereas some out of Agellius would have it signifie one ignorant in the Greek, we may admit that it signifies so there, yet only by accident, and that in the like manner it may signifie one ignorant in the Latin; but properly it signifies one ignorant or rude in Speech, and of the two in This place ra­ther rude in the Latin, then in the Greek. And [Page 57]this way of interpretation will most aptly agree with the sense of this passage, and likewise shew why we receive not the derivation frem [...], fora­men. For first it were but an impertinent epithet in this place, to say Lurking mice gnaw'd Divine Poems, without any sharpness of opposition; and secondly the word being used again by Juvenal is of a far different signification. For when he says in the sixt Satyre, — atque opicae castigat amicae Ver­ba—, he intends, according to the receiv'd expo­sition of that place, that a proud Roman dame re­prehends her she-friend (though but less skilful) as one Rude of Speech, particularly there of the Roman Speech. Whence it may be inferr'd, seing that in Agellius one ignorant of the Greek and in Juvenal one ignorant of the Latin is reprehended by the same word Opicus, that the word generally implies one Rude in Speech. And in this sense it is expounded by Britannicus, who renders Opici by Rudes & Barbari; nor had he erred, had he not straitned the sense to an Imperfection or Rudeness in One only language. The Poet then says Ironi­cally, that the Poems, which were gnaw'd were Divine, that is here, most Eloquent, and the mice that gnaw'd them were most Barbarous.

32. Which once graced the Phacasian Gods. The Poet in this next place shews the contrary condition of the Rich, by the grief and help that was afforded them, if any distress, as sodain fire or the like, befel them: for then were the Law­days stay'd as in a publick mourning, and other rich ones instantly furnish'd them not only with necessaries, but even with ornaments. The rea­son of which flatteries, notwithstanding the loss of their houses and moveables, we may ghuess to have been the greatness of their estate in land and their want of children. In the description of the ornaments sent unto them the Poet mentions the pictures and statues of the Gods of other nations, from whose Temples they were brought as spoils by the conquering Romans, and employed in the adorning of their stately houses. But in the ex­plication of this point there is some variety; one copie, alleged by Lubin, having here Hic Asiano­rum, in effect agreeable with Pithaus his manu­script, wherein it was Hac Asianorum: which Read­ing is preferr'd by Lipsius upon Seneca, de Benefi­ciis, lib. 7. cap. 22. the intent being, that the Romans brought their spoils from the Asiatick Tem­ples. Yet the Reading now generally here re­ceiv'd and taken notice of by Pithaeus also, is, ac­cording to the truest writing, Phacasianorum. But both Readings being warranted by copie, though I approve the last as best, it seems but equitie to allege the motive of my choise. It may be ob­serv'd then, that the Poet mentioning those things, which were sent to the Rich ones in their distress, reckons-up Peices perform'd by Euphranor an ex­cellent Painter and by Polyclete a curious statuary, both Athenians. Now because the Dii Phaecasiani were Athenian Gods (though Alexandrian also, as some say) this verse is a fit exposition of the for­mer, shewing with good coherence, that their Guifts were not from the Asiatick conquests, but from the Graecian, as most congruously appears by the Workmen and the Gods, both Athenian and so both Grecian. Now for the name, Phaecasiani, it is from the shooes call'd Phacasia, with which their Gods were pictur'd: their Priests likewise were thus dress'd; and Appian. de Bello Civili, lib. 5. speaking of M. Antonie, says that he wore white shooes, such as the Priests of the Athenians and Alexandrians use. We may only add, that these shooes were remarkable rather for the persons that wore them, then for their valew; the price of a pair mention'd by Seneca, de Beneficiis, lib. 7. cap. 21. being but three denarii, or, two and twenty pence half-penny: which is agreeable to Hesychius, who calls the Phaecasium, a Country-shooe.

33. Silver, almost a peck. Modium argenti. Mo­dius is commonly render'd a bushel; but by the learned it is as commonly acknowleg'd to be an error: though what it is, may seem as hard, as it is useful, to be determined. But not to vex the Reader insteed of informing him, we need not dis­cusse the doubt from the learned and large discour­ses of Georgius Agricola, Budaus, or Mariana, who have with singular diligence tried the ancient measures: but with a more speedy, success we may positively be instructed by our last Translators of the Bible; who on Mat. 5.15. upon the word Bushel in the text, [...] in the original, say in the margin, that The word in the Original signifies a measure containing about a pint less then a peck. The peck then con­taining sixteen pints, and the modius as much, wanting but about one such sixteenth part, I ren­der it in the nearest generalitie of expression, almost a peck.

34. This Childless Persian. Some would have Persicus here to signifie a Perstan, and so they think that Arturius a little before spoken against was a Persian, and that as a stranger grown rich by base courses he is pointed at by the Poet. Others take it for the proper name of some rich and flat­ter'd Roman: indeed it is the name of Juvenal's friend to whom he writes his 11. Satyre, as ap­pears from the 57th. verse of it. Seneca likewise de Beneficiis, lib. 4. cap. 30. mentions Fabius Persi­cus; on which place Lipsius alleges that of Juvenal, Sat. 8. v. 14. Natus in Herculeo Fabius lare: which Fabius he makes to be him, of whom Seneca speaks. Yet I think that this acception of the word ought not to take place here, but that it only expresses Arturius by his Country, and so shews with con­gruity the success of his devise. I approve there­fore the first opinion, which is the opinion also of the Scholiast, who expressing his reason says this, Persicum, quasi divites posuit: eo quod Persae divi­tes. I will only add, that if I would venter upon conjecture, I might say it is a name purposely here used by Juvenal to signifie a witty fellow, that was able to put such a trick upon the covetous and cunning Romans, as by firing his own house, to get more then he lost. For Varro de Linguâ Lat. lib. 16. p. 82. says, Perficus a perito. Itaque sub hoc glossema Callidè subscribunt. Upon which passage of Varro, the accurate Antonius Augustinus in his Emen­dations, p. 46. (according to Scaliger's Edition) places this note, Persicus fortasse scribendum ex Sext. Pompeio, qui per acatum interpretatur; & baec Naevii verba refert, Et qui fucrit Perficus, carpenti adest ra­tio. So that Persicus may thus signifie as much as peritus, callidus and acutus, a cunning fellow; nor may the word, though seeming obsolete, be any hindrance, seeing that Juvenal but a little before, did for his purpose use the word Opicus, which strictly was not of much use: yet I propose this only in a libertie of conjecture.

35. The Circus. It may suffice in this place only by the way to take notice, that the Circus was a large place in Rome incompass'd with seats, where pompous Shews, as running with Chariots and the [Page 58]like, were with wonderful delight presented to the People. The description whereof may more conveniently be referred to Sat. 6. Illustrat. 71. and Sat. 11.

36. Clausâ lectica senestra. Of the Lectica carried by six (called Hexaphorum) or by eight (octopho­rum) permitted but to certain persons, see Mar­cellus Donatus on Sueton's Augustus, cap. 76. and Lip­sius, Elect. 1. p. 105.

37. A souldier leaves his boot-nail in my hand. He implies the rude thronging of some on foot, some on horse-back, as they strive to pass the streets. For this must be suppos'd, to understand these misera­ble and continual vexations. Of the souldier's Ca­liga and clavus, (the boot-nail, not the rowel of the spur, which was called stimulus) see upon more fit occasion the last Satyre, Illustrat. 3.

38. With what a smoak we celebrate our Doal? He shews the custome of the Romans, which, for their attendance on their Patrons, receiving at night the Sportula or Coena recta, had fire-pans (or chaf­ing dishes) placed in their baskets, which were speedily carried home by their Servants, (that the meat might not grow cold) though sometimes the burden of such trumperie was able to weary even Corbulo, one of great strength and stature. This trouble about the Sportula is mention'd by Seneca to Lucilius; but is to be understood, not as Sportula is sometimes taken, for centum quadrantes, but as for coena recta. And here it may be observed, that though the Poet says, centum convivae, he does not intend that they all supped with their sportulae toge­ther, as the word convivae might seem to implie; for the Poet implies afterwards that they departed to their houses with their sportulae, as Pignorius also observes (de Servis, p. 106.): but it shews that many came to the same Great man for such Doal. Wherefore we may take notice here, to prevent error, that [...] in Athenaeus (lib. 8.) is taken in a sense far different from this. For as Roberius Tuius, Locor. Controvers. lib. 8. cap. 20. shews out of Athenaeus, there were two kinds of feasts or meetings upon agreement; the one [...], when diverse gave their rings or other pledges, to make a meeting or feast, and so paid though they came not, or though too late; the other, [...], when every one brought his provision in kind. Concerning which distinction see Suidas de Brumalibus: but this of Juvenal is diffe­rent from both these, though by some it might have been mistaken for the latter of the two. Of Chasing dishes see Seneca epist. 85. and Casaubon, (out of Aristophanes) in his Athenaean Animadversions, lib. 1. cap. 6. And to prevent mistake, we may fur­ther know, that the Sportula being a little basket, was not a pannier containing meat for a hundred Clients, but being provision brought out by lesser portions successively to the great man's Gate, was by degrees distributed, and the Clients accord­ingly dismiss'd: and took the name from the small baskets, in which the Clients servants usually re­ceiv'd it. See, Sat. 1. Illustrat. 36.

39. The oil'd Cleansers sound. —Domus—sonat un­ctis Strigilibus. He shews the trimness and diligence of servants at home preparing for their master a­gainst his comming home, all things fit for his bathing before supper as the cleansers and napkins handsomly folded (not foul ones already used): but though the master return, the servant that is expected with the supper from the rich! Patron, is sometimes unexpected and unhappily slain by carts in the street. The strigil was an instrument of Iron, says Brita [...]nicus; wherewith in the Bathes they scrap'd-off the sweat from their bodies, and called it so à stringendo, 1. radendo, and therefore he thinks that they were oil'd, that they might be the more gentle: which Sueton scorn [...]s to implie, whiles he notes of Octavius, that he hurt his body with the too much use of the strigil. Yet we may farther observe with Du Choul (des Baines & Anti­ques Exercitations, sol. 3.) that there was great difference in their matter according to the delicacy of some rich ones; diverse making them of brass, silver, gold, ebony; others more tender using sp [...]a­ges not only white, but some died in scarlet: though I believe that the common sort was of Metal, as may seem to be implied here by Juvenal, in the word sonat. The form of the strigil is thus present­ed by Fortunatus Scacchus in his Myr [...]thecium, lib. 1. cap. 35. (as also in effect by Piguorius de Servis, p. 46.) *

And here it will not be unpleasant to remember concerning the strigil, what Plutarch (de vitio Pud.) tells of Theocritus: who being in a Bath, where two fellows desir'd to bor­row his strigil or Cleanser of him, the one of which was a stranger, the other a noted theif, answer'd the first thus, I will not lend it you, because I do not know you; and the second thus, I will not lend it you, because I do know you.

40. The Oile-horn. Guttus. It was so called from Gutta, because the oile leasurely dropp'd out. It may be observ'd, that there was also a vessel of the same name mention'd by Varr [...], used for wine, and in their sacrifices, and called so for the like reason, the manner of dropping forth. The guttus is from Antiquity thus fashion'd. [Page 59]

41. The farthing for the ferry-man. Trien­tem. The Poet here implies the vain opinion of the Heathen, who held that if a body lay unburied, the Soul remain'd on the bank of A­cheron, and might not be permitted by Charon to pass over till it had wandred an hundred years between Heaven and Earth, as Virgil implies, Aeneid. 6. They beleiv'd likewise that they which were to pass, were to have their ferry-mony in their mouths: for which cause the Athenians were wont to put such mony into the mouths of the dead. Now the Poet seems to implie, that he which is here said to be kill'd, could not have passage, because the person was so crushed, that the mony could not be disposed of according to the custome; or because, as some and, the servants cruel master would not bestow upon him so much as the ferry-man's pay, though but a triens, or farthing, it being but the third part of As (so called from Aes, the least brasen coin) which was ob. qa. as is shew'd, Sat. 1. Illustrat. 36.

42. If he fight With no body. He expresses the disorders of the City; and thus Sueton particularly relates of Otho, that he used to walk by night, to beat those that he met, and with his companions spreading his Sagum or souldi­er's cloak, to toss men up with it. The like night-wandrings are reported of Nero, who would sometimes cast those that he met, into the common jakes.

43. And cut leeks. Sectile porrum. The Au­thors of some of the manuscript annotations ex­pound sectile by Great, because, say they, it was big enough to be cut into many peices; or because, say others, this implies a niggard­liness in the owner, in spending but a peice of it at a time. But without such niceness, better is Britannicus his observation out of P [...]y, lib. 29. cap. 6. who divides porrum in­to sectile and capitatum, according to the dif­ferent ordering of leeks in the garden: one so [...] being let to run to a head, the other being [...]ually cut for the service of the kit­chin. [...] like manner there seems to be no special matt [...] intended in the word verve­cis, when the [...]et speaks of a sheep's head, though there is [...] apparent Ironie in labra for caput. But Autu [...]s his exposition here is somewhat different, who makes Cujus con­che [...]umes? to signifie Cuj [...] favore [...]umes? as thinking the poor man here [...]erided, as be­ing grown proud, for having sup [...]ed, though but basely, with his Patron. But the drun­ken gallant here mention'd, asking th [...] poor man what coblers were with him [...] the great cheer, seems to implie that it [...]as the entertainment, which one poor man be­stow'd upon another, and seems to flout ra­ther at their misery, then their pride.

44. At what Temple door May a man find you begging? The Romans had son houses of sacred use distinct names, as Templum, Ae­des, Phanum, and Proseucha, which last though we render, by the most known word a Tem­ple, yet we may strictly call it an Orato­ry, from [...], to Pray. Which kind of places the Scholiast says were proper to the Jews, but others prove them to have belong'd also to the Romans: which seems the more probable, it being incongruous, that the poor Romans should beg at the Oratories of the Jews, who are throughout our Poet de­scrib'd generally as very poor; or that they should beg rather of Jews then Romans, cha­rity being commonly extended only to persons of a like devotion.

45. And bind thee o're to answer't. Vadimo­nia — faciunt. This expression is in effect as sute­able to the Romans, as to us, though the man­ner and season of the appearance be not the same, yet among them he that committed a misdemeanor was compelled to put in Surety, that he would answer the accuser: and this was called vadimonium, from vadere; because as some have it, the surety did vadere in discrimen, go into danger for another, or, as some, because after the Surety was put-in, the partie bound to appear might go at libertie till the Hear­ing.

46. —When the Pontine Moore, And Gallina­rian Pines. Aet Pontina palus & Gallinaria Pi­nus. The Pontine fen and the Gallinarian Wood of pine-trees were places in Campania notori­ous for robberies, mention'd by Strabo and Sue­ton. Jovianus Pontanus, lib. 2. de Magnificentiâ, and since him Lubin says, that Julius Caesar layd­drie this moore: but Marcellus Donatus, p. 239. on Sueton's Caesar, cap. 44. did heretofore note, that Caesar only intended it, being prevented in the performance by death; but that it was af­terwards perform'd by Trajan. Strabo says, that it was called Pontina palus from a City called Pontia; and Pliny tells us, (lib. 3 cap. 5.) that anciently there were 23. Cities about it.

47. And the Sun grows low. Aet Sol inclinat. [Page 60]Our Poet not mentioning at what time of the day his friend Ʋmbritius began to speak to him, con­cludes more warily then the Poet Nemesianus (by birth a Carthaginian, flourishing at Rome in the time of Dioclesian) who in his Bucolicks, Eclog. 1. bringing-in Timet [...]s and Tityrus talking together i [...] the Morrning, whiles, as Timet [...]s there says. Et ros & primi suadet clementia Solis, does aft [...] a few verses interchang'd, (which could [...]ot take-up the fourth part of an hour, as Hug [...]us Martellius on that place, Annot. 1. sharp [...] o [...]erves) make Tityrus conclude after this [...]ma [...]er, Sed jam Sol demitti [...] equos de culmine [...], Flumineos suadens gregibus praebere liquores

48. Helvinian [...]. Me quoque ad Helvinam Cererem. Some [...]ad, as Britannicus says, Me quo­que Eleusina [...] [...]ererem, making Ceres to be so cal­led from [...]er Temple which she had at Eleusis, (betw [...] Athens and Megara) whence by Virgil (in [...]is Georgicks) she is called Eleusina mater. B [...] this epither seems not so proper here; it being no such apt expression to say, Call me to Eleusian Ceres near Aquinum. Scoppa and Brodaus take Helvinam for a title given to Ceres from the colour of ripe corn (of which she was the God­dess) and to signifie yellow. Yet methinks to express so common a notion so obscurely were a choise of words as far from Art, as from Necessi­tie. Some deri [...] the word ab eluendo, making it to signifie [...]urifying Ceres, because they that were initiated [...]n Her Rites, were Wash'd, or Purified. Whi [...] opinion seems very apt and may be includ­ [...] in that which follows. For some think her so called from a Fountain nere Aquinum, called Hel­vinus fons, which as Ortelius relates (in his The­saur. Geograph.) is now called Elvino, by which, as Scoppa acknowledges, there are still the ruins of Temples which are thought to have belong'd to Ceres and Diana; and this opinion Britannicus also mentions. And this I think to be most agreeable to the intent of Ʋmbritius, who bids his friend Juvenal call him from Cumae to Aquinum, unto His Ceres and His Diana; seeming to design by Helvinam and Vestram as well the Place, as the Deities.

49. A Booted aid [...]le come. Caligatus. Caliga was properly the souldier's Boot; and Aquinum (Juvenal's Country, was by reason of the wa­ters there, a place of a cold air: upon which occasion Ʋmbritius tells Juvenal, that if he will admit him as an Helper, he will come to his cold Aquinum well booted like a souldier a­gainst the injurle of weather, and if Fear chill his courage to proceed in Satyre, he will assist him like a prepar'd souldier, that dares go on in his attempts.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Fourth Satyre.

1.WHat it's then In Long Arch't Walks. Quantis ju­menta fatiget Porticibus. The more wealthy Romans had anciently stately Walks both for Fair and for Rainy Wea­ther; the first in the shade of Trees and sometimes more particularly planted with Box or Rosemary, as Pliny implies in an Epistle to Gallus; the second under magnificent roofs born upon pillars, where they might enjoy the air, yet escape the rain: and in these they were sometimes carried in their coaches, as for the likeness of the use we may call them, sometimes in their Chairs on mens shoul­ders; and sometimes for health or pleasure they walk'd on foot. For which several respects these places were call'd Gestationes, Viridaria, Deambula­tiones and Porticus; which last signifies sometimes Ʋpper Galleries, but in this place Walks somewhat like cloisters, and of great extent. In these they us'd a set number of Paces, as Plutarch (in Cicerone) reports of Tullie. Which use may appear from this Ancient Inscription in Pignorius (de Servis, p. 141.) by which they knew when they had been carried, or walked a Mise.

IN HOC POMARIO GESTATIONIS PER CIRCUITUM ITUM ET REDITUM QUIN QUIENS EFFICIT PASSUS MILLE

The cover'd Walks Juvenal mentions again, Sa­tyre, 7. in that passage, —Et pluris porticus in quo Gestetur Dominus—: which large places of recrea­tion were but sutable to their other magnificence; their Houses being for Largness like Cities, as Se­neca shews, epist. 90. and 114. so that, according to several seasons, they would sometimes use One part of their houses, sometimes another. In these were their Cunationes, Vestibula, Atria, Peristylia, Bi­bliotheca, Pinacotheca Basilica and such structures, according to the state of Publick Works.

2. Nigh the Forum. Jugera quot vicina foro. The Forum signified among the Romans their Market-places and their Law-Courts, being deriv'd as Var­ro says, à frerendo; because to those several places were Brought Wares & Causes. In the first or com­mon acception, (as in this place) there were Three Fora: the first was call'd the Roman, the Latin, the Old forum; and absolutely Forum; the second was Caesars, call'd afterwards, Palladium, by Domitian; and the third Augustus his. There were in after-times two more added; the one begun by Domitian and finish'd by Nerva; the other built by Trajan. I omit the increase of them, which was to no less then, 19. as Rosinus shews from Onuphrius Panvinius. In this place the Cheif or first, as be­ing absolutely called Forum, seems to be under­stood. And this was situated, to omit the exacter bounds of it, nigh unto Mount Capitoline, and Mount Palatine, in the heart of the City, where was an ample space of ground compassed about with state­ly buildings. Wherefore Britannicus thinking that it looked like an inconvenience, to affirm that One man, though Rich, should have many acres in such a place, thinks that Forum Here signifies Rome it self; and so that hereby may be meant the Rich mens Suburbane Places of delight. He adds, that the Forum signifies so both in Other Authors and in Juvenal himself; Sat. 11. in that passage, Cedere namque foro; where he speaks of Bank-rupts, that lest Rome. Yet by his leave in that place strictly [Page 68]and properly it signifies the Forum, and but by consequence the City. Such debters indeed lest both, and fled [...]o other places, [...]cheifly they left the Forum, aplace of pleasant resorr, like [...]n Exchange or Bur [...]e. BUt methinks he ne [...]ded not have suspected this inconvenience; since he might have thought, that either jugera was used, by a poetical hyperbole, or that such large possessions might have been in many houses there, peradven­ture rented-out to the use of diverse others. For in the first Satyre there is a description of an other Rich one (much like this Crispinus) who though at first he was but a poor stranger (born at Eu­phrates) had even by the Forum five lesser Burses, which yearly yeilded him a Knight's revenue, as the Poet says in those words, —Sed quinque tabernae Quadringenta parent. Besides since Crispinus is here expressed as an example of singular wealth, what great matter had it been, to have said, he had good store of acres, if they had been Without the City, though near unto it; especially if we consi­der what Senecoe says, Epist. 89. where he repre­hends those, that think a man (truly) Rich, quia Suburbani agri tantum possider, quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret; implying that there were some so wealthy. Indeed, though with some un­certainty, Britannicus of his own accord straight adds, Aut revera hortos intelligis, quos ad amoenifates habebant [...]otentiores in onedio fere urbis, & vicinos Fo­ro. The which he might at the first with less am­biguitie and enough safely have deliver'd, and clearly agreeable to that of Seneca alleg'd in the precedent 11. Illustration.

3. —Who did defile But larely a veil'd Vestal. Cum quo nuper Vittata jucebat. Upon this saith the Scho­liast, Ʋltimum Filou [...] Gentis Pa [...]tianum dicit; which, as the exposition of this place, is alleged out of him by Anturnus. But they might have per­nei [...]'d their mistake by that which follows; that not Domitain, but Crispinus is here ta [...]ed, according to that neason given two or three verses after, Nam quod turpe bonis T [...]io Seioque decebat Crispinum—. In­deed Domitian, who is a little after called calvus Nero, is here implicitly tax'd for winking at that fault in his favourite, which he punish'd in ano­ther. Concerning the veil'd Vestal, it may he known, that the vitta, sometimes renderd a coro­net or chaplet, was strictly (from vincta) some special Binding for the Head, rather then a Veil, and a Dress for Preists, Sacrifices, Vestal Virgins and Marrons; and farther, that if the Vestals be­came incontinent, Vivae in parietibus struebantur (as some express it) out terra obruehantur; that they were immur'd alive, or buried alive in the ground; which last, a little more largely to describe the solemnitie, was thus perform'd. At Porta Collina (on the North-East side of old Rome) within the City, as Plutarch describes it, in a roome under ground there was prepar'd a Bed, a burning Light, and (as the cheif parts of food) a little bread, wa­ter and milk. The Vestal was bound alive and layd on a biere, and so carried through the Forum with great Silence and Horror. When they came to the cave, the biece being set down, deposito feretro (not let down into the Vault) and she unbound, the Priest praying somewhat secretly, brought her and sether on a ladder, by which she descended, and presently turning back from her, the ladder being drawn up, they threw-in earth, and fill'd up the Cave's mouth. The reason of which punishment, according to Plutarch in his Problems, was either because they would not honour such an Offendor with Burning, which was the Rite at innocent fu­nerals, she having so ill attended on the holy fire; on because they would not offer violence by for­ced death to a [...]nse [...]rated virgin they thinking that after this manner they suffer'd [...]er to die, as it were, of her own accord.

4. He paid six thousand for a Barbel, which being weigh'd, cost a Sestertium a pound. Mullum sen millibus emit, Aequantem sane paribus sestertia libris. Id est, says Merula, pendentem libras sex pro numero sestertiorum. Nam mille-nummos sestertius valebat. But this last clause is an error in him, and reprehended by B [...]d [...]us for which, see Satyre, 11. Illustrat. 2. Briefly then, Merula should have said, sestertium valebat; which was as much as 1000. sestertii: so that the weight of this Barbel being six pounds, and he paying six thousand sestertios or six sestertia (the sestertium being 7 l. 16 s. 3 d.) this Barbel cost Crispinus, 46 l. 17 s. 6 d. Autumnus on this place says, Asinius Celer septem millibus nummûm mercatus est piscem mullum, Sestertiis octo, ut tradit Macrobius, ad quem videtur alludere poeta. But this being such an error, as Macrobius could not commit (and but Autumnus his own addition, to expound 7000. se­sterties by eight sestertia) against the known va­lews of the Roman Coines, he might more congru­ously have cited him, as Britannicus does, who reads octo millibus nummûm. And so is the story re­lated out of Pliny by Lipsius on Seneca's Epist. 95. An-40. Asinius Celer, in the raign of Caius Caligula, Mullum unum octo millibus nummûm emit: though Johannes Isacius Pontanus on that passage of Macro­bius (Saturnal. 2. cap. 12.) observes that Fran­ciscus Junius likes rather to read there, according to Juvenal, Sex millibus; and then this of our Poet would seem a satyricall allusion to the story of Asi­nius. But as for Barbels they were not dear among the Romans themselves, except only extraordinary ones, Macrobius saying in the place above alleged, At [...]nc & majoris ponderis passion videmus, & precia boec insan [...] nescimus: though, for the weight, Pliny says (lib. 8. cap. 17.) Maxima est copia mullis, si­cut magnitudo modica, ut hic piscis raro duarum libra­rum pondo excedat. So then the Barbel being com­monly but small, and seldome above two pounds in weight, it was the bigness only made the price. How may we then admire that Barbel, which Pliny tells of, lib. 9. cap. 18. in those words, Licinius Mu­tianus prodidit mullum octoginta librarum in Mari Rubro tum; see Marcellus Donatus on Flavius Vopiscus in Aureliano. Which Barbel caught in the Red Sea weighing fourscore pounds (supposing Fliny's copy to be free from corruption) if it met with as frank a Chapman, as Crispinus or Asinius, must have been sold (at a sestertium the pound) for no less of our mony, then 625 l. Apretty price for a Barbel! Then we might justly cry-out with our Poet, Hoc, precio squammae? (Are fish at this rate?) for so some copies have it, not as the common ones, Hoc precium squammae? Is this the price of a fish. And here the reader may observe, that Sestertium in this passage is the price of every pound of the fish, not the weight of a pound, as some would have it: a thousand sestertii, which were Silver-coins, being in value (as is said) 7 l. 16 s. 3 d. (a sestertium) but in weight properly, 2 pound and a half, and the weight of 16 s. 3 d. one pound weight of silver being in value, 3 l.. 2 s. As for Mullus here, which we render a Barbel (not a mullet, which in Latin, is call'd Mugilis) let the learned Hippolitus Salvia­nus a Roman Physitian be, as most [...]kilful in this ar­gument, the firrest judge: who in his Historia A­quatilium [Page 69]Animalium, Histor. 89. says, that mullus is by the Venetians call'd Barbone; and by the French, among other names, Barbels (and Barbon) see Salvianus (fol. 135. and 75.) his large and ex­quisite work in folio (printed at Rome, 1554. and dedicated to the Pope) when he presents the lively forms of the several kinds of Fishes.

5. What our Niggard Apicius. Thus the Poet ironically calls the gluttonous spend-thrist Apicius; of which name there were three, as Lipsius proba­bly shews (on Tacitus his Annal. lib. 4.) the first of which liv'd in the time of the Roman Common-wealth; the second under Augustus, and the third under Trajan. The second was the most famous, and call'd by Pliny, nepotum omnium altissimus gurges; and seems to be here intended, as Lipsius thinks, on Seneca in his Consol. ad Helviam, annotat. 137. and this by the Scholiast is thought to be that Api­cius, who writ the Books of Cookery; for he gives here this note, Author praecipiendarum caenarum, qui scripsit de Juscellis. But I suspect that he mi­stakes; the Authour of that Work (yet extant, a copie of which I have, Printed at Venice, 1503.) making mention (in his Trophetes, or sixt Book) of Jus frigidum Apicianum, which we may most probably think to have been some tast of this most famous Apicius his Palate-art, and so cited by some later Apicius. The end of the notorious Glutton was like his Riot, desperate; for having almost wasted his Estate, to prevent Want he disparch'd himself. Where we may note, that Autumnus on this place citing Seneca (de Consol. ad Matrem) con­cludes in these words, aere alieno oppressus, laqueo vitam finivit: but his Diligence or Memory in tran­scribing the last words fail'd him, it being in Se­neca, Veneno vitam finivit.

6. Your Country Paper made you a girt coat. Succinctus patria quondam Crispine papyro. The word Papyrus is like the Plant, Aegyptian; it is call'd also Biblos Nilotica; from whence, as from the matter, the Grecians drew their name for a Book. Accor­ding to Pliny, it grew in the more fenny places of their Rivers, and is mention'd by the Prophet Isay, cap. 19. vers. 9. according to our last Interpreters. For whereas in that place Pagnine and Arias Monta­nus render the word [...] by Gramineta, and one of our former translations had it, The Grass; the last Interpreters render it there, The Paper-reeds by the Brooks, by the mouth of the Brooks. The use of it was various; for they made of it, sails, ropes, mars, coverlets, garments, shooes worn only by their Priests, and paper of the stalk shav'd into sheets with a broad thin instrument of Iron; and the root they us'd for food. The Poet then saying here of Crispinus, that he was succinctus papyro, not only im­plies the use of it in garments, but also that it was but a coat which Crispinus formerly had, as is signi­fied in the word succinctus, which is not only Clad, but Girt, intimating thereby his servile condition; it being the form of a servant to wait in a girt coat. (See Sat. 5. Illust. 8.) The Scholiast would have succinctus Papyro to signifie, that Crispinus had been in his own Country a seller of paper: but this is not likely, because he says presently after, that he was a petty Fish-monger. I will not here tran­scribe, concerning paper, the learned observations of the accurate Melchior Guilandinus, or Pliny's de­scription of it, lib. 13. cap. 11. Only since it so much concerns the Scholer, it will not be unpleasant to present the form of the Reed.

7. When he cried but broken Fish to his Coun­try men. Magna qui voce solebat Vendere Municipes fractâ de merce Siluros. The Poet here describes Crispinus, as he now was, Purpureus scuri a palati, a Court-rook, or one that by playing the Cogging jester, and so humouring a leud Emperour, was be­come a Noble man; more particularly, princeps equitum, as the Poet here calls him: which with the Interpreters is made the same with magister equitum: but this was an Officer in the time of the Common wealth, and more especially in the time of a Dictator. Some take it for the General of the Horse: but that was an Officer in time of War, which was none of Crispinus his employment. Some render it, Master of the Horse; an Officer indeed of Honour: but Equitum will not yield that Exposition. It may be observ'd then, that he, who by the Censors in the cloze of their Offices, when the Senators were all recited by name, was in the Catalogue first nam'd, was call'd Princeps Senatus, The Cheif or First of the Senate; in like manner the first nam'd of the Knights, was call'd Princeps Equitum. Such was the Dignity of this unworthy Knight Crispinus; but if any prov'd unworthy of his Order, and were omit­ted by the Censor in the recital, such a one was de­priv'd of his Dignity; though upon better beha­vior he might be readmitted. See Rosin. l. 7. c. 10. therefore render it, Now cheif of all our Knights, (Jam princeps Equitum) Even such was Crispinus become; though at first, in Aegypt his own Country, he sold but Fish, and that but some base and broken ware; the Silurus being a vile Fish, and usually bought by the poorer sort. It is sufficient in this place to render it only in general, Fish; though, Sat. 14. where it is reckon'd with others as a seve­ral sort, I render it, for defect of a proper name for it with us, a Nimble-tail, according to the Ety­mologie from the excessive motion of that part. The Poet calls them here municipes Siluros, or his own Country Fish, by way of jeer, implying that they were alike base: but the other words; fractae de merce are variously interpreted, some expound­ing them by fracto vase, as if the Vessels or Panniers in which they were carried, were broken (but this seems a week Exposition); others laying the sense on fracta, and supposing that it was sold by small [Page 70]penny-worths, and so was fracta or diminished, as in a Hucksters utterance; others thinking it to signify impair'd by stealth, as if Crispinus an under-huckster had stoln it. But the most easy sense is, that he bought the refuse of other mens ware, the Fish of a broken parcel, tumbled and refused by other chap­men. We may here add, that some copies have, facta de merce, but with little sense; and that Pi­thans in his Var. Lection. on the Scholiast, says that most copies have fracta; but none, for ought he knows, have faria, which sayes he, were very witty; he means Fharia de merce, from his Egyptian ware. This, I grant, were apposite enough, but then it were but a tautologie, to say municipes and Fhariâ, they bearing both, in this place, but the same sense.

8. Bald-pate Nero. Domitian; who was extream­ly offended with the mention of baldness, and writ a Book De Cura Capillorum, as Sueton relates in his Life, cap. 18. This was also the blemish of Julius Caesar, who to hide it wore a chaplet of Bayes. Tiberius likewise was bald, in disgrace of whom, Sejanus therein more presumptuous then wise, cau­sed all things in a publick Shew to be perform'd only by bald men; as Dion reports. And here I may remember, that in after times in the favour of Carolus Caluns, the Son of Ludovicus Pius, one Hug­baldus a Monk (cunning it seems, in his degree of wit) writ verses in the praise of Baldness, every Word of them (sutable to the word Calvus) begin­ing with the letter C. Which Monastick Phansie, omitting the verses themselves, I the rather men­tion, because they came in my way, being prefix'd to the Manuscript Juvenal in the famous Library at St. James's.

9. Dorique Ancona. It was a Greek City built by the Grecians in Italy, says the Scholiast: Lubin more partiuclarly says, a Doricis condita. But Franciscus Schottus in his Itinetar. Italia, part. 1. pag. 237. says, that they mistake in this place of Juvenal, who from hence would conclude, that it was built by the Do­rians. It was then, according to Him, a Colony of the Syracusians, who spake the Dorique tongue, as the Sicilians generally, which their Poets writings testify. Yet this was in part observ'd before by Britannicus. It was called Ancona from [...], an Elbow, if we liken Italy to an Arm: but it is more commonly, as in Leander and others, compar'd to the thigh and legg; according to which similitude, Ancona must be plac'd in the Calf, as Otranto in the heel, and Rhezzo about the toe. But some there tell us, that Ancona is the chief City of Pisa, now Marchia d' Ancona, say they, when as Pisa is not a Country, but a City; and the Italian City of that name, (for there was one in Greece also of the same name) is in Tiscany: but the Country of the Fisher­man, who is here call'd Picens, was call'd Picenum, now taken for the Marquisate of Ancona; which Country is on the East-side of Italy, as Pisa is on the West-side: and thus the Fisher-man may here be call'd a Picene, (or, Picenian) not a Pisan. The Poet makes mention also of the Picene Pears, Sat. 11. vers. 74. which some there also not without mistake call Pisan Pears.

10. Choak'd-up the Net. Implevitque sinus. Retia, say the Interpreters; more particularly Lubin, and concava retia, and rightly, The bosome of the Net. But he adds, vel per sinus intelligit angulos & curvaturas ejusdem portus; and then it was a monstrous Turbet indeed: but he forgot to leave room in the Haven for the Fisherman's Boat, that caught him, or, by admitting such an Exposition, to make room in the Boat for the Fish being caught. For though the Beast be call'd monstrum; yet he that master'd him is but cymba linique magister.

11. This Monster for the High-Priest. Pontifici Sammo; so he calls Domitian the Emperour, by an Ironie; since to glorify his raign with rare exam­ples, when Cornelia Maximilla, a Vested Virgin, had by her offence deserv'd to be buried quick. He him­self took upon him the office of the cheif Priest, whom that cause properly concern'd (the care of the Vestals belonging to Him, as of the Fire to Them) and calling the rest of the Priests to Alba condemn'd her, as Plinie relates in an Epistle to Cornelius Minutianus, lib. 4. cap. 11. The Poet calls him also a little after, Atrides; which some ex­pound by Agamemnon (the son of Atreua) the brave Leader of the Greeks: others by Orestes (Agamem­non's son) who kill'd his Mother Clytemnestra. Which last being not appliable to Domitian, his Mo­ther Flavia Domitilla dying in his Fathers life time, and before his Fathers Empire, and without a Tra­gedy, (as appears by Sueton, in his Vespasian cap. 2.) the first is to be here understood, it being aptly Sa­tyrical, to call him ironically Agamemnon, to whom he was like in Power, but not in Vertue; Agamem­nons worth being to lend Domitian rather a Shame, then a Patrern.

12. The Sick fear'd Quartans. Jam quartanam sperantibus agris. The Poet by way of jeer expresses the Time, wherein Fear, not Heat, hasten'd the Fisherman, namely the end of Autumne, or begin­ing of Winter, towards the mid'st of December: which he describes, by saying it was the time, wherein the sick fear'd Quattans. For so Speran­tibus is here (as Sperare is by Virgil also taken for timere) commonly, and, as I think, rightly inter­preted; by reason of the craziness usual at that time of the year, not only proceeding from old and in­ward causes, but also from the various temper of the aire. For though it somewhat agrees with the na­ture of the Spring for heat and cold, yet is there this especial difference; that in the Spring the heat and cold are broken into one temper, but in Autuma they are both preserv'd distinct, and too sodainly successive, it being cold in the morning, hot at noon, and cold again at evening. And as in the Autumne Melancholy is predominant, so also Quar­tan agues, of which Melancholy is the cause. Yet Prolemaus Flavius in his Conjectan. cap. 17. takes sperantibus in this place properly, saying that the sick now hope for Quartans, which kill no man, as He seeks to prove, and into which at this season other Feavers turn. Which opinion some other like; and Bernardus Reatinus, Annotat. 6. says, that after a Quartan, health increases, the length of the di­sease having spent the Phlegmatick and Melancholy humours. Yet this opinion (though including some truth) prevails not, the Quartan being not commonly thought to be so courteous. Besides it would hence follow, that the Quartan, whose mat­ter is Melancholy, and so most proper to the tem­per of the year, the Autumne, should be placed in the Winter-quarter, the matter of whose diseases are properly the Phlegmatick humour. So that to say, the Sick now hope for a Quartan were impro­per, the time of that disease being properly past in the beginning of Winter: but to say they now fear it, stands with the season of the disease; which ha­ving tormented men the most of the Autumne, may well be fear'd at the approach of Winter. More­over it is but an uncomfortable way of cure to hope to be deliver'd from one shrew'd disease, by falling into another shrew'd disease. But the Interpre­ters [Page 71]having left this doubt, concerning the danger of Quartans, undecided; it will not be unaccep­table to clear it by the judgment of Physitias: who describe two sorts of Quartans; one arising from the Melancholie humor properly so called, and this they make not of any great danger; the other from atra bilis, which is likewise generally and fudely call'd Melancholie, but properly it is flave bilis vehementer adusta, as amongst others the accu­rate Massarias and Sennertus teach; and this they hold to be very dangerous, and unto both ateri­bute properly the same season, the Autumn; not that they are not in other seasons, but then: most, and most properly. This last kind then is to be here understood; so that flava bilis being corrupt­ed in the Summer and grown vehemently adust or turn'd into atra bilis by the Autumn, vexing the sick with a Quartan all the Autumn, may justly make the sick afraid when Winter comes on, and Na­ture has been already so much oast down. We may a little farther take notice, that some of late would have it, jam quartanam spirantibus agris; that now the fields breath'd infectious Air, the cause of this disease. But this, for ought I find, is but in part confirm'd, only one copie having spirantibus agris: besides, it dashes against the former reason; since, by this interpretation the Quartan should be a dis­ease appropriated (by the disposition of the Air) to the beginning of winter, at which season the end of it, rather then the beginning, is expected.

13. Once equal Men with Gods. He speaks this historically of Domitian, who commanded that men should instyle him, Dominus & Deus noster, Our Lord and God! Yet (omitting his pride as hor­rible as his end!) though this he a truth, it may seem cotrary to That in Statius (Sylv. lib. 1. on the Kal. Decembres Saturnales)

For this implies, that he did forbid men to call him Lord, it being a Title Odions among the Ro­mans, and therefore refus'd by sundry Emperors. But this doubt is rightly solv'd by the learned Ge­vartius in his Papinian Lections, lib. 1. cap. 47. where he shews that this prohibition of such title was on­ly during the time of the Saturnals, the time of Li­bertie, wherein servants feasted with their Masters, as Macrobius mentions, in his Saturnal. lib. 1. cap. 7. which resolution is also implied by Statius himself in that verse alleg'd, Saturnalia Principis sonantes.

14. Acilius. Dempster, lib. 1. de Juramento, cap. 2. says that Acilius was put to death by Nero, and is mention'd by Juvenal in his fourth: which may be allowed for truth, if by Nero we understand Domi­tian, who indeed in this Satyre is ironically call'd Calvus Nero. Some say, that Domitian having first put to death Domitius the Son of Acilius, did after­ward spare the Father, the more to grieve him with his Son's death. And the Interpreters tell us that this Acilius Glabrio (for so Sueton calls him) was at last put to death for some intended treason with others. Sueton in his Domitian, cap. 10. relates it thus, Complures senatores, in his aliquor Consulares, interemit: ex quibus, Civicum Cerealem in ipso Asiae Proconsulatae, Salvidienum Orfitum, Acilium Glabrionem in exilio quasi molit [...]es novarum rerum.

15. Fraterculus esse Giganium. According to the Fable Giants were born of the Earth, (as the word implies) and so base-born. Yet the Poet whiles he acknowledges the advantage of their mean birth, desires to be but fraterculus, rather then frater (as Politian notes, in his Miscell. Observat. cap. 18.) least he should seem to wish for their gi­gantick vastness of body, as well as for their Igno­bleness, so to escape destruction by his obscuritle of condition. I will not here delay the Reader with any discourse of Giants, especially after the labour of Cassanion and others, who have with much learning and delight examin'd this argument: only I will add, that whereas the Anclent Heathens pro­phanely drew the occasion of their fables often­times from the Mosaical story, the copie of which they had, and which as in other points, so in this, they did wretchedly and childishly deprave by their fictions; yet a late French Capuccine, one Boulduc (De Ecelesia ante Legem. lib. 1. cap. 9.) tells us, that the names, Raphaim, Emim, Zuzim, and others, as he says, commonly in Scripture taken for Gi­ants, are not so to be expounded. Then he af­firms that the Title of Giant was anciently a name of honour, fignifying such persons, as in those times were restorers of Piety; and that their assemblies were as Colledges of instruction in that Age of the world. Thus he endeavours to prove that Nimrod was in that sense a Giant, a man instructed by God; which he would prove out of Methodius. But these his New Assertions and curious proofs from their Hebrew Titles with many other his ventrous exploits of phanfie I leave to the leasure of thy Judgement.

16. Numidian Bears. Ʋrsos Figebat Numidas Al­band nudus Arenâ. The Poet here shews, that Aci­lius his Son did strive to scape the Emperor's fury, by fighting with wild beasts, so to seem mad (and therefore to be neglected, rather then fear'd) like Brutus, that so scap'd the rage of Tarquin. This is apparently Juvenal's intent; though some seem to implie, that he did it in right carnest to please the Emperor, who was so delighted with such sights, that sometimes he himself slew beasts in that man­ner of combat, according to that of Sueton, —ut centenas aliquando prostraverit. But this cause seems not agreeable to Juvenal's instance in Brutus, who us'd Art under the form of Madness; besides, the word nudus may probably seem to distinguish His manner of fighting with beasts, from the Empe­rors. But here it must be noted concerning the beasts here mention'd (Numidici ursi,) that though Britannicus (as before him the Schotiast) takes ursi properly, for Bears, urging Solinus his autho­rity in these words, Numidici ursi formâ caeteris pra­stant; yet Numidia yields no Bears (they delight­ing in Cold Countrys) as Pliny testifies, lib. 8. cap. 36. besides, that the Romans, at the first but ignorant, when they saw Lions brought from Afri­ca, call'd them, in usual speech, Bears, as it is proved by some out of Virgil. See Lips. 2. Elect. cap. 4. so that Numidici ursi are expounded by Leo­nes. As for the Place, where Acilius his Son did thus behave himself, the Poet says, that it was at Alba: for there did Domitian use to celebrate year­ly the feast of Minerva call'd the Quinquatria (as Sueton says in his Domitian, cap. 4.) at which such Shows us'd to be presented. And here it may be observ'd, that Albana Arena is by Britannicus and Lubin render'd by Albano Theatro; and that not on­ly here, but commonly through his Commentary, Lubin renders Arena by Theatrum: which may be the more warily observ'd, to prevent error; the Theaters being for stage-plays (as also for rope­dancers, tumblers, and such like, as some think) but the Amphitheaters for Fights of Men with men, and of men with beasts. Which places, that the [Page 72]abundance of blood which was there usually shed, might not be offensive, were strew'd with Sand (to drink it up) whence it was called, Arena. Besides, the Theater differ'd from the Amphitheater in the form; the Theater being but an Half Cir­cle, the Amphitheater a Whole Circle; according to its name, it being as much as a Circuiting or Compassing Theater, in substance as much as two Theaters. And sometimes Theaters were so con­trived, that by engines they might be turn'd about and join'd into an Amphitheater. See for the di­stinction of their forms the learned Ansonius Popma, de Differentiis verborum, in the word, Theatrum; and Salmuth on Pancitollus, de Amphitheatris & Thea­tris; where he says, that though at first the Thea­ters were us'd for the Exercises of strength and Running, they were afterwards employ'd for the use of stage-plays, See Rosinus in his Antiquit. Rom. lib. 5. cap. 4. where most distinctly he says, ut Circen­ses Ludi in Circo, ita Scenici in Theatre peragebantur (to which point I speak also, to prevent error, Sat. 8. Illust. 7.) And therefore when Julian in his Epist. 35. (pro Argivis) speaks of hunting wild beasts, as Bears and Panthers in Theaters, Petavius well adds on that place this note, Amphi­theatrales venationes intelligit, implying, that he spak not accurately. The form of a famous Theater at Ve­rona, though in part decay'd, may not be unplea­sant to be beheld, and by Munster is thus present­ed; and before him describ'd. by Torellus Saraynos a Native of that City. * [Page 72]

17. Bearded King. Facile est barbato imponere re­gi; So Sat. 5. he says, Capillato Consule, and Sat-ult. —dignum barbâ, dignumque capillis Majorum; whereby he intends the first or most ancient times of Rome, in which they wore long hair: for they had no Barbers in Rome, till after the building of it, 444. years, says Calderine citing Pliny; though not with­out some error in the Time. The Authoritie is out of Varro (from whom Pliny has it) in whom it is 454 (according to Scaliger's Edition) and then they were brought over from Sicilia, by P. Ticinius Mena. See Varro, de Re Rusticâ, lib. 2. cap. ult. who alleges, that the statues of the Ancients were form­ed with long hair and great beards: which may here be observ'd for the illustration of those places in the other Satyres above cited. The Poet then intends, that in that simple age of Rome it was ea­sy to deceive a King, as Brutus did; but that the present Age was grown more cunning.

18. Rubrius. This Rubrius, says the Poet, was worse then Nero, who writ a Satyre against Quinti­anus his effeminacy, he himself being worse. The fault of Rubrius here conceal'd was, as some think his speaking against Cecinna in the behalf of Flavius Gabinius. But why should the Poet then say, that this fault ought to be conceal'd, as those words implie —offensae veteris reus atque tacendae? Yet it is thus express'd by the Scholiast, Rubrius iste aliquando Ti­biam in pueritiâ corruperat (Autumnus in the reciting of it says, Tibiam Domitiani) & verebatur ne pro ba [...] mercede poenas ab ipso reposceret. Whether this Tibia (if there be not some mistake in transcribing the name, Pithaeus, in his Notes on the Scholiast, doubting that it should be Livia) were some Beau­ty affected by Domitian, or no, it appears not: but Lubin from a Commentary on an ancient Copy, gives this nearer reason, quod cum Domitiani conjuge concubuerit, for being too familiar with the Em­press. And this opinion I think most probable; first because Domitia Longina (Domitian's wife) was guilty in the like kind with another, and of as low a tank, namely Paris the Player, as Sueton reports in Domitian. cap. 3. for which he divorced her; though extreamly doting on her he took her again, pretending it to be the desire of the People. Se­condly, this fault is the more probable by compa­rison; because not long after, Sueron himself, the Historian, being Secretary to Adrian the Emperor, was deptiv'd of that honour for being in the like kind too familiar with the Empress Sabina. Lastly, this was most probably the crime for the hainousness of it, which, as he says, was to be con­ceal'd: which could not in probabilitie be either for fear of Tibia, or (when Juvenal writ this) for fear of Domitian now dead; but most likely for fear of Domitia's kindred; since he speaks, as if wisdome made him silent; though, it seems, Sue­ton did, not long after Juvenal, shew more holdness in relating her like lendness with Paris.

19. Morning-Ointments. Matutino Amomo. Some take it for Eastern Ointments; some both wayes. Both are true, yet the first intended, as I think; since he speaks according to the custome of the Romans, who bath'd in the Morning, and so in the Morning us'd ointments.

20. The shrew'd Vejento. Prudens. It is doubted in what sense the Poet here uses this word: but since he describes him afterward as a rank flatterer, and not worthy therefore of so solid a name, I con­ceive, that it here signifies in an allayed sense, not truly Wise, but the conning or shrew'd Vejento; who is afterwards in this Satyre called also Fabri­cius, his name being Fabricius Vejento.

21. Brought from some Bridge; There Beggars usually sate for Almes, and thence, he says, Catullus at first came, and that he was still worthy to beg of the richer Passengers that went by Waggon between Rome and Aricia, which was seated on a sleep ascent. The cause of this concourse of people to Aricia was two-fold, according to the diversity of the persons, the rich and the poor. There was at Aricia (in the Appian way beyond Alba) a Grove consecrated to Diana, call'd Artemisium, greatly frequented for de­votion sake; as Britannicus says. For this cause it was also haunted by Beggars, and much the more, when the Jews, as says the Scholiast, as the Christi­ans, as Lubin says, were expell'd Rome; who in ne­cessity and wit resorted thither. Lubin thinks it is said at Aricia, to signify that he was not worthy to beg at any bridge in Rome it self; but this seems somewhat strain'd.

22. And throw his flatt'ering kisses towards those that go, &c. Blandaque devexa jactaret basia thedae. The margin of one Manuscript says, that the poor did kiss the hands of Passengers, for almes; but this is silly. Another Manuscript has not Basia, but Brachia, implying the stretching out of their armes, for almes; but this reaches not the sense of the epithet blanda, more sutable to the condition of Beggars. The most easie sense will be, that they did most obsequiously kiss their fingers, and then stretch them out unto the Passengers. See Sat. 3. Illustrat. 11. The Poet says, Rheda devexae; so that by the delay of the Waggon for safety, they had the more leasure, and so the more advantage, to beg. Lubin would here pick out this opposition; that he, who being blind (as Catullus is here said to have been) would yet fall in Love with Beauty, was fit to bestow his kisses at distance on the Wag­gon wheels. This seeming to imply, that there were Women in the Waggon, he might the rather have said it, if he urg'd the Scholiast, who says in­deed, Rheda ferenti [...]nulieves; implying, that in [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 73]their way of devotion, That Sex was most forward.

23. A Stage. Pegma. A pageant by art so con­triv'd, that of it self did rise aloft; an [...], upon which was seated a Boy representing, as is pro­bably conjectur'd, Ganymede snatch'd up to the Ve­laria, the purple converings of the Theater sheilding from Sun and Rain, and, as occasion requir'd, shap'd into a Scenical Heaven. Such youths St. Augustine lib. de Civit. Dei [...] speaking of this argument, calls arreptitos.

24. Arviragus. Not far from Caerloyl, Malmes bu­riensis says, a stone was found with this inscrip­tion, Marii victoria: which Humphrey LLuyd, in his Fragment. Eritan. descript. fol. (in 8 vo) 26. thinks, was a Trophie erected by Macurigus (who by some of the Latines, says LLuyd, is called Arviragus, by Others more aptly Marius) In remembrance of a victorie in that place over the Picts, whose King was then call'd Roderic, who, like the Saxons, practis'd piracy upon our Seas. Arviragus is by the Scholi­ast (according to the copie now extant) called Rex Arbila; the interpreters tell us, that he was in that Age a King of the Bri­tans, whose manner was to fight in Chariots: Lubin says that he fiercely Rebell'd against the Ro­mans. But more particularly the story, at least the Legend, of this Arviragus, as it may be collected from our own Historians, is this; he was the younger Son of King Cymbeline; the elder was called Guiderius. Arviragus began his raign Ann. Dom. 44. which was in the 4th. year of the Emperor Claudius: whose daughter Gemissa he married at Glocester, she be­ing given him by her Father for his singular valour. But denying to continue the payment of a tribute to Rome, Vespasian was sent hither, wonne the Ile of Wight, and thus by force com­pell'd him to the payment; others say he did it at the entreaty of his Queen. He raign'd 30. years. Marius, his Son, succeeded him. Ann. Dom. 74. which was in the sixt of Vespasian's Raign; see Matthew of Westminster and so about 6. years before Domitian's Raign. Both Arviragus, for va­lour, and his Son Marius for Wisdome, are high­ly praised by our Historians. Marius won a bat­tel against Roderic and his mighty army of Ficts and Stythians (called, by some, Gothes and Hunnes) and at Staimemore in Westmoreland, where the bat­tel was fought, he caused a pillar to be erected, with this inscription, Marii victoria. Marius was buried at Carsiel, leaving a Son called Coilus, who began his Raign, Ann. Dom. 126. (in the 10th. year of Adrian.) So Juvenal lived in the time of Arviragus; and out-liv'd him many years. The flatterer then is made here to say to Do­mitian, that she shall overcome an Arviragus; not properly, he being dead before Domitian's raign, but some such stout forraign foe, as he was, yet overcome by Vespasian, Domitian's Father.

25. Upright thy Darts stand! Erectas in terga sudes? Lubin gives this place this sense; As the sinnes did rise on the back of the Turber, so should Domitian's darts on the back of Arvira­gus: which, I grant, may, as sufficiently expres­sive, be admitted; yet strictly it is less pro­per, the finnes being natural to the fish, and so not as weapons oftending him. But I acknow­ledge, that Timilitudes claim some pardon. But if any less take his opinion, as an inconvenient exposition, I would then render it thus, — On his back behold His: rebel fin arise! implying, that as the forraign beast did with the spreading fins look like) an arm'd rebel, yet, for all his ter­ror, was caught so though Arviragus were ne­ver so stout and rebellious, yet he should be­come at last a Captive. The connexion will be briefly this; The beast is forraign and behaves himself rebelliously; Loe, how he seems arm'd for resistance, rebel like! The view of the Tur­bot it self will somewhat improve the reason; Behold then the Rhombus with loss trouble, then Domitian's Nobles did. *

26. Rhutupian depths. Rhutupinove edita fun­do: Rhutupiae according to Ptolemy, Rutupis por­tus according to Antoninus (now Richborough in the North-East of Kent) had its name, as our learned Camden happily conjectures, from Rhye Tufith in the British, that is, vadum Sabulosum. There was, in the flourishing times of the Ro­mans, a populous City, where they took ship for forraign parts; and though the City be now become arable, yet Mr. Cambden notes, that where the streets were, the corn even at this time comes-up but thin; and that, in plowing, Roman Coins are often found. By the decay of this place arose Sondwyc, according to the Sax­ons, now Sandwich, à sabulo. Britannicus ren­ders it more largly, yet truly enough, ex Mari Britannico; indeed the Roman Luxury did search all Seas for satisfaction. Which wantonness may partly be discern'd here by the varietie of their Oisters, namely Circaean, Lucrine and Rhutupian; and partly from the eigth Satyre, where he mentions also the Gauran. I will only add, that Licinius Mutianus alleged by Hieronymus Colum­na upon the Fragments of Ennius his Phageti­ca, p. 252. prefers the Cyzicen Oisters thus, Cyzicena majora Lucrinis, dulciora Britannicis, sua­viora Edulis, acriora Lepticis, pleniora Lucensibus, sicciora Coryphantenis, teneriora Istricis, candidiora Circeiensibus. See Columna who speaks more largely.

27. With rushing wing. Praecipiti pinnâ, or penna. Some think this an allusion to a custome of sending letters by pigeons, mentioned by Pliny, lib. 10. others to the manner of postes (as Dion relates) who woar a feather on their heads to give notice of their hast. The Scho­liost thinks it to implie the Consul's manner of sending news to Rome: the Good as he says, be­ing [Page 72] [...] [Page 74]express'd on the letter by a Bay; the bad by a feather. His words are, Si [...]ict [...]riae nunci­abanour, lauru [...] in [...]pisteta fiebat [...]y: Si [...]em ali­qu [...]d advers [...], pin [...] fie [...]. For which last word Autumnus has, adhibebatur; and Pithaus guesses it should be sereba [...]ur; but Dempster (on Rosi­nus, lib. 10. cap. 29.) more easily mends it. thinking it should be sigeb [...]tar. Indeed concern­ing the bay-brand [...] Salmath (on Pa [...]cirellus, lib. 1. Tit. 42.) speaks more plainly, Solebant Imperatives Romant, re bene g [...]sta, literas la [...]ro revincte [...] mittere, adding the reason out of Pli­ny, at ips [...] aspect [...] earun [...] bo [...] [...]ien [...]tendere­tur. But the least constrain'd sense in this which I use, taking epistola practpit [...] pe [...]d, by an ordi­nary figure, for a letter of ill news; which usu­ally is swift-wingd. Of Laureate letters see also Persius. Sar. 6. Illustrat. 5.

28. Imbrued in Lamian blood. Lamiarum ca­de madenti. The Lamian familie was most no­ble being sprung from Kings, which by the testimonie of Hower (in his Odyss.) raign'd at Caj [...]ta. Of which familie was Aelius Lamia, whose wife, Domitia Longina, Domitian took a­way; as Sueton relates in his life, cap. 1. and afterwards put him to death; as also diverse other eminent persons, Sueton shews in the 20th. chapter of the life of the said Domitian. And here we may note, that when the Poet speaks of the death fo Domitian, saying, Sed periit, postquàm cerdonibus esse timendus Coperat—; (that he was slain, when he began to be terrible to the meaner sort, even to Coblens) some under­stand by Cerdo [...]s, the Christians, thinking the poet, after the manner of the Gentiles, to call them so by way fo contempt. But methinks this exposition shews more sagacitie, then certainty, and therefore I rather follow the Scholiast & others, understanding the word according to the common acception; as most probably it is used again by Juvenal, Sat. 8. in that passage, —qua Turpia cer­doni Volusos Brutosque decabant.