IN obedience to your High­nesses Letter addressed the 30. May 1686. unto the Prae­sidial Chamber of the East-Indie Companie at Amster­dam, being pleased to Com­mand the sayd Companie in relation to your Highnesses Resolution of the same dato, to transmit with the verie first an Information unto a certain Memorial presen­ted by Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinarie of his Royal Majestie of Great Brittain, unto your Highnesses the second of the said Month, tou­ching the Businesse of Bantam, and moreover contayning complaints of what passed in the East-Indies at Gamron, Mallabar and Ma­cassar, with demand of reparation, hereup­on the Regents (or Directors) of the sayd Companie of this Nation, have with all due [Page 6]respect, this to say: First Concerning the first Point, specifying the businesse of Ban­tam, that although your Puissant Highnesses may verie well remember al what hath hapned and passed since the Month of May 1683, when first those Clamors and heavie complaints were made by Mr. Chudlie, extraordinarie Envoy, in the Assemblie of your Puissant High­nesses, and thereupon soon after more fully dilated and deduced by Sr. John Chardin, both viva voce and in writing: Neverthelesse assuring our selves that it will not be unacceptable to your Pu. Highnesses, that the sayd Memorial be again som what afresh reiterated, the foresaid Regents of the East-Indie Netherlands Com­panie wil with permission of your Puis. High­nesses make a short recital, first of what in the beginning was don here in Holland by Con­ference and treatises, and also afterward con­tinued and further Progresse thereof made in England by the L. Ambassador Citters, accor­ding to the order given him by your Puis. Highnesses, and consequentlie of the procee­dings held in England by Committies on both sides, and what further was acted in the same, and so com to the Principal Matter, to de­monstrate as briefly as possiblie may be, how unreasonable and wholie ungrounded those complaints are, which in the beginning were so clamorous, and then will fullie justifie the Goverment of Batavia in their management and proceedings in those affaires.

What Concerns the first, Mr. Chudlie ex­traordinary Envoy by his Memorial of the 25. May, of the fore-said year 1683, complained to your Puis. Highnesses, that the Govern­ment of Batavia had in a manner altogether ex­traordinarie, outragiouslie delt with the En­glish East-Indie Companie, and by main force driven them out of their ancient place of resi­dence at Bantham, and that in so strange a manner, that not any one Example (a thing rather to be buried in silence, then related) of the like nature can be produced, and there­fore requiring that the said Netherlandish Companie should be obliged to draw back their Troupes out of Bantam, reestablish the En­glish there again, and to make reparation of the losses by them sustayned. But Sr. John Chardin, before mentioned, who by the fore­said English East-Indie Companie was sent hither in Commission, did somwhat mitigate these complaints, apparently, because they were so horriblie extravagant, and in stead of accusing the Government of Batavia, as if they had driven the English out of Bantam, did content himself to say, that it happened through the suggestion and Counsel of Major St. Mar­tin, who commanded the Netherlandish Troups at Bantam in Chef, and that it was he that disposed the King to put forth the English out of Bantam, and although all he affirmed was without any proof, but only grounded on a Conjecture, yet that which is to be wondred [Page 8]at is, that he would form a publick Memorial on so slight and weak grounds.

And although the Bewinthebbers were at that time unfurnished with such Elucidation of matters as is requisite, not yet having then any of their Ships returned out of India, and what they knew in the business, was by Letters only sent in English Ships from England, where the said Letters were held up some time, the seals broken and opened, and then afterward handed to the Correspondent of the Netherlan­dish Company at London, notwithstanding they omitted not according to the knowledge they had attained, to give your Highnesses In­formations and Answers to their Complaints. Whereupon your Pu. Highnesses having gi­ven an Answer to the said Chudlie and Char­din (unto which the English Company in some passages of their Writing do appeal) soon af­ter with the good liking of your Pu. High­nesses, a treatie began with the forenamed Chardin and the Netherlandish Companie, and the business was so far avanced, that on both sides a final agreement was assuredly ex­pected, whereas on a suddaine Mr. Chudlie and Sr. John Chardin pretending to have command and order from their King to put a stop to the business, the foresaid Treatise here was unexpectedly broken of, however was with consent of your Pu. Highnesses, who desired nothing more then to compose and conclude, if possible, this matter in a friend­ly [Page 9]way, continued in England, whereunto the Lord Ambassador Citters was furnished with full Order and Power both from your Pu. Highnesses, as also from the Companie here: but hereupon the English Hightning their Demands, and as appeared afterward, even in their reply, of which shall be spoken hereafter, they avoued to have other designes, intending to reestablish themselves at Bantam, unto which end in the latter part of the year 1683. they prepared a great Fleet well manned to effect the same; but this their design, as themselves affirm, & complain that they might not put it in execution, as being hindred by the now deceased King, of happy Memorie, hereupon this Treatise was stopt, and no fur­ther progress made therein until at length, it pleased his said Majesty to make way for the prosecuting of the agreement prescribed Anno 1674. between his Majesty and this State, to wit, that the differences should be determined and composed by Committies on both sides, who to that end according to the foresaid Convention were to assemble together at London, the which being also approved by your Pu. Highnesses, there was erected a Tribunal Court, consistng of eight Committies, four on each part, before whom, after that the Parties on both sides had di­vers times appeared about the Praeliminaries and cases incident, it was thought meet, that all things should be handled in writing, and [Page 10]the State of the case so written, to be made by Demand, Answer, Reply, and Duplick (or double Reply) even to a Triplick and Quadruplick, and besides all this there were delivered up such pieces probatory as might serve to fortifie and maintain the case on the one hand, with the Confutation of the same on the other hand, they of the Netherlandish Company also making their Demand against the Demand of the English, and delivering the same over by way of reconvention or contrary Demand, for the fraiting of four Ships, where­with the Netherlandish Companie, upon the earnest Request of the English Companie had accommodated them, amounting to thirteen thousand nine hundred pound Starling. In so much that the foresaid Peeces being delivered to the said Committies to do right therein, the Englsh Commissaries in their vote declared, that it was their opinion and sentence, that in stead of all what was demanded by the En­glish East-Indie Companie (to wit, not only the recalling of the Netherlandish Troops out of Bantam, and the Territories thereof, but moreover and above to deliver up the Castle and City of Bantam.) The Netherlan­dish Companie was only bound, to reestablish the said English Company in Bantam, so, and in such wise as was demanded by Monsieur Chardin in the Hague, and to settle all things in state as it was before the Warr, and the Damages and Reconvention (or contrary De­mands) [Page 11]should be reserved.

But the Committies of this State delivering in their Advice, every one of them in order did understand and declare, that forasmuch as the decision of the case, which must be judicially determined, did depend upon the veritie of Fact, which the English Companie had charged the Netherlandish Companie with, and in special that the said English Companie were by them driven out of Bantam, of which they could not produce the least proof, that there­fore the said English Companie ought to have their Demand and Conclusion made, and ta­ken up against the Netherlandish Companie, denyed them: and the said English Companie to be condemned to satisfie the Netherlandish Companie for the Fraighting of the four Ships which they demand by reconvention: by which, because of the cessation of voices, the case being fallen into the terms, which they were in according to the convention of a­greement of the year 1673/4, must come into the hands of an Arbitrator or Compromissa­rius, to the chosing of whom by the foresaid agreement the time of a Month was prescribed: but the said Committies for the Decision on both sides, not agreeing, for although the English Companie were plantif in convention, yet the English Commissaries did not propose a Super Arbitrator, so hereby the whole case, according to an Act passed and subscribed on both sides, was left in the hands of his said [Page 12]Majestie and your Highnesses, to be deter­mined by you, according to the contents of the foresaid Agreemtnt And this is the reason why the said Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordi­nary, made the foresaid Memorial and Address to vour Pu. Highnesses to doe justice in the case to the Subjects of England: Whereupon it must needs fall under Examination, whither the complaints which the English Company have, and still doe make of the business hap­pened at Bantam, be grounded on such solid Reasons, as to oblige the Netherlandish Com­panie so to resettle them at Bantam, as they were before the War, (for more then this was before denyed to be due to them, by the En­glish Commissaries themselves) and that with reparation of Dammages and Interests, which they pretend to have sustained by the Nether­lands Company. Now to make this case to appear more clearly, forasmuch, as since it was first presented to your Pu. Highnesses by Mr. Chudly Extraordinary Envoy, and after­ward more amply pressed by Sr. John Char­din, is now wholy altered, and quite of an­other face: as also that the Netherlandish Com­pany hath recovred further proofs for the Con­futation of what the English Company did bring in, and maintain, therefore it will be necessary to dive somewhat deeper into the matter.

The Case is this, Sulthan Agon, formerly King of Bantam, and Father of the present King now reigning, having resolutions, both [Page 13]in respect of his age, and other considerations to disinvest himself of the Government, and lead a still and private life, he made over his Kingdom to his Eldest Son, retiring himself to Turtiassa, a place of pleasure, about six miles from Bantam, and seated a mile from the Sea, there to spend the residue of his dayes free from publick affaires. His Son seated on the Throne, and having the Government of the Kingdom in his hands, forthwith sent Ambassa­dors to Batavia (accompanied for the further Splendor with a train of about 300. persons) to give notice to the Government there of his access to the Crown, and also to reniew their ancient Alliance, sending also Ambassadors to England, where they were in such manner re­ceived, as that those of the East-Indie Com­pagnie by their Letter to the said King of Ban­tam in July 1682. written about two years after the yong King was come unto the Crown, say, that such honor was given to his Am­bassadors, as if they been sent from the grea­test King or Potentat of the World, adding in the said Letter, that they did with joy un­derstand, that God Almighty had brought and invested him on the Throne of his Kingdom of Sourosoan, that is, the Kingdom of Ban­tam, with the good wil of his Father.

And furthermore his Majesty of Great Brit­tain sent away the said Ambassadors with pre­sents to the young King their Master, accom­panied with an honourable Letter to him, all [Page 14]which in the Process is produced, and in which he is stiled the famous and Illustrious Sulthan Abdul Cahar Aba Nasar King and Lord of the said Kingdom of Sourosoan, that is of Ban­tam, adding moreover, that his Majesty re­ceived the foresaid Ambassadors with all due respect, according to their Character, and with entire affection, as coming from a Prince, whose Person and Amitie his Majesty declared to have in very high esteem, and unto whom, he judged it necessary to send over his Agent or Envoy, furnished with power from his Maje­sty, and order from the English Company, for to make a strickter League with the King of Bantam, which testimony and proffer of Alliance was yet further reiterated in another Letter, writ by the foresaid English Company from London the 17. July 1682. also produ­ced in the Process. By all which then it ap­peareth undeniably unto all that are impartial; that the present King now ruling was acknow­ledged both by the King of Great Brittain, and by the English Company, as well in En­gland as in India, for the lawful Lord and King of the whole Kingdom of Bantam, and as the Successor of his Father.

But forasmuch as the present King in the direction of the affaires of the Kingdom, did not, as it seems, answer the expectation of his Father, nor satisfy the humor of manie of his Subjects, there arose a heavie Civil War in the Kingdom, in which the malcontented [Page 15]entending to cast of the yoke from their neck as they termed it, after they had also drawn the Old King to their partie, who thereupon strengthened himself in Turtiassa (as also the King now reigning did at Bantam) at length by force of armes they made themselves Master of Bantham, and besieged the yong King in his Castle into which he was retired, enten­ding to bereave him both of his Throne and life, and to set up a yonger Brother in his place: whereupon this King apprehending no other way of deliverance, as having most of the great ones of his Kingdom animated against him, and the Communaltie also his ene­mies, thought it expedient for him to make known to the General of the Councel of the Netherlandish Companie at Batavia, his miserable State, and that he not onely was to exspect the los of the Crown, but also a most cruel death: the which he signifyed, in most la­mentable wise, imploring their assistance: but they not judging it convenient in a case of such importance to intrude themselves to unadvised­ly, did, before they determined any thing in the least about it, conclude to interpose their Mediation betwixt Father and Son, and to that end to send Ambassadors with letters tending to that purpose: But the Father in a most disdaing­ful manner rejecting the same, without vouch­safing to return any answer at all to the Govern­ment of Batavia or their Committies, the said Government did at last resolue, seeing the con­dition [Page 16]of the Son tending to ruin, as beeing forsaken almost by all, to assist him against the Rebels, and if possible to deliver him out of the miserable estate into which he was brought, which also they did with such successe, that notwithstanding the strong opposition of the Enemie, we Landed our forces, raysed the siege of the Castle in which the King was, and set him again upon his Throne, who there­uppon both to demonstrate how gratly he was offended with the English, who had assisted his enemies, as also to provide for his own se­curitie for the future, did without any instiga­tion of the Netherlandish Companie, command them to leave his countrie and to depart else­where with their Goods. This then beeing a true Narration of what passed in these affaires, these considerable things do present themsel­ves to consideration.

First, that the Old King having made over his Kingdom to his eldest Son, he therely be­came lawful King by his Fathers transport, and was acknowleged so to be, by the King of Great Brittain, and by them of the English East-Indie Companie.

Secondly, that he therely being lawful King, his subjects in taking up arms agaynst him, were Rebels.

Thirdlie, that according to the Law of na­ture and af nations, it is not onely permitted, to be assistant unto a King, that is oppressed by his subjects, but that such assistance is ap­prouvable [Page 17]and a Work of Charity and Love.

Fourthly, that it is contrary to the Rule of Justice, to ascribe the evil Consequences of a lawful and worthie Act, unto him that is the Author of the said Act, and not of the con­sequences.

Fifthly, that it is altogether against reason to impute the Chasing of the English out of Bantam unto them of the Government of Ba­tavia, and to their auxiliarie Forces, because it is manifest, that the departure of the English out of Bantam was not a necessary, but an ac­cidental Consequence, the King not causing them to depart because he was victorious (for he had suffered them to live there from the time he came to the Crown until the Warr, to wit, during the two years of his Reign) but only because he was certain they had assisted his Re­bels, besides many other suspitions he might justly have taken up against them.

But against this, they of the English Com­pany doe alledge, and depose for a real truth, that they of Batavia had raised and fomented the quarrels between the Old and the Young King of Bantam.

That two yeares before the Warr began they had had secret Negotiations with Pangeran Diepa Panerat, one of the Principal Ministers of the young King, to bring about this their design.

That they afterward having got this King in­to their snares, and most perfidously brought [Page 18]him under their yoke, forthwith forced him to drive out the English.

And to make the Ministers of the Nether­landish Company yet the more suspected and stincking to all the world, they undertook in the beginning of the year 1683. to represent unto the King of Great Brittain that the fore­said Major St. Martin who commanded over the forces of the Netherlandish Company at Bantam in Chef had committed very many Enormities against the Factors, People and the Effects of the English Company at Ban­tam, so farr that they dispossessed, and drave them out of their place of residence: But in stead that the English Company ought to have proved the Facts which are essential to the thing, in case they herein aimed to triumph, they doe not in the whole product which they made in the Process thereof, so much as alledge the least appearance either directly or indirectly, no not so much as consequentially might serve for the verifying of the Enormities of such Facts.

And although the Netherlandish Compa­ny might stand upon the Negative, which is not necessary, nay many times possible to be proved, save only indirectly (for no man can in a direct manner prove that which is not) ne­vertheless to manifest clearly that they of the Government of Batavia are altogether blame­less, let us onely consider the moral impossibi­lity of the foresaid Fact, viz. that the Gover­nors [Page 19]of Batavia should have raised and fomen­ted the questions and differences between the Father and the Son, as also the notorious false­hood of the second Fact, namely, that the said Government should have forced the King to cause the English to depart out of Ban­tam.

What concerns the first, its known to the world, that for a long time, there had been no good intelligence between the Old King and the Government of Batavia, no not so much as to the least Correspondence, for the latter fin­ding themselves much affronted and injured, in­somuch that at last they took up Arms against each other, the Warr not ending until the Son came to the Crown, so that they could not stirr up the Son against the Father, muchless foment their quarrel.

And what follie would it have been for them of Batavia, to animate the Father to Warr a­gainst the Son, forasmuch as they lived with the Son in amitie, and as good Neighbors, not ha­ving any reason in the least to complain of his Government and conduct towards them, whereas on the contrary if the Father had got the upperhand they should have been in a farr wors condition, and attracted a nieu Enemie a­gainst themselves.

And that they should have stirred up the Son against the Father, and encouraged him to Warr, cannot be imagined by any that are in their right senses, partly because there by they [Page 20]could not expect any profit or advantage, or if they had, it would have been mixt with an un­certaintie as to the event, and again the Son would then have endeavoured to have been a­forehand and the first aggressor, whereas on the contrary it was the Father, who thereby got so great advantage over the Son, burning and ruinating the City, and keeping his said Son besieged in his own Castle, so that, had it not been for the intervention and succours of them of Batavia, the Father certainly would have triumphed over the Son: and put the case the Warr had ended according to the intention and advantage of the Son, what more could he have expected thereby, who already sate on the Throne, and could be no greater then he was, would the Son have listned to such coun­sel, and engaged in a Warr against his Father, whose Interest consisted in governing his Kingdom in peace? And doth it not hence fol­low, that all these troubles did arise from them who breathed after nothing more then change? Who not being able or willing to submit to the Government of the young King, revolted against him, with intention to thrust him from his Throne, and to set up another more suitable to their liking and humor? Which their design also so farr succeeded, that the young King was brought to the point of loosing his Grown and Life.

Could the Government of Bantam at the beginning have with any reason imagined, that [Page 21]the young King should finally have got the upperhand over his Enemies and Rebells? or that the English should have intermedled with that Warr, and would have assisted the Rebells against their own Prince, whom themselves owned as lawful King (of which hereafter shall be more largely spoken) and he thereupon should have thrust the English out of his King­dom?

Would they have stirred up the Son against the Father, after that the Son by so many la­mentable Letters had implored their assistance, and let it come to that extremity, that in case they had delayed but one day longer, he must have given himself over to his Rebels, and un­dergon a cruel death?

In case the Rebels (before it was delivered by the Netherlandish forces) had taken the Castle, and murthered the King, could they have hindred, that either the old King or one of his younger Sons should have obtained the Crown, and so managed the affaires of his Kingdom, as to take vengeance of them, that had opposed themselves against his de­signs.

And if so be in cases of such nature place may be given to conjectures and presumptions, is it not most probable, that the English them­selves have done that very thing, which they falsly impute to the Netherlandish Company?

They Publish for a certain Truth, that the young King, while the Father as yet governd [Page 22]the Kingdom, assassinated their Agent and Commises, and that he alwayes carried himself as an Enemy to them, whereas on the contrary the Government of the Father was most grate­ful unto them.

Doth it then seem to be such an ungrounded praesumption, that they (partly to revenge themselves of that Massacre, of which the King of Great Brittain in his Letter to the now King of Bantam declareth himself so sensible) and partly that it was much for their Interest, that the Son might be puld down from the Throne and put to death, and that the Father or another Brother were set up; they should labour to kindle the fire and foment this Warr? Especially hereunto concurring that they were so soon readie to join their forces to the as­sistance of the Father, without which the Father could not have obtained those advan­tages, nor the Son been brought to such a Laborinth.

Also it will clearly appear, that all the mischief which is come to the English Compa­nie in this businest, is wholy from the bad ma­nagement of affaires by their own Men and Mi­nisters in Bantam?

For the King of Great Brittain and the En­glish Companie acknowledge the young King for the alone King and Soverain.

But their Ministers declare him to be an U­surper and a Rebel of the Father.

Their Masters endeavour to establish a setled peace with him.

They set themselves formally against him as their Enemie.

Their Masters Endeavour to oblige the Son by all means possible, and send great quantitie of all manner of Ammunition of Warr to him.

They do not only disoblige him in all things, but even assist his Enemies with the provision sent to his assistance.

Their Masters in their fore-mentioned Let­ter, pray that God the Creator of Heaven and Earth, would bless and prosper him.

They endeavour to bereave him of his Throne, and make him the most miserable of men.

So that having by these unrighteouss courses brought upon themselves to be driven out of Bantam, they now known not how to excuse the matter.

And being disappointed in their design, as fallen into the pit they digged for others, they are at their wits End and know not what to doe, some bodie must be found out upon whom to lay the blame, and the next that comes to hand is the Netherlandish Companie, Hic mihi turbat aquas.

But had they sate still, or had (as they would make the world believe) kept themselves neu­tral, according to the will and footsteps of their Masters, or had they in stead of helping the Old, assisted the young King, these diffi­culties nor questions had never happened.

And how can the English with any shew of reason dispute or call in question the Soverainty of the young King, seeing it is a known case, that the sending and admitting of Ambassadors and Agents, together with the making of Treaties and Alliances, are true tokens of a Soveraign power, and therefore all such as ad­mit and receive Ambassies, do thereby acknow­ledge the Soverainity of them that send the same, which is also further owned by proffers of Alliances and Leagues, which cannot be erected but between Soveraigns.

Now as to the second Fact; to wit, that after the Netherlandish Company had got the young into their snares and perfidiously brought him under their yoke, they then should have forced him to the expulsion of the English, This we have before manifested to be a false fiction: For first they ought not in a case of so great weight and tendency make such odious and malitious positions, except they had clear and convincing proofs at hand: There is not any one of the Witnesses, which the English Companie have produced, that mentions a word thereof, or that speakes of snares in­to which they of Batavia caused the young King to fall, or of any yoke under which, against all fidelity, they had brought him.

It is true, they produce in the Process one Mr. Waite, speaking of the departure of the English by order of the King, who relates onely of an hard contest between the said [Page 25]King and Major Sr. Martin, before that or­der of causing them to depart, could be ob­tained from him; but being, saith he, alto­gether under the power of the Hollanders, he was necessitated thereunto, but besides what might be alledged to weaken this asser­tion, he confesseth, that what he witnesseth thereof is not of his own knowledge, but that he believeth it to be true upon the cre­dit of persons of worth, which of it self is enough to reject the same, as also it is very observable what on this subject the foresaid Sr. Martin and others with him doe declare: to wit, that the Contest was not to dispose the King to the ejection of the English, but to turn away the wrath and indignation of the King (which because of their assi­stance of his Father and the Rebels, he had taken up against them) and thereby to deliver them from the loss of all their Goods yea life it self, as out of revenge he had determined against them, which also was so taken and acknowledged by the English Compagny at Bantam, when by their Agent they returned thanks unto the Ministers of the Netherlan­dish Companie for their protexion. But sup­pose the King had not been so incensed a­gainst them, as hath been said, and that he had not had design at all to be avenged on them, yet the mere consideration of his se­curity might have moved him to their ejection, as beeing assured they assisted his Rebels, and [Page 26]in apprehension, that they as wel versed in warkely affaires might from England or Else­where reenforce themselves with ships and Sol­diers, besides the Perillous neighbourhood of their warehouse to his Castle, his Father laying round about Bantam with his armie, and keeping it yet for som moneths besieged, and he as yet by his auxiliarie forces having onely the sea open, might if he were not verie circumspect, bee again suddenly assaulted, or at least, the English remayning in Bantam by spying all opportunities, make discoveries to the enemies, so as in way of providence it was requisite for him to do what he did.

If the Letters, (brought in the Processe) be reviewed, it wil appear, whither it be true, as is imputed to them, that they of their own mo­tion did send succours to the said King, yea so as thereby (if their most injurious aspersion were true) to get him into their Klutches or on the contrarie, that is was don at the Great and instant entreaties of the young King, after that al wayes of reconciliation had in vain bin attempted.

But forasmuch as this assistance and succour is thus averslie and after so odious a manner de­claimed, it will be necessaire to relate the same somewhat more fully, and more clearly to dis­cover the occasion and progresse thereof.

After the Rulers of Batavia had ripely consul­ted about the constitution of the affaires of the young King, they thought meet, as also hath before bin specified; to proffer their service of [Page 27]Mediation, between the Father and the Son, to which end they wrote two Letters in civil and obliging termes, testifying their purpose and af­fection in a way of frindship to accommodate and lay by their questions and differences, and with that Intention sent thir Plenepotentiaries with Letters, the one to the Father, and the other to the Son in a Ship prepared to that end, after that som dayes before by way of advance they had also sent three other Ships, but conside­ring those Plenipotentiaries went unto a place where the parties on both sides were in armes, and not being certain whither they might meet with friends or enemies, they therfore judged themselves obliged to put them into a posture of defence, furnishing them with weapons in case of necessitie to make resistance to sueh, as for­getting the right of nations (especially in that confused state of things) and the respect that ought to be given to publick Persons, might possiblie attempt to lay hold on and injurie them, and this is that fleet of Ships and Barcks which in these and other of their writings they so much enhance and make a stir about, as sent to Bantam to land our Troupes there.

Our forefayd Plenepotentiaries having way­ted some time for an answer from the old King, received none, and not knowing what properly the intention of these men might as be to them, sent a good troop of men, to inform themselves more exactly of the State of things: but being a little advanced, they met some Europeans, [Page 28]who by an English Man enquired of them, wherefore they came to intermeddle with the differences of the two Kings? whereuppon being answered, that they came as friends to procure a peace between the Father and the Son, they soon perceyved the design they had formed agaynst them, for forthwith they saw a great troop of men gathered together, ma­king readie some fire Ships and other vessels fit­ted for warre, making a shew as if they would fal foule with us, who verilie were to few in number to have thoughts to attempt any thing agaynst so powrful an enemie, who seemed to come agaynst them, which also they did and came to the deed it self, shooting at us, and with their Canons, which were Managed by the En­glish, they much endammaged our Ships, where­by they perceived, that they not onely, did not accept of our Mediation, but also that they treated us as enemies: upon which they of Ba­ravia soon resolved by force of arms to deliver the young King out of this Miserie and the brinke of death, and to this end to send a suffi­tient power of Ships and Men to this assistance, which also had that successe, as before is men­tioned.

The assistance which the English gave to the old King, whereby the displeasure and wrath of the young King was so kindled agaynst them, even to their ejection out of his country, is so notoriously known to the world, that be­sides the proofs which the Netherlandish Com­Panie [Page 29]have alreadie alledged, they yet further could bring hundreds of convincing testimo­nies, but let onely the letters of the young King which he sent from his besieged castle to them of Batavia be produced, and you shal hear him complayning in these formal words.

The which also in a following Letter to the Major St. Martin he further confirmed.

Beside the said King did afterward make often Complaints to the whole World, that the En­glish had given all assistance to his enemies: yea one of the English themselves, relates in a cer­tain book printed at London, in which he [Page 30]gives an account of what passed at Bantam du­ring the warre, and of which he was eye-wit­nesse, viz. that they of the English nation had furnished the old King with most of all the Am­munition he had, and withal, that they used all means possible to encourage and encense the Javans against the Dutch: and thereupon he con­cludes, that they (to with the English) had no ground much to rely upon the frienship of the Netherlanders, in case they once came to set foot on land: Notwithstanding they are not asha­med to deny al this, yea in the Memorial deli­vered by Mr. Chardin (while he was here) and seconded and further confirmed by a certain Memorial, which the English Companine, to­gether with their demands, delivered over to the Commissaries, who were to decide on both sides, namely, that the English in all this while, had kept themselves altogether neutral between the said opposing parties, and conclude from thence, that the King had not out of his motion caused them to depart, but thro the Instigation of the Major St. Martin (a thing most notori­ous false) as at the beginning they clamoured and published to the whole world, namely that we drave them out with force, after a most barbarous and unheard of manner.

So then it appeares on both sides that their de­parture was caused by the Kings order, who only hath powr of Command in his country, and whose command they were bound to obey: But it is denyed, and there is reason to protest [Page 31]against Injurie don us, as if we had bin the effe­cters of the same. Ought not then the English to prove that fact? undoubtedly yea; but have they any proof thereof? certainly non at al. Can the English Satisfy with this, that in stead of proof they onely produce obscure, suspicious discourses to which no credit wil be given▪ save only by such as are praeoccupied, and readie to take, whatever may serve to feed and streng then an anticipated humour.

They remonstrate, that in a certain hearing, which the King of Bantam granted them soon after the obtained Victorie; they could not per­ceive the least distemper, or Indignation, but that indeed there were some hot words passed between the King and Sr. Martin: But, I pray, is this a proof to convince as to a crime, espe­cially of such nature as this? We neither may nor can rely upon the gesture and countenance of any, muchless of a King, especially of an Indian Prince, who seeks to keep in his wrath and indignation, and to take his best opportu­nity to avenge himself: Is there any one that ever heard that Major Sr. Martin instigated the King to chase the English? Is there any thing produced in the least tending thereto? Certainly nothing: on the contrarie the said Sr. Martin as a Man of honor, a Gentleman of qualitie, and surpassing modestie, wisdom and learning, wholie takes of all sinister suspition, in protesting that the intercourse with the King was entended to no other end, then to divert and take of the [Page 32]King from the design he had to destroy all the English, and should he not to doe so, have had much more reason, then, as the English Com­panie in their Demand given in against the Netherlandish Companie, and more amply in their Reply doe assert, that he some years be­fore had caused the Agent of the English Com­panie to be murthered, together with their Co­mises, of which they afterwards made such heavie complaints, yet nothing followed there­upon: Is it then to be wondred at, that he was so greatly incensed because of this their action, that except he had forceablie bin diswaded by Sr. Martin, he had caused them all to be slain? They endeavour also to make the Netherlandish Companie or their Ministers suspected to have an hand, likewise in this Action, but they are ne­cessitated to protest against this outragious in­jurie and Calumnie, They who at the same time were so highly out of favour with the old King then reigning, would certainly be far from having an hand in so horrible a Murther, by which they could not in any respect be ad­vantaged: If that William Kaef the Nether­landish Resident at Bantam, when the Old King overthrew and saccaged the Citie, was fain for to escape massacring, to retire to Ba­tavia leaving all the Goods and Effects of the Netherlandish Compagnie in their Lodge, which undoubtedly was by some English, though perhaps without the knowledge of their Masters in part stolen: should not then [Page 33]the English, had they not in that furie been pro­tected by the Netherlandish forces, have been in far greater danger? Would there have bin any appearance for any of them to have escaped with their lives? And nevertheless according to their saying, It is the Dutch that caused all these Troubles and Mischiefs to befal them. But the English were not then of that opinion, nor used such kind of Language, when they came so solemnly to declare their thankfulness to the Dutch, for their good will and protection they had shewed to them.

But how little the English Companie doth agree with it self, and how often they are out and in in their writings, doth hereby appear, that in what they have deposed by form of de­mand, themselves say, that their Agent and the Councel the day after the raising of the Siege, were with the King in his Castle, to take of and appease, if possible, the Chagrin and wrath of the King so hot against them, and that they then found him by far less incensed then the Hollanders said he was: Farthermore in their said Memorial, which they delivered over, together with the foresaid pretences, and to which by the foresaid Demand they adhere, they say, that the same day they were introduced to the King, who laid before them many accusa­tions, not so much as permitting them to speak a word for their defence.

It followeth then, that whereas they said, when they were brought in before him, they [Page 34]could not in the least perceive in his posture or visage any token of indignation, is a pure un­truth.

But yet further to convince the English Company of the falsehood of what they im­pute to the Netherlandish Companie, and that after so odious a manner, it is only needful to look over the Answer of the Netherlandish Companie to the complaints brought in by Mr. Chudley and Sr. John Chardin, in May 1682. whereby the same doth testifie a super-abounding affection and perfect readiness to contribute to all meanes and wayes of reesta­blishing of the English Company there, by em­ploying their Credit and Authoritie with the present King, as also to reconcile the two contending parties, according to a Medium therein proposed, and so consequently to re­cal our Troups out of the Kingdom of Ban­tam.

Now it can easily be conceived, they would not have done all this, in case that by their meanes that Warr had been raised, or that they had had an hand in the chasing of the En­glish, or had caused the same, muchless if it had been true, as is malitiously imputed to them, that for many yeares since they had plot­ted, for to draw, and by that meanes to engrosse the whole Pepper-Trade unto them­selves, and that as they affirm, to the inesti­mable dammage of the English Compagnie, of which shall be further spoken hereafter. [Page 35]And seeing then it is a false Fiction, that the Dutch Companie should have driven the En­glish out of Bantam, although perhaps it might have been (which nevertheless was ne­ver directly nor indirectly attempted) that by suggestion they might have somewhat contri­buted thereunto; yet hereby also their preten­ded action of dammage and reparation doth fall of it self.

But that of which also, they have made an hideous cry and tintamar, by an express com­plaint in their foresaid Memorial, which in May 1683. they presented to your Puiss. Highnesses, and which they more fully dilated afterward, is first, that the day after the deliverance of the King, one James de Roy, Lieutenant of the Companie of Major St. Martin, should have taken down the Flag named the Banner of St. George, planted upon the House of one Captain John Fisher, that the said Fisher thereupon making haste to his House found the said de Roy with a part of the Flag in his hand, having torn the rest, and given it to his Souldiers to make Scarfs of.

Again the said Souldiers had drunk out part of the Drinking-wares, and taken away the re­mainder together with his houshold-stuff, and withall evilly entreated him, and placed some black Moores in his house.

Thirdly, that five dayes after the departure of the English from Bantam, our Souldiers came into the House of the English Companie, [Page 36]and had sent some Moores (of their Servants) to fetch of the Pavillion that was displaid on their Lodge.

Now suppose all this to be a true storie, and might thereupon give credit at the deposition of one man only, to wit, the foresaid Captain Fisher, and that also in his own case, for fur­ther Witnesses are not brought for proof of this Fact, yet it is considerable the Actor hier­of was in service of the King, and not as is ve­ry abusively said, the Lieutenant of Major Sr. Martin, and consequently the Souldiers were Bantamers: and it is worthie of observation, forasmuch as this Jaques de Roy is so ofsen brought upon the Stage, that he is a person, who somewhile before the Warr, was retired from Batavia to Bantam, for to shun his Cre­ditors, whom the young King took into his service, who had in and during the Warr sig­nalized himself by special services, wherefore also he was highly esteemed by the said King, though himself were a man of little worth.

Again, although the foresaid first Flag (for there is mention made of two) might have been the Banner of St. Gerge, yet could it not bring any respect to a private House, and there­by to be freed from the disorders that in time of Warr are incident, more then to any other House, & what concerns the Banner & use made thereof, is that a thing to cause so much distur­bance, that a Captain of the King should with his Souldiers take down from a private House [Page 37]the English Flag, after that the King and the whole Nation lookt on him as an Enemie of his Person and of the State?

What concerns the second part, although the relation thereof might perhaps be accord­ing to trueth, which nevertheless is doubted of, and cannot be prooved, it doth not touch the Dutch Companie, yea though it had been don by their Men: but must be imputed to the disorders in War.

As to the third point, if the recital thereof be according to trueth, and that they sent some of their black Servants to take down the Ban­ner, which notwithstanding is nothing but a report and recital of some Chineses, this doth nothing to the charging of the Netherlandish Companie, the said Chineses might be de­manded, how they came to know those Moores were Servants of the Dutch Souldiers and not of the King, as is much more probable, seeing it should be an unusual thing, at least unheard of among us, that simple Souldiers should have Moores to their Servants: but po­sito that the Dutch Souldiers might have been Executors of the Kings Order therein: the Kings Right is incontestable, and he might take away the Pavillion of the English, after that he had banished them out of his Countrie, yea though the Souldiers had don it without the Order of the King, which is not likely, yet had it been nothing else then a Militarie Inso­lence, which also must be ascribed to the dis­orders [Page 38]of War, where the Lawes of Modesty and Deceneie are seldom regarded, and there­fore without injustice cannot be imputed to them, who in the time of the War at Bantam did represent the Government of Batavia, who never were behinde hand, in that respect which they ow to Crowned Heads; but what need is it to have recours to conjectures, where­as by a certain produced deposition it is appa­rent, that it was the King himself who com­manded the Flag to be taken down from the English Lodge: and what is said of the Dutch Flags which after the Victorie were planted upon the Castle and in other parts of the City, deserves no Answer, since its a known thing that we never pretended any territorial Right in Bantam, muchless put the same in execu­tion: but however the said Flags served to no other purpose, then to make it known to the Dutch Troupes, who after the raising of the Siege, were posted in the principal places of the City according to the usual practise every where in like occasions. The Flag upon the Castle was set up by order of the King to shew honor to the Dutch, however placed under the Flag of the King.

Besides they of the English Company com­plain, that the day after the raising of the siege, the Dutch Resident Kaeff with a Troop of Souldiers and some Masons came into the En­glish Lodge, and ordered the English Agent forthwith to take away the Galeries, and to [Page 39]naile up the Windowe: And that thereupon a Dutch Renegate, who was in his Company, began presently to threaten him, that if the English did not, he himself would do it, which also, as they say, he really did.

This seemeth to be an outragious act don to the English: but if we look into the nature of the thing, it will be found to be a meer trifel, which they ought to be ashamed to urge in this manner:

The Historie is this: Because the Dutch Companie would not be troublesom to any, they chose their own Lodge at Bantam for their Magasin of Arms, and other provisions. Now the Wall of their said Lodge touching part of the English Compagnies dwelling House, and in that said Wall they formerly had had no other opening beside a casement: Somewhile af­ter the English by permission of the Old King, who let slip no opportunitie to affront & molest them, made great wide windows, to open and shut, and besides that a Gallirie also which hanging four or five foot over the ground of the Hollanders Lodge, gave the English oppor­tunity to hear and see all what ever the Dutch did: The young King considering that our said Lodge in time of Warr, was like to be the great Magasin, thought it requisite to prevent such dangerous consequences as might be occasioned by overtures, being over a place of the House, where the Powder and other Ammonitions of Warr did lay, and out or through which win­dows [Page 40]or overtures in the wall, the English at all times might com upon that place, at their pleasure: and knowing the English would not seale up those Windowes, nor suffer the Galli­ries to be taken away, he thereupon sent his ser­vants with a Dutch Renegado, to cause it to be don; and it may perhaps be true, that the Resident Kaeff was at that time present, foras­much as it was don in the said Lodge of the Dutch Companie, where according to his Office he was to take care of the Magasin.

What evil can herein be imputed to the com­panie, and what accusation can the English frame from this? A thing which way so ever they take it, was carried on by the authoritie of the King, and according to their saying executed by a Re­negado, the verie naming of whom shews, that he was not in service nor under the Oath of the Netherlandish Companie.

And what besides this they lay to the Charge of the duteh Companie, is, first that they should have taken from the English their horses, and som other things, and have eonstrayned them to take out the Powder that was in their Ships and to bring it a shore.

Secondly, that what they, at the command of the King to depart, in al haste had laden in their boats to bring aboard their Ships, in which neyther the people of the Countrie, nor the Sol­diers did any wayes hinder them, but passing by the English Chalops which kept the watch at sea, they were by them arrested, under pre­tence, [Page 41]they had order to suffer nothing to be car­ried aboard the English Ships, and in case they persisted to do it they should be shot at, by which they should have bin necessitated to return to Land with their Boats.

Thirdly that they complaying of such vio­lence to Major St. Martin, he in a jesting way should answer, that al was don by order from the King, whereas no man on Land, Soldier or others had a hand in those Violences, but all was don by our Soldiers onely.

Forthly, that the Chief of the French requi­ring of the King restitution of four Chists with Silver which was taken from him, the King should answer in the presence of the Dutch Commissarie, that he knew nothing thereof, and that he would do no injurie neither to them, nor to the English, Danes, or other Stran­gers trafficking in his Countrie, and in case any wrong had bin don unto him, since the Hollan­ders had set foot on Land, that he must require reparation from the Duth Commissarie, or the General at Batavia.

Fiftly, that at the last instance made, to cause the English to quit Bantam, being, as they say, the day before their departure, our Soldiers came into the English Lodge, robbed the Cham­bers, and took away all they found there; where­upon the people of the country (so far were they from doing them the least wrong) permitted them to seal up their Magasin and undertook to keep it safe for them.

What Concerns the first point, sorasmuch as they do not onely not say, much lesse prove, that our men should have taken the horses and and other goods from the English, nor that they should have constrained them to fetch their powder out their Ships, therefore the Nether­landish Companie wil passe that by, as a thing which doth not concern them, and of which they are wholy discharged by the often fore­mentioned Memorial annexed to the demand or pretense which the English Companie deposed and delivered in, and to which they do referre themselves, in which is expressely said, that Pagoran Diepa Panerat, one of the principal Ministers of the young King, or rather the first Minister of State, had don the same, although they put it in such General and ambiguous ex­pressions, in all appearence, as if they would lay it to the Charge of our Men: Onely what concerns the Powder, the Dutch companie doth say, that in case it were true, that the English were fain by the order of the King to unlade the same and bring it to Land, that it was don not because the King stood in need of it, for he was abundantly furnished by them of Batavia, but only to prevent that they might not deliver the same to his enemies, and besides it cannot be ill taken, that the King in that confused state of things, would oppose and hinder the English from going so often too and fro to their Ships.

Concerning the second point, namely that [Page 43]we should have hindred the English from de­parting out of Bantam, and also to have stop­ped their boats, hath not the least appearance of truth in it, forasmuch as themselves con­fesse, that we assisted them with our Boats and Chalops to carrie their goods and wares a bord their Ships, when none of the people of the countrie, or their Boats could be obtained to be serviceable to them therein, so little accep­tance they had with that Nation, and how can this hang together, that we should have procu­red their departure from the King, and then when they were readie to depart, to hinder it, yea the English disagree in the verie position laid down about it, for their foresaid Memoriall, to which by their demand, they refer themselves, dictates not that their men were stopt at Sea by our Barks that kept watch, but that it was don by the watch of the Netherlandish Companie on Land at the mouth of the haven, to wit, as ha­ving order to suffer nothing to be carried from Land to the English Ships.

The complaints which thereupon they should have made to Major St. Martin comprehended in the third point, as if he had in a kind of mock­age, answered them, that all was don by or­der of the King, what doth this make to the thing? for put the case the said Major (which not withstanding is not granted) might say, not in way of Mockage, but in earnest, that it was to be imputed to the order of the King, which goes farther, if those orders had bin executed by our [Page 44]Soldiers, although that also is denyed, and of which the English doe produce no proofs, yet could it not any wayes prejudice the Dutch Companie as not being bound to be responsable for the Orders of the King.

Touching the Kings answer to the Chief of the French his complaint, and that the King remitted him as to that matter to Batavia, of which is spoken in the forth point, although it should be al true, which notwithstanding is not proeved, it might be that the King did it in such a manner to free himself from the trouble of those complaints, as wel knowing that one of his Ministers had ceased on the said Chefts with silver, which however it be, neither concerns the English, nor obligeth the Dutch Companie to be answerable for the same.

But to demonstrate yet more fully how far the English Companie in all their pretences do aberre from the truth, they say, as may be seen, in the proposall of the first point, that the peo­ple of the Countrie, to wit, of Bantam, the day before they, viz. the English were caused to remove, did indeed com into their Lodge, but without doing of them the least Injurie, and yet they say in their foresaid Memorial anexed to their Demand, that at the same time they took away all their provision driving the English out of the Chambers (except one named, Waite) and took possession thereof; but a little after the Dutch Soldiers came who further made spoil, and carried away al they found there: But this [Page 45]can not be: because the English had a day be­fore their departure carried away for Batavia in the Ships of the Dutch Company all their Moveables, to the very least thing of any worth (their departure, as themselves say, being the 12. of April) and so nothing could be found: and besides all the time of their inhabiting of Batavia. which dured more then a year, they never brought in any complaints, by a List or other way shewing, what the Dutch Souldiers had rob'd them of, but on the contrary they came and rendred their thancks to the Govern­ment there, for all the assistance had been don unto them, without the least mention of wrong received: which had they don, the Go­vernment there might forthwith have caused enquirie to be made, and if it had been true, procured satisfaction; but letting that occa­sion slip, and being negligent therein, and then to bring in their Complaints hier, and that without any proof, the Dutch say is a thing al­together unreasonable.

As hath before been alledged, the English Compagny from the beginning hath pretended reestablishment at Bantam from the Dutch Companie, and to which in their Demand or Memorial of their pretences delivered over to the Commissaries of both sides, they remain persisting, with request that the same may in the first place before all other things be deba­ted and determined, taking for their founda­tion, that that reestablishment had alreadie bin [Page 46]accorded and agreed to by you Pu. Highnesses and by the Netherlandish Company.

But now not yet content with that, they praetend by their foresaid Demand besides the recalling of the Dutch Troops, the delivering over the Castle of Bantam in its entire, for to put into it a strong Garrison, pretending that otherwise they would not be willing to settle themselves again there, yea they require that the whole Citie be delivered up, and put into the hands of his Majesty of Great Brittain.

What concerns the first, it is true indeed that the English Company did pretend all this, but it is evident, that the Dutch Company hath as little right to this, as to give over the whole City with the Castle, according to their fur­ther pretence: We who have only a simple re­sidence, without participation of any Autho­rity, which doth wholie reside in the person of the King, it is for us a moral impossibility to dispose of that which Privative doth belong to the King, and so to reestablish the English there against his will without intrusion into his right, and violating his Authority: for al­though the Dutch Company hath their Troops in Bantam which serve the King for a Gar­rison to defend his City, yet that affords them no Territorial right, nor the least power to bring in again those whom he hath banished from thence.

And as they cannot by force of Arms oblige the King to take in again the English, and re­settle [Page 47]them in Bantam without usurping upon the Right of Nations, and deservedly to in­curre the disaffection and hatred of all the Princes and Potentates of Indie, so can they with as little ground do it by threatnings, with­out injurie to their fidelity, which must be the stay of the credit of the said Companie among the Indian People, who otherwise would not rely upon their word, nor enter into Alliances, [...]nd combinations with them.

But they of the English Company averre, that herein not only consists their interest, but they have also the promise of your Pui. High­nesses, they onely requiring the Execution of the same.

As to their Interest the Dutch Company will easilie grant, that the foresaid reestablish­ment might be for their advantage (although they, as hath before bin said, declare that ex­cept they have a Garrison, and the Castle for their security they would not reside there) so al­so undoubtedly it would be for their interest, if the Dutch Company did admit them into those Countries, where we have our spices, and which we possess by propriety, with seclusion of all others: and so also it would be for the interest of this State and the Inhabitants there­of, that the English would permit them the Na­vigation and trade in the Barbados, Caribes, New-England, the Virgines, and many other Countries they possess in America, where they will not suffer us, nor other Nations of Eu­rope [Page 48]so much as to pass their Seas. But the Question in this case is not, the convenience or Interest but the Right. If that the English Company could groundedlie maintain, that the Dutch Company is bound to resettle them there, and prove it by cleare and convincing reasons that they had driven them out of Ban­tam, the business were at an end.

But to come to their second ground, viz. the promise of your Pui. Highnesses, and of the Dutch Company, which was made to them Anno 1683▪ that they should be resetled there: To this we have before said, and do now again answer, that those Proffers do serve for an un­deniable proof, that the Dutch Companie sought nothing more then to continue with the English Company in an intimate Friendship and Confidence, which by that accident at Ban­tam did seem in some measure to be interrup­ted, and that they would rather decline the ad­vantages which by such excessive expences they had acquired there, then to remain continually in contention and quarrel with the English Company: and hereby the Dutch Company oblitterate those aspensions and calumnies im­puted unto them, as if in all appearance they for their own Interest and wilfully had incited and fomented the Differences, and warr that followed thereupon, between the Father and the Son, and had two yeares before formed that design by corresponding with Pangoran Diepa Nagara, and so contrived the banishing of the [Page 49]English out of Bantam: For if all this had bin true, they should verie badly have managed their business, after that all was thus succeeded, and they with such excessive charges attained what they aimed at, they should then without any pressing necessitie have made so little ac­count of it, and that for the mere pleasure of them, who for all the pretences, and justifi­cation of their complaints made, had nothing to shew in way of proof: Indeed had the En­glish Company, at that time rested satisfyed, the Dutch Companie should have been obli­ged to perform the same, how praejudiciable soever it might afterward have been to them: But forasmuch as the English Company was then pleased wholie to reject and break of those transactions, whereas we so desirously longed that they might be brought to a good end in England, and for which, as is said, the Lord Ambassador Citters was fully authorised, al the time that business of Bantam was in the termes, as they were, during the Negotia­tions, and treatie with Mr. Chudly and Sr. John Chardin in the Hague, and which the English Company also caused to be broken of: where­upon it fals now to be enquired into, whi­ther the Dutch Companie, since the case of things be wholie changed and of an other nature, be still obliged to the same.

It is evident that at that time the State of the affaires of Bantam was not known, na­mely, whither the warr between the Father [Page 50]and the Son were yet remaining, or ended; if it were determined, whither by an accom­modation or by the Sword: If by the Sword, who of the two, the Father, or Son, re­mained Conqueror, and thereby become ma­ster of the Kingdom: During which uncer­taintie, it can not be judged imprudencie, that the Netherlandish East-Indie Company (by whose forces the Son was delivered from his inevitable ruin, and by whom he further was to be assisted, so as not to fall under the oppression of his rebellious Subjects) should interpose their credit and authority by the said King for the setling of the En­glish in Bantam, if he were Conqueror, and with condition the English should yield no further assistance to the Father: and in case the Father were Victor, that then the En­glish should imploy all their credit by the Father, that the Dutch Company might en­joy a good Neighborhood with them: and these Proffers of the Dutch Companie, while things stood thus at an uncertaintie, were the more excusable by the King of Bantam, be­cause they endeavoured thereby to prevent the succours which the English Company pretended to send the Father, and also be­cause at that time it was not yet known, how far the English had made themselves irrecon­cilable to him.

During this uncertaintie of things, the Dutch Companie made these Proffers, ye [...] [Page 51]Sr. John Chardin himself projected an accom­modation between both the Companies, in which mention was made of the withdrawing of the Dutch Troopes out of Bantam, and what each Companie should be obliged unto in those occasional accidents, as are thereby specifyed: But as it pleased the said Mr. Chudly and Sr. John Chardin very unexspectedly to break of those treatises, which already were so far advanced, and they also of the English Com­pany on their part did reject the Proffers, which not only your Puis: Highnesses in their foresaid Answer to the Memorial of Sr. John Chardin, had made: But those also, which the Ambassa­dor Citters afterwatds did make, in the name and upon the account of the Netherlan­dish Companie, after that the foresaid Sr. John Chardin was returned into England, and the English began again to bring in new Demands, after they had very disdaingfully rejected the former, hereupon the Netherlandish Compa­ny judged, that they stood no longer bound to theirs, especially when as somewhile after by tydings on both sides in Letters from the Indies it was signifyed, that the Warr at Bantam was ended to the advantage of the young King, who reobtained the Kingdom as possessor, had taken the Father prisoner and subdued his Rebels, so that consequently the Netherlandish Company had now no longer any ground nor pretext, either to treat with the English about their resetling in Bantam, as beeing, Territorium [Page 52]plane alienum, muchless to promise the same, and the rather because the now reigning King having considered the conspiracies of the En­glish with his Father and rebellious Subjects, hath declared them his pernicious Enemies.

Seeing then from all what hath been said, it clearly appeareth, that the English Companie did rather chose to expect the uncertain Lot of Warr, then to agree with the Dutch Com­pany, while it was time, about their Set­lement, it is therefore reasonable that they now acquiesce, and leave the Netherlandish Company unmolested, as to their reestablish­ment.

It followeth therefore, that it is wholy be­sides the purpose, at present to make use, or apply to their advantage the foresayd answer of your Pu: Highnesses to the foresaid Memorial, after they had rejected the foresaid Proffer, and had determined not onely to reestablish them­selves by force of Arms, but wholie to becom the Masters of Bantam, and to that end to set out a formidable Power of ships and Men at sea, though their Entreprize, as they them­selves depose in their foresaid reply, was stopt by his Majesty of happie Memorie, & not suffe­red to put forth to sea: now this was the reason that they having formed & being busie about this design, that the Charges thereof might not be fruitlesse, did not only reject the Proffers a foresayd, of the Dutch Companie, but made such Excessive Extravagant demands, as [Page 53]the delivering up of the whole Citie of Bantam with the Castle, although they wel knew that it neither would nor could bee accepted of us, or in case they were accepted, that then they had attaind to what they aymed.

So long then as the State of things was at an uncertaintie, and it might be in doubt who of the twain father or son should have the upper­hand, though the sonne seemd by far more like­ly to prevail, neverthelesse the Netherlands Companie judged, that in such a Constitution of things, it could not be il taken that they en­tred with the English Companie into a treatic, how they might after the best way procure a peace between the two Kings, by interposing their credit and service of love, & obtain the reestablishment of the English Companie; but al this being rejected by the English with disdaing, and that uncertaintie which then was, beeing brought to a Certaintie, so as the whole busi­nesse is becom of quite another Nature, that the Netherlandish Companie should yet be bound to perform, what they in the uncertain state of things did shew themself willing un­to, the Netherlandish Companie apprehen­deth, that it in justice cannot be required. For first thereby, besides other considerations, they should certainly be made loosers of the sum of six times hundred thousand Ryxdallers, which the King of Bantam by evening acounts is found endebted to the Dutch Companie, and of which a Contract is made with him in par­ticular, [Page 54]in which he grants to their Company the Traffick in his Kingdom, so long and until, he shall come to be in a condition to repay the same to the Dutch Company: But that which besides this deserves to be reflected upon, is, that the King of Bantam hearing a rumour that the English Company persisted in their pretence of resettlement in Bantam, with the calling back of our Troopes thence, wrote to the Government of Batavia (even after he had surmounted al difficulties) that in case they should consent therein, and withdraw our Militia from thence, he should not be able to continue master in the work, but be necessita­ted to retire to Batavia, in hope protection should not there be refused him, and thereup­on besought in all humility, that they would at no hand forsake, and reduce him to such ex­tremities, but perform their word given him by solemn Contract. And how should the Ne­therlandish Companie be officious to their re­admission, seeing the English Company in their writings do so scandalously decipher him, as namely, that he hath with the approbation of all the world acted against the English Nation as an Enemie, so unthanckful, so barbarous, with such antipathie from their Blood, without any the least reason or provocation: that his Majesty of Great Brittain without injurie to his honour, may not rest till he have secured himself of that City and whole Kingdom, until he have got reparation, and that the sooner, because he is, according to [Page 55]their saying, however he bear the title of King nothing else but a perfect Slave of Batavia, and a Servant to their will and pleasure. High words indeed: also it is a wonderful Dilemma of the English Companie, to wit, if the Old King of Bantam have any right to Bantam, and the de­pendencies thereof, then the conclusion is most solid, that the same is devolved upon the de­ceased King of Great Brittain, of happy Memo­rie: And if the right appertains to the young King, as the Hollanders affirm, then he hath acted by the approbation of the whole World, against the Subjects of his said Maj. as an enemie, & according to what they have deciphred him.

Concerning the first member of this Dilem­ma, being it is evident, that the Old King of Bantam having given over his Kingdom to his Eldest Son the present inheritor thereof, he now cannot afterward give it to another: the conclusion that follows hence is directly against the English Company. What concerns the se­cond part of the Dilemma, if it be the young King to whom this right doth belong, and and that it be true, that he had acted against the English as an enemy ungrateful, barba­rous, and with antipathie to their blood, with­out the least provocation, as indeed may be drawn, but nevertheless not to justifie the De­mand of the English Company against them of Holland, neither can any thing therefrom be concluded against the present King of Bantam, in case he hath justly, as he affirmeth, testifyed [Page 56]his displeasure against the English: But in the mean while we cannot let pass, without ta­king notice that while they are pleased to heap up reproches upon the young King, then they say; he had acted against the Subjects of his Ma­jesty as an enemie, ungrateful, barbarous, with an Antipathie of their Blood, without the least provocation, further, that he is unworthy of alliance with them; but when the business is, to load the Dutch, and make them the Authors of their expulsion out of Bantam, then they alter their strain, and say, that they could not so much as observe neither in the words or gesture of the King the least thing manifesting any displea­sure against the English, or that he had a design to make them depart out of his Connirie.

Here, they name the present King a Slave of the Netherlandish Companie, and in their Reply they say, that the Old King, when he sate on his Throne, would willingly have been a Slave of the King of England, and thereof would have made his triumph.

In their Reply they give the mentioned King the name of a pauvre Idiot, a vile per­son, une Chetive Creature, &c. And in their let­ter they wrote to him in March 1683. they styl him a wise King, to whom they say, they will send a person with the Title of Envoy or Extraordinary Ambassador, with full power to conclude an everduring League and Alliance with him.

The same Title the King of Great Brittain [Page 57]giveth him in his fore mentioned Letter, sti­ling him a wise and righteouss Prince.

On the contraire, the English Companie in their Triplick, call him a Murtherer, and Con­temner of the publick faith.

And how odiously the English Companie in their foresaid Letter (annexing also, what they wrote to Pangoran Diepa Penerat, Chief Mi­nister of State) have deciphred the Nether­landish Companie, and in what esteem we were alreadie with them, even before the Warr of Bantam was kindled, the Dutch Companie will referre to the judgment of the Reader.

It hath already been mentioned, that the English Companie in their foresaid Demand did pretend, besides the calling back of the Dutch Troopes, the deliverie also of the whole Citie and Castle of Bantam, or else as they said they would not make their residence there again.

But besides that the English Commissaries, who were to decide the differences, did as hath been said, Judge, that this their demand, as altogether ungrounded and unreasonable, ought to be denyed, so it is a thing that doth sufficient­ly refute it self.

For before the Warr of Bantam the English Companie had nothing there but a Lodge and simple Residence, without the least Territo­rial right: The King after he had triumphed over his Enemies, knowing that they had afford­ed all manner of assistance to them, and not being [Page 58]at rest as fearing their future miscarriage, and especially in this juncture of time, while he was yet surroundred of Enemies, causes them to dislodge: Hereupon now the English Compa­nie comes and demands the deliverie of the whole City and Castle, having had nothing there, but as hath been said, a Lodge for Com­merce, and this they will have from the Ne­therlandish Companie, who have no right at all to dispose thereof, except they chase away the King that now is, out of Bantam, for to put it into the hands of the English, and ex­cept they could make it out, and to be agreable to justice, that the Dutch Companie should threaten the present King to abandon and de­liver him over to the will and mercie of his Enemies, by remouving of their Troopes out of his Citie, whereas we are bound by Con­tract to maintain and protect him, should now falter in our word, and falselie our trust, a thing which may nor ought to be required of us.

But it is said, that the Dutch Companies in­tent in this, is to monopolise all the trade of Pepper, and get it to themselves wholie, and to this they ad, that seeing the Netherlandish Companie having besides the trade of Cloves, Nutmegs, Mace and cinnamon, al this would make them able to maintain a fleet to withstand the mightiest King in Europe.

But besides that there are so many other great countries in the Indies, where Pepper may be [Page 59]had, and to which the English Companie have acces as wel as the Dutch, and that it is im­possible, the Netherlandish Company should get them all under their power & command, it ought to be called to mind, that when we were in trea­tie here with Sr. John Chardin, that we prof­fered the Pepper-trade in Common to the En­glish Companie, and that by the Contract which should be made with the King the half should be allotted them, of which an article was at that time made, and presented in writing, but by the said Sr. John Chardin rejected, so far was it from the Dutch Companies intention to design the same, as its malitiously laid to their charge, and not only as to the Pepper-trade, but they add also in their Triplick, that the aim of the Dutch Company by this their Residence at Bantam, was besides the Pepper to engrosse, to their inestimable profit, the Linnen-Trade also: Whereas on the contrary the Dutch Companie in their foresaid proposals to Sr. John Chardin, beside the Pepper did admit them to the half of all other Wares, including the Linnen, which they also refused, and not­withstanding in their said Reply they further say, that al the endeavour of the Dutch Com­panie was whether by right or wrong to keep things in the state to which they had brought them.

The English Company had first set in their Demand they gave in, that by our residence at Bantam we had made the Pepper-Trade more [Page 60]difficult to them, but in their forenamed Re­ply they say, that we made way to Monopo­lise the whole, so far may men be blinded by passion.

To what the English Companie doe further depose in their foresaid Demand, viz. that those in pay, of the Dutch Companie, had upon the coast of Mallabar assaulted their Men, given fire on them, and this also to deprive them of the remainder of the Trade in Pepper they as yet had there: The Dutch could have wished, they had more clearly declared themselves as to the place where, the foresaid Coast laying a­longst the Sea the space of an hundred miles, as also to the year and time when, together to what Ship or Barck and upon what occasion: as on their part the Netherlandish Companie is readie the shew after what manner they delt with our Men upon the West Coast of Suma­tra, to wit the English Fregat .... in Sep­tember 1683 being upon the Coast before Ayer Bangi, and sending out his Chaloup with about fourtie armed Souldiers against our men sitting in a Boat, shooting once and again with Bullets: As the Ships the Societie, the Praesi­dent, the Eagel and Bercklie Castle, who at their return homeward from Bantam, Corman­del and Bengale, in Iuly and the following Months of the year 1681. overwintering at the Island Mauritius, committed no small insolences and mischiefs, especially they of the Praesident, and Eagel, robbing and carrying away all what [Page 61]they found, notwithstanding all the complaints and protestations made by the people of the Dutch Companie, of which we have authen­tick evidences in hand to shew.

We pass by, that the English for so many years have made it their constant work, to de­bauch our men at Bengale, on the Coast of Cormandel, at Bantam, and elsewhere, to draw them out of our service, to serve them on their Ships homeward, (being weakly mand) against the protestations made from time to time, as is to be shewn by evidences in hands of the Ne­therlandish Companie: That the English Com­panie is entended, as themselves have divulged, to set down and build a Fortresse on Priamang, seated on the West Coast of Sumatra (a coun­trie under the command of the Dutch Com­pany, and where they have a Fort lying) which by the first Letters that come, we ex­pect to hear that it is already effected, they ha­ving sent to that end divers Ships, with Men, Materials, and warlike furniture: the mischief that hence will ensue, may easilie be gessed at.

It is a thing inconceivable, how they dare publish to the world, that the Dutch Compa­nie by a contract made with them of Macasser November Anno 1667, and as they say, printed at Batavia, by which the English Nation was secluded from Commerce in that Countrie, and of which after the expiration of eighteen years, they make complaints in their writings: whereas since that time two solemn Treatises have been made betwixt England and this State, [Page 62]beside the forenamed agreement of the year 167 [...], by which all pretences and actions what­soever, which might have been against each other, were nullifyed as if they never had bin, and although this should not be urged, the Dutch Compagnie is ready to justifie what they did, by holding forth to the world their right in making such kind of Contracts: But what in this case falls into special consideration, is, that the foresaid Contracts made by the Ne­therlandish Companie, was during the Warr with England, or before the peace concluded anno 1667. was, or could be known in the In­dies, or at Macassar.

So then although all were true what is publi­shed in a certain writing, and by Mr. Skelton, Envoy Extraordinarie, annexed to the fore­said Memorial, presented to your Puis. High­nesses, that we had violently seased on the Factors of the English Company, carried them away prisonners to Batavia, and then spoiled their Houses (although the Companie, upon their Faith and Credit, are ignorant hereof) what could this any way help the English, or why should they thus exclaime about it? Hath not England about this verie time taken by force New-Netherland from our West-Indie Companie, & can the Dutch West-Indie Com­panie frame an action or pretence hereon? With­out doubt, No.

The English Companie finding themselves destitute of necessarie proofs to make good [Page 63]the matter of Fact, they charge the Dutch Companie with, which nevertheless can only serve as the foundation of what they urge, as also being convinced of the unanswerable con­futation made by the Dutch Companie, with most evident demonstration of the ungrounded­ness of the assertions of the English Companie, they betake themselves in their Reply to re­proches, calumniating the Dutch Companie in the conduct of their affaires after so odious a manner, and in such extravagant termes, as must needs make all men astonished, how peo­ple of honour and understanding should so for­get themselves, yea so far as that the English Commissaries themselves in the conference with the Commissaries who on our side were, to decide the business, were constrained to abhor and manifest their discontent thereof: And although the Dutch wanted no matter to convince the English Companie of their in­tollerable injurie, and to disabuse the World of so many untruths falsly imputed to them, yet they judged it better to abstain and with a modest silence to pass it by, then enter into further contest, and make the rupture of the Friendship (which is so necessary between both the Companies) yet greater, and the wound incurable.

The Demand the Dutch Company made by reconvention, consisted herein, that they at the earnest request of the English Companie had lent or accommodated them with four Ves­sels, [Page 64]for the transport of their persons, mer­chandises and effects from Bantam to Batavia, under promise by writing to pay the Dutch Companie for the fraight, these Ships they kept some moneths, making use of them in stead of Magasins, and for preservation of their wares and effects, to the great prejudice of the Dutch Companie, who stood in verie great need of them, in respect of their traffick, but could not get them again what meanes and insinuations soever they used, till some months after.

• Europa, big 600. last.
• New Middleborow, big 500. last.
• Delfshaven, 450. last.
• 't Wout, 100. last.

The fraight of which amounted to the summe of 13900. L. starl.

It remains that we speak a word or two of what happened before Gamron in the Gulph of Persia, over which also the English Com­panie make their complaints, first, in a certain Article in their Triplick, and afterward by that writing which the foresaid Mr. Skelton Extraordinarie Envoy, annexed to the foresaid Memorial by him presented the .. of May last to your Puis. Highnesses, of which men­tion was made in the beginning: This Ar­ticle containes first complaints against the con­duct of the Fleet, which lately the Dutch Company had in the Gulph of Persia with [Page 65]which they entended, as they say, to shut or lock up all the Havens of that great Kingdom.

And the said Memorial did further make like complaints that the foresaid Fleet conducted by Reynier Kasembroot, with violence should have hindred John Goldsborough Master of an English Companies Ship called the Marchant of Bengale, from onlading the said Ship with Boats, thereby detaintng and disturbing him in all their traffick and business: but after exa­mination this complaint wil be found as ground­less, as any of the other.

The case is this, that the Netherlandish Companie time out of mind, having a Comp­toir or Lodge, together with their Traffick at Gamron, and other places in the Kingdom of Persia, by vertue of an agreement made with the King, and of Priviledges granted unto them, the Persians in many points set themselves in opposition against them, offring them many outragious and unjust dealings, and forasmuch as no reparation or redres in the least could be obtained by any requests made, although ac­companied with extraordinarie and costlie pre­sents, at last it burst forth into deeds, for to repair the injurie don, and this is the Fleet of Ships, which the Dutch Companie for this end had in the foresaid Gulph, with which they took from the Persians the Jland Kismus with the Castle in the said Gulph, not far distant from Ormus or Gamron, not for to keep, for it could not have been serviceable to us, but with [Page 66]intollerable charge, onely it was don to induce and necessitate the Persians to condescend to reason, which it also effected, whereupon the Netherlandish Companie restored the I land and the Castle to the Persians again.

What then concerns the first complaint, that with that Fleet the Netherlandish Companie sought to shut up all the Havens in Persia, the Netherlandish Companie is necessitated to say, that it is verie strange to them, that they should so wrongfully and malitiously misconster the good intention of the Netherlandish Com­pany.

Hath the Dutch Company with that Fleet of Ships done them the least wrong or hinde­rance, as to what concerns their coming or departing in or from the said Havens? yea even during the time that the Netherlandish Com­panie lay with the whole Fleet before Gamron? Have not the English sayled in and out, as they pleased? They cannot but say, yea.

What reason had they then to judge so mali­tiously of their design.

But in the foresaid Triplick it is said, that the Netherlandish Company intended indeed to set on foot and effect it, in case the English had not by hap appeared there with a greater num­ber of Ships, not to be hindred or forced by the Netherlanders.

But before they were arrived there with any number of Ships together, did not the foresaid Fleet and the said Kasembroot let their single [Page 67]Ships go in and out freely and unmolested, yea even their Boats and Chalops: and with them also their Ship Williamson loden with Goods fraited for and belonging to the Persians? Sure­ly they cannot deny it.

And what concerns this great number of Ships, which they say they afterward had there, if compared with the number, espe­cially the greatness of the Netherlandish Ships, all mounted, mand, and in gallant equi­page for Warr, they were strong enuff, had they had order, to have kept them out of Gam­ron.

The Netherlandish Fleet lay a year and some months before Gamron, and the English were but a small time with their foresaid number of Ships there, whereas before and after there came other, yea single Ships, to and fro, and yet according to their own confession no stop or hinderance was don to any of them, save on­ly to the Ship called the Marchant of Bengale before mentioned, and of which shall be further spoken by and by.

From whence then is it evinced, that the Dutch Company had such a design, or what proofs do they bring, to justifie what they de­pose in their foresaid Reply? Not one only word.

But to say how the case stands, the Nether­landish Companie undertakes to shew, that the said Kasembroot, commanding the said Fleet in Chief in the Gulph of Persia, did all [Page 68]the time of his abode there, by express order and command, forbid, that no let or hinde­rance should in the least be offered to the En­glish Ships in their navigation and traffick in that Kingdom.

And, that the Dutch Companies manage­ment might be rendred the more suspected and odious, they conclude thus in their Triplick, these are the meanes which the Dutch Com­panie useth, for to get great advantages upon the Indian Princes, yea have thereby con­strained that great and mightie King of Persia himself to subscribe such Articles, as they would, that he might have his Havens again open and free.

But besides that the Netherlandish Compa­nie hath not, by all those excessive charges, covenanted or acquired any greater priviledges or advantages then they alwayes formerly have had in the Kingdom, except onely a discharge from taking yearly a quantity of Silk at a cer­tain price, (at least so far as concerns the last) according to the advice, which the Dutch Companie lately received concerning the same.

And in case the great Princes of the Indies, and the King of Persia himself were so easily to be forced by such a Fleet as the Dutch Companie had there, we have reason to de­mand, why the English Companie did not make use of that occasion, namely when they had present such a Fleet as they boast of be­fore [Page 69]Gamron, for to recover of the Persians payment of the Tol or Custom of Ormus or Gamron, which they say was so truely due unto them, but unjustly detained by the Per­sians, at least as to the greater part thereof, and which in the year 1654. they demanded, as to the half thereof, amounting to many hundred thousand gilders, of the Netherlandish Companie, to wit, of the Goods which the said Dutch Company until that time had brought and negotiated there, but was then by Committies on both parts denyed to be due to them, and they remitted to the Persians them­selves, where they so often importuned them by their complaints, yea even to the threatning of them, but neverthless could never obtain any satisfaction: would they not in all that time, wherein these pretences have since en­creased to such vast sums, if it had bin to be acquired with such facility, have used these wayes and meanes? Undoubtedly yea.

And thereby we may wel judge, what was the Constitution of that Fleet they had there, and of which they made such high boasts.

But in case they should yet attempt the same, could the Netherlandish Company, although much prejudiced thereby in their Traffick, as undoubted would so be, could they thereupon lay any action to the charge of the English Company, and make pretences upon them?

Surely the Dutch Companie would wish, yea, entreat in a friendly way, that if such a thing should be, our Ships might have the like usage, as the Dutch Companie did shew to the English.

As to the second complaint, namely the hin­derance occasioned to the Ship the Marchant of Bengale in her unloding, by detaining and disturbing them in their Traffick and under­takings.

Thus stands the case: The Dutch Company, as hath been said, having War with the Per­sians, or being as they say, in statu belli, and laying with their Fleet before Gamron, there came tyding from Land, that there was an intent to bord our Fleet by fire Ships, and so cause us to leave the rode; whereupon we re­solved to cease on all the Persian Boats we could get, and make them fast behind our Ships: the foresaid English Ship laying in the midst of our Fleet, and making preparation to unlode in Persian Boats, the said Kasembroot desired them to be pleased to desist, and not to make use of Persian Boats, especially they being accustomed to take in their loding in the night time to be verie earlie at land to unlode, we offring them al the Boats of our Ships to assist them, that we might be certain, that they under the cloack of coming to the foresaid Ship, with their Fireships, and passing by our watch, might not before we were aware, fal upon us; but they of the foresaid Ship re­jecting [Page 71]our proffer, there came among our Fleet a Persian Boat, mand with ten or twelve Persian Rowers and one English Mariner, ha­ving by him two cases with Rosewater, which the said Kasembroot caused to be brought into his Ship: the English Interpreter presently there­upon making his complaint, the former proffer of our Boats was renieuwed, and at his going away bid to take with him the two cases of Rosewater, which he refusing, they were put into his Boat, and so he departed.

This being the true historie, we demand, what herein was don amisse by the Dutch Com­panie, to cause the English to make such cla­morous complaints about it? Or whither if any hinderance came thereby to the English (for damage they had none) they brought it not up­on their own heads?

The goods they accuse us to have taken out of the Persian boat (which neverthelesse they themselves confesse were agayn restored, and put into the boat where the English interpre­ter was) They aggravate, for to make them, in all apearance, to seem of great impor­tance; were onely the foresaid two Cases of Rosewater.

In the Contra-Protest, the foresaid Kasem­broot hath made agaynst the Protest of the En­glish (and to which they appeal) the whole carriage of the businesse is nakedly and clear­ly made to appeare, for which reason they also thought good, as the said Extraordinarie [Page 72]Envoy annexed the said Protest of the En­glish to his foresaid Memorial, here withal also to deliver over this Contra-Protest.

Thereby more plainly to shew: first, the Proffer we made of our boats for their service to unlode their said ship, partly to take away the hinderance they Complayned of, and on the other hand to prevent the mischief, which by the going to and fro of the enemies boats, (which they might have pretended to be don only in the name and by the order of the En­glish) could have befallen our fleet.

Again, that the goods taken out the Per­sian Boat, but again restored, were nothing but the said Cases of Rosewater.

And thirdly, that the English, during our dissention with the Persians, did al what they could to incense them agaynst us by Calum­nies and falshoods, which also did remarke­ably retard and set back our Businesse at Court, to the great losse and detriment of the Dutch Companie.

Espetially by the promises they made the Persians with six ships to chase us from the Rode of Gamron, and out of the Fort of Kis­mus, whenas neverthelesse our said fleet con­sisted of nine ships, and of which the Dutch Companie expects due information at the re­turn of our fleet.

And hereby the directors of the Netherlan­dish Companie hope they have Satisfied the de­sire of your Puissant Highnesses, having mani­fested [Page 73]on the one hand the Notorious un­groundednesse of all the Complaints brought in by the English, and on the otherhand the in­tegritie of the Netherlandish Companie in these matters: and that thereby your Puissant High­nesses wil the more be incited, to appeare for the Dutch Companie in so righteous a cause, and to Protect them agaynst al and Everie one, that shal endeavor for this any wayes to molest or injurie them, which by these presents we most humbly request; having judged that the importance of the Cause, and the multiplicitie of enormous acts where with the Netherlandish Companie is Loaden, and that we might re­fute al these things in a due manner, as also giue pour Puissant Highnesses a Grounded infor­mation, did require this our Large Exhibi­tion of things, and which in all humilitie we beg may not be unacceptable to your Puissant Highnesses.