LEO. X.

IN the beginning of the fifteenth Century, the See of Rome being then universally ac­knowledged as Supreme in all the Western Provinces, the state of the Church was peace­able and quiet enough. There was indeed in the Valleys of Piedmont a remnant of people, supposed to be descended from the Waldenses and Albigenses, that retained the Opinions and Worship of their Ancestours, and could neither be totally destroyed, nor yet reduced to obedi­ence and subjection: but these Mountaneers, being a dull and ignorant sort of people, were incapable of forming any considerable party, or of propagating their Sentiments amongst others; and the rather because that all their Neighbours were possest with a bad opinion of them, and had them generally in abhorrence and detesta­tion. [Page 2] year 1513 There were also in Bohemia some of the same Waldenses, who went by the name of Pi­cards; and some of the followers of John Huss, called Calixtins and Subutraquists, because they did communicate in both kinds. But these last cannot be said to have been enemies, seeing in all things else they were conformable to the Church of Rome; and though all these Separa­tists could have united and joined together in judgment and interest; yet, were they un­able to make any great party, or to cause any considerable revolutions.

Contests be­twixt Pope Julius II. and Lewis XII. of France.It is true that in the beginning of the same Century, the Church of Rome had been threat­ned with a Schism, through the conduct o [...] Pope Julius II. a man of a turbulent, haughty spirit, and a lover of War: for in the contests he had with Lewis XII. of France, he had pro­ceeded even to the excommunication of that Prince. Lewis on the other side made a party against Julius, and the Cardinals whom he had gained to his Faction were assembled at Pisa, in order to the holding of a Council, and electing of another Pope; but the Death of Julius hap­pening opportunely at that time, put a period to those differences. Leo X. of the House of Medicis was chosen in his place, the eleventh of March 1513, who quickly re-united the se­parated Cardinals, and reconciled the King of France to the holy See.

Leo X. had many good qualities for a Prince, but few of those that are requisite for a good Pope: he was liberal, generous, gentile, civil, courteous, and a lover of men of learning; but he was not over Devout, nor much addic­ted to the affairs of Religion. He was magni­ficent [Page 3]and very expensive; insomuch that for a supply to this profusion, he was soon forced to betake himself to the means often practised by the Court of Rome for raising of Money;Leo X. sends Indulgences into Germany. I mean, the emission and publication of Indul­gences. Laurence Pucci Cardinal of Santiqua­tro advised him to this expedient:The original of the tribute of Indulgences. and it was a kind of Tribute that took its rise in the Church after the eleventh Century, and owes its original to the Croisades, which were made at that time for the expedition and conquest of the Holy Land. Urban II. granted Indulgences to all that would list themselves under the Cross, and engage in that expedition. In subsequent Croi­sades, the same Indulgences were granted to those who not being able to goe in person, did send a Souldier to the Holy War: at length those who desired the benefit of the Indulgen­ces, but would neither goe nor send to the War, purchased their exemption by money. In pro­cess of time, whensoever the Court of Rome stood in need of money, they published a di­stribution of Indulgences in favour of all that would contribute to their necessities. Then were Rates set on Sins, and he that had a mind to compound knew what he was to pay for the Crime he desired a Pardon for. Leo X. caused therefore a Sale of these Pardons to be published, in all the Provinces subject to the Church of Rome, and gave to his Sister Magda­lene married to Francesco Cibo Natural Son to Pope Innocent VIII. the profits that did accrue from the distribution of these Indulgences in the Province of Saxony, and a great part of Germa­ny. Magdalene, for raising of this Tribute, made use of one Arembold, who from a Genoese [...] [Page 8] year 1520 of the Lutherans from the Church of Rome: for on the one hand, the Universities of Louvain and Cologne burnt the writings of Luther: Luther burns the Pope's Bull, and the Book of De­cretals. and on the other Luther assembled the University of Wittemberg, and obtained a sentence, whereby not onely the Pope's Bull, but all the Decretals were condemned to the flames, which was ac­cordingly executed. At the same time, for his own Justification he published a Manifesto, wherein he accuses the Pope as a Tyrant, for having usurped a Supremacy over Kings and Princes, and corrupted the Doctrine of the Church; the Pope was thought to have raised this storm by his Precipitance, and by an unseasonable and ill weighed Zeal; nor indeed could the more moderate approve the Bull of Leo, they thought it violent, and were amazed that with so little formality, he had ventured to decide matters of so great importance. And as every one had a lash at that Bull, so the Grammarians were pleased to play upon a Period in it, consisting of four hundred words, inserted betwixt these two inhibentes omnibus, and these other, nè prae­fatos errors asserere praesumant.

The Emperour Charles the Fifth, after the Death of his Grandfather Maximilian, being in the Year 1520 chosen Emperour, next year after held a Diet at Wormes, concerning the Af­fairs of Religion.Luther cited to Wormes before the Em­perour Charles the Fifth. Luther was cited thither, came under safe conduct of the Emperour, and ap­peared before him on the 17th of April; there he was exhorted to burn his Books, and to recant; but he answered with the same resolution that brought him thither; for his friends had done all they could to divert him from that Journey, and had no other answer from him but that if [Page 9] year 1521 all the Devils in Hell had conspired against him, yet would he not be hindered from going thi­ther, from appearing, and maintaining his opinions; all that can terrifie a man or daunt a heart, was employed against Luther in that Diet, but without any success;He would nei­ther recant, nor condemn his Doctrine. for no more could be obtained from him, but an acknow­ledgment that his manner of writing was too eager and violent, which he promised to mend for the future; they were about to secure his Person notwithstanding the Emperour's safe conduct, according to the procedure of the Council of Constance in relation to John Huss; but the Electour Palatine withstood it, and Charles the Fifth himself being unwilling either to stain his reputation, or violate his promise by such a Treachery, sent him home, resolving to prosecute him by fair means, and to give him his hands full on't in an open Trial. Accor­dingly he was the same year, and in the same Assembly accused and sentenced by an Edict past the 8th. of May, whereby Luther's writings were condemned to be burnt,The Edict of Wormes a­gainst Luther. his Person to be seized within twenty days, and committed to prison, with strict prohibition to all Princes and States to harbour or relieve him: but for all this the Electour of Saxony secured him in a Castle, where he continued Nine months, no man knowing where he was. And now did every one reckon it an honour to appear in publick against him; the University of Paris condemned his Doctrine. Henry the Eighth of England, Henry VIII. King of Eng­land writes a­gainst him. who had followed his Studies in order to have been Archbishop of Canterbury before the Death of his Elder brother, wrote likewise against him, for the seven Sacraments, and the [Page 10]Authority of the Pope. Leo X. was gratefull to that Prince; and in recompence gave him the Title of Defender of the Faith, which the Kings of England bear to this day. Luther answered all these writings, not sparing Henry the Eighth, whom, without any respect to his dignity, he answered with much sharpness and severity. All Europe was presently full of these writings; and the heat of the controversie and quality of those who engaged in the quarrel excited the Curiosi­ty of many; every one was willing to know and pry into the matter under debate, and that was the reason why many espoused the Party of those who condemned Corruptions, and de­manded the Reformation of the Church.

Zurich re­ceives the re­formation of Zuinglius.At the same time Zuinglius made great Pro­gresses at Zurich: The Bishop of Constance ha­ving sent thither the Pope's Bull, and the Edict of the Emperour, exhorted the Senate to banish Zuinglius, and to continue in Submission and Obedience to the Church of Rome; but Zuin­glius wrote back to the Bishop concerning that matter, and to all the Cantons of Suisserland. The Senate, at length, appointed an Assembly of all the Divines within their Jurisdiction; the Bishop of Constance sent thither James le Fevre, his great Vicar, who was after Bishop of Vienna. This man did what lay in his Power to break up the Assembly, and to obstruct all Debates about matters of Religion. Zuinglius persisted, and, in fine, the Assembly being dissolved, the Senate made an order that the Doctrine of the reformed Religion should be preached with full liberty. This so sudden and violent growth of the Distemper, made all People wish for a general Council, as the onely remedy for restoring [Page 11]peace and tranquillity to the Church. The Princes desired it in hopes by that means, to provide against the Usurpations of the Priests and Bishops, who daily invaded the Estates of Seculars: the People longed for it, for the reformation of the manners of the Clergy which were horribly corrupted; the See of Rome seemed to desire it, to support its totte­ring Authority: but Luther and his Adherents protested from the beginning, that they would not submit to it, unless it were free, and the Controversies decided onely by the word of God. The Pope dreaded this remedy worse than the Disease; he apprehended an Assem­bly where his Authority might be struck at, and those Abuses reformed, from which the Court of Rome reaped so much profit; besides all this, he was at a stand about the choice of the place, he would with all his heart have held the Council either at Rome, or in any other Town of the Ecclesiastick state, where he might have been absolute Master; but he foresaw that this design must meet with great oppositi­on; however his death which happened about the latter end of the year 1521 put an end to all his perplexities.

ADRIAN. VI.

After the death of Leo X. Adaian VI. is chosen in his place.On the Ninth of January 1522 Adrian born in Utrecht, was chosen in his place; this Electi­on was somewhat rare, because Adrian at that time was absent from Rome, and himself not so much as known there; he was then in Biscaye, and at Victoria received the News of his promo­tion; but arrived in Rome about the end of Au­gust the same year.

Adrian was reckoned an honest and well meaning man,P. Adrian de­sires to reform the Church. that did not approve the disor­ders [Page 12] year 1522 of the Court of Rome; he looked upon the Doctrine of Luther as foolish and stupid, not thinking it capable to make any great progress, but that those who had embraced that party, had onely done it to be revenged of the Cler­gy, for the oppression they suffered from them, and for the aversion they had to the man­ners of the Church-men; so that purposing by all means to pacifie these troubles, he took a resolution of reforming the Court of Rome. As for the Doctrine he was onely of opinion to give some Explanations concerning the Efficacy of Indulgences, declaring that that Efficacy depends upon the works of those that receive the Indulgences; so that they who neglect, or perform amiss the works imposed upon them, receive no benefit from the In­dulgences, but in proportion to their works. Cardinal Cajetan a man consummated in School Divinity, was, at the bottom, of the same Judg­ment with Adrian; but he told him however that that Doctrine was not to be divulged, be­cause it would extinguish the Zeal that Peo­ple had for Indulgences, and lessen the Autho­rity of the Pope; for, said he, if once the Peo­ple be perswaded that the Efficacy of Indul­gences depends upon their own good works, they will look upon themselves as the cause of the benefit they reap from them, and set light by the Pope, and the present that he makes them: and farther they will easily be induced to believe that their good works alone, are sufficient to procure them a full remission, if they be allowed to think that the Efficacy of Indulgences depends upon their good works. These reasons did preponderate with Adrian, [Page 13]insomuch that he joyned in opinion with the Cardinal, who thought fit, that the rigour of the ancient penitential Canons should be revi­ved, that thereby the Necessity of Indulgences might appear; because when Sinners should see themselves obnoxious to twenty or thirty years Penance according to the Canons, they would then easily acknowledge the absolute Necessity of Indulgences, to ease them from such severe pains; but the Congregation ap­pointed by the Pope to enquire into that af­fair, could not digest that resolution, and Lau­rence Pucci Cardinal of Santiquatro powerfully withstood it.

But he could not succeed in the design of that Reforma­tion. Adrian, in the mean while did not wholly lay aside the design of reformation: he sent for John Peter Caraffa Archbishop of Chieti, and Marcel Cazel Bishop of Cajeta, that he might have the assistance of their Councils, because both were held in great reputation for probi­ty, and knowledge in the Discipline of the Church. He was minded to have abolished the use of Dispensations, and to have cut off every thing that looked like Simony; but when he came to cast about for the means of effecting this, he found himself in great Perplexity. At length, Francis Soderin Cardinal of Volterre, put a stop to all these specious designs of refor­mation: He told the Pope that that was the way to puff up the Lutheran party, that it would be a great blow to the Authority of the Church, by a reformation to confess her possi­bility of erring; that Hereticks would from thence draw great advantages, and that the holy See would by that means lose all its cre­dit in the minds of the People; he concluded [Page 14]that Croisades were the onely expedient to root out growing Heresies; which he confirmed by the Instance of that great success obtained by Innocent III. in the ruine of the Albigenses by the way of force. Adrian yeilded to his reasons, see­ing he could doe no more but sigh in secret for the Disorders which he could not remedy pub­lickly. In the mean while he sent Francis Che­rigat Bishop of Fabriano, to the Diet at Nurem­berg; he wrote to the Princes,Adrian sends a Letter into Germany con­fessing that the Church and Court of Rome are corrupted. and particu­larly to the Duke of Saxony, exhorting them to extirpate the Lutherans by Fire and Sword. He confessed to them, that there were great abused in the Court of Rome, and that the original of all the Mischief came from thence, promising to remedy it, and in the first Place to reform the holy See, in imitation of our Lord Jesus Christ, who in reforming of Jeru­salem, began at the Temple, out of which he drove the Merchants and Money-changers; but he excused himself that that was not the business of one day; at the same time he com­plained of the disorders of the Regular and Se­cular Priests of Germany, of which the one for­sook their Monasteries to live again in the World, and the others married, to the great Scandal of the Church. The Diet made an­swer in a kind of ambiguous manner, but which did insinuate to the Pope, that all the Mischief sprung from the Court of Rome; and that therefore before any violent course could be used against the Lutherans, it was necessary to attempt the Reformation of the Ecclesiasticks; they demanded that the Annates which had been formerly appointed for carrying on the War against the Turks might be no more sent [Page 15]to Rome, but that they should remain in the Empire, in the hands of a Receiver to be na­med, for which he should be accountable. In a word, they solicited the Pope speedily to call a free Council in Germany, where all, as well Seculars as Church-men might have free liber­ty to speak their opinions. This discourse did not at all please the Nuncio, and therefore he addressed himself in a manner not very satis­factory to the Diet; for his answer tended onely to let them know, that Germany ought to suffer with patience, and expect the Refor­mation from the holy See: and withall told them that he took it ill, that in demanding a Council, the Diet had added these words, with the Consent of his Imperial Majesty. The se­cular Princes who felt the oppression stopt not there; they met by themselves, and formed that famous writing, which they called centum gravamina, the hundred Grievances; the Nuncio had notice of it, but he departed be­fore it was drawn up fair; and therefore they themselves sent it to the Pope. These hundred Grievances related chiefly to the oppression that the Seculars suffered from the Church-men, the Usurpation of their Estates by the Clergy, the means practised by the Church-men and Court of Rome to pillage the People, the Annates, Reservations, abuse of Commen­dums, the selling of the Sacraments, and Bury­ing, the Exemptions of the Clergy, and the manner of transferring Causes from Civil to Ecclesiastick Courts. And because the Emperour Charles the V. was then in Spain, the Diet that was held in his absence, did both act and speak with greater Liberty: so the Recess, that is to [Page 16] year 1523 say, the Decree of the Diet past sixth of March 1523. and immediately thereafter all the Memoires of it were printed; to wit, the Pope's Brief, the Nuncio's instructions, the Diets answer, and the hundred Grievances. Those that were engaged in the Interests of the Court of Rome, were not well pleased to find in the Brief the frank and ingenuous Confession of Adrian, that the original of the Mischief pro­ceeded from the Corruption of his Court, and the looseness of the Discipline and Man­ners of the Church. This Diet did certainly much forward the Affairs of the Lutherans: but Adrian lived not long after the Return of his Nuncio, for he died the 13th. of Septem­ber 1523. without being much lamented by the Court of Rome, who stood in awe of his Probity, and the sincere Intentions which he still retained in his Heart of reforming the Abuses of that Court.

CLEM. VII.

Adrian dies without any thing done. Julius of Me­dicis is chosen in his place by the name of Clement VII.On the nineteenth of November, Julius of Medicis, Cosin to Leo X. was chosen Pope, who took the name of Clement VII. he was certainly a man of less vertue than Adrian, but of more wit, greater politick cunning and address, and more skill in the true interests of the Court of Rome. He took a course quite opposite to that of Adrian, and was not of opinion to acknow­ledge so frankly the disorders which he inten­ded not to meddle with. Nevertheless seeing he observed in the centum gravamina, He sends ano­ther Legate into Germany to the Diet at Nuremberg. that most of the Articles referred to the German Clergy, he thought fit in some things to satisfie the Germans. He therefore sent Laurence Cam­peggio Cardinal of St. Anastase to the Diet at Nuremberg, which was held in the year 1524. [Page 17] year 1524 he gave him his instructions to act and speak in that Diet, as if he had been wholly ignorant of what had past the year before under Adrian: for the Cardinal spoke not a word of the hun­dred Grievances, but onely offered a Refor­mation of the inferiour Clergy. The Diet made answer that they were in the same mind as they had been the year before, and that they had given in writing what they demanded, and what they thought necessary for compo­sing the troubles of Religion. The Cardinal answered that neither the Pope nor he had ever heard of any Writings being presented to the College of Cardinals; that indeed some Copies of the centum gravamina had been seen at Rome, but that it was not believed, that that Writing had been framed by the Princes of the Empire, but was rather looked upon as the work of some private person a great enemy to the Court of Rome. He added, that the Pope was ready to satisfie the Germans touching the Reformation, and that he himself had a full power to set about it. The Diet built no great hopes upon these fair promises: however they deputed some Princes to confer with the Car­dinal, but these conferences produced nothing at all; for the Princes persisted in demanding the Reformation of the Court of Rome, and the Cardinal refused it, nor would he engage any farther, than in reforming the Clergy of Germany. In that he was as good as his word, for he made a kind of Reformation, which reached onely the puny Clergy; but it was rejected by the Diet, who perceived that it made onely for raising the power and greatness of the Prelates, by lessening their inferiours. [Page 18]The 18. of April the Diet pass'd their Edict, the Emperour being absent, as he was the year before. Amongst other things it was conclu­ded in that Recess, that a free Council should, by the Pope and consent of the Emperour, with all expedition be convened in Germa­ny; that the States of the Empire should as­semble at Spire, to examine Luther's Books, and to advise about the measures that ought to be taken concerning matters of Religion till that Council were called; and in the mean time that the Magistrates should take care, that the Gospel should be preached accor­ding to the Doctrine of Authours approved by the Church, and that no Pamphlets or Books injurious to the Court of Rome should be published.

The Legate as­sembles the Catholick Princes at Ra­tisbonne and obtains a De­cree against Luther.The Legate being altogether dissatisfied with these resolutions, prevailed with the Catholick Princes to assemble at Ratisbonne; where in presence of Ferdinand the Emperour's Brother, he got a Decree past against the Lutherans, which commanded that the Edict of Wormes should in all points be put in execution against Luther. He did more, for he perswaded those Princes to admit of that gentle Reformation of the Clergy, whereof he had proposed the Scheme; and in a word, got these Catholick Princes to enter into a League defensive for the preservation of their Estates and Religion. The rest of the Princes and States of Germany, without whom this Assembly at Ratisbonne was held, complained loudly against it: but the Cardinal Legate did not much value that, his intention being onely to serve his Master accor­ding to his humour, by staving off the Coun­cil, [Page 19]and making a Reformation by the sole au­thority of the Pope, without the interposition of any other. And indeed, as affairs stood, Pope Clement was convinced that the calling of a Council was the most pernicious counsel that could be given him.

The Emperour is dissatisfied with the Diet of Nurem­berg; and writes there­upon sharply States of GermanyThe Emperour, who was in Spain, was as ill satisfied with the Edict of Nuremberg, as the Legate was: because the thought they had en­croached upon his authority, in treating of af­fairs of that importance in this absence. He thereupon wrote to the Princes of the Empire pretty sharply, letting them to know that he did not take it well that they had infringed the Edict of Wormes, by which al Luther's Books were prohibited; seeing by the Decree of Nuremberg, none but defamatory Libels, vio­lent and reproachfull Writings were forbidden. He blamed them for having been too high and peremptory in their way of demanding a Council, that it was the Pope's concern and his own, and that they ought to have applied themselves to him, that he might have obtained it of the Pope. However, as to the main he confessed that he agreed with them in opinion, concerning the necessity of a Council; which he promised to take care of, and have it con­vened in such time and place as that himself might be present. After all he charged them to assemble to more at Spire, and commanded them to obey the Edict of Wormes. The Ger­mans could not tell what to make of this impe­rious style, who were not wont to be so treated by the Emperours Charles his Predecessours: but the Emperour knew what he did; he thought thereby to draw the Pope to his side [Page 20]against the King of France, with whom he was then in War.

year 1525 The superveni­ent Troubles stifle all thoughts of a Council.All things seemed now to look as if a Coun­cil should be held maugre the intentions of the Court of Rome but the following year 1525. produced such troubles and dismal revolutions, that there was a necessity of breaking off all Negotiations in Germany: the Bores revolted from their obedience to the Princes and Magi­strates; and being animated by a furious spirit of Anabaptism, which began that year to ap­pear, they broke out into strange and astonish­ing disorders, in the Countreys bordering on the Rhine. The Battel of Pavia was fought in Italy, and King Francis the first, there taken Prisoner; which success so raised the heart of Charles, that he thought nothing impossible for him to atchieve. This made the States of Ger­many begin to be jealous of their Liberty, and to enter into a League against the Emperour; when at the same time the Pope grew likewise apprehensive of that Prince's power in Italy.

year 1526 The Troubles being over, the Negotiations about matters of Religion were again renewed.The year following, the Negotiations about the affairs of Religion were again set on foot: and about the end of June the States of the Empire met and held a Diet at Spire, where were read the Emperour's Letters which pres­sed the execution of the Edict of Wormes. Hereupon there arose great Debates, some be­ing for, and others against it; and nothing less than a fatal rupture seemed to be threatned: but Ferdinand Brother to the Emperour, thought it no seasonable Juncture to carry it too stifly in that affair; and therefore he condescended to the making of an ambiguous Decree, whereby it was enacted that the several Princes should in their [Page 21]own States govern matters of Religion, so as that they might be able to give the Emperour a good account of the same, to whom Embassa­dours were to be sent, to entreat him that within the space of a year, he would endea­vour the calling of a Council in Germany, either General for all Christendom, or National for the German Nation alone.

year 1526 The Pope cla­shes with the Emperour, and absolves Fran­cis of his oaths that he had taken in Pri­son.The same year the Pope began to clash with the Emperour. The King of France being de­livered out of Prison, the Pope treated an Al­liance with him, dispensed with all the Oaths he had taken during his captivity, and made a League against Charles, into which he drew the Princes of Italy, and called it the Holy League. This Treaty was kept secret for some time; but the Pope being no longer able to endure the conduct and actions of the Empe­rour, which tended evidently to the diminuti­on of the Papal authority, broke forth, and wrote two Briefs to him, the one dated Janu­ary 23. and the other the day after: the first was sharp, full of invectives and complaints against the conduct of the Emperour; but particularly he expostulated with him for his invasions of the Rights of the Holy See, in that he undertook every where to make Edicts and Orders concerning matters of Religion, the cognisance whereof belonged onely to the Pope. The second was much milder, and took no more notice of the former, than if it had never been. The design of this Intrigue was to ter­rifie Charles by the threats of the first Brief, and to soften him by the promises of the se­cond; but that trick would not take. Charles who yielded to him neither in haughtiness nor [Page 22]cunning, answered him in the same manner by two Letters, of which the latter was delivered just next day after the former, and were each of them suited to the different style of the Pope's Briefs. In the first he found fault with the Pope's conduct, as not becoming the character of a true Pastor; and having justified his acti­ons by a long Narrative of all he had done from the beginning of the troubles, he protest­ed that if what he wrote did not satisfie him, he would appeal to a holy general Council. His answer to the second Brief was in a softer style: and both his Letters were seconded with an Address to the College of Cardinals, where­in Charles spared not the Pope, exhorting them to call a Council, if the Pope should seem re­fractary, and promising them his assistance therein; but withall declared, that if they granted not what he desired, he would by his Imperial authority provide for the affairs of the Church according as he should think con­venient. These Letters wounded the Pope to the Heart, and brought him to an open De­claration, resolving to employ all his force both Spiritual and Temporal against the Em­perour. He therefore caused his Forces to march towards Lombardy, to joyn the Veneti­ans and the other Confederates,The Emperour provides work enough for the Pope within Rome, by means of the Colonna's who enter the City in Arms, and plunder the Vatican. who were in league for preserving the liberty of Italy.

Whilst these Negotiations were on foot, the Emperour fomented Divisions in Rome, and openly favoured a powerfull Faction formed against the Pope, by the House of Co­lonna. Cardinal Pompeio one of that House, supported by Vespasian and Ascanio both of the same Family, was wholly at the Emperour's [Page 23]Devotion, whose interests the Viceroy of Na­ples stoutly maintained; the Cardinal, being a bold and daring man, said publickly, That it was the Destiny of his Family to be hated by Tyrannical Popes; but that also it was their good luck to rid the Church of them. The Pope published a severe Monitory against him, and adjourned him upon pain of highest Cen­sures to appear at Rome; but finding that his Affairs went ill every where, he thought it not convenient to press these ways of rigour. He therefore patcht up an agreement with the Colonna's, and revoked the Monitory, which he had published against the Cardinal. The Colonna's in the mean time who saw into the Pope's politicks, did not rely too much on his promises: they armed their Friends and Sub­jects, and on the 20th of September, appeared in Arms near Rome on the side of Borgo di San Pedro. The Pope who expected no such thing, being in great surprise, thought of imitating the Example of Boniface VIII. and by putting himself in his Pontifical Robes, try if the Co­lonna's did inherit all the Audaciousness of their Ancestours, and if that House would dare once more again, to violate in his Person the Ma­jesty of the Supreme Priesthood; but he was better advised than to run so great a risque. He therefore put himself under the protection of the walls of the Castle St. Angelo, which were thought a stronger defence, than the Pontifical Habit. The Colonna's entred Rome, and plundered the Vatican and St. Peter's Church; but the party of the Ursini having awakened those of their Faction, hindered them from advancing any farther; so that the [Page 24] Colonna's were forced to draw out of the Town, to a place of retreat which they had pro­vided near Rome. The Pope being reduced to this extremity, was fain to make a Treaty with the Viceroy of Naples, and a Truce for four Months with Don Hugo de Moncado, who commanded the imperial Army in Naples for the assistance of the Colonna's; the Conditions of this Truce were, that the Colonna's and Neapolitans should draw off from the Neighbourhood of Rome, and that the Pope should recall the Troops which he had sent into Lom­bardy against the Emperour. This he did in effect, but against his will, as soon appeared: for no sooner was he reassured by the presence of his Forces, but he excommunicated Car­dinal Pompeio and all of his Family as Here­ticks and Abetters of Hereticks. The Car­dinal was secure enough at Naples, from whence he published an appeal to the Council, which he caused in the Night time to be affixt in se­veral places of Rome; that Appeal struck Ter­rour into the Heart of Clement; not onely be­cause he was a Bastard, but also because he had stole up into the Chair by the slight of Simony, which the Cardinal could easily prove: and this was one reason that made him dread a Council above all things in the World, as fearing to be accused, and to meet with a party there,The War is re­newed. Charles of Bourbon with the Im­perial Army takes Rome, and makes the Pope Prisoner. every way as powerfull as Car­dinal Colonna.

The year 1526 was spent in these stirs; but next year after the War broke out with much greater flame and heat; there was now no more talk of Treaties, nor of a Council, all was buried in silence by the rage of Arms. The [Page 25]Emperour had an Army in Lombardy, com­manded by Charles of Bourbon a Prince of the Bloud-royal and Constable of France; who falling into disgrace, had betaken himself to the Emperour's service, from whom he had received the Investiture of the Dutchy of Mi­lan, and whereof he had made himself Master, in spight of the Efforts of the Confederates. This same Charles of Bourbon, advanced to­wards Rome, whilst the Viceroy of Naples on the other side brought his Forces into the Field against the Pope, pretending to call him to an account as a Truce-breaker, because of his procedure against the Colonna's. The Duke of Bourbon had in his Army, besides the Imperial Troops, fourteen thousand Ger­mans almost all Lutherans, commanded by the Count of Fronsperg also a Lutheran: who, with his Soldiers aspired to nothing more than the plunder of Rome, that so they might re­venge themselves of the persecutions that had befallen them from thence. About the end of January, Charles of Bourbon passed the Po, and put the Pope into a terrible Consterna­tion, who expected no less than an ignomi­nious Death: for Fronsperg who commanded the Lutherans, was a Man of a violent temper; and through the interest of his party was so transported with revenge, that he caused an Halter to be carried behind his own Colours, wherewith he threatned to hang the Pope. This obliged Clement to make a second Agree­ment with the Viceroy of Naples, whereby they clapt up a second Truce for eight Months, upon no advantageous Conditions for Rome. The Duke of Bourbon, in the mean time, though [Page 26] year 1527 he acted for the Emperour as well as the Viceroy of Naples, yet would not accept of that Truce, nor engage in the Treaty, when even the Death of Fronsperg who died of an Apoplexy, was a considerable loss, and depri­ved him of a valiant Commander. So on he marched, untill he came and en­camped under the very Walls of Rome with a brave Army, but no Cannon. Next day after his arrival he made an assault by Scalade on the side of the Vatican; and was there killed by a Musquet Shot which he recei­ved in the right Groin. The Imperial Army, notwithstanding, remained victorious, though vigorously opposed by the Pope's Soldiers, and Roman youth. The Town was taken by force, the Churches plundered, the Cardinals basely used, led about in procession riding on Asses in their Pontifical Habit, nay and some of them soundly bastonnado'd too. Nothing was spared in the City; the plundering lasted three days, and all excess committed that the Rage of War could suggest. It was also very observable that (as all acknowledge) the Ita­lians and Spaniards, who were so good Catho­licks out-did the Lutheran Germans in Cruelty, in brutish baseness towards the women, gree­diness in plundering, and in barbarity to­wards the Cardinals. The Pope rejected the Counsel that had been given him of with­drawing and leaving the City; but for safety betook himself to the Castle St. Angelo; where being besieged, he was forced to render on discretion, and was detained Prisoner in the same place. The City of Florence, that groaned under the Government of the Medicis, laid [Page 27]hold on this occasion of regaining their Li­berty; for Cardinal Cortona who was Gover­nour for the Pope, having left the place, the Citizens immediately, re-established their an­cient Government, drove out the Medicis, and threw down their Statues. Whilst this Tra­gedy was acting, the Emperour was at Ma­drid; and being a great Master in the Art of Dissimulation, seemed to be extremely affected with the sad Condition of the Church, and of its Head the Pope: At Valladolid, where he was when the News was brought him, he caused the publick rejoycings, that then were making there for the Birth of his Son, to cease: but made no haste, for all that, to set the Pope at liberty; onely sent him great Complements of Condoleance for his Misfor­tunes, and ample Excuses for what had been acted against him, and, in the mean time, let him lie seven Months in Prison. Nor would he at all have been dissatisfied it the Pope had been brought into Spain, that he might have triumphed over him, as he had done before over Francis I. But the Spanish Prelates abhor­ring that design, he durst not push it farther; onely he obliged the Pope to accept of igno­minious Conditions of Peace, and for Caution, to give him up the Towns of Ostia, Civita Vecchia, Civita Castellana, and the Citadel of Forli, with his tow Nephews Hippolito and Alexander for Hostages. This being concluded, he had liberty to goe out on the 9th of Decem­ber; but he thought it not fit to expect the prefixed day, nor to come out as a released Prisoner; he therefore retired by Night on the Eighth, under the disguise of a Merchant, and went to Monte-Fiascone.

[Page 28]During the troubles of Italy the affairs of Religion went ill for the interest of the Court of Rome: for the City of Berne in Suisserland following the example of Zurich, Zuinglius's Reformation gains ground in Suisserland. Berne and Ba­sil embrace it. received the Doctrine Zuinglius. At Basil they broke down the Images, and the same year the Ci­ties of Strasbourg, Constance and Geneva fell off from their obedience to the Church of Rome. These new Preachers had the boldness to preach the Doctrine of Reformation even in Italy, and in places subject to the Pope's Do­minion, and amongst others in the Town of Faenza, which belongs to the Ecclesiastick State.1528.

The Imperia­lists quit Rome. the Pope makes Peace with the Emperour.The year following the countenance of af­fairs was much changed in Italy. The French made great progresses in the Kingdom of Naples, and forced the Imperialists to abandon the City of Rome. This little interval wrought such an alteration, that the Pope was solicited to excommunicate the Emperour, and to de­pose him from the Kingdom of Naples; but he found his Party as yet too weak to venture on giving so great a blow. He had, besides, other, prospects than those of his Allies, a great mind to recover Florence, and knew of none but the Emperour that could serve him that Design: for as to the Venetians and French, he was suffi­ciently perswaded, that if they had the better on't they would leave the Florentines to their liberty. He therefore resolved to be reconci­led to the Emperour upon any terms whatsoe­ver. Throughout this whole year, his discourse was so submissive and humble, that for some time it was really thought, his afflictions had humbled him in good earnest. He often said [Page 29] year 1528 that he would goe in person into Germany, and there lead so holy a Life, that all might take example from him, be converted and return into the bosom of the Church.

year 1529 By this Conduct Clement succeeded in his In­tentions, he moved the Emperour to compas­sion, who restored to him Civita Vecchia, Ostia, and the other cautionary Towns; and by the mouth of Francis Guignonez Cardinal of Santa­croce made him great offers on his part. A­mongst other things, Charles obliged himself to re-establish Alexander de Medicis the Pope's Nephew in the Principality of Florence, and to give him Margaret his natural Daughter in Marriage. He promised him also assistance for recovering of the Towns of Cervia, Modena, Ravenna and Reggio, which the Venetians and the Duke of Ferrara had taken from him. Nor were the Lutherans forgot in this Treaty; for the Emperour promised to employ his Arms against them, if no fair means could pre­vail. On his own part he demanded of the Pope the Convocation of a Council; but no­thing was then fixt upon as to that. And thus by this Treaty, which was held at Barcelona, the See of Rome did, as it were, in a moment, recover its ancient Splendour and Greatness, to the amazement of all Europe.

A Diet at Spire, where it is attempted to divide the Lutherans and Zuinglians.The same year, in the Month of March, there was a Diet held at Spire, where the Ro­man Catholicks powerfully bestirred themselves to divide their Adversaries; and for that end industriously improved the difference of opini­ons that was betwixt Luther and Zuinglius concerning the Doctrine of the Eucharist. But the prudence of the Landgrave of Hesse hinde­red [Page 30] year 1529 the effects of those intrigues; many and great Debates past in that Diet about Matters of Religion: and at length a decree was made ordering the Edict of Wormes to be put in Exe­cution in all places where it had been begun to be executed; but as for other places where some innovation had been made, matters should continue, at least, as they were without far­ther proceeding untill the ensuing Council, and that in the mean time, no person should be permitted to turn Lutheran; after all, the Decree ordained that the Celebration of Mass should be permitted every where, and that no new opinions should be started. The Electour of Saxony, with five other Princes, and four­teen of the chief Towns of Germany protested against this Decree, declaring that they could not recede from the resolutions that had been taken in former Diets, whereby every Prince was allowed to live in his own Religion, and to have power within his own Territories, either to establish the reformation, or prohibit the Exercise of the Roman Religion as he should think fit: And thereupon they appealed to the Emperour, and a free Council; from this Pro­testation the Followers of Luther and Zuinglius got the Name of Protestants.

The Land­grave of Hess attempts an agreement be­twixt Luther and Zuinglius, but without success.The Landgrave of Hesse, having in the last Diet well observed what might be the conse­quences of the difference in opinion betwixt Luther and Zuinglius, formed a design of bring­ing them to an Agreement; and to compass this design, he assembled the heads of both parties to a Conference at Marpurg, which lasted all the Month of October. But these Conferences had no effect, flesh and bloud came in for a [Page 31]share, and both parties were too much addic­ted to their Sentiments to yield in any thing. Some time after, Luther wrote to one of his Friends, that he would not expose the Princes of his party to a greater hatred of the Roma­nists, by Adopting the expressions of the Zuing­lians, which were detested by all men. And this probably was the consideration that hin­dered him from condescending to the agree­ment proposed.

The first in­terview of the Pope and the Emperour at Bologna: the Emperour is Crowned there by the Pope.In the Treaty concluded betwixt the Em­perour and the Pope, it was agreed that the Emperour should receive the Imperial Crown from the Pope; and that the City of Bologna should be the place where the Ceremony was to be performed. In order thereunto they met there in the Month of November, One thousand five hundred and twenty nine. They continued there four Months, and Lodged in the same place: During which time they had many and great conferences. The chief matters in hand were the means of procuring the Peace of Italy; but especially the Destruc­tion of the Lutherans in Germany. Charles and his Councellors endeavoured to perswade the Pope, to try if mildness could doe the thing, and to determine the controversies by a Coun­cil: But the Pope gave many reasons to prove that a Council would produce nothing but mischief, and omitted nothing that could per­swade the Emperour that there was a neces­sity of employing Force and Arms to reduce those that had separated themselves from the Church. Charles V. seemed to yield to his reasons; and so they parted with a resolution to join their Forces for the ruine of the Protestant [Page 32]party. The Emperour was Crowned the eighth of March; and immediately after he called a Diet to be held at Ausbourg the eighth of May following. About the end of March he parted from Bologna, but arrived not at Ausbourg be­fore the thirteenth of June.

year 1530 The Diet of Ausbourg, where the Pro­testants pre­sent their Con­fessions, and depart with­out any accom­modation, though attem­pted in vain.This was one of the most famous Diets that ever was held in the Empire: The Emperour was there in person, after an absence of many years that he had spent in Spain. Cardinal Campeggio came to the Diet in quality of Le­gate, and Paul Vergerio as Nuncio to King Fer­dinand, both with instructions from the Pope to oppose all deliberations decisive about mat­ters of Religion, and especially to hinder all resolutions that tended to the calling of a Council. The Emperour arrived at Ausbourg on Holy-thursday Eve, but the Protestant Prin­ces refused to assist at the Ceremonies of the next days Festival. The Emperour being of­fended that he could obtain nothing as to that point, was more positive in another: which was, that the Duke of Saxony, as high Martial of the Empire, should carry the Sword before him, when he went to Mass, which was to be sung at the opening of the Diet. The Divines were hereupon consulted, who dispensed with the Duke to doe what was demanded of him, according to the example of Naaman whom the Prophet Elisha permitted to wait on his Master, and to serve him in the Temple of the Idol. In this famous Diet the Lutherans by the hands of the Duke of Saxony presented their Confession of Faith, which derives its name from thence, and is called the Confession of Ausbourg. Luther gave the heads of it, and [Page 33] year 1530 Melancthon who was of a far more moderate temper, put it into form. This Confession of the Lutherans was read in open Assembly, and the Emperour by advice of the Legate caused a refutation of it to be made, which was also pub­lickly read; but this did not put an end to the differences. The Emperour endeavoured to divide the Ambassadours of the Protestant-towns; but neither did that succeed; and therefore, at length he condescended to a con­ference betwixt the two parties. At first there were seven Disputants allowed on each side, but they were afterwards reduced to three; yet all these conferences and disputes had no happy issue; for though both parties were wil­ling to remit in some slight matters, and accor­dingly some Articles presently agreed upon; yet when they came to points of greater im­portance, both were obstinate and inflexible.year 1531

The Emperour gaining no ground by this means, attempted both publickly and private­ly to draw over the most Zealous; but all these endeavours were unprofitable, nor could ei­ther his promises or threatnings work any ef­fect: Nay he could not obtain so much of the Protestants that they would suffer Mass to be said within their Territories till the meet­ing of the next Council, though he promised it should fit within six months. Therefore about the end of September they departed; but not before they had heard the Imperial Edict read, which gave them six months time to renounce Lutheranism, and strictly prohibited them to make any innovation in the Faith, or to hinder the free exercise of the Roman Catholick Reli­gion. But in the conclusion of the Diet, the [Page 34]Emperour made another Edict against them, wherein he decided the points of Faith in the controverted Articles. As for instance, about Images, the Sacraments, Free-will, Justificati­on by Faith alone, the invocation of Saints, Ho­ly days, Fasts and many other points. He Commanded that this Edict should stand for a rule of Faith untill the meeting of the next Council, that no other Religion should be tole­rated in Germany, and that the disobedient should be punished with the highest rigour.

year 1531 The Pope is dissatisfied with Charles, and the Pro­testant Prin­ces despise his rigorous E­dicts.The Pope was no ways satisfied with the Emperour's conduct herein; he looked upon it as an Encroachment on his Authority, that a Secular Prince should make himself Judge of controversies. But being a man of great Sense, that he might not clash a second time with the Emperour, he pretended that it was done by their mutual consent, and accordingly wrote to all Christian Princes. The Prote­stant Princes, on the other hand took this oc­casion of writing to them also, to justifie them­selves, and to desire their assistance for calling a Council. In prosecution of the Edict of Aus­bourg, the whole year 1532 was spent in ri­gorous proceedings against the Protestants. Nothing but sentences and confiscations: but the Princes that were absolute in their own Territories despised these rigours, and con­temned the Decrees of the Imperial Cham­ber at Spire. Such courses served onely to put them upon their Guard, and to think of strengthening themselves by Foreign allian­ces, and mutual leagues at home, that they might not be exposed to violence. And so they did in their Assembly of Smalcalde, where [Page 35]all the Protestant Princes and Towns made a League defensive, for the security of their States and Religion. This brought the Em­perour to condescend to milder courses: and several means being proposed, it was at length concluded that for a better accommodation, a Diet should be held at Ratisbonne the year following 1532.

A religious War in Suis­serland, wherein Zuinglius is killed.The same year 1531. there arose such heats in Suisserland, that the Cantons, fell together by the Ears. The City of Zurich sent their Forces to this War, as all the other Protestant Cantons did, and Zuinglius went along with the Zu­richers. The eleventh of October they Fought, the Zurichers were defeated, and Zuinglius killed in the Battel. Oecolampadius his Friend and Collegue died for grief a few days after: and the death of those two made way for an accommodation amongst the Suissers. For the Roman Catholick Cantons were apt to believe, that seeing Providence had rid them of those two Preachers, who had been able to stir up so many people, all would again return into the Bosome of the Church, from which they had fallen off.

Next year was employed in negotiating an accommodation betwixt the Catholick and Protestant parties; wherein the Elector of Mentz, and the Palatine endeavoured all that lay in their power. But the Emperour find­ing that such tentatives for healing of Reli­gion would never succeed, persisted in his thoughts of calling a Council. He wanted a pretext for using of Force, and hoped to find one in a Council, because the Protestants would be obliged to submit to it, and if they [Page 36] year 1533 refused, he would have law on his side to force them. He therefore sent to Rome to represent to the Pope and College of Cardinals the ne­cessity of calling a Council without any delay.The Emperour presses a Coun­cil, and not obtaining it makes his first Edict in fa­vour of Pro­testants. This demand was seconded by the Ambas­sador of the King of France; and though the Pope was resolved not to grant, yet durst he not flatly refuse it. He therefore consent­ed to it, but under conditions that rendred the thing impossible; for he purposed the hold­ing of a Council at Bologna, Piacenza, or in some other Town of the Ecclesiastick State; well foreseeing that the Germans would never agree to that. He also declared that none but Bishops and Abbots should have a decisive Vote; which was not the free Council that the Germans so urgently desired. The Em­perour perceiving that nothing was to be ex­pected on that side, at length resolved to re­store Peace to Germany; which he did by the Edict of Nuremberg, dated July 23, 1532. whereby he gave full liberty to all States, Princes, Towns and private Persons to enjoy and live in the Religion that they had chosen, without molesting of others, and without be­ing molested by any, till the sitting of the next Council, which the Pope should be so­licited to call within six months, and open within a year. This was the first Edict of toleration that the Protestants obtained in Germany, which extremely netled the Court of Rome. Things however were husht up, and after all, they found that the Emperour was not so much to be blamed: For the Prote­stants obstinately refused to make head a­gainst Solyman, who with a formidable Ar­my [Page 37]was coming to powr in upon Austria, unless that indulgence were granted them. So that the fear of the Turks, whom Charles had to doe with, was the sole cause of his mo­deration.

A second in­terview be­twixt the Pope and the Emperour, the Pope refuses a Council; but after grants it on condi­tions which the Protes­tants refuse to accept.So soon as that War was ended, and the Turks driven out of Austria, the Emperour renewed his design of concluding the affairs of Religion in Germany. He made a jour­ney into Italy, and had a second interview with the Pope at Bologna. In this interview they had a fresh conference about the necessity of holding a Council, the Pope persisted to op­pose it, and if at any time he seemed to con­descend, yet stood he firm that the Council should be held upon the conditions he had proposed. Charles who had no other interest in the affair, than that of his Authority which he desired to settle, by obliging the Germans to live under the same Laws, was not very much troubled upon what conditi­ons a Council were held, provided the Lu­therans accepted them. They therefore agreed betwixt themselves to send Ambassadors to the Elector of Saxony, to incline him to accept of the conditions proposed by the Pope: The Elec­tor desires leave to communicate the affairs to the Assembly of Protestants which was to be held at Smalcalde the 23 of June the same year. And, indeed, he did so; but the Assem­bly rejected the Pope's propositions, and per­sisted in demanding a free Council, to be held in Germany, where every one might have free­dom to speak their minds, and wherein judg­ment should be pronounced according to the word of Go, without any respect had to the [Page 38]Authority of the Pope, Traditions or Canons. Their Answer was long and argumentative, of which Copies were sent to the Pope and the Emperour, and afterwards Printed with the Pope's propositions.

The Pope dis­satisfied with the Emperour, enters into a league with the King of France.This interveiw of the Pope and Emperour did not all contribute to the cementing of their friendship; for they began to entertain Jealousies one of another: the Pope could not relish those reiterated instances that the Empe­rour made to him for calling a Council, to which he had an incurable aversion: But a­bove all, that which most increased their mis­understanding, was the Judgment given by the Emperour upon the debate which the Pope had with the Duke of Ferrara concerning the Towns of Rheggio and Modena. Both parties agreed to refer that affair to the determination of the Emperour, that as Umpire he might give Sentence therein. The Emperour pronoun­ced against the Pope, and confirmed the Duke of Ferrara in the possession of those two Towns. So that the Pope being ill satisfied with the Emperour, took a resolution of entring into a strict alliance with the King of France: and at the same time to raise the Grandure of his Fa­mily, he Married Catharine of Medicis his Neice to Henry, second Son to that King: and for the accomplishment and confirmation of the Treaty, the Pope gave the King of France an interveiw at Marseilles. Amongst other things that past at that interveiw, the Pope required of the King that he would use his interest with the Protestants of Germany, and especially with the Landgrave of Hesse, to take them off from de­manding a Council, or that they should de­mand [Page 39]it on conditions more easie for the Court of Rome. The King attempted it, but could not succeed; however the Landgrave of Hesse yielded in some things, and consented that the Council might not be held in Germany, provi­ded the place of its meeting were out of Italy, and in a Town where the Council might be free. The King himself proposed to the Pope the Town of Geneva, an dundertook to get the Protestants to accept of it. This proposal seemed strange to the Pope, who perceived that the King of France was no fit Agent to transact matters according to the intentions of the Court of Rome; and therefore they thanked him for the pains he had taken, and desired him to proceed no farther; so that a stop was put to that Negotiation in the beginning of the year 1534.year 1534

Henry King of England shakes off the Pope's authori­ty, without any innova­tion in Reli­gion.The same year the Court of Rome had the trouble to see one of the most considerable Members of the Roman Church fall off from it; whilst they endeavoured to recover Ger­many, they lose England. Henry VIII. had Married Catharine, Infanta of Spain, Aunt by the Mother to the Emperour Charles V. This Princess by a former Marriage had been Wife to Prince Arthur elder Brother to Henry. Arthur being dead, the Father with a dispen­sation from Pope Julius II. gave her to his second Son; by whom she had onely one Daughter alive, called Mary. Henry who pas­sionately desired to have Male issue, sought to Divorce her, under colour of invalidity in the dispensation. This afforded matter for a long and tedious process, which depended from the year 1528. to 1534. In the beginning of this [Page 40] year 1534 affair, the Pope being in War with the Empe­rour, gave orders to Cardinal Campeggio his Le­gate in England, so to manage the Trial, that the procedures might run in favour of Henry, thereby vex Charles V. but a reconciliation being pieced up betwixt the Pope and the Em­perour, the case of the Divorce betwixt Henry and Catharine changed countenance, because the Pope intended to oblige Charles, by favour­ing his Aunt. This change provoked Henry, so that he prohibited all his Subjects to pay any Peter-pence to the Receivers: and the Pope by and Evocation brought the Trial to Rome, where the business went very slowly on. Hen­ry who could no longer indure these delays, published his Divorce with Catharine of Spain; and in the year 1535. Married Anne Bullen. Sometime after, News, whether true or false was brought to Rome, that there had been a Co­medy Acted before the King of England, where­in the whole Court of Rome, the Pope and Cardinals, had been shamefully expos'd, and turned into ridicule. This was News indeed that over-heated the spleen of all those who thought themselves concerned, and set them on revenge; which made them out-run the constable in pronouncing Sentence the 24. of March: whereby the Marriage of Henry and Catharine, was declared good and valid; and upon that account Henry ordained to adhere to her, and in case of refusal, that he should ipso facto be Excommunicated. Henry on the other hand took the alarm as hot as they, when he had seen this Sentence. Well, said he, let the Pope be Bishop of Rome, and for my part, I'll be Master within my own King­dom. [Page 41]And so he was as good as his word; for he issued out a Proclamation, wherein he de­clared himself head of the Church of England, prohibited the paying of Peter-pence to the Pope's Receivers, and got this Declaration confirmed by Act of Parliament: though in all other things he retained the Roman Religion, and afterwards published severe Proclamations a­gainst the Doctrine of Luther.

In Germany the State of affairs was nothing better; they began to take up Arms; for King Ferdinand had seised the Dutchy of Witten­berg from Prince Ulrich, and the Landgrave of Hesse had by Force of Arms retaken and resto­red it to its lawfull Master. The Emperour who feared that things might not stop here, was in good earnest angry with the Pope, for starting so many difficulties to obstruct the holding of a Council, and thereupon wrote expostulatory Letters to Rome. But within a few days after the receipt of these Letters, Clement fell sick of a Distemper that carried him out of the world, about the end of September 1534.

PAUL. III.

Pope Clement dies. Paul. III. succeeds him.Cardinal Farnese succeeded to him, and was chosen the same day the Conclave was shut up. At first he took the name of Honorius V. but at his Inauguration he quitted that, and took the name of Paul III. He wanted not Vertue, though the character he went under was, of a reserved and slye man. Besides all his other qualities, he was consummated in the know­ledge of affairs, having been Cardinal under six Popes, and all along employed in important Negotiations; he was also chief of the Cardi­nals, as being Dean of the Sacred College, which advantages did not a little facilitate his

year 1537 The Pope in the beginning of his Pontificate gave some signs of his intentions to reform the Church, but little came on't. Also in the year 1536.Fruitless at­tempts of Paul III. for the re­formation of the Court of Rome. he made a Bull for a Reformation, and named Cardinals to act in it: This also was without effect. In fine, well perceiving that he would be accused of having made all these steps without any design of touching the abu­ses of the Court of Rome; for his own Justifica­tion, he resolved to renew his design of re­formation. He named four Cardinals and five Prelates, to whom he gave commission to make an exact collection of all the abuses that deser­ved amendment. They observed four and twenty abuses in the administration of Ec­clesiastick affairs, and four in the Government of Rome, of which they gave the Pope a par­ticular account. These articles were examined in a Consistory; but Nicolas Schomberg a Jacobin, Cardinal of Santo Sixto, withstood that refor­mation, and having made use of the same rea­sons which Francis Soderini Cardinal of Volterre had used in the time of Adrian, he had the same success, that is to say, he took the Pope off from all these designs of Reformation.

year 1538 The Pope calls a Council in the Town of Vicenza, where the Legates goe, but no body appears.So that Paul III. having now no other affair to mind, but that of a Council, published a new Bull for convocating it in the City of Vi­cenza under the Dominion of the Venetians; and that the Prelates might have time to repair to the place, he appointed the first of May 1538 for the opening of the Assembly. Henry King of England who slipt to occasion of exercising his pen against Rome, wrote against that Bull, as well as against the former, and made the same declarations as he had done before, pro­testing [Page 47] year 1538 that he no more owned the Assembly at Vicenza for a true Council, than he had done that which was to have been held at Mantua. the Legates, in the mean time went to Vicenza, to make the overture of the Council, on the day prefixt: And the Pope,An interview of the Pope, Emperour, and K. of France. being at Nice where the Emperour and the King of France were come to see him, and to confer about means of restoring peace to their subjects, endeavoured to perswade them to send their Prelates to Vicenza; but both desired time to consult their Bishops about the matter. So that the Legates who were to preside in the Council, to wit, Campeggio, Simmonetto and Alexander, stayed three Months at Vicenza expecting the Pre­lates, who never came; of this they gave the Pope an account, who was fain to recall them by a Bull dated July 28. 1538. and to defer the opening of the Council till Easter follow­ing. This was the year wherein Paul III.The Pope thunders a Bull of Ex­communicati­on against Henry VIII. King of Eng­land. losing all patience towards Henry King of Eng­land, let fly a Bull of Excommunication against him. The Pope had entertained hopes of re­claiming him by patience, and besides that, he was loath to let that thunder go out of his hands, which men were grown now almost proof against. But Henry proceeded so incor­rigibly, that there was now no more dallying. It was not enough that he had made himself Head of the Church of England; but he also rased and burnt the Bones of St. Thomas of Can­terbury, who was killed in the year 1171. and died a Martyr for the Authority of the Pope. He cut off the head of Fisher Bishop of Rochester, without respect to the dignity of the Cardinal­ship, with which the Pope had honoured him [Page 48]during his imprisonment, as a reward for his vigorous maintaining the interests of the Court of Rome, against the attempts of Henry. In a word, the Pope looking on him as a sinner hardened in impenitence, thundered a ter­rible Bull against him, which had been framed in the year 1535. By that Bull he deprived him of his dominions, and his adherents of all their Estates. He absolved the English and all other his Subjects from their obedience to him, prohibited all strangers to have any commerce with that Kingdom, and charged all Christian people to rise in arms against him and his dominions, bestowing them as a prey upon him that first could conquer them. This Bull, though more terrible than any that the Prede­cessours of Paul had ever thundered, yet wrought no effect, and hindered not, but that the Emperour, the King of France and other Catholick Princes made Leagues and Alliances with Henry King of England.

year 1539 An amicable Conference is appointed be­twixt the Ca­tholicks and Protestants of Germany.Next year, which was the year 1539. the affairs of Religion threatned new trouble in Germany; because the Catholick Princes had made a League amongst themselves at Nurem­berg, as the Protestants had made another at Smalcalde; which obliged the Emperour and States of the Empire, to hold a Diet at Frank­fort. In this assembly, after long debates, it was resolved, that an amicable conference should be appointed betwixt the Doctours of both parties, to try if it were possible to find a mean to satisfie both. Nuremberg was pitcht upon for the place of the conference, and the open­ing of it appointed to be the first of August. So soon as the news of this was brought to [Page 49] Rome; The Pope was startled at it, as being done without his Authority, and as being a prejudicating of the Council which he had pro­mised, not to expect from it the decision of controversies. So that he immediately dispat­ched the Bishop of Monte Pulciano to the Em­perour in Spain, to perswade him to annull the Decrees of the Diet of Frankfort, and to put a stop to that conference. But the Empe­rour thought it not fit to doe any thing, nor to declare himself against the conference of Nu­remberg; he foresaw a storm coming from France, and had the Turk likewise to deal with: and therefore he resolved at any rate, to satisfie the Protestants. Nevertheless that conference was not held, because the Emperour had other affairs that more nearly concerned him. The Emperess died, and Ghent with part of the low Countreys revolted: so that being taken up with other matters, he had no time to mind this. But being obliged to goe into Flanders; to settle these troubles, his brother Ferdinand went thither to wait on him; where both to­gether agreed to grant that conference. Car­dinal Farnese, a young man of twenty years of age, seconded by the Counsels of Marcello Cervino, who was afterward Pope, with great vigour opposed it, and endeavoured to ward that blow by promising a Council, which should speedily be convened; he solicited the Emperour to make use of his arms, rather than of conferences, which could not succeed, and which struck at the Pope's Authority. The Emperour and Ferdinand continued firm in their resolutions, and the Diet was called at Haguenaw where all the Princes were invited to [Page 50] year 1541 appear in person. Many Lutheran Ministers and Catholick Doctours came; but the Diet was spent in idle Janglings about Preliminaries: and seeing heats began to arise, the Confe­rence was put off till October the 28th to be held in the City of Wormes, A Conference at Wormes, which has as little success as the rest. where the Pope's Nuncio's, if they pleased, might be present. The Emperour confirmed that Decree, con­descended to the time and place, and sent thi­ther as his Commissioner, Granvelle, who car­ried with him his Son, that was afterwards Bishop of Arras and Cardinal: Thomas Cam­peggio Bishop of Feltre came thither in quality of the Peope's Nuncio; but this Conference last­ed but three days. Eckius spoke for the Ca­tholicks, and Melancthon for the Protestants; the subject of their Dispute being about Origi­nal Sin. But whilst the Pope seemed to give way to the Conference, by the presence of his Nuncio, who was there; at the same time by his Nuncio resident at the Emperour's Court, he endeavoured to break it up. This Nuncio re­presented to the Emperour, that it could not but engender a Schism, make all Germany Lu­theran, and ruine both the authority of the Pope and Emperour. These Reasons, or ra­ther some private interests, obliged the Empe­rour to break up the Conference: He recalled Granvelle, and adjourned the Diet to Ratisbonne. The opening of this Diet was in the month of March, next year after. The Emperour was there in person, and for a famous Dispute that happened, named the Disputants himself: for the Catholicks John Eckius, Julius Fluggius, and John Groper; for the Protestants, Melancthon, Bucer, and John Pistorius: the Electour for the [Page 51]Protestants, and Granvelle for the Emperour, were Moderatours of the Conference. Cardi­nal Contarini, who had the reputation of a learned and wise man, was there as the Pope's Legate. Upon some points they came to an agreement, as upon Justification, the merit of Works, Free-will, Original Sin, the Scripture, &c. but in many others nothing could be a­greed upon; as the Power of the Church, the Sacrament of Penance, Single Life, the Eucharist, and the Hierarchy; not to name many considerable points that were not med­led with. The result of the Conference was communicated to the Diet; which the Legate pleaded ought to be sent to the Pope for his judgment and approbation, and promised a General Council to prevent the holding of a National Synod. This Legate did set about the making of some Reformation in the Clergy; but that essay was fruitless, as all the former had been. At length the Emperour made the Edict of the Diet, date July the 28th, where­by he referred the decision of the Affair either to a General or National Council of Germany, or else to another Diet of the Empire. In the interim he charged the Protestants to make no Innovation, to keep to the Points that had been agreed upon; and that none should pre­sume either by perswasion or violence, to draw off any from the Roman Catholick Religion. But, in the mean time, by particular and pri­vate Grants, he allowed all a free exercise of Religion; so true it is, that the most zealous Princes in appearance, have no other Religion but Interest. However, they were pretty well satisfied at Rome, that these Conferences had [Page 52]no effect; but Cardinal Contarini was ac­cused of having favoured the Lutherans, and had much adoe to justifie himself, and to get off.A fourth in­terview be­twixt the Pope and the Em­perour. After the conclusion of the Diet, the Em­perour went to Italy, and had an interview with the Pope in the City of Luca; where the matter they chiefly treated of, was the holding of a Council. The Pope had heretofore called one at Vicenza, but he was forced to suspend the Convocation, first till Easter in the year 1539. and afterwards by a Bull of the 13th of June the same year, the suspension was pro­longed untill it should please the Pope to take it off. In the Conference of Luca, the Pope and the Emperour remained stedfast in their resolution of holding the Council at Vicenza; but the Venetians to whom this City belonged, recalled the consent they had given. They were afraid of offending the Turk, with whom they had just concluded a Peace, because in that Council Overtures were to be proposed of making War against the Infidels. This is the reason that was alledged; but the true reason, perhaps, was, that they were not very wil­ling the City should be in a manner abandoned to so many Strangers, as must needs flock thi­ther upon account of the Council.

The Pope de­clares that he will call the Council at Trend: but it is retarded by the War betwixt the Emperour and the King of France.The year 1541. being thus spent, next year after a Diet of the Empire was held: The Pope sent thither John Morone Bishop of Mode­na, and declared, that since he could not a­gree neither with the Duke of Mantua, nor the Venetians, about holding of a Council either at Mantua or Vicenza, he was resolved it should be held at Trent. The Protestants would not accept that proposition; however, [Page 53]the Pope published his Bull dated January 22. and appointed the opening of the Council to be the first of November following. About the same time the War broke out between the Em­perour and the King of France. This last de­clared War the same year, and published re­proachfull Manifesto's against the Emperour; which War prevented the effect of the Bull of Convocation. In the mean time the Pope sent his Legates to Trent, and the Emperour, his Ambassadours; but after they had continued there seven months, they were fain to sepa­rate; because no Prelates came, except some of the Kingdom of Naples, and of the Ecclesiastick state, whom the Pope and the Emperour had sent with their Ambassadours. Francis the first, King of France, foreseeing that it would be imputed to him as a great crime, to have ob­structed the holding of a Council, by so unsea­sonable a declaration of War; to excuse him­self with the Pope, made Edicts against the Protestants of his Kingdom, which he caused to be rigorously put in execution. The Pope, in the mean time, as common Father both to the Emperour and the King of France, endea­voured to make them friends, but could not succeed in it. He had another interview with the Emperour betwixt Parma and Piacenza; A fifth inter­view of the Emperour and Pope. but no talk then of a Council or the affairs of Religion. The interest of the Emperour obli­ged him to draw the Pope to his side against the King of France; which he attempted to doe, and even to procure money of him for the charges of the War. On the other hand, the Pope had an eye upon the Dutchy of Milan, which he desired might return to his Family, [Page 54] year 1543 and would have had the Emperour give the in­vestiture of it to Octavio Farnese his Nephew, who had married Margaret natural Daughter to Charles the fifth. They broke off without concluding any thing, being jealous one of a­nother, and parted seemingly very well satisfi­ed; because both well understood the art of disguising their thoughts.

The Emperour having no assurances of the Pope, addressed himself to Henry King of Eng­land, and made a League with him against France. That incensed the Pope extremely, who complained publickly, that a Prince who ought to be Protectour of the Church, should make alliance with an Excommunicate King. He added moreover, that since the beginning of the Troubles Charles had carried it with an ex­treme tenderness towards the Protestants; and to render that conduct of the Emperour the more odious, he compared it with that of the King of France, who had made so many severe Edicts and rigorous Laws against the Innova­tours, for maintaining the Religion and Papal authority. This War, and these mutual mis­understandings put a stop to all thoughts of a Council for that year 1543. The year fol­lowing there was a Diet held at Spire, A Diet at Spire, where the Emperour gives a new Edict of liber­ty till the next Council. where­in the Emperour represented the pains he had taken for obtaining a Council, telling them that it had been called, but that the Arms of France hindred its sitting. Endeavours were there used to compose the affairs of Religion; and the result was, that the Emperour who had need of the Protestants, made and Edict of Pacification to last till the sitting of the Coun­cil. That Edict allowed the Lutherans not one­ly [Page 55] year 1544 the liberty of their Religion, but also the peaceable possession of the Benefices which they enjoyed in the Church; and ordered Memoirs to be made, and presented to the next Diet; wherein a form of Reformation should be stated, that so all men might know what they were to take for matters of Faith, untill the meeting of the next Council. The Pope was touched to the quick at the proceed­ings of this Diet, which were very favou­rable to the Protestants: and thereupon wrote smart Letters to the Emperour, telling him that he plainly wronged his Conscience, and endangered his Salvation, by adventuring to judge of matters of Faith, and to call Assem­blies that might be taken for National Synods, by no other authority but his own: That these Assemblies were invasions upon the authority of the Holy See, since that consisting onely of Lay-men, they notwithstanding decided mat­ters of Religion, without the power or con­currence of the Pope. He besought him to annull all that had been done, and in case of refusal threatned to force him to it by other and more severe courses.

PAUL III.

THE War between the Emperour and King of France, had hitherto hindered the opening of the Council; but that War which lasted not much above a Year,The Peace be­tween the Em­perour and K. of France, revives the proposals of a Council. being ended by the Peace that was concluded at Crespy, December 24. 1544. both Princes obliged themselves to use their best endeavours for the preservation of the ancient Religion and Union of the Church, and for the Reformation of the Court of Rome. And that they might the better succeed in these three great Designs, they concluded it necessary to press the convo­cation of a Council. The Pope willing to have all the Honour of it alone, so soon as he understood the Intentions of the Emperour and King of France, without expecting the de­mand, that these Princes designed to make to [Page 57]him, issued forth immediately, the Bull of Con­vocation for a Council to be held in the City of Trent, and appointed the 15. of March to be the first day of its Meeting. The Emperour was not pleased that this Publication was made without asking his Advice; however, he put the best Face he could upon it, as purposing to appear the principal Actor in this whole Af­fair, and sent to all the Courts in Europe to invite the Princes to send their Prelates to Trent. He Assembled the Divines of Louvain, appoin­ting them to reduce the Matters in Contro­versie into certain Heads, to be presented to the Council. They thereupon made two and thirty bare Conclusions without any Reasons or Arguments to back them; and Charles the Fifth, who loved to be Supreme as well in Matters of Religion as in the Affairs of State, afterwards confirmed them by an Edict. The King of France would needs doe the same, and Assembled the Divines of Paris at Melun, to consult about the Matters that were to be de­manded in the Council; but they could not agree; for, some were for demanding the re­stitution of the Pragmatick Sanction, and the Decrees of the Councils of Constance and Basil. Others were against it, because that would be to declare themselves against the King, and overthrow the Agreement that he had made with Leo X. So, nothing being fixt upon there, they stood to the twenty five Points of Doc­trine, which the Sorbonne had published two Years before.The Pope ap­points Legates to preside in the Council, and sends them to Trent.

The Pope did what lay in his Power to con­tent the Emperour, who had conceived a great displeasure, that after he had laboured so [Page 58]much, and had had so great a hand in calling of this Council, yet the Bull should be publi­shed without asking his consent; but, for all that, went on still, to hasten the accomplish­ment of what he had alone begun. He named three Legates to preside in the Council: The Cardinal of Monte, called otherwise Cardinal of Praeneste, Marcello Corvino Cardinal of Santa­croce, and Reynold Pool and English Man, of the Bloud-Royal of England. The first was Cardi­nal Bishop, the Second Cardinal Priest, and the Third Cardinal Deacon. The last was chosen more for Pomp than Necessity, because of the Grandure of his Family, and that it might appear that though the Kingdom of England had made defection from the Church, yet those who continued in their Obedience were still honoured and esteemed. The Pope dispatched the Legates, with the Bull of Legation, with­out the Plenepotentiary Bull, because he would have time to consider in what Form he should give it; but some time after their Arrival at Trent, they received their Plenepotentiary Bull. At the same time the Pope made a Se­cond Bull of that Nature, whereby he gave them power to adjourn the Council to any other place, if they thought fit, because he was not certain whether Trent might agree with them or not; but this second Bull was not then sent, but kept secret. The Legates did not approve of the Plenepotentiary Bull, be­cause it ordered them to proceed in all things according to the resolutions of the Council; whereas, on the contrary, their intention was, that in all things the Council should comply with them. That Place of the Bull must there­fore [Page 59]be mended, and there was trouble enough about it, before they could agree upon the Form of the Legates Commission; there having been no precedents for such kind of Lega­tions. In all former Councils that had been held for four or five hundred Years, the Popes always presided in Person, except in the Coun­cil of Basil, which in the beginning had the Legates of Pope Eugenius for Presidents: but the Name of that Council was so odious to the Court of Rome, that they lookt upon it as a crime to imitate anything that had been done there.

The Presidents arrive at Trent, and remain there a long while a­lone.The Legates arrived at Trent the thirteenth of March, two days before the Council was to be opened. The Poe had given but very short warning; for there was no more than three Months betwixt the last Bull of Convo­cation and the opening of the Council; and the remote Prelates, as the Germans, Spanish and French, could not be present in so short a time. However the Pope knew what he did; for it concerned him to have none there in the beginning, but Italians, and such as he could dis­pose of at his pleasure: because in the Prelimi­naries, the manner of proceeding during the whole sitting of the Council was to be regula­ted, and thereupon depended the Authority which the Pope was to keep in his own Hands, of being Absolute and Supreme in all the deli­berations of that Assembly. The Legates in the mean time could not open the Council on the day prefixt, because they found no Body at Trent; and when Don Diego de Mendoza the Emperour's Ambassadour came, who arrived ten days after, he found none there but the [Page 60]Legates and three Bishops. In the beginning the Legates communicated to Don Diego, and that small Number of Bishops, the Letters which they received from Rome, as if they in­tended to Act nothing without their Participa­tion, but it was not long so. The Legates per­ceived that the Ambassadour and the Bishops getting thereby Footing, began to meddle too much. They therefore wrote to Rome, that there should be always two Letters sent them, one which might be Communicated to all, and another private for themselves alone; they likewise demanded a Cipher for the safe com­munication of Affairs of Weight and Moment; and thus did they prepare themselves to re­ceive the inspirations of the Holy-Ghost.

The Month of March was now spent with­out any appearance at Trent; and the Legates were ashamed to open a Council with no more than three Bishops. Orders were thereupon to be expected from Rome, and whilst they stayed for them, the Ambassadours of Ferdi­nand King of the Romans arrived, and were admitted into the Congregation. Now began Disputes about precedence to arise; for Don Diego de Mendoza the Emperour's Ambassadour challenged his place immediately after the Le­gates, before Cardinal Madoncio, otherwise cal­led Cardinal of Trent, who was present, and before all the Cardinals that might afterwards appear. An expedient was found out to place them so that none should be above another, but that decided not the Controversie; to Rome it must go, and thither the Legates sent it.

[Page 61] year 1545 At the same time a Diet was held at Wormes, wherein the Emperour caused Intimation to be made to the Protestants of the holding of a Council:The Emperour gives intima­tion to the Protestants, of the Convoca­tion of a Coun­cil, and upon their refusing to submit to it, concludes a League with the Pope a­gainst them. but they protested against that As­sembly, and even refused to give the Empe­rour any assistance against the Turk, unless he did confirm the Edicts of Pacification which had been granted to them. The Emperour arrived at Wormes on the sixteenth of May, where he was attended by Cardinal Farnese the Legate. This Cardinal according to the Instructions he had received, solicited the Em­perour to employ open Force for the reducing of the Protestants; which agreed very well with the Intentions of Charles the Fifth, who thereupon discovered himself more than ever he had done before, and promised the Legate to take up Arms for suppressing the Lutherans, so soon as he had concluded a Truce with the Turk. At the same time the Cardinal nego­tiated the same Affairs with the Catholicks, and especially the Church-men that were at the Diet, promising them in the name of the Pope, money and assistance, if they would enter in­to that holy League. These Treaties were carried on under the Seal of greatest Secrecy. Nevertheless the Protestants suspected some such thing, and were the more confirmed in their conjecture, by the Indiscretion of a Cor­delier, who Preaching before the Emperour, King Ferdinand and the Legate, turned to­wards the Emperour, and told him, that by his Character and Dignity, he was obliged to defend the Church by Arms. There was Ad­vice likewise from Rome, that the Pope dismis­sing some Officers of War, made them a pro­mise [Page 62]to employ them the Year following. These Presages made the Protestants apprehend a se­vere Storm a coming: the Emperour, however carried it fair, and endeavoured to perswade the Lutherans to submit to the Council, and to sup­ply Money for the War against the Turk. But they looked upon this as a design to drain them, under pretext of a Turkish War, that so they might the more easily be opprest, and there­fore they protest against the Council of Trent, and persist in demanding a perpetual and unli­mited Edict of Pacification. The Emperour made answer, that he could not exempt them from a Council, to which all Christians ought to be subject, and that therefore he could not grant them that Peace in the manner they de­manded it. The truth is, he was very far from granting what they desired, seeing his design was to make use of their refusal of sub­mitting to the Council, for a pretext of pro­ceeding against them as Rebels. But it was not as yet time to open his mind freely, be­cause of other important Affairs that lay upon his shoulders. He therefore left all things in suspence, ordaining the Treaty of Peace to subsist untill the Diet which he appointed in January following to be held in the City of Ratisbonne: and for amusing the Protestants, he granted a conference to be had about mat­ters of Religion betwixt four Doctors and two Judges of each Party, to begin in December, for preparing of matters against the opening of the Diet. The Emperour caused Herman, Archbishop of Cologne to be summoned to ap­pear at this Diet, within thirty days, either personally or by his Proctor; and that because [Page 63]without declaring himself Lutheran, he had embraced the Doctrine of Luther, and had upon that Foot endeavoured to reform his Diocess both as to Doctrine and Discipline. In order whereunto, he had in the Year 1543. Assembled the Clergy, Nobility, and the most considerable Persons of his Diocess. And though he disowned all conformity with the Lutherans, yet it was easie to be seen, that under the Name of Doctrines consonant to the Holy Scriptures, he established many Te­nets opposite to those of the Church of Rome. Most part of his Clergy opposed this, and appealed to the Pope as Head, and to the Emperour as Protector of the Church; which was the pretext of that Citation. The Em­perour's whole Conduct in that Diet, and espe­cially this last Action, extremely vexed the Court of Rome. The Prelates assembled at Trent, said openly that the Proceedings of the Emperour were scandalous; that to decide Affairs of Religion, appoint Conferences, name Disputants, make Confessions, and Formula­ries of Faith, cite Archbishops and Church-Men who were accused of Heresie, was an evident arrogating to himself a Supremacy in the Church, and an Encroachment on the Council which was immediately to be opened. The truth is, throughout the whole Conduct of the Emperour, it is manifest that his sole design was Greatness and the Advancement of his Authority; for he let slip no opportunity of invading the Rights of the Pope, and the Authority which the holy See challenges to its self. The Pope was extremely netled at The Emperour's Proceedings in relation to the [Page 64]Archbishop of Cologne, but durst not break forth into resentment: all he did, was to thwart that Citation by another; for he ad­journed the Archbishop within two Months, to appear before him in Person.

The Pope will not have the Bishops appear in Council by Proxy.But let us now return to Trent, where the Prelates made but very slow progress. The Kingdom of Naples had one hundred Bishops; but the Viceroy conceiving that the absence of so many Prelates, if all went to Trent, would occasion a great solitude in the Church; did therefore name four to goe in their own Names, and as charged with procurations from the rest. The Bishops, who had all a mind to be concerned in that weighty affair, oppo­sed the resolution; and the Pope, who from time to time was to draw his recruits out of Italy, according as his occasions did require, resolved likewise to withstand the intentions of the Viceroy, by a very severe Bull, which was already past. This Bull ordained that all who should adventure to appear in Council by Proxy, should ipso facto incur the censure of Suspension: but the Legates themselves judged it a little too rigorous, and therefore wrote to the Pope, that he would suffer them to keep it secret. And this advice of suppressing it, ap­preared afterwards to have been much the safer, by what happened in respect of the Envoys of the Cardinal Electour of Mentz. They arrived at Trent the 18th. of May, and produced their Commissions. The Legates made some difficulty to admit them; because of the Pope's prohibition of appearing by Proxy: and the Envoys of the Electour were ready to withdraw and depart, had they not [Page 65]been staid by ample Excuses that were made to them, telling them that the Pope's order did not reach Persons of the Quality and Character of their Master, who was both a Cardinal and a Prince. In the mean time the Legates wrote to Rome to represent to the Pope, the necessity of qualifying the severity of that Bull; who sent them back orders that they should entertain the Procuratours of the Electour of Mentz with fair words, and give them the best satisfaction they could; but he durst neither recall nor moderate his Bull, be­cause of the Viceroy of Naples, who had, in effect, carried it against the Bishops, and had got four to be deputed in name of all the rest. These four Bishops durst not own neither at Rome nor Trent, that they were charged with procurations from the rest, so that, in the main, the Viceroy of Naples did not obtain what he desired.With ten Bi­shops at Trent, the Congrega­tion began to handle Preli­minaries. Till the end of April there were no more than three or four Bishops arrived at Trent; but, at length, the third of May, they made up the Num­ber of Ten, with whom a Congregation was held for regulating the Preliminaries; where­in in there was a great deal of discourse, but nothing concluded; proposals were made a­bout the Ornaments which the Legates were to have, about empty places that were to be left for the Pope and the Emperour, and the rights of precedence amongst the German Bishops who were Princes: but nothing was concluded on, save onely that they must ex­pect till the Council were assembled in a ful­ler body. There was, indeed, a great deal of discourse about the time of opening the Coun­cil; [Page 66]and there was one reason that pleaded for a delay, to wit, the small number of Bishops; but there were others that urged the hastening of it, and the Chief was, that there­by a stop might be put to the Enterprises of Princes, and especially to those of the Empe­rour, who upon all occasions offered at the deciding of matters of Religion, which per­haps, he might be more cautious in doing, if once the Council were opened. After all there considerations, it was concluded that they should expect advice from Cardinal Far­nese, who was Legate with the Emperour.

The Prelates at Trent are weary of stay­ing, but they are stopt, and money ordered to be given to the poor Bishops.About the end of May there were got to­gether at Trent, twenty Bishops, five Generals of Orders, and an Auditour of the Rota: the first comers were already very weary of delay, and were therefore called in Raillery, The hot­headed Gentlemen; but their Zeal quickly cooled. They began in good earnest to think of with­drawing, and the most part without Ceremony, plainly begg'd leave to return home; others desired liberty to goe to Venice, and other neighbouring Towns, to buy Clothes and change the Air, under pretence of some indis­position; but the Legates suffered none to de­part. Most of these Prelates were poor Italian Bishops sent by the Pope; who declared them­selves unable to subsist there at their own charges. It is true, the Pope had remitted all tenths to those Bishops that should goe to the Council; but that not much encrease the Revenues of those poor Bishops, and therefore the Legates were fain to give them Money to encourage them to stay. Others there were who made use of the Emperour's conduct for [Page 67]a Colour of withdrawing, saying that they could not endure to see the Council so dis­paraged and slighted, by his endeavouring to judge of matter of Religion, the decision whereof belonged properly to it; but not­withstanding all their impatience, the Prelates were necessitated to bear with these delays, and to wait five Months, June, July, August, September and October before the Council could be opened The Emperour who plaid his game with the Protestants, and did not in­tend to exasperate them, stopt all, and held matters in suspence. Sometimes he flattered the Lutherans with the hopes of preventing the sitting of the Council, provided they con­sented to what he desired of them; and some­times again he threatned them with the Council, that would arm all Christendom a­gainst them. Don Diego de Mendoza his Ambas­sadour returned to his Embassie at Venice, en­treating the Legates not to open the Council without his presence. The true cause of all this Conduct was, that the Emperour inten­ded not that the Council should proceed a­gainst the Lutherans, before the had made his Peace with the Turk, that so he might not have too many Enemies at the same time to encounter. These delays put the Pope out of all Patience; he many times repented the calling of the Council, and if he could have done it with honour, would certainly have revoked all that had been done: thus not daring to break up and dissolve the Council, it was said, that he intended to remove it to a place where his Power and Authority was greater. At length he resolved to sent the Bishop [Page 68]of Caserta to the Emperour to make an end of that affair, and to bring him to consent to one of these three things, either to the Opening, or to the Suspension, or to the Translation of the Council.The Emperour consents to the opening of the Council con­ditionally, and the Pope is angry. The Emperour rejected the Sus­pension and Translation: but persisted in star­ting difficulties as to the Opening, because he was willing to expect the issue of the approa­ching Diet which was called at Ratisbonne in the Month of January; however he consen­ted to the opening of the Council in the Month of October, provided that nothing concerning the Lutherans were brought under debate, and nothing but the matter of Refor­mation taken into Consideration. This last fetch of the Emperours in regard of the Lu­therans put the Pope out of Patience, how­ever without any shew of discontent at that answer, he resolved to act by himself, and the last of October wrote to his Legates, that without farther delay, they should open the Council on the thirteenth of December. This was very gratefull News to the Prelates assembled at Trent; but the Legates were troubled to see that the French Bishops who were but three in number, were recalled by their King: for that did insinuate as if France designed not to approve of that Council, nor to have any hand in it. These small heart-burnings how­ever hindred not but that the least things that concerned the Glory and Authority of the Pope were carefully looked after: advice was therefore given, that in opening of the Council, the Bull that appointed it, should be read; to the end that all that was done in the Council, might appear to depend on the Au­thority [Page 69]of the holy See, with prospect of esta­blishing thereby the Pope's Superiority over the Council: and so the Bull was sent accor­ding as the Legates had desired.

session 1 At length the thirteenth of December came, on which the Pope had ordered the opening of the Council: and for the greater Solemnity, the Pope appointed a Jubile at Rome, and that all should after three days fasting, con­fess and receive the Sacrament. The twenty five Prelates that were at Trent, made a so­lemn Procession in their Pontificals. The Church was hung with Tapestry, the Cardi­nal di Monte first Legate said the Mass of the Holy Ghost,The Sermon of the Bishop of Bitonto is dis­liked by many. and Cornelius de Muis Bishop of Bitonto made a Sermon: after which the Le­gates made a long Discourse about the necessi­ty of holding a Council, and what their pro­cedure ought to be therein. The Discourse of the Legates was pretty well liked, but the Bishop's Sermon was found to be stuft with a pedantick and idle strain of Eloquence. He largely proved the necessity of holding a Coun­cil, laid before them the Disorders of the Church, made a long Encomium on the Pope, and another somewhat shorter on the Empe­rour, he praised the Legates severally, and made some bald Puns and Allusions upon their Names: then turning to the Bishops, he told them, that they should open their hearts to receive the Holy Ghost; which if they did not, God would nevertheless open their Lips as he did to Balaam and Caiaphas. This last pas­sage pleased no body; for the Prelates did not take it well to be compared to false Prophets; nor was it well digested by the rest, that he [Page 70]promised a Spirit of Prophecy and Infallibility to men that might be as wicked as Balaam or Caiaphas; but nothing was taken worse of this Oratour, than when he compared the Council to the Trojan horse, into the body of which all Bishops ought to enter. This was reckoned an odious comparison, and the disconten­ted were busie in emproving that thought, and making their best on't. saying that the Council would prove like the Trojan horse, that is to say, a treacherous Engine to set the World in a flame. These Ceremonies being over, the Decree was read, and all that was done in that first Session, was the putting the question to the Prelates; Are ye willing that the Council be opened? to which they all answered, Pla­cet: the next Session was appointed to be the seventh of January following; and this being done the Legates wrote to Rome for Instructi­ons about the way of Consulting, Voting and Concluding, that was to be observed in the Council. For instance, if the Persons of He­reticks and their Heresies should be condemned at one and the same time, what Seal should be made use of, and especially if the Votes should be taken by the individual Persons, or by the Nations they belonged to; this last way had been practised in the Councils of Basil and Constance, that is to say, the Votes past there by Nations. In expectation of an answer, the Prelates were amused with the consideration of very trivial matters, as what manner of Cloaths the Prelates should wear out of Festi­val-days; if they should appear in secular Habits or otherwise. At length the answer came, which ordered the Legates not to make too [Page 71]much haste, but to spin out the time in mat­ters of small importance, untill they should adjust at Rome the best measures for the way of proceeding in the Council. But without farther delay, the Pope determined the mat­ter of Voting, that it should not be by Nations, because thereby they would lose the benefit that was expected from the Italians, who were in great Numbers to be sent to the Council. The Pope sent also Money to his poor Pre­lates, and made no Mystery of it as if he fea­red to be accused of having bought Votes; be­cause, said he, when a Council is assembled, the Head of the Church is obliged to such Works of Charity.

What was the form of the Council of Trent, and what had been that of the an­cient Councils.When the Pope's Answer was come, the Cardinal di Monte began to propose to the Prelates the order wherein matters were to be examined, before they should be brought to conclusion, and sentence past thereon. He went not so far back as the ancient Councils for a Pattern; but stoptat the last Council of Late­ran that was called against Lewis XII. by Ju­lius II. where himself had assisted in quality of Archbishop of Siponto. Certainly if a mo­del had been borrowed from the Ancient. Church, the Council of Trent would not have ob­served the method that they followed, for there is nothing more different than the ancient and modern Councils. In the first Ages of Christiani­ty the fervour of the Zeal and Charity of the primitive Christians, easily put an end to the little differences that sprung up in the Church, without such great Assemblies; they met with­out Ceremony, and without any great ob­servation of Forms; every one gave his judg­ment [Page 72]according as God gave him knowledge and put it into his heart, and the ancientest or ablest Man presided by Election. When the Church had weathered the Storms of Persecu­tion, the Emperours took upon them the Care of its Government; they called Councils, and either presided in them themselves, or by their Ambassadours, nay and pronoun­ced interlocutory Decrees in differences that occurred. Thus Constantine moderated the Council of Nice. Marcellinus represented the same Emperour at the Conference which was held in Africa betwixt the Catholicks and Do­natists. Candidian presided in the Council of Ephesus, in the Name of Theodosius the younger. The Emperour Martian was personally pre­sent in the Council of Chalcedon; and Constan­tine termed Pogonatus, in that of Constanti­nople, which was held in the Palace, and is called in Trullo. It was the chief Magistrate then, who prescribed the form, commanding some to speak and others to be silent. In those days there was no distinction made be­twixt Congregations and Sessions; when they met it was to give their opinions concerning the differences that were to be decided, or the Doctrine they were to judge of: some­times they made an end in one Session; some­times more were required. The Disputes, Ex­aminations and Conferences which were held for clearing of matters, were termed the Acts of the Council, as well as the Decisions and Canons: they were not kept secret, but freely communicated to all: but in later Councils affairs are much altered: Princes have been wholly excluded and deprived of all right of [Page 73]sitting in Councils as Judges; they onely now assist as Witnesses and Spectatours. Here­tofore even Lay-men, though they were not Princes, were admitted; but the Church-men now have driven them thence. The Popes have taken to themselves the Power of calling Councils, and deprived Sovereigns of the same. By a distinction heretofore unknown, the Congregations are distinguished from Sessions: the Congregations have been appointed for debating, examining and resolving on, mat­ters; and the Sessions onely for the Cere­mony of publishing the Points that were a­greed upon in the Congregations. In fine, it hath been given out, that onely the De­crees and Canons ought to pass for the Acts of the Council: And therefore it is that all the Debates and Conferences of Trent have been suppressed, and nothing published but the Decrees thereof; with design to keep from the knowledge of the publick, the heats and diversity of Sentiments which broke out, with no small scandal during the whole sitting of that Council.

The Pattern then of proceeding in the Council of Trent was taken from the later occidental Councils, and especially from the last Council of Lateran. It was resolved upon, that matters should be examined privately in Assemblies called Congregations, that in the publick Sessions all things might be carried decently and without Contest. The Congre­gations were likewise distinguished into Parti­cular and General; when a matter had been canvassed in Particular Congregations appoin­ted by the Presidents, it was reported to a [Page 74]General Congregation of all the Prelates, where it was sully determined. At length the matters concluded upon were published, and this was done with great Ceremony in the Cathedral-church, where after Mass and Sermon, one Prelate in presence of all the rest read the Decrees, and the others gave no other Vote but placet or non placet.

A Debate con­cerning the Ti­tle of the Coun­cil, and the words, (repre­senting the u­niversal Church.)Whilst the second Session was expected, wherein there was nothing as yet to be done, the Legates proposed a Decree for regula­ting the manner of living Christianly at Trent, during the sitting of the Council: this De­cree was read with the Title of the Council, the form of which had been sent by the Pope in these words, The most holy and sacred Oecumenick and universal Council of, Trent, the Apostolick Legates presiding therein. The French who had their prospects, to favour the opini­ons that prevail in France touching the Supe­riority of a Council over the Pope, desired these words to be added, Representing the uni­versal Church; most of the Bishops were of the same opinion; but the Legates opposed it, because the Councils of Constance and Basil had used that clause, with design to establish the Superiority of the Church and General Councils over the Pope.

John de Salazar Bishop of Lanciano main­tained the opinion of the Legates, vigorously insisting that that clause should not be added, because the ancient Councils had never used it. But he was also of opinion that the clause, The Apostolick Legates presiding therein, ought to be left out, because it was not of ancient use. He farther added that great and pom­pous [Page 75]Titles of Councils were not to be af­fected; since every thing there ought to fa­vour of Moderation and Humility. The Le­gates took the first part of the Advice of the Bishop of Lanciano, and past by the second; so that notwithstanding all opposition, the Title stood, as it had been sent from Rome. The rest of the Decree past without any difficulty; for it could not be called in question, seeing it contained nothing but exhortations to all to lead a Christian, honest and a sober Life. It enjoyned all the Members of the Council that were Priests, to say Mass at least once every Sunday: and in the conclusion of the Decree, they Council declared that if any one in the Assemblies should speak out of his turn, or sit out of his place, he should not thereby sus­tain any prejudice, nor yet forfeit nor acquire any right.

session 2 The seventh of January the second Session was held;1546. in the which were present twenty eight Bishops, four Archbishops, three Abbots of the Congregation of Mount Cassin, four Ge­nerals of Orders, who with the three Legates and the Cardinal Bishop and Lord of Trent made up an Assembly of three and forty Per­sons. This company met in the house of the first Legate, and from thence went in great Pomp through a lane of Musqueteers, to the Cathedral. So soon as the Prelates entred the Church, the Souldiers drew up round the place, and gave a Volley: then was Mass said, and a Sermon preached; after which the De­cree was read, and all answered with a Place [...]; except the French, who persisted in demanding the words, universam ecclesiam representans, to [Page 76]be added to the Title. This being done the next Session was appointed to be on the fourth of February.

year 1546 The Legates complaine that there ap­peared division in the very Session, and pretend to en­ter upon busi­ness.There was no Congregation held untill the thirteenth of January, wherein the Legates complained that opposition had been made to the Title of the Council even in the Session; alledging that it was neither prudence nor wisedom publickly to break out into diversity of Sentiments, because nothing could prevail more to bring the Lutherans to submit to the Council, than the harmony & union that should appear in their Proceedings. Afterwards they gave it out that they intended to enter into matters of importance, as the Prelates desired. They proposed to them the three Heads con­tained in the Pope's Bull, for which the Coun­cil was called, to wit, the extirpation of He­resies, the reformation of Discipline, and the restauration of Peace; they asked the Bishops counsels concerning the Order wherein these three Points ought to be handled, beseeching them to pray for the assistance of God in it, and to come prepared for treating thereof in the next Congregation. This was so much time gained, during which the Legates ex­peded Letters from Rome. They had wrote to Rome to know if the Pope would be satisfied that they should remit any thing as to the words in the Title, representing the Universal Church: but in particular they acquainted him that they were informed by Cardinal Pacieco, that the Emperour had enjoyned the Spanish Bishops to repair to the Council, and that therefore it was necessary that he should send ten or twelve trusty Italian Prelates, on whom [Page 77]he might rely, to be opposed to the Spaniards that were to come: because the Italians who were then at Trent were men of no great in­terest nor authority.

The second Congregation was held the eighteenth of January, where opinions were given about the method of handling the three above mentioned Heads. The Germans al­ledged that there could be no hopes of suc­cess in the extirpation of Heresies, before the Church was reformed, and that there­fore before all things, they should set about a Reformation. The others, though in very small number, were for taking a quite opposite Course, and that they should begin with mat­ters of Faith. There was a third party of opinion that they should treat of Doctrine and Reformation at one and the same time, which opinion prevailed in the Sequel: but it was not the Legates intention that any thing should be concluded in that Congregation; they therefore broke it up, and referred the matter to another time. This, indeed, was resolved upon, that the Congregations should be regu­larly held twice a week, to wit, Munday and Friday, to avoid farther trouble in calling them.

The Legates wrote again to Rome, urging that they might at length have instructions sent them, as had been promised, and money for the poor Bishops, because they could no longer amuse the Prelates with Preliminaries, that the time of the third Session drew nigh, and no body could tell what might be deci­ded in it. The Pope was in no haste, the Coun­cil was least in his thoughts; for he was wholly [Page 78]bent upon a War, which Cardinal Farnese had the year before concluded with the Emperour, against the Lutherans. A great party of the Council are for begin­ning with Re­formation; but the Legates oppose it. During these delays that party of the Prelates which was for be­ginning the actions of the Council by the re­formation of Discipline grew strong: and that was quite contrary to the intentions of the Court of Rome, which aimed onely at the Lu­therans, and dreaded a Reformation. The Le­gates therefore, who had for a long time dex­trously evaded that proposition, were at length forced to oppose it openly in a Congregation of the twenty second of January; and made use of this reason that stood them in great stead, That the Emperour had promised the Protestants that if the Council made no pro­gress in the decision of Controversies, he him­self would call a Diet to end all differences in Religion. They therefore alledged that if they did not first meddle with matters of Doc­trine, they could not hinder the Germans from taking a course of their own, without expec­ting the Decisions of the Council. In was there­upon concluded, that the matter of Reforma­tion and of Doctrine,A debate about the Seal, that the Council was to use for their Letters. should goe hand in hand together; there arose also some debates about the Seal which the Council should make use of in sealing the Letters that they might have occasion to write to the Pope, to give him thanks, and to Kings to invite them to send their Prelates to the Council. Most part were for the Councils having a Seal, and some pro­posed to have it of Lead, with the Image of the holy Ghost on one side, and the name of the Council on the Reverse: others proposed other forms; but the Legates had no mind to any [Page 79]of them, they cunningly told them there was no Engraver at Trent, that they must there­fore send to Venice, which would be tedious; and that it were better at present to make use of the chief Legate's Seal. This seemed to be no great matter, but however there was some­what in it; for the Court of Rome were not for the Councils having a proper Seal, that so all its Authority might in every thing seem to depend on the Pope. Inferiour and depen­dant Courts seal their orders with the Seal of the Prince, and they had a mind to bring the Council to that. And thus did the Legates find ways of amusing the Prelates that they might gain time, according to the Pope's in­tentions, till their instructions were sent them. But in this they found no matter, that could deserve a decision: the day of the Session ap­proached, and they could not imagine what excuse to make; since they intended neither to treat of any Article of Doctrine, nor of Reformation. At length Cardinal Pool hit up­on a very seasonable expedient;To amuse the Council the Creed is pub­lished. that in that Session the symbol of the Creed of the Church of Rome ought to be confirmed and published. The sharper sighted alledged that it was to expose the Council to derision, to publish and confirm a Creed, which for twelve hundred years had been universally received in the Church, at a time when there were so many controversies to be determined. But that rea­son had no effect; and the Legates were over­joyed to have found out that Biass, to take them off from litigious contests. The Decree past upon it notwithstanding all the opposition of those who said, that after the pursuits and [Page 80]negotiations of twenty years, they were now at length assembled to hear the rehearsal of the Creed.

Third Session.The Session was held the fourth of Februa­ry, and the Prelates went in body to the Church with the usual Ceremonies, though in secular habit; but took their Pontificals when they came into the Church. Peter Tagliava Archbishop of Palermo officiated, and Ambrosio Catarino of Siena a Jacobin Monk made the Sermon. Afterwards according to the Decree of the Council the Creed was read, with a Preface importing, that therein they imitated the ancient Councils, which secured themselves with that shield against Heresies, before they began to act any thing. Then was read the other Decree whereby the next Session was appointed to be the eighth of April, that is two Months after. The Legates used a pre­text for that long interval, that it behoved them to expect the coming of many Prelates who were on their Journey to the Council.

The Reforma­tion advances in Germany.The opening of the Council and the small matters that were acted in it, hindered not but that the affairs of Religion proceeded in the same manner as before in Germany: the Reformation advanced in some states, whilst it was opposed in others. The Elector Palatin re-established the Communion under both kinds, the marriage of Priests, and the Divine Service in the vulgar tongue, and that was a beginning of Reformation, that at that time went no farther.The Conference at Ratisbonne which produ­ced nothing. The conference of Ratisbonne which the Emperour had appointed the year before, began in the Month of January, and the Emperour deputed the Bishop of Eichstadt, [Page 81]and the Count of Furstemberg to preside there­in in his name. But it had no happy issue; for the Emperour's own Deputies, without doubt according to the instructions and inten­tions of their Master, who had no other design by these conferences, but to amuse the Prote­stants, and give Jealousie to the Pope, first crost and then broke it off. However his de­sign being to find a pretext of War with the Protestants, he made a great noise about the rupture of that conference, came to Ratisbonne in Person, wrote and complained of it to all the Princes of the Empire. The same year Martin Luther died in his great Climacterick, being sixty three years of age, on the tenth of February. The death of this Man filled all the Catholicks with Joy, who verily believed that the great work of the pretended Reformation would certainly fall to the ground, after the death of him that first set his hand to it. The Council of Trent looked upon that accident as a presage that Heresie should be overthrown by its Authority, since that in the beginning of its Actions, the great Haeresiarcha was fallen. But such kind of Prognosticks are not always certain, as experience hath demonstrated.

After the third Session which was held the fourth of February, the Legates wrote to Rome, At length they prepare to be­gin the Exa­mination of matters, and chuse that of the Scriptures. shewing the impossibility of holding the Mem­bers of the Council any longer in suspence, or of putting them off with trifles, as had been done till then. The Pope therefore at length gave consent, that they should set to work in good earnest, and the Legates were of opinion that they ought first to begin with the subject of the Scripture. The Council had been in doubt, [Page 82]where to begin for confuting and censuring the Doctrine of Luther; some were for fol­lowing the order of the confession of Ausbourg; but others thought that that would be too great an honour for the Confession: they liked better to have abstracts made of their Books, and to follow the order that the Divines should think most proper. The Doctrine of the Pro­testants, that they intended to condemn, was reduced to four Heads. The first was concer­ning the sufficiency of holy Scriptures, and the necessity of Traditions; the second of the Canonical Books, and their number; the third was about the Authority of the Vulgar Translation, and the necessity of having re­course to the Originals; the fourth related to the Intelligibleness and Perspicuitie of the Scrip­ture, the sense that it ought to be taken in, and the Interpreters that were to be followed. Besides these there was a fifth Article proposed to be examined, to wit, if these matters should be condemned with Anathema's. There wai­ted on the Council about thirty Divines, most part Monks, who till then had been of no use but in making some Sermons in praise of the Pope and Council: but now there is work cut out for them; for they were employed to open the matters, and to make the first in­quiry into the controversies; and hereupon they discoursed in Congregations appointed for that purpose, in presence of the Prelates, who afterward gave their Judgment upon what they had learnt in the Congregations of the Divines. But the Divines had no Vote, in consulting and forming the Decrees. The heads above mentioned were therefore stated [Page 83]in the Congregation, and left to the disputa­tions of the Divines. As to the first head, that concerned traditions, they were almost all very well agreed, that they ought to be received as a part of the revelation of God's Will.Antony Ma­rinier is not of opinion that the necessity of Traditions should be made a point of faith. But Antony Marinier a Carmelite Monk started a considerable opinion; he did not think it pertinent to make that a point of Faith, because for asserting the absolute ne­cessity of Traditions, one of these two things must be granted, Either that God had for­bidden to write the whole revelation of his will, or that the Prophets and Apostles had written their books at random, without de­sign of transmitting that revelation by Scrip­ture; and that hence it was that part of that revelation had been written, and the rest un­written: he urged that the first could not be proved, to wit, that God had for bidden to commit all his revelation to writing; and that the se­cond was injurious to providence, which gui­ded both the Conduct and Pen of these holy Writers. He gave therefore his opinion, that they should follow the Course of the Fathers, who had made use of Traditions when there was occasion, without making their necessity a matter of Faith. This opinion was not at all like, and Cardinal Pool one of the Le­gates censured it severely, saying that it had been sitter to have been started in a Confe­rence of Lutherans in Germany, than in a Coun­cil.

Four opinions about the Ca­nonical Books.Upon the Article of the Canonical Books, there were four opinions: some were for ranking them into two Classes, that in the first should be placed the Books which had [Page 84]never been contested, and in the second, those which had; this was the Opinion of Luigi di Catanea a Jacobin, who grounded it upon the Authorities of St. Jerome and Cardinal Cajetan, who had both done so: some were for having them divided into three Orders; the first, of those whereof no doubt was ever made; the second, of those which had been heretofore questioned, but which now are received; and the third, of those of which no perfect Cer­tainty was ever pretended to. The third opinion was for reducing them into a Cata­logue without any distinction; and, in a word, some were for naming expresly those Books that had been controverted, to the end they might be declared Canonical. The Book of Baruch gave them more trouble than the rest, because no Pope, nor Council had ever cited it for Canonical: but a certain Person made a shamefull remark, that the Church read part of it in the Desk, and that was enough to ca­nonize it.

By the Eighth of March the Divines had made an end of their Conferences about the Articles proposed to them: and next day the Prelates assembled in Congregation, to consult, conclude, and form the Decrees. They past the Article of Traditions, ordaining the same Authority to be given to them,Vergerio drawn over by the Lutherans, at length open­ly declares himself. as to the written word, and referred to another time the point concerning Canonical Books; some days after Don Francisco de Toledo, the second of the Emperour's Ambassadours Collegue to Don Diego de Mendoza, came to Trent: and the same time Vergerio who had a Bishoprick bordering on Germany arrived there also. This [Page 85]man was famous for many Nunciatures that he performed in Germany; and several Con­ferences which he had with Luther and the Lutherans by Commission from the Pope. But instead of convincing the Lutherans in these Conferences, the Lutherans had convinced him: and Vergerio had not so well disguised his Senti­ments, but that he had raised himself an Ene­my, one Fryar Hannibal an Inquisitour, who stirred up a Sedition of the People of his Di­ocess against him. He came therefore to the Council to justifie himself, but was ill recei­ved, and referred to the Pope. Instead of going to Rome, he resolved to return to his Bishoprick, hoping to find the Tumult quie­ted. But the Nuncio that was at Venice sent him orders to the contrary, and was preparing to proceed against him, by order of the Court of Rome. In sine, Vergerio took the Course of declaring himself openly, and retreating into a place of safety: he fled into the Countrey of the Grisons, where he made a publick Pro­fession of the Lutheran Doctrine, and after­ward wrote many things against the Pope and Church of Rome. In the Congregation of the 15th of March, it was ordained that all the Canonical Books of Scripture should be equally approved of, and no distinction made amongst them: but there happened great De­bates about the vulgar Translation. Luigi di Catanea a Jacobin was of opinion, that the method of Cardinal Cajetan ought to be follow­ed, who had recourse to the Greek and He­brew texts, and had them interpreted to him word for word, because he understood not the Languages. This Cardinal was wont in [Page 86]his last days to say, that they who contented themselves with the Latin text, had not the word of God pure, and without mixture of errours; this Jacobin stood stiff for the Origi­nals against Translations; but the Plurality of Votes were for the vulgar Latin, and for ha­ving its Authority to be absolutely established without any reserve. And some were even for having it declared, that the Authour of that Translation was guided by a Spirit of Prophe­cy. One reason that influenced the Patrons of the vulgar Translation was, that if they re-established the original Greek and Hebrew in their ancient Authority, the Grammarians would for the future be the Masters of The­ology, and the Divines and Inquisitours be obliged to learn the Languages. But there were some learned men in that Assembly, who could not endure to have it said, that the Latin interpreter had a Spirit of Prophecy: Isidorus Clarius a Bressian Abbot of St. Benet, an able man and versed in the knowledge of Languages, refuted that opinion; he gave a History of that version, and shew'd it to be made up of an ancient Latin Translation, which was called the Italick, and the version of St. Jerome; he endeavoured to prove that it was not the work of one man, but of ma­ny, and that it being made up of pieces patcht together, he concluded that it was not at all likely, that all who had laboured therein, were inspired; adding withall, that it was evident enough that these different Authours were not infallible, since many faults were to be found in that Translation. It was never­theless still his opinion, that it ought to be pre­ferred [Page 87]before all other versions, provided it were first corrected. Andreas de Vega was of the same mind, that there were faults in the vul­gar Translation; but was, notwithstanding, of the opinion that it should be declared Authen­tick, without prejudice to any to consult the Originals. They proceeded next to the Article of the sense and interpretation of Scripture. It was thought that the liberty that men had taken to themselves in these later years of interpreting Scripture, was the cause of the Heresies in Germany: And therefore the Coun­cil purposed to remedy that, by barring private men from expounding the Scriptures accor­ding to their fancy. Some were for admitting all modern interpretation, provided it were not contrary to the Faith, and that opinion Cajetan had maintained. Others thought that some liberty might be allowed to diversity of interpretation, provided they did not clash and contradict one another; and these last approved the remark of Cardinal di Cusa, who heretofore said that Scripture ought to be interpreted variously, according to the times, and the Heresies that are to be confuted. But most part were of a contrary opinion, and judged it necessary to confine Expositours to the Interpretations of the Fathers, and not to admit of any new expositions. A Cordelier of Mons called Richard, went a lit­tle farther, and said that the Holy Scripture was not now any longer necessary for teaching Divinity, which is sufficiently to be found in the Books of the School-men; and that at present Scripture was not to be read for the instruction of the People, but onely for De­votion. The conclusion, at length, of all these [Page 88]disputes was, that the vulgar Translation was declared Authentick, with a proviso that it should be corrected, and Deputies were ap­pointed to make the amendments. But some­time after, the Pope put a stop to that work which was begun, and caused it to be differ­red untill new orders; in fine, all liberty of broaching any new sense of Scripture different from that of the Fathers, was taken away.

In the Congregation of the 29th of March, the question was debated, whether Canons and Anathema's were to pass upon these points; some there were that thought it very hard to declare Hereticks and pronounce Anathe­ma's against those who might question the su­preme Authority of the vulgar Translation, and take the liberty to observe faults in it; but an expedient was found, which was, to make a Canon touching the necessity of Tra­ditions, and the number of Canonical books with Anathema's, and to refer the vulgar Tran­slation, and what concerned the interpretation of Scripture to the Chapter of Reformation where none were to be used.

In consequence of this it was moved, that means ought to be found to put a stop to the bad use that Libertines and profane People make of the Holy Scriptures; some in Ma­gical operations, and others in defamatory Libels, where they pervert texts of Scripture by wicked and impious Applications. The Cardinal di Monte was very hot about this, being much concerned at the Pasquinades of Rome, by reason of the Disorders of his Life. At length it was resolved that a Decree should be made, whereby, without descending to particulars, such kinds of abuses should be [Page 89]Prohibited in general terms, and all Printers forbid to print them.

session 4 On the Eighth of April, the day appointed for the fourth Session, forty eight Bishops, and five Cardinals, went in the usual order, and with the accustomed Ceremonies to the Cathedral Church: after which the Decrees were published, declaring Traditions to be of equal Authority with the Holy Scripture; the Catalogue of the Canonical Books were regulated, the vulgar Translation made Au­thentick, and the licentiousness of Libertines and Printers repressed. In the same Session Don Francisco de Toledo the Emperour's Ambassa­dour caused the Emperour's Commission for Don Diego de Mendoza who was sick at Venice, and for himself, to be publickly read; and then made his Master's Complements to the Council, which were returned.

There first Decrees of the Council were ill relished by the Germans, and they did not take it well that so small a number of men should take upon them in quality of a General Council, to judge of so important a matter. But the Pope was extremely well satis­fied with their proceedings; and that made him intimately concerned for the affairs of the Coun­cil; fortifying the Congregation of Cardinals at Rome, to whom these affairs were particular­ly committed: he dispatcht three Orders to the Legates who presided in the Council of Trent;

• first, that they should publish no De­cree without first acquainting him with it,
• secondly that they should not spend time a­bout matters that were not controverted;

and lastly, that they should not suffer the Au­thority [Page 90]of the Pope to be called in question. About the same time the Pope excommuni­cated the Archbishop of Cologne at the in­stance of the Bishops of Utrecht, Liege, and of the Clergy of Cologne: The Pope ex­communicates Herman Arch­bishop of Cologne. he declared him de­posed from his Archbishoprick, and absolved his Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance to him, as being an Heretick and an Abettour of Hereticks; ordained them to submit to the Count of Shawembourg his Coadjutour, as to their Archbishop. The Emperour who valued not the Ordinances of Rome, but as they made for his interest, did not immediately upon this excommunication break with the Arch­bishop; but for sometime continued to treat with him as Archbishop of Cologne; because he was afraid that if he put him too hard to it, he might join in War with the Confe­derates against him, whereas till then he had persevered in his Obedience. So that that Sen­tence did no great harm to the Archbishop; but wrought pernicious effects in the minds of the Protestants, and those that favoured them. This does evidently demonstrate, say they, that the Council signifies no more than a for­mal Convocation, seeing People are excom­municated for Doctrines which ought to re­main undecided, untill the Council have pro­nounced a definitive Sentence. Nevertheless, sometime after, Herman was obliged to resign his Archbishoprick.

The Synodal actions were again renewed in the Council, that the matters might be prepa­red which were to be Judged in the next Ses­sion. The Pope had enjoyned his Legates to set on foot the question of original sin; but the [Page 91] Germans opposed it, and would have them to fall upon the matter of Reformation. Don Francisco de Toledo insisted so much thereupon, in the Emperour's name, that the Legates were forced to tell him in plain terms, that they had express orders from the Pope not to meddle with the matter of Reformation; and because the Ambassadour was not satisfied with that answer, but continued his Instances, the Le­gates wrote about it to Rome. Whilst they stayed for new Orders from thence, they cau­sed some regulations to be made about the manner of proceeding, that matters might be carried more orderly. It was ordained, that for the future, three kinds of Congregations should be held, one wherein the Divines should examine matters of Doctrine; the other for handling the affair of Reformation, into which the Doctors of the Canon Law should be ad­mitted; and lastly, a third sort which was onely to consist of Prelates, to form the Decrees con­cerning Doctrine and Reformation. To com­ply with the Germans, who desired that the matter of Reformation of Discipline should be taken in hand before all things else, the Le­gates gave way to the resuming the matter of Lectures and Preaching; which had been al­ready moved before the last Session,A considerable debate on the subject of Preaching, the Mendicant Fryars having invaded the Pulpits. and had been referred to another time. The great cor­ruption of the Clergy, and the supine igno­rance of the Priests in past ages, was the cause that the Bishops and Priests who had the cure of Souls, did wholly abandon the care of in­struction and the charge of Preaching. The Colleges and Mendicant Fryars seized the Pul­pits which they found empty, and obtained [Page 92]privileges from Popes to Preach every where without the Permission of the Ordinaries, that is, of the Bishops; and the Monks had now a possession of two or three hundred years to confirm their Title. The Bishops bestirred themselves vigorously to recover the possession of their rights, and demanded the revocation of those privileges: the Monks defended their cause, and many writings and great de­bates were thereupon occasioned on both sides. The Divines and Canonists were consulted, and most part gave their opinions in writing: the Legates, in the mean time, under pretence that the reading of these Papers would take up too much of the Councils time, caused an abstract of them to be made, which should be read in a solemn and general Congregation. But because that abridgement was probably defective or partial, one Braccio Martello, Bishop of Fiesole, opposed the reading of it, and spoke with a great deal of freedom: he told them plainly that their deliberations ought not to come packt to them from other places, mean­ing Rome, nor that it was fit that two or three Persons should be the sole Arbitrators in all af­fairs, intimating the Legates ; and that there­fore it was necessary that all should hear the reasons, and that in their full extent, that they might be the more able to comprehend their strength, and pass their Judgment upon them in the assembly. This discourse choaked the Legates, who not onely rebuked him upon the spot, but wrote to Rome also to have him ba­nished the Council, and the Bishop of Chioza prohibited to return thither any more. This last Bishop had had a little too bold dispute [Page 93]with the Legate Pool concerning the opinion of Antony Marinier the Carmelite, touching Traditions: he had defended the opinion of the Carmelite, complaining that there was no liberty allowed in the Council, and in conse­quence of that, he had absented himself pre­sently after the Session, under pretence of be­ing indisposed. The Pope, however, was more prudent than the Legates; for though he was no less resolved than they to oppress the liber­ty of the Council, yet he thought it fit to ob­serve measures, and to wink at the actions of those two Bishops. The abstract was then read, notwithstanding the opposition of the Bishop of Fiesole; and the Bishops alledged their reasons, upbraiding the predicant Monks with Avarice, with the Collections and Alms which they erogated under colour of Preach­ing and instructing Souls. The Monks, on the other hand, pleaded that they could not be accused of Usurpation, since by permission from the chief Pastor of the Church, they had stept into the Pulpits, which they found forsaken. This Article, as well as others, must wait for its decision from Rome. The Pope wrote to the Legates, that they should endeavour to maintain the privileges of the Universities and Monks; but withall find out some expe­dient to satisfie the Bishops. But if the Bishops intended to make themselves absolute Masters within their Diocesses, to the prejudice of the exemptions granted by the Popes, that they should not fail to oppose it, and to defend the Monks against the Bishops; because the Monks depending immediately on the holy See, have been always the chief supports of its Authori­ty, [Page 94]and have been very usefull for bringing down the Bishops. The expedient which was, at length found, was to re-establish, according to the ancient custome, in Cathedral Chur­ches, a Doctor of Divinity for reading of Lec­tures. The name of that office was still in be­ing in Cathedral Churches; for there was one in the chapter called the Scholasticus, to whose office there was a Prebend annexed, as being chief of the Lecturers, and he himself ought to be a Professour of Divinity, the su­perintendance of that affair was without any difficulty granted to the Bishops. But it was not so easie a matter to allow them the same power over Monasteries, wherein they also intended to re-establish the custome of Lectures of Divinity, for instructing those to House. The Legates could not endure that the Bi­shops should have the oversight of that, though the business was not about the Mendicant Fry­ars, but onely simple Monks, for fear of de­tracting from the privileges that had been granted by the Popes, and of emancipating the Monasteries from the holy See, to subject them again to the Bishops. Whilst they were sticking at this point,A considerable overture of Sebastiano Pighino, for contenting the Bishops with­out diminish­ing the Autho­rity of the ho­ly See. Sebastiano Pighino Audi­tour of the Rota made an overture that brought the Council out of these difficulties. His opi­nion was that the Bishops ought to have pow­er to re-establish the Lectures of Theology in Monasteries, not in quality of Bishops, but as Delegates of the holy See: that is to say, that they should act in that affair by the Pope's Authority, and as it were, in his name. It is incredible of what use this invention was in the sequel of the Council; and it was a fetch [Page 95]always employed when any thing was to be restored to the Bishops, without diminution of the Authority which the Pope had usurped over them. That so well contrived expedient was presently laid hold of; for it was Enacted that Parochial Churches united to Monasteries, and which depended on no Diocess, should for the future be under the Direction of the Metropolitan, as Delegate of the holy See. In like manner because there were Preachers who had obtained privileges from Rome to answer to none but the Pope, it was ordained that they might be punished by the Bishops in the same quality of Commissioners delegated by the Pope.

As to the matter of Preaching, the privi­lege was continued to the Monks: but to give some satisfaction to the Bishops, it was or­dained that it should be in their power to ad­mit or reject those religious Preachers, when they offered to Preach in other Churches than those of their Order, and that the Monks be­fore they could Preach, even in their own Churches, should be obliged to receive the Bishops Benediction: and in short, that the Bi­shops might punish the religious Preachers, and suspend them from Preaching, in case of He­resie and Scandal. The Generals of the Or­ders were not over well satisfied with these re­gulations, but the Legates found means to ap­pease them.The Council enters upon the matter of Original sin, notwithstand­ing the opposi­tion of the Germans.

And now the Legates having received new orders from the Pope to handle the matter of Original sin, set about the execution of that Commission. Cardinal Pacieco a Spaniard, and [Page 96]all the Imperialists, withstood it again, but all to no purpose, for the matter must be so.

The first thing they did, was to propose the errours that were to be condemned, distribu­ted into nine Articles. But for the convenience of Dispute, before these nine Articles were condemned, it was thought fit to reduce the whole matter to four principal heads;

• the first, what was Adam's sin;
• the second, what is it that is derived from him to his posterity;
• the third, in what manner that sin is transmitted to his descendants;

and the last, how it is par­doned and forgiven. As to the first head it was agreed, that Adam by his sin lost his ori­ginal righteousness and innocence; that by the loss of that innocence came the disobedience of the affections, and the rebellion of the mem­bers, which the Scripture calls Concupiscence. They likewise agreed that these evils could not properly be called the sin of Adam, because they are the effects and punishments of his sin, rather than the sin it self. So that they defi­ned that the sin of Adam consisted properly in the action which he had committed against tho command of God: and here they gave them­selves the liberty to enlarge, and dispute about the nature and kind of that action, to wit, whether it was pride or infidelity, gluttony or simple disobedience.

They found more difficulty about the se­cond head, to wit, what it is that is derived from the first man unto his posterity. Here­upon many different opinions arose; some fol­lowed the sentiment of St. Austin, who will have concupiscence to be the original sin deri­ved from Adam: The Cordeliers were of the [Page 97]opinion, of Anselme and Scotus, who say that the privation of original Righteousness is tru­ly original Sin, and not Concupiscence; be­cause Concupiscence remains after Baptism, which purgeth away original Sin. Most part of the Jacobins were of the Judgment of their own St. Thomas, who thinks that the privation of original Righteousness, and Concupiscence made up original Sin, so that the privation of original Righteousness, is as the form, and Concupiscence as the matter.

As to the third head that relates to the man­ner how that Sin is transmitted to the Des­cendents of the first Man, as the matter is more obscure, so the Divines found themselves more puzled about it; all the various opini­ons of the School-men were offered; and each of them had its adherents: but that oc­casioned no great Debates; no more than the fourth head, which respected the manner how original Sin is pardoned and forgiven: They all agreed, that it is fully blotted out by Bap­tism, and that thereby the Soul becomes as pure as the Soul of Adam was in the State of Innocence; there was nevertheless some dis­pute betwixt Ambrosio Catarino and Dominico à Soto about the Nature of original Sin: Ca­tarino maintained that the privation of origi­nal Righteousness, and Concupiscence could not be the true original Sin, because these are rather the Punishments of Sin than the Sin it self; and therefore he pretended that the Action of Adam was solely and properly original Sin, and that that Action was trans­mitted to his Posterity by imputation, by vir­tue of the Covenant that God had made with [Page 98] Adam, at that time when he represented all Mankind, and acted in the Name of all his Poste­rity; he moreover denied that the Corrup­tion of Sin could either be transmitted by the Soul or by the Body; because the Body, according to the supposition of that Divine, can neither act upon the Soul, nor the Soul upon the Body, Dominico à Soto defended the opinion of St. Thomas, and said that after the Commission of Sin there remains a stain and inherent quality, and that that stain and that corrupt quality descends from Parents to their Children.

Whilst they were disputing about these four heads, the Council at the same time were up­on the censuring of the nine Articles, that had been proposed in the beginning, accor­ding to the relation they stood in to the four heads that were under examination. The two first Articles that were proposed to be censu­red, denied original Sin, or made it onely to be derived to Children by way of imitation,The Council censures the nine Articles of Doctrine which are im­puted to Pro­testants about original Sin. and were without difficulty condemned as hereti­cal. Not that they were found in the Wri­tings of Luther, but they thought that they had found in the Writings of Zuinglius that he believed not original Sin. However the more intelligent and less passionate having well ex­amined his expressions were of opinion that his design was not to deny the propagation of that Corruption, nor the depravation of Nature; but that he onely denied that that original Corruption could be referred to that kind of beings, which are called actions, reckoning them to be onely dispositions to action, which is the Sentiment of the whole Church. Eras­mus [Page 99]was accused of maintaining some opinions contrary to those of the Church touching original Sin, and of believing that it past from Parents to Children onely by example and imitation. In one of the Articles taken out of the Books of Luther, they made him say that original Sin consists in ignorance, in the contempt of God, and in the privation of the fear, affiance in, and love of God; which they looked upon to be an extremity opposite to that opinion of the Pelagians. So that Lu­ther was not accused of denying original Sin, but rather of making it consist in actions onely to be found in men grown up; because In­fants can neither contemn nor hate God; this difficulty being often proposed to the Luthe­rans in the Conferences of Germany, they made answer that by these expressions they meant inclinations to the contempt and hatred of God; which shews that they onely offen­ded in the manner of expression; but because the Council was resolved to make every thing a Crime, these harsh expressions were recko­ned amongst their Errours. The most impor­tant question that was discussed about that mat­ter was, whether original Sin remains after Baptism; and nevertheless it is hardly any thing but a contest about words; for all Di­vines are agreed that Concupiscence remains after Baptism; and the question onely is then, whether or no that Concupiscence be origi­nal Sin; for if that be the remaining Concu­piscence, without doubt original Sin remains also. So that all the question comes to this, to know whether after Baptism Concupiscence ought to be called Sin, as the Protestants pre­tend, [Page 100]or barely a decay and sickness of Nature, as the Catholicks would have it; that was no very important question then: and yet all were agreed, except the Carmelite▪ Antony Marinier, that there was enough in it to fasten Heresie on the Lutherans. He was willing to acknowledge with all the rest, that original Sin does not remain after Baptism; but he thought it an excess of severity to condemn the contrary opinion as heretical. He maintained that both the one and the other might be safe­ly said, that original Sin remains after Baptism, and that it does not remain; that St. Austin had expressed himself two manner of ways that seem contrary; that in his Books to Boniface, he hath said that Concupiscence was not Sin, but both the cause and effect of Sin; and that on the contrary in his Books against Ju­lian he hath expresly said, that Concupiscence is Sin, the cause of Sin, and the effect of Sin; and that therefore it was evident that ac­cording to his thought, one may hold the one or other opinion without Heresie, and say that Concupiscence after Baptism is a Sin; or is not a Sin. This discourse created many Jealousies against the Carmelite, and made them suspect him to be infected with Luthera­nism; and the rather because he had been ob­served before that, to have said many things in his Sermons agreable to the Doctrine of the Lutherans. Amongst other things he had said, that we ought to put all our trust in God, and not to rely on our works, that all the ver­tues of Heathens were real Sins, and that a man might have some assurance of his being in the state of Grace. One of the Articles that [Page 101]was to be condemned, respected the Punish­ments that are due to original Sin, and to which Infants that die without Baptism are obnoxious. The opinion of St. Austin, and of Gregory of Rimini a famous School-man, which condemns such Infants to everlasting Torments, was unanimously rejected by all. The Cor­delier Divines who were at the Council, main­tain'd that the place to which these Infants were confined was not under the Earth, but upon the Earth, and in the light; others ad­ded that they were taken up in reasoning a­bout the works of Nature, and that they ta­sted that satisfaction which men find in the discovery of curious matters. But Catarino went a great deal farther, and allotted them a kind of supernatural Bliss: saying, that in the place where God put them, they should be vi­sited by Angels and Saints: he laboured all he could to get the opinion of St. Austin con­demned, but to no purpose. It was indeed disapproved, but out of the respect that was had to that Saint, they would not declare it heretical. The sentiment of the Jacobins which placed these Infants in a Limbus where they are without sorrows and pain, but deprived of Beatitude and Joy, prevailed and was most approved.

The Prelates understand not the matter of original Sin, and know not how to make Decrees about it.After these long Conferences of the Divines were over, the Prelates held their Congrega­tions for forming the Decrees and Canons. But they knew not how to set about it; for it is a thorny question, and part of the Bishops understood it not. Most part were of opinion, that they should not define original Sin, nor propose heads of Doctrine to declare the Judg­ment of the Church concerning that matter. [Page 102]They who better understood the question op­posed that, saying that Councils were called as well for instructing Believers, as for condem­ning of Hereticks, and therefore they ought to declare what true Christians ought to be­lieve, as well as what they ought not. But the Bishop of Sinigaglia and Gieronimo Seripande General of the Augustines who insisted on that, gained no ground; for it behoved the Bishops, before they could lay down heads of Doctrine touching that thorny question, to be well in­structed in it, and they resolved not to trouble themselves about that: though, perhaps when they had taken all the pains they could, they might not have been able so to have fatho­med the point, as to have explained it clearly. They, therefore, thought it enough to form Canons seconded with Anathema's: And

• the first of them condemns those who deny that Adam lost original Righteousness by his rebel­lion;
• The second is against those who deny that original Sin is transmitted from Adam to his Posterity;
• The third Anathematises those who say, that original Sin is not fully washed a­way by Baptism;
• The fourth condemns those who say, that Baptism is not of absolute Ne­cessity for purging away original Pollution;
• and the fifth, at length, pronounces a Curse against those, who hold Concupiscence after Baptism to be a Sin.

A Dispute be­twixt the Jacobins and Cordelier a­bout the im­maculate Con­ception of the blessed Virgin.Upon occasion of the second Anathema pro­nounced against those who deny that the Sin of Adam is communicated to all his Posterity, there arose a great dispute betwixt the Cor­deliers and Jacobins, concerning the manner how the Decree was to be couched. The Corde­liers being engaged in the Party of Scotus, who [Page 103]was of their order, maintain the immaculate Conception of the blessed Virgin: And the Jacobins who follow St. Thomas deny it. A­bout the Year eleven hundred and thirty six, the Canons of Lions started that opinion of the immaculate Conception, and would have esta­blished a Service for celebrating it, but St. Ber­nard opposed it. The Thomists opposed that Sentiment untill the Year thirteen hundred, at which time Johannes Scotus, a Cordelier, made a Probleme of that opinion and judged it probable: afterward the Cordeliers pusht it on from probability to certainty, and made it almost an Article of Faith. On the contrary the Jacobins persisted in the Sentiment of St. Bernard and St. Thomas: and this sowed the seeds of a War which hath lasted three hun­dred Years, and does still continue betwixt those two Parties. The University of Paris hath embraced the opinion of the Cordeliers, several Popes have declared for it, and some against it. Pope John XXII. favoured the Ja­cobins, because of the hatred he bore to the Cordeliers, who stood for the Party of the Em­perour Lewis of Bavaria whom he had excom­municated. Sixtus IV. who was a Cordelier open­ly favoured his order, and made a Bull in the Year fourteen hundred and seventy four, whereby he prohibited any to censure the opini­on of the immaculate Conception as heretical, and confirmed the new Service that had been made for celebrating the Festival of that Con­ception. This War continued still very hot at the time of the Council: And therefore the Ja­cobins endeavoured to obtain, that it might be declared in general terms without any excepti­on, [Page 104]that the Corruption of Adam was transmit­ted to all men, that so the blessed Virgin might be comprehended therein. On the other part the Cordeliers pleaded that she might be excep­ted from the general rule. The Court of Rome was consulted upon the matter, and the answer from thence was, that they should not meddle with that controversie: so that the Legates decl­ared that they were not assembled to pronounce upon differences that Catholicks had amongst themselves, but onely to condemn Hereticks. The Council therefore not to offend either of the Parties, but to satisfie the Cordeliers without condemning the Jacobins, added a clause to the end of the Decree; that it was not their intention in all that had been said, to doe any prejudice to the opinion of the immaculate Conception; but that the mind of the Council was that the Constitution of Sixtus IV. should be observed.

session 5 Things being thus prepared, and the Legates having thereupon acquainted the Court of Rome, all that had been done was approved of; the Session was held the seventeenth of June, and after the Ceremonies were over, the Decrees were publickly read by the Bishop that had officiated. There were two Decrees, one concerning Doctrine, and the other about Reformation; the first contained the five Ca­nons against the errours of the Lutherans, and other Protestants about original Sin, which have been mentioned before. In the second Decree there were two articles; the first re­lated to the Lectures of Divinity which were to be re-established in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches. It ordained that in such Churches [Page 105]able men should be chosen for making Lectures of Divinity upon the Scripture; that the same should be done in Monasteries; that the Ab­bots should take the care of that, and in case of their neglect that the Bishop might compell them to it, but still by a Power delegated from the holy See. And, in fine, that the Rea­ders in Divinity before they began to make their Lectures, should be approved by the Bishop, excepting those of Cloysters whom the Council did not oblige to demand that appro­bation. The second Article of the Decree of Reformation; did regulate the matter of Prea­ching and Preachers. It ordained that the Bishops should preach themselves, and that if they could not, they should fill their places with men fit to instruct and edifie: that the Curates should be obliged to make Sermons or Prones at least every Sunday and all holy Days: that the Preachers who should preach in Parishes under the Jurisdiction of Bishops, should have licence from them before they take possession of the Pulpits: that the Prea­chers in Cloysters, should at least take the Bishops Blessing: that if these Preachers should prove to be Hereticks or scandalous, they might be suspended by the Ordinaries: that if they had a Privilege from the Pope that ex­empted them from the Jurisdiction of the Bi­shops, yet they might still be suspended and punished by them, as Delegates of the holy See; and that the Collectours should neither preach themselves, nor cause others to preach up the sale of Indulgences. This being done, the next Session was appointed to be held the nine and twentieth of July, and before the [Page 106]breaking up of the present, Peter Danes Am­bassadour of Francis I. King of France was re­ceived into the Council; he delivered his Ma­ster's Letters,Peter Danes Ambassadour of France comes to the Council, and there makes a long Speech. and backt them with an eloquent Speech, wherein he did with much pomp enu­merate the great obligations that the holy See had to the Crown of France: he told them what Charlemaigne had done in favour of the Popes; how Adrian the first had granted him the Power of creating the Pope, and how the goodness of Lewis le Debonaire had made him remit, and for himself and his Successours re­nounce that right: he enlarged much in de­monstrating the Zeal that the Kings of France have always had for the maintenance of the Purity of Doctrine in the Church, and the Propagation of the Christian Faith. At length, he concluded with his Master Francis the First, whom he commended for his Care and Pru­dence in hindering the growth of Heresie with­in his Dominions, telling them that by the Rigour of his Edicts he had provided so well, that no Assembly of Protestants had as yet met within his Territories. Hercules Severolla Proctour of the Council answered him in a sew words; he thanked the most Christian King for having sent to the Council, told the Ambassadour that his arrival was very grate­full to them; assured him that they had always had a great veneration for the Gallicane Church, and promised that the Council would on all occasions be ready to doe her all good offices for the future.

Whilst the Council of Trent are darting Ana­thema's against the Protestants, the Pope and Emperour prepare another sort of arms against [Page 107]them. The treaty which the year before was begun by Cardinal Farnese, was completed by the Cardinal of Trent, within a few days after the last Session.War is decla­red betwixt the Pope, the Emperour and the Prote­stants; the Emperour gets great advan­tages, and the Pope is decei­ved by the Emperour. In this treaty the Em­perour obliged himself to reduce the Luthe­rans to the obedience of the holy See, because they refused to submit to the Council. The Pope, on his part, promised to furnish the Emperour with twelve thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, and two hundred thou­sand Crowns for the Charges of the War; besides he permitted the Emperour to sell of Lands belonging to Monasteries as much as might amount to fifteen hundred thousand Livers, and to have for one year the half of the Revenues of the Church of Spain; on condition that he should have a share in the advantages of the Conquests that should be made, and that nothing should be granted the Protestants, especially in matters of Religion without the Pope's consent; there was also a secret Article, whereby the Pope obliged him­self to excommunicate the King of France, if he took up arms against Charles during this War. To strengthen this League the Pope so­licited several other Princes to enter into it, and amongst others the Catholick Cantons of Suisserland, but they would not espouse the Party. This treaty was kept secret betwixt them, and the Emperour desired it should be so, that he might the more easily pretend, that it was no War for Religion. He published, there­fore, in his manifesto's, that he had taken up arms to reduce Rebels who by violence had invaded the Estates of the Church, making Abbey and Bishops lands hereditary to them­selves, [Page 108]and who made alliances with Strangers contrary to his own, and the interests of the Empire. The design of this Politick fetch was to retain those Lutherans on his side, who were not engaged in League with the Confederates; and indeed several of them furnished the Em­perour with Troops; amongst whom were Maurice of Saxony and Albert of Brandebourg. On the other side the Landgrave of Hesse, the Electour of Saxony and the rest of the Prote­stants published a Manifesto, wherein they laid open the Mystery of that League, and shew'd it to be a War for Religion, of which the Pope and Council were the Authors.

This Mystery was soon discovered, for the Pope published a Jubile at Rome the fifteenth of July, for the good Success of the Arms of the Church and Emperour, which were joy­ned for reducing Hereticks to their obedience by force. In the mean time the Emperour continued to proceed upon the account of a War of State; for he Outlawed the Landgrave and Electour of Saxony, and published a Pro­clamation thereupon, dated the two and twen­tieth of July; wherein he accused them of ha­ving conspired against him, of having made War against other Princes of the Empire, of seizing on Bishopricks, of having robbed seve­ral People of their Estates, and having cloaked all these attempts under the fair pretext of Peace, Liberty and Religion: so that he pro­scribed them as seditious Traytors, and distur­bers of the publick Peace, forfeited all their Dignities, and absolved their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance; though in all this charge there was not the least word that accu­sed [Page 109]them of Heresie, or defection from the Church. By these two opposite Declarations which were made by the Emperour and the Pope, they were mutually vexed, and crossed one another in the private designs which each of them had. All men easily saw into the meaning of this; for it was evident that the Pope had onely undertaken the War for the ruine of the Protestants; but on the contrary that the Emperour was not much concerned for the interests of the Church, if he could but advance the greatness of his Family. The Italians were not satisfied with the Pope's Con­duct; for thereby they saw that he afforded the Emperour means of making himself abso­lute Master of Germany; which could not come to pass, without exposing the Princes of Italy to the same dint of oppression.

The Pope had a great mind to draw ano­ther advantage from that War, and that was of finding a pretext to dissolve the Council. The Protestant Army who had a design to hinder the joyning of the Emperour and Pope's Forces, was advanced near the County of Tirol, which is not far from Trent. This was enough to alarm the Prelates who were alrea­dy weary of their long stay, and of the small matters they had done. Besides, Trent lay in the passage of the Troops which marched from Italy into Germany to the assistance of the Em­perour, so that during the whole Month of August, that City was continually pestered with Souldiers, which interrupted the procee­dings of the Council. Thus all circumstances seemed favourable for the breaking up of that Assembly; or, at least for translating it into [Page 110]some Town in Italy; which was passionately desired by the Court of Rome, who therefore snatcht at all occasions to do it. But the Em­perour was of another mind: the Council was usefull to his designs of having a pretext to op­press those that would not submit to it, and so would have it continue where it was. He therefore sent to Trent, promised the Prelates to see to their safety; and because the Cardi­nal di Santa Croce one of the Legates enclined mightily to have the Council separated, he made his Ambassadour threaten him, that if he stirred the least in the affair of dissolving or translating the Council, he would cause him to be thrown into the River of Adige: at least so much hath been said and written by the Historians of that time. The Emperour had great success in this War: the Armies had lain a pretty long space near one another; and the Protestants had had many fair occasions of gaining considerable advantages upon the Im­perialists: but they could make no use of them, because they were commanded by two Gene­rals of equal Authority; to wit, the Electour of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse. This Parity in authority and command is always fatal to Armies, because Jealousie never fails to raise division and misunderstanding betwixt the two Generals. However the advantages were much alike on both sides untill the end of October, at which time the Emperour caused the Army of the Bohemians, and of his Allies under the Command of his Brother Ferdinand and Duke Maurice of Saxony, to march into the Territories of the Landgrave and Electour, who were the two heads of the Protestants. [Page 111]This obliged them to draw off, and to march to the defence of their own Countries: and so the Emperour without fighting remained Master of the upper Germany; and all the States in those Quarters, whether Princes or Towns, submitted to his Laws. He got of them a great supply of Artillery for his Army, and vast sums of money; but in requital al­lowed all liberty of Conscience, and the free exercise of their Religion. And now the Pope began to discover the true intentions of Charles the Emperour, who gave him no share in what he got, destroyed not the Protestants, but left them in full liberty as to Religion; and the forces of the Church served for no other end, but to render him absolute Master of Germany. Nay, he had even promised to Duke Maurice the Electorate of Saxony, though he was no less Lutheran than his Cosin. This conduct opened the Pope's eyes, and made him see his true interests. He therefore, in the first place recalled Alexander Farnese, one of his Nephews, whom he had sent as Legate with his Army, and some time after, about the middle of De­cember, he commanded Octavian Farnese Duke of Parma Son in Law to the Emperour, his other Nephew and General of his Forces, to draw them back into Italy. The Emperour complained of this; but he excused himself in that the time of six Months for which he had promised his Troops was expired, and that he was no longer able to support so great a charge. The Protestants, who had suffered bad usage, revenged themselves on the Pope by publishing a Manifesto against him, stuft with all sorts of reproaches, wherein they called him Antichrist [Page 112]and the instrument of the Devil; they accu­sed him of having sent People into Germany to poison the Wells, and standing Waters, and to set fire into several places in Saxony; and gave all People warning to beware of such Poiso­ners and Incendiaries. Though these accusa­tions were not believed, but lookt upon as Ca­lumnies dictated by a Spirit of Revenge; the Pope however, got nothing by that Conjunc­tion with the Emperour, but trouble, confu­sion and shame, besides the loss of his Troops, which returned in very bad equipage.

During these troubles the Fathers of the Council of Trent were still a-doeing, but pro­ceeded very slowly. The Pope and the Em­perour for reasons quite different were glad that affairs were protracted. The Emperour, because he desired that the Council might not decide the controversies of the Lutherans, be­fore he had made an end of the War that he was engaged in. The Pope, because he ho­ped that by managing affairs slowly in the Council, he might at length tire out both Peo­ple and Prelates, and cause a final dissolution of the Assembly. And so the Session which was to have been held the nine and twentieth of July, was put off till the thirteenth of Ja­nuary following. These seven Months were spent in Disputes; for the Legates loosed the Reins to the Divines, and left them to that humour of jangling and contradiction to which they are most commonly too much addic­ted.

Next day after the Session that had been held the seventeenth of June, the Legates cal­led a Congregation, wherein they consulted [Page 113]of the matter which was to be decided in the next Session. The Pope's Divines presented a writing to prove that after the business of Ori­ginal sin, which had been then decided,The subject of Grace and Ju­stification, is chosen for the next Session. the next thing the Council ought to treat of, was the matter of Justification and Grace: because it is natural to speak of the remedy after one hath discovered the evil, that Grace is the re­medy of Original sin; and that that was like­wise the method observed in the confession of Ausbourg. On the other side the Emperour's Ambassadours persisted to urge that they should not pursue the examination of Doctrine, but proceed in the matter of Reformation. The Legates told the Ambassadours, that it was al­ways profitable to examine matters of Doc­trine, that it was good to be instructed, and that that examination should not engage them in a decision of controversies, but that they might afterwards be delayed as long as should be desired; and that whilst the Divines should examine the matter of Justification, the Bishops and Canonists should consult about Reforma­tion. They concluded upon this, and ordai­ned a search to be made into the Books of Lu­ther and other Protestants, to pick out of them the Heretical propositions that ought to be condemned. In the next Congregation, the Legates, that they might be as good as their word, moved that they might consult about Reformation.Residence is proposed as a point of Re­formation. The Cardinal of Monte propo­sed the point of Residence, and pressed the ne­cessity of it, affirming that all the present troubles and disorders of the Church sprung from the non-residence of Bishops, because the vices of the Clergy, and Heresies were occa­sioned [...] [Page 118]faith working by Charity. But the Jacobins and Cordeliers that were united against him, carried it: nevertheless they all agreed to con­demn the opinion of Justification by faith a­lone.

A Debate about the nature of works that precede Grace. Ambrosio Ca­tarino main­tains the opi­nion of St. Au­stin and the Protestants.Afterwards the Divines disputed of the na­ture of works that precede Grace: and most of the Votes were against the opinion of the Pro­testants, who affirm that all works done with­out faith are sins. But Ambrosio Catarino un­dertook the defence of that opinion; he main­tained that it was the judgment of St. Austin and St. Thomas. He confessed that he had been heretofore of the sentiment of the School-men but that he had renounced it, after that he had read the Scriptures and the Fathers; and pro­ceeding, he censured the vain subtilty, of the School-Divines, who abandoning the Scripture and the Fathers, suffered themselves to be gui­ded by the false light of Philosophy. He backed his assertion with the words of our Sa­viour, a bad tree cannot bring forth good fruit, and with those of St. Paul, who says. To be unclean all things are unclean. Dominico à Soto, a great Enemy of the Doctrine of Grace, op­posed Catarino with so much Passion that he called him Heretick, and accused him of de­nying free will as the Lutherans did. For his part he maintained that Infidels might fulfill all the Law; that is to say, that they might doe all the good works that are commanded, though they did them not for the ends for which they have been commanded, to wit, the glory of God, and eternal Salvation; but he maintained that it was sufficient for doing an action without sin, to observe the substance [Page 119]of the commandment. He therefore asserted that without Grace one might avoid all sins, and that he might a little correct the expression which seemed Pelagian, he added that with­out Grace one might very well avoid every sin considered separately, but not all sins taken together. Just, said he, as one may stop all the holes of a leaky Ship in a hundred places, if you consider them separately; yet not be able to stop them all when you take them all together, because one cannot be in all places, and whilst one is busied in stopping of one, the water gets in by the rest. The Pelagianism of the School had taken such deep rooting in the minds of many, that they did not even ap­prove that exception of Soto's; they would have had it allowed without distinction, that men without the assistance of Grace are able to shun all sins.

In the next place they examined the que­stion,A dispute a­bout the pre­parations to grace, and the merit of con­gruity.if works performed without Grace are preparations for Justification. If Dominico à So­to durst have stuck to his principles, having with so much vehemence asserted the goodness of such works, he could not but have affir­med that they were immediate preparations for Grace; but he durst not, because of St. Au­stin, and especially because of St. Thomas, of whose Doctrine he made profession. And therefore he fell off, and said for justification. But the Cordeliers who preferred their own Scotus before St. Austin and St. Thomas advan­ced a step, and maintained that they were im­mediate dispositions, and even merited justifi­cation. Scotus was the great Champion for [Page 120]this Merit of Congruity, according to whom the School-men said, that it was suitable to the justice and goodness of God to assist him that does all he can, according to the Maxime, facienti quod in se est Deus non deest; since that time they have restrained this Merit of Con­gruity to works that are performed by preven­ting grace, before the infusion of justifying grace; but before the Council of Trent the School was more than Demi-pelagian, and maintained that men without grace might doe all kinds of good works, even love God above all things, and that these works were true pre­parations for Justification. The Jacobins would have been very willing that there had been no mention made of that Merit de congruo, because St. Thomas grew out of conceit with it, especially in his old age.

Afterwards they came to dispute of those Mo­tions which are wrought in the hearts of men by the first inspirations of preventing grace, be­fore the infusion of habitual Righteousness. Luther was accused of saying that all these motions, such as the fear of Punishment, and an abhorrence of sin, were real sins; that opi­nion was condemned as heretical, because they had agreed that those first motions of conver­sions are good works. The Carmelite Anto­ny Marinier maintained that this was but a dispute about words, saying that these actions done out of the state of grace were like Luke­warmness betwixt heat and cold: that they were in a mean betwixt actions done without grace which are real sins, and those which are performed in the state of grace which are truly good. And that so as Lukewarmness is [Page 121]but a less cold, these fears of Punishments which precede conversion are a lesser kind of sins; but he was fain to recant his opinion, because all the Divines were against him.

Of justifica­tion and im­puted righte­ousness.In the next place they came to speak of Justification it self; and the signification of the word Justifie was examined. Dominico à Soto maintained that in the Epistles of St. Paul the word Justifie signifies, to infuse into the soul habitual and inherent Righteousness; but the Carmelite Marinier maintained that it signified to absolve, and proved it by the opposition that St. Paul makes of the word Justifie to that of Condemn: who is he that condemneth, it is God that justifies? from the name they came to the thing, and herein there happened a vehe­ment dispute betwixt the Cordeliers and Ja­cobins about the question, whether habitual or justifying grace be the same quality as Cha­rity, or if it be a distinct and different habit. Scotus and after him the Cordeliers maintain, that habitual Grace and Charity are one and the same thing; But St. Thomas and the Jaco­bins affirm that they are two different quali­ties.

The Divines then descended to the question of imputed Righteousness; they all agreed, that Jesus Christ hath merited for us, and that his merit is imputed to us. Albertus Pig­hius, in giving his opinion, besides inherent Righteousness had expresly asserted that im­putation of the Righteousness of Jesus Christ, which is made in favour of a justified man. Andreas de Vega was for retaining the word as very proper, though it be not to be found in Scripture, and to back his opinion produced [Page 122]the testimony of St. Bernard, who had used it in his hundred and ninth Epistle. Domi­nico à Soto maintained that it ought to be ex­ploded, because neither the Fathers nor the Scriptures have ever used it; and especially be­cause the Lutherans abused it, affirming that that imputed Righteousness is the sole Justification of man; he added that it cut off all necessity of satisfaction, and equalled the meanest of all Saints to the blessed Virgin. This dispute was managed so sharply, and there was so much affectation in condemning a term that was acknowledged to be innocent, that it shew'd by what Spirit the Council was acted, and per­swaded all men that the Lutherans were in all points to be made Hereticks at what rate soever.

There was no end of debating; for the Monks who are naturally wranglers furnished matter for them, and the Legates to gain time fomented the Divisions. But for some time the disputes were interrupted by the March of Souldiers, and the Jubile, that was published and celebrated for obtaining a happy success in the War against the Hereticks. At length the Month of August being half spent, and the Council being at liberty and in a condition of acting; matters must needs be brought upon the stage again; the Subject of Justification had been sufficiently canvassed; and now it was time to form Decrees, and to hold a Ses­sion; but it was neither the intention of the Pope nor of the Emperour that affairs should proceed with so much expedition. The Pope sought an opportunity of breaking up the Council, and the Emperour would have had the matter of Reformation first handled, be­fore [Page 123]they condemned the Lutherans in a con­cern of the highest importance, as that of Justification was. Wherefore it was necessary to gain time, though it was difficult to make any pretext for delay. However the Cardinal of Santa Croce, who was more skilled in the jang­lings of School-Divinity than this Collegues, underttook the business, and engaged to revive all the disputes, and to make them last as long as they pleased. In the Congregation of the twentieth of August, it was resolved that some should be employed to compose the Decrees upon the matters that had been debated; for this end were named three Bishops, three Generals of Orders, and the Cardinal of Santa Croce to preside in this little Cabal. The Cardinal made a Project of Decisions and Canons very pat for reviving the former Debates, which missed not of its effect: for when the Depu­ties who had composed the Canons and De­crees proposed them in the Congregations, all the Subjects that had been discoursed of before were reviewed; as Grace, the certainty that one may have that he is in the state of Grace, Works performed out of the state of grace, and in grace, imputed Righteousness,Debate about the certainty that one may have that he is in the state of Grace, Am­brosio Cata­rino and the Carmelite Ma­rinier defend the opinion of the Prote­stants. and the Me­rits of Congruity. The Cardinal all the while encouraged the Divines to the dispute, telling them that they were weighty matters, and could not be too well examined.

In the first place Andreas the Vega, and Do­minico à Soto grapled with Ambrosio Catarino and Marinier the Carmelite, about the certainty that one may have that he is in the state of Grace. They who held that man cannot be assured of Justification, maintained their opi­nion [Page 124]by all the Reasons and Arguments, that are at this day used against the Protestants. Ambrosio Catarino and Marinier alledged on the contrary all the Arguments that are at pre­sent employed by the reformed Divines. And because they were much urged with the Au­thority of the Fathers, who seem to assert that one cannot be sure of his Justification, they opposed passage to passage, and concluded that the Fathers had spoken variously upon that subject, according to the different views and apprehensions that they had of it, and that therefore without consulting them, the onely recourse must be had to be holy Scriptures. These reasons wrought some effect, and obli­ged the others not to call that certainty, that one is in the state of grace, any more, a rash Presumption. Andreas de Vega went farther, he acknowledged that one might have an ex­perimental certainty of his own Righteousness that banishes all doubting: as when one is hot, said he, he knows it certainly, by a cer­tainty of sense: but he would not have that assurance called a certainty of Faith; which the rest called a moral Faith. Catarino, for his part, would have that assurance called a certainty of Faith; but would not, however, affirm that it was an act of Catholick and universal Faith; but of a particular Faith: so that he owned that it was not the same faith as that whereby one be­lieves the Articles of the Creed, and the truths of Religion. All the Carmelites were on Catari­no's side, because of John Bacon a Monk of their order, who had been of that opinion. However, those very men who were of Cata­rino's Judgment, thought that he expressed [Page 125]himself a little too hard, and strained the point too far. The Bishops and Divines came to such heats in that Dispute, that the Cardi­nal di Santa Croce had no more need of adding fewel, but rather of quenching the fire,They enter up­on the matter of free will, and six Arti­cles on that Subject, are drawn out of the Books of the Luthe­rans. which he did by calling another cause. He put them upon the matter of free will, which is closely linked to that of grace: and the Council na­med Bishops and Divines to cull out of Lu­ther's Books such propositions as might be thought worthy of censure; these Deputies pickt out Six;

• 1. That God is the cause of all actions good and bad, and that he operated in the treachery of Judas, as well as in the Conversion of St. Paul.
• 2. That men have no free will, and that every thing happens by absolute necessity.
• 3. That by the fall of Adam man lost his free will, and retains no more but the name of it.
• 4. That man has now no free will but to doe evil.
• 5. That the free will does not concur with grace, and that men are driven on to conversion like brute beasts.
• 6. That God con­verts those whom he will, even though the resist.

The two first propositions were not confuted by reasons but by invectives; they were called mad, monstrous, impious and blasphemous opinions. The Carmelite Marinier who liked not that violent way, was for interpreting those Articles in some good sense, and especi­ally that which affirms our actions to be ne­cessary, not free. He observed that it was not true that all our actions are in our own pow­er, and that the School-men themselves are obliged to except the first motives which men cannot restrain. Andreas de Vega discoursed upon that matter in a very obscure manner, [Page 126]and was hardly understood till he came to a Conclusion; wherein he said, that there was no difference betwixt the Lutherans and Ca­tholicks as to the nature of free will in civil actions, and in the moral and external works of the Law, and that the Lutherans did not strip man of his free will, but in respect of supernatural works that prepared man for Sal­vation; which being consonant to the Senti­ment of Catholicks, he was of opinion that in this particular, something should be done for peace sake. That name of peace was odious and grating; we are not met for that, answe­red they, it is the business of Conferences to accommodate differences, but of Councils to condemn Heresies: and indeed this Council was very far from indulging any thing to the Lutherans; this debate was the cause of ano­ther, that arose betwixt the two Schools of Scotus and Thomas, that is to say, betwixt the Cordeliers and Jacobins, to wit, if it be in the Power of man to believe or not to believe. The Cordeliers maintained the opinion of Sco­tus, that it is not in the liberty of man not to believe, because the understanding is necessari­ly determined by its object: when a truth is presented to it, it cannot but see it, and when it perceives it, it cannot refuse to close with the same. But the Jacobins on the contrary de­fended the opinion of St. Thomas, and said that faith was a free action that might be en­joyned or hindered by the will. Concerning the third article wherein the Lutherans say, that man's free will is lost since that fall of Adam, the Champions for the pure Doctrine of Grace produced many Arguments and Authorities, [Page 127]and particularly they cited several passages of St. Austin wherein he says, Adam perdidit se & liberum arbitrium. But to that Dominico à Soto made answer, that the word free was some­times opposed to necessity, and sometimes to slavery: that the Lutherans took it in the first sense, when they say that man hath lost his free will, because they would thereby signifie, that man acts by an inevitable necessity. But that St. Austin had taken the word free in the second sense as it is opposite to slavery, and that his meaning was, that man had lost his free will, because that free will is captivated under the bondage of sin; though the last is absolutely the sense of the Protestants, as well as of St. Austin. This explication of Dominico â Soto was not well relished, they would not have the free will to be a slave, neither to ne­cessity according to the sense that was attribu­ted to the Lutherans, nor to sin according to the sense of St. Austin. The Council could not endure that the free will should be made a slave upon any account whatsoever; for had they owned with Soto, that it is under the bon­dage of sin, they could not have condemned the title of Luther's book de servo arbitrio, as they designed to doe. The fourth Article which saith that man hath onely free will to doe evil, was reckoned ridiculous; and the Divines of the Council laid it down as a cer­tain truth, that free will is a power of deter­mining ones self to one of two contraries, to good or to evil. There were some, neverthe­less, that were not so passionate, who told them that their Maxime was not unexceptionable, and that God was free without having the pow­er of determining himself to evil.

[Page 128]There arose great Debates in the examina­tion of the fifth and sixth articles concerning the manner how free will concurs with grace in the work of conversion. The Cordeliers fol­lowing the Theology and Principles of their Master Scotus, maintained that the will which can prepare it self for grace, can by much stronger reason admit or reject grace when it is offered. But the Jacobins, who are Thomists attributed to grace, the first motions of con­version.The Thomists are divided, the beginning of the new Thomists. These last maintain that Grace is effica­cious of it self. Here the Thomists were divided; for Dominico à Soto a Jacobin, acknowledged pre­venting grace, but he said that it was in the power of man to accept or reject that grace; so that he made the efficacy of grace to de­pend on the will of man, and on the deter­mination of that will, and denied grace of it self to be efficacious. In this particular all the difference that was betwixt Soto, and the Cor­deliers or Scotists was about the preparations: for the Scotists pretended that the will goes be­fore grace by immediate preparations, which proceed from the will it self; And Soto denied these immediate preparations, and onely ad­mitted certain remote preparations of the will for the reception of grace. Luigi di Catanea a Jacobin and Thomist, said that according to the Doctrine of St. Thomas the will may indeed reject sufficient grace, but not effectual grace; because this grace gets always the victory over the will. In this manner he laid down as a ground in Divinity, that the difference betwixt effectual grace, and sufficient grace proceeds onely from the operation of God, and not from the consent of the will; that is, he affirmed grace to be effectual of it self. This is that [Page 129] Luigi di Catanea who may be called the Pa­triarch of the new Thomists, who have made themselves very considerable since the Coun­cil of Trent, in undertaking the defence of the Doctrine of St. Austin concerning Grace, which the School of Scotus that was Semipela­gian, had almost stifled. Dominico à Soto main­tained against Luigi di Catanea, that the di­stinction betwixt grace efficacious and grace sufficient proceeds from the will, and that the consent and determination of the will a­lone makes that which was onely sufficient, to become effectual grace; this last opinion carri­ed it with applause in the Council; but by no other force than that of prejudice. For it could not be denied but that Soto spoke in an ambiguous and obscure manner, not da­ring to rely too much upon what he said, that he made a running kind of a fight on't, and seemed diffident of his own Hypothesis. On the contrary Catanea proposed his Arguments with confidence and assurance, giving them a Character of evidence that confounded all his hearers. He boldly said that he could not see how the opinion of Soto could be excused of Pelagianism: that to avoid the extremity wherein Luther had precipitated himself, he run upon another, that was every way as dangerous. Above all, he laid great stress on this, that the Doctrine of Dominico à Soto over­turned free Predestination, and established Predestination by the prescience of works; be­cause if the efficacy of Grace depend on the Will of man, it is that Will which puts the difference betwixt the elect and the reprobate; a Sentiment confuted by all Divines. In effect, [Page 130]the Theology of Scotus is no consequential Theology, whose principles support one ano­ther and are well linked together: for on the one hand it defends free election and absolute reprobation, and on the other, it oppugns the efficacy of grace of it self, and maintains that the will may prepare it self for Justification by its now strength. Now they who have but a smattering in Divinity may easily see, that these two principles destroy one another; for if men distinguish themselves one from ano­ther in this world, onely by accepting through the sole Power of their own free Will, Grace sufficient, which others do reject, it is clear that God must from Eternity have elected those whom he foresaw would separate them­selves from others by the acceptation of suf­ficient Grace.They enter into the matter of Predestinati­on, and finding nothing to be censured a­mongst the Lutherans, they condemn seven Propositions of the Zuingli­ans. This last consideration of Cata­nea's obliged the Fathers of the Council to en­ter upon the matter of Predestination. They commissionated some Divines to make abstracts of the Books of the Protestants, that they might know what propositions were to be condemned. Nothing was found in the Wri­tings of the Lutherans, but out of the Books of the Zuinglians they drew Eight propositi­ons.

• 1. That in Predestination and Reprobati­on man has no hand, but onely the will and pleasure of God.
• 2. That the Predestinate can­not be damned, nor the reprobate saved.
• 3. That the Elect alone are justified.
• 4. That the justified ought to have Faith, and believe that they are predestinated.
• 5. That the justified cannot fall from Grace.
• 6. That the Repro­bate do never receive Grace.
• 7. That a man ought to believe that he shall persevere, when [Page 131]he is in Grace.
• 8. That a justified man ought to believe that though he fall, he shall rise again.

Most part of the Divines thought, that the first proposition was very sound and catholick, to wit, that in predestination and reprobation, the will of God alone does all: that is to say, they approved absolute and gratuitous prede­stination, and they pretended that it was not onely consonant to the judgment of St. Tho­mas, but also to that of Scotus. This opinion was backt by a great number of authorities taken from holy Scripture, and the Fathers, particularly St. Austin, who in his old age had vigorously maintained this absolute and free predestination: yet the election by fore-know­ledge of works found its Champions. The Bi­shops of Bitonto and Salpi put themselves at the head of the Monks, and made a Party a­gainst free and absolute predestination. They said that God resolved to give all men sufficient Grace, and that in the fore-knowledge of God, election and reprobation depended on the good or bad use of that sufficient Grace, because God elected those whom he had fore-known would consent to and accept of that Grace, and reprobated those that would reject it, they added that the contrary opinion was cru­el and inhumane, that it made God unjust and an accepter of persons, and supposed him to make his choice without any reason, but out of mere fancy. When they fought with the Arms of reason, they triumphed; but sunk under the weight of the Authorities of Scripture and Fathers.

Ambrosio Catarino, who in all other things [Page 132]had been reasonable, espoused here an ill qua­rel, he was of their opinion who grounded predestination on the fore-knowledge of works;A strange opi­nion of Cata­rino about Predestinati­on. and to avoid the force of the texts of Scrip­ture which prove free and absolute predesti­nation, he made use of a ridiculous Medium; he made two predestinations, the one certain, effectual and absolute without the fore-know­ledge of works, saying that that predestina­tion extended onely to a small number whom God absolutely decrees to save, and for whom in order to that he prepares effectual means: to that election he applied all the passages whereby absolute predestination is proved. As for instance those of the ninth Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, where St. Paul says that God loved Jacob and hated Esau, before either of them had done good or evil: that of one lump he makes some Vessels of honour and others of dishonour; that it is neither of him that runneth, nor of him that willeth, but God that giveth the Blessing. But he ad­ded that besides that absolute predestination without fore-knowledge of works, there is another wherein God had decreed to save all those that should be converted; and that for that end he had given all men sufficient Grace, to which some submit, and others do resist: and that this last election was uncertain, unli­mited, conditional, and dependant on the will and works of man; he confessed that his opi­nion was contrary to that of St. Austin; but he also said, that St. Austin's was contrary to the opinion of all others.

The second proposition was variously cen­sured according to the diversity of principles: [Page 133]and the proposition was, that the Elect could not be Damned, nor the Reprobate Saved. Catarino confessed that the Elect could not be Damned; but he would not say that the Re­probate could not be Saved; because that God giving them sufficient Grace, if they made good use of it, they might be saved. Here the Thom [...]sts flourished their distinction, in sensu composito & in sensu diviso, and said that in an sense compounded or complexe the Elect could not be Damned; but in a sense divided or distinct they might. That is to say that the Elect considered under a decree of election could not be Damned; but if considered sim­ply as men, abstractedly from that decree of Election, it might be said, that they might be Damned, because they might never have been Elected. This distinction raised more mist be­fore the eyes of the Prelates, who were nei­ther great Philosophers nor Divines, than it brought light to the question. The other six propositions were condemned by unanimous consent; particularly that which asserted the perseverance of true Saints, and the inamissi­bility of righteousness. They alledged the ex­amples of Saul, Solomon, Judas, and others who had totally fallen from the real righteous­ness wherewith they had been invested.

The Decrees are made with a great deal of Difficulty and affected Am­biguity, to give all content.After matters were thoroughly examined, Canons and Decrees must pass upon them. But they were in great perplexity how to doe that; every Party striving to have the Decrees worded in termes that might favour their opi­nions. Giacomo Cocco, Archbishop of Corfu, was of the mind that no opinion which could be interpreted in a sound sense, should be con­demned: [Page 134]and therefore he desired that all ne­cessary exceptions and limitations should be put in the Canons for removing all Ambiguity. Others opposed that, saying that if all inter­pretations must be inserted, it would render the Canons long, tedious and intricate. But the Bishop of Sinigaglia proposed a method which was approved, and followed during the remaining time of the Council. He said that there ought to be made in the first place a Decree of Doctrine, which should be divided into Chapters; that therein the Doctrine of the Church should be declared in a Style and Method capable to give content to all Catho­licks: and that then another Decree ought to be made containing nothing but the Canons and Anathema's against Hereticks. The Le­gate Cardinal Santa Croce applied all his Pains and Skill in the composing of these Decrees; and laboured in it with so much success that he gave content to all; because he worded them with so much Ambiguity, that every Party found their opinions therein. But this was not done without trouble; for there were above an hundred Congregations as well of Divines as Prelates held about it, and from the beginning of September untill the end of November, there past not a day wherein the Cardinal did not peruse his Decrees, and alter something in them. In a word, they found a means to satisfie the Scotists and the Thomists, Catarino and his adherents, who stood for the certainty that one may have of his own justi­fication, and those that opposed it. The De­crees were so artificially contrived to please all, that Dominico à Soto immediately after wrote [Page 135]three Books, de natura & gratia, and found all his opinions in the decisions of the Council. And nevertheless Andreas de Vega a famous Cordelier, on the other hand composed fifteen large Books upon the same Subject, and found all his opinions in the same Decrees, though they were quite opposite to the sentiments of Soto.

Whilst these matters of Doctrine were in agitation, Congregations were also held about Reformation. The first thing then that was proposed, was the setling of some good Or­der, that none might enter into Episcopal Sees, but such as were capable to govern and edifie the Church. But the Council despaired of finding remedies proper for the evil; because Canonical Elections were abolished, and in most places the nomination to Bishopricks be­longed either to Kings or to the Pope. They considered very well that it was to no purpose to make Canons; for it would be impossible to make those Persons ever submit to them. So the Council past by that consultation, and proceeded to the point of Residence as well of Bishops as of Curates and other Beneficiaries. Horrid was the corruption that prevailed in this particular. The Bishops knew not what it was to reside; nay, and if a Living was but sufficient to maintain the Curate and his Vicar, he abandoned the care of his Flock, and lived where he had a mind. From the time of St. Je­rome there had been a custome of ordaining Priests without a Title, who were not confined to any place, nor obliged to Residence: St. Je­rome himself was one of these Priests; he was a Priest of Antioch where he never resided, [Page 136]and so was Ruffinus Priest of Aquileia. But however, these Priests without Churches had no Profits nor Revenues. The custome of bearing the Titles and receiving the Profits of Benefices without any Service, began in the Latin Church about the seventh Century; for then began Princes to reward their Servants with Presentations to vacant Benefices. And by degrees was introduced the distinction of Benefices of Residence, and Sine-cures or Be­nefices of Non-residence, under pretence that there were Benefices in which one was not obliged to reside. The Canonists established this maxim, that every Benefice is given for Office: that is to say, that a Beneficiary is precisely obliged to no more but to say his Breviary, for enjoying his Benefice with a good Conscience. The Popes had often thundered against the Non-residence of Bishops and other Pastours that had the cure of Souls; but they medled not with Benefices that were called Sine-cures, because they were glad that all Church-men might not reside, that so their Courts might be more numerous and glorious. This was such an overspreading and so great a corruption, that all were fain to own it. But the Bishops to extenuate their fault alledged that no man was obliged to Residence but by the order of the Pope, and not the command of God. This gave occasion to the starting of a controversie, whether Residence be of Divine right and ap­pointment, or onely Humane and Papal; and Cardinal Cajetan was on their side, who thought it to be of Divine right. The neces­sity of Residence, that was proposed by the Legates and backt by the Bishops, brought this [Page 137]question upon the stage, Whether it was of Di­vine or Humane right. We shall find in the sequel what terrible debates this occasioned in the Council; though the first time that the question was proposed, the heat of dispute was but moderate.

The Legates thought it enough to propose means to oblige Pastours to Residence: but the Monks and especially the Jacobins to tie the knot of this obligation a little faster, averred that Residence was necessary by Divine right. Two Spanish Monks, Bartholomè de Carranza who was afterward Archbishop of Toledo and Dominico â Soto reasoned strongly for that. The Canonists and Italian Bishops were of a con­trary opinion that the necessity of Residence was onely of Humane right. Ambrosio Cata­rino though a Jacobin, was of the same senti­ment, and said that there was but onely one Episcopate established by Jesus Christ, which is that of the Pope; that all other Bishops holding their Authority of him, were no more obliged to Residence, but according as he was pleased to enjoyn them. The Spanish Bishops not onely publickly favoured Residence of Di­vine right, but privately encouraged the Ja­cobins to maintain it stoutly. In this they had secret and mysterious designs, which they did not communicate to any; they aimed at the restauration of the Authority of the Bishops, which was born down and oppressed by the Pope; for it once it had been decided that Bi­shops hold their Authority from Jesus Christ, and that they are obliged to reside in the midst of their Flocks, to take the care of them, not by the command of the Pope, but by the ap­pointment [Page 138]of God, they perswaded themselves that they might easily provide against the en­terprizes of the Court of Rome practised upon the Ordinaries; which shall be set forth more at large in the sequel, when we shall have a new occasion to speak of this question, which was bandied with much more fierceness, in the third convocation of the Council under Pius IV. If the Spaniards were cunning enough in disguising the true reasons of their Conduct, the Legates were not behind hand in diving into their intentions: and therefore they dex­trously waved that question by referring it to another Session.

In pursuance of the matter of Reformation, they entred upon the examination of the Ex­emptions which were granted by the Pope to the prejudice of Ordinaries. In the Eastern Church all that is comprehended within the precincts of a Diocess, whether Monasteries, Churches, or Benefices, is subject to the ju­risdiction of the Bishop of the Diocess. But in the Latin Church it is not so: in the first place rich and powerfull Abbots, to free them­selves from the jurisdiction of the Bishops, to whom they gave Umbrage, and with whom they often quarelled, obtained of the Popes to be taken under the Protection of St. Peter, and to hold immediately from the holy See. The Popes found that that hit very pat with their interests; because thereby they acqui­red Subjects in all places, and that he who ob­tains privileges, is obliged to maintain the Au­thority of him that grants them: and therefore they were very liberal in their Exemptions. They thereupon took from under the jurisdiction [Page 139]of Bishops those great Societies of Clugny and Ci­staux; they granted the same privileges to the Chapters of Cathedral Churches, and at length all the Orders of the mendicant Friars in their first institution obtained the same privileges of holding immediately from the holy See. The Bishops could not but grumble at these Exemptions that deprived them of so many subjects; And they would have taken it extremely well it Giacomo Cortese Bishop of Vaison, had demanded the abolition of them. This affair having been referred to another Session, was brought in again with the case of Residence; but hardly any thing could be ob­tained concerning these two Articles. As to the first which is the case of Residence, it was concluded, that the ancient Canons which command Residence under such and such Pains, should be reinforced with new Penalties. It was therefore decreed that a Bishop who should for six Months together be absent from his Diocess should lose a fourth part of his Tem­porals: that if his absence continued a Year, he should forfeit the half of his Revenue; and that if he persisted in that fault he should by the Metropolitan be complained of to the Pope, to the end that the holy See might take Cog­nisance thereof, and either punish that negli­gent Pastour, or put another in his place; that if the non-resident Prelate were a Metro­politan, he should be complained of to the Pope by the Eldest of his Suffragans. As for infe­riour Pastours, it was ordered that they might be by the Bishops compelled to Residence, and if among the non-resident Curates any one might happen to have an Exemption from the [Page 140]Pope, he might nevertheless be forced to Re­sidence by the Bishop, acting as the Delegate of the holy See.

As to the matter of Exemptions it was de­creed, that no Monk being out of his Convent under pretext of the Privilege of his Order should excuse himself from being punished and corrected by the Ordinary of the place, but in this also the Bishop must act as Delegate of the holy See; it was likewise ordained that the Chapters of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches might not decline the Jurisdiction of the Bishops as to the visitation and correc­tion of manners. And last of all Bishops were prohibited to perform any Episcopal function in the Diocess of another, without permissi­on.

Matters being thus prepared, nothing could hinder the holding of the Session, nor was the Pope himself of opinion that it should be de­layed any longer. On the contrary he was glad of that opportunity to nettle the Empe­rour, who instantly desired that no contro­versie should be decided, till he had reduced the Lutherans to a Necessity of submitting to the Council. The unions of Great men, ha­ving no other foundation but interest, are ne­ver firm, nor of long continuance. The Pope and the Emperour who had been so good friends in the beginning of the year, fell a clashing one with another before it was en­ded. And thereupon the Pope ordered that the Session should be held, notwithstanding the opposition of the Emperour's Ambassa­dours.

[Page 141] year 1547 The thirteenth of January was the day ap­pointed for that Ceremony. Andrea Cornaro Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia said high Mass,Sixth Session. 1547. and Thomas Stella Bishop of Salpi prea­ched the Sermon After this the Decrees were read, which contained sixteen Chapters, and thirty three Canons concerning Doctrine, and five Chapters about Reformation. In the Chap­ters of Doctrine according as it had been re­solved upon, the Judgment of the Church was declared, concerning the points of Justi­fication, the nature of Grace, the nature of good works, the certainty that one may have of his own Justification, the necessity of good works, the perseverance of Saints, free Will, and generally concerning all the points that had been agitated amongst the Divines, which we have mentioned before: in the Canons Anathema was pronounced against all the pro­positions that were attributed to the Luthe­rans. In the Decree of Reformation, Residence was enjoyned, the Exemptions of Monks and of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches regula­ted, and the mutual attempts of Bishops upon one anothers rights repressed, in the manner, as we told you, had been agreed upon in the Congregations.

Censures by the male Contents, of the Decrees of this Sessions.The Court of Rome made no new reflexions upon these Decrees, for to them they were not new; but so soon as they came abroad in Germany the Malecontents, of whom it was full, revenged themselves on the Council by a publick and censorious reflexion that let nothing pass; they critisized even to the very expressions, and the Grammarians made them­selves sport with that flourish, which is to be [Page 142]found in the fifth Chapter cum neque homo ipse nihil omnino agat; they said it was little better than gibberish and nonsense, because every proposition wherein there are two Negatives, ought to be resolved into an Affirmative; so that that proposition ought to be resolved into this cum etiam homo ipse aliquid omnino agat, which is nonsense. But the Divines made more important remarks: they said that the Doctrine of the Council, which affirms that man may resist, even to the end, the inspirati­ons of the Holy Ghost, does not at all agree with that ancient Prayer of the Church, Et ad te nostras etiam rebelles compelle propitius vo­luntates. It was thought that the Council had a design to condemn effectual Grace which St. Austin asserted; that is to say, Grace effec­tual in it self: they also pickt out contradic­tions therein; as for instance in that which is said in the seventh Chapter, that Justice is gi­ven in a certain measure according to God's good will and pleasure, and the disposition of him that receives it; they could not comprehend how Grace was given at the same time ac­cording to the good will and pleasure of God, and according to the disposition of him that receives it; for if it be according to the plea­sure of God, it is without any respect to dis­positions, and if God have any regard to dis­positions, then it depends not absolutely on his pleasure. They found another contradic­tion, in that here the Council condemns those who say that men are not able to fulfill the Commandments of God, and in the second Session had commanded men to obey the Com­mandments of God, quantum quisque poterit, [Page 143]as far as one is able; because these terms sup­pose that every one is not able to fulfill the Law of God. By these censures it was made apparent that in a matter purely Theological the Fathers of the Council had made use of many terms borrowed from Philosophy, in­somuch that without the assistance of Aristo­tle they could not have made an Article of Faith. But above all other, there happened one unlucky hit to the Council, and made it evident that they had conceived their Decisions with intent to please all men except the Lu­therans, which was this. In the Book which Dominico à Soto wrote de natura & gratia, which we mentioned before, when he comes to treat of the certainty that one may have of his own Justification, he proved that the intention of the Council was to condemn the opinion which affirms, that one may have such a certainty of his being in the State of Grace as excludes all doubting. Catarino that was present at the Council as well as Soto, published a Book wherein he asserted that the intention of the Council was not to condemn those who say, that one may believe that he is in the State of Grace with as much certainty as one believes an Article of Faith. On the contrary that the Council favoured that opi­nion, because it is expressed in the twenty sixth Canon, that the righteous man ought to hope for a reward. Catarino concluded that a righteous man cannot expect his reward, unless he be assured of his Righteousness. These two Au­thours wrote several Books against one another on this subject, and even complained to the Council, that Decisions and Sentiments were [Page 144]imposed upon them, which they had not indeed intended. The Council was in perplexity and could not tell what to think of this controversie; which made People laugh in their sleeve: It was thought strange that the Fathers should not understand their own Decisions, and that brought the Bishop of Bitonto's Sermon into mens minds, who in the opening of the Coun­cil promised the Prelates that the holy Ghost would inspire them as he did Caiaphas, who spoke a Prophecy which he understood not.

session 6 The point of the Sacra­ments in gene­ral, of Bap­tism and ex­treme unction chosen for the next Session.Next day after the sixth Session, which was the fourteenth of January, the Legates cal­led a general Congregation to make choice of the Controversie which should be decided the next Session; they had made a kind of resolu­tion in the beginning to follow the Order of the Confession of Ausbourg: and the point of the ministerial function in the Church, was the next in order in that Confession to that of Justification. But because the point of Admi­nistration carried along with it that of the Au­thority of the Council and the Pope, which the Legates would not meddle with, they wisely laid it aside, and favoured the Divines to whom that subject was not very agreeable neither, but for reasons far different from those of the Legates; for that is a point the Schoolmen do not much treat of, nor are well versed in. So it was concluded that the matter of the Sacraments which depend on the ministerial function should be discussed, for the Chapter of Doctrine: and that they might jointly treat of Reformation, as had been re­solved, it was thought fit to endeavour the Reformation of abuses that had crept into the [Page 145]Administration of the Sacraments. The Car­dinal di Santa Croce had the Change of presiding in the Congregations for Doctrine, and the Cardinal di Monte undertook the Province of moderating in the Congregations of the Ca­nonists, for Reformation; besides these, the matter of Residence was again brought upon the stage: the Bishops, and particularly the Spaniards, pressed to have it declared of Di­vine right. But the Cardinal di Monte a brisk and subtile Protectour of the papal Power perceiving that that would make a considera­ble breach in his Master's Authority, present­ly alledged reasons for having it deferred till another time; he told them that that Subject had been handled too eagerly, that they ought to suffer the Stirs of Passion to be com­posed to make way for the Calm of Charity, that so the holy Ghost might breath upon them by his inspirations: however he con­cluded these devout Considerations with a plain and positive prohibition not to meddle with that subject for the present. This seemed a little hard, and somewhat inconsistent with the Liberty of the Council. Nevertheless they condescended to treat of the Causes which hindered Residence, the most conside­rable of which is the Plurality of Benefices.

To begin with the Point of Doctrine, ab­stracts were made of the Books of the Luthe­rans, that they might know their opinions as to the Sacraments in general, and in particular, as to Baptism and Confirmation. The Articles that were drawn out as to the Sacraments in general were in number fourteen, as to Baptism seventeen, and as to Confirmation four; [Page 146]wherein under the title of Lutheran errours, were comprehended all the opinions of the Anabaptists, which are rejected by true Pro­testants. All these articles were examined in Congregations, and great Debates happened about some of them; they began first with the number of the Sacraments: The Divines agreed upon the number of seven, which had been first defined by the Master of the Senten­ces, and then confirmed by a Decision of the Council of Florence in their instruction to the Armenians. But they were not of opinion that this number should be determined to be nei­ther more nor less than seven, because of the difficulty of defining a Sacrament, in regard that according to the different definitions that may be given of it, a thing may be or not be a Sacrament. There was some difficulty also started about the opinions of some of the An­cients; of whom some had held our Saviour's washing the Apostles feet to be a Sacrament, as St. Cyprian and St. Bernard. Others, as St. Austin, had called all the Ceremonies of the Church Sacraments, and sometimes had restrained the Name of Sacrament to Baptism and the Lord's Supper; they therefore concluded, that they ought to retain the number of seven Sacra­ments, but not determine it by a Decree, nor second that with Anathema's. But others who were resolved to shew no favour to the Lutherans, maintained that the boldness of He­reticks ought to be taken down, who assum'd the liberty to make sometimes three Sacra­ments, sometimes four, and sometimes more. And here it was that divers pretty reasons were started for proving the number of seven [Page 147]Sacraments, some taken from the seven Car­dinal vertues, others from the seven Deadly sins, many from the seven Days of the Crea­tion, the seven principal Plagues of Egypt, and the seven Planets; though these reasons of the Divines were diverting enough; yet be­cause the deduction of them was long, they were somewhat tedious to the Prelates. They likewise proposed that the seven Sacraments should be named, lest some rash Heretick keeping still the number of seven, might strike out one of the true, and clap a false one into the place; they resolved in like manner to de­termine that the Sacraments were instituted by Jesus Christ: but some were of opinion that it would be better not to decide that point, that they might spare the reputation of some Catholick Doctours who had maintained a different opinion: as the Master of the Sen­tences, who holds that St. James instituted Extreme Unction, Bonaventure and Alexander de Hale who maintain'd that Confirmation began after the time of the Apostles: nay and the same Bonaventure was of opinion that the Apostles had instituted the Sacrament of Penance.

The second Article of the abstracts related to the necessity of the Sacraments, which the Lutherans were accused of denying; some were of opinion that it ought not to be pronounced absolutely and without reserve that the Sacraments are necessary; because some there are that may be let alone, nay and some that are inconsistent together, as Orders and Marriage. The Carmelite Marini­er reasoned strongly against the absolute Ne­cessity [Page 148]of the Sacraments; he proved that there could be no use of the distinction of Actus and Voto and Proposito in the Point of the Necessity of the Sacraments for receiving of Grace; as if it were absolutely necessary to receive the Sacraments at least in purpose and intention, because some have received Grace, even before they knew that there was any such thing as a Sacrament: he pro­duced the Example of Cornelius and his whole Family, and of the Thief that was converted, who had all received the Holy Ghost before they knew that there was a Baptism: whence it is clear that they had neither received it actually nor in intention, and nevertheless they had received Grace. This strong Rea­son was evaded by a distinction of a confused knowledge and a distinct knowledge; saying that these People had at least a confused knowledge and implicite intention of recei­ving this Sacrament. The third Article of these abstracts related to the dignity of the Sacraments; because this opinion was imputed to the Lutherans that all the Sacraments are equal in dignity. This being a matter of less importance, it took up but little time, and the proposition that admits of an equality in the Sacraments was adjudged to be false, because every Sacrament hath its particular Excel­lency.

Concerning the fourth Article which rela­ted to the manner how the Sacraments ope­rate, they pretended that according to the opinion of Zuinglius they are but Emblemes, and at most but signs of the Grace which one has already received, and not means of [Page 149]receiving it. All unanimously condemned that errour, and concurred in Judgment, That the Sacraments are the Causes of Grace. But here arose a great Debate betwixt the Schools of Thomas and Scotus, that is to say, betwixt the Jacobins and the Cordeliers; the Thomists maintained that the Sacraments are physical and instrumental Causes of Grace: on the con­trary, the Cordeliers, according to the Senti­ments of Scotus and Bonaventure, their chief Divines, said that God produces not Grace which is spiritual by a thing that is corporeal, and that therefore all the Efficacy of the Sa­craments depends on the Gospel Covenant, whereby God has engaged himself to confer inward Grace, as often as the outward Sacra­ment is administred; so that they maintained the Sacraments to be onely moral Causes. The Jacobins accused the Cordeliers of approa­ching near the opinion of the Lutherans: And the Cordeliers twitted the Thomists for asserting an absurdity that gave the Hereticks advan­tage over the Church. And it was impossible to make them friends. The Legates complai­ned to the Generals of the Orders, of the Ve­hemence of their Religious, and even wrote to Rome that it was necessary to repress them.

There happened also another quarel betwixt the Jacobins and Cordeliers about the difference of the Sacraments of the Old and New Testa­ment, upon occasion of the sixth Article of the Abstracts. That Article imported, that ac­cording to the Doctrine of the Lutherans the Sacraments of the Old Testament had the virtue of conferring Grace: and this gave an opportunity of handling the question concer­ning [Page 150]the Efficacy of the ancient Sacraments. The Jacobins maintained that those of the Old Law did not justifie ex opere operato, but ex opere operantis, that is to say, in their Lan­guage that they did not justifie by virtue of the Ceremony, but according to the dispositi­ons of the heart of those that received them. Scotus and Bonaventure were of opinion that Circumcision justified ex opere operato, and to this the Cordeliers adhered; they proved it by the Infants who under the Law were sa­ved by Circumcision; if Circumcision justified Infants, said they, that could not be by vir­tue of Faith, nor Charity, nor any other Dis­position, because Infants could have no actual vertue. And because St. Thomas had answered to that, that in those days Infants were saved by the Faith of their Parents; the Cordeliers loaded that answer with this great absurdity, that now-a-days the Condition of Christians would be worse than that of the Jews, seeing at present no Infant is saved in Baptism by the sole Faith of its Parents.

The fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth Articles were past over; the fifth because it had been sufficiently decided already in the preceding Session; that Article set forth, that according to the Lutherans, Faith alone without the Sa­craments confers Grace. And the Council in the foregoing Session had defined that Faith alone does not justifie. The sixth was laid aside because of the Debate we just now mentio­ned, betwixt the Jacobins and Cordeliers about the Efficacy of the Sacraments of the Old Testament. The seventh and eighth, it was thought, might be taken in an Orthodox sense, [Page 151]because these Articles affirmed that Grace is not given to all who receive the Sacraments. But upon account of the ninth Article which denied, according to the Sentiment of the Lu­therans that any Character was imprinted in the Sacraments, why they might not be reite­rated, there was some dispute. Dominico à Soto would have had it defined, that that Charac­ter is founded on Scripture; others were of a contrary opinion, because neither Gratian, nor the Master of the Sentences say any thing as to that, and that Scotus confesses that it can neither be maintained by Scripture nor the Fathers, but onely by the Authority of the Church: And it is to be observed that that is the manner of this Authour when he would smoothly condemn an opinion. It was decided against the tenth Article of the Doctrine at­tributed to the Lutherans, that it is false, That a wicked Minister cannot administer a true Sacrament. Against the Eleventh, that it is false that all Christians of what Sex or Condition soever may preach the word and administer all the Sacraments. Against the Twelfth that it belongs not to all Pastours to encrease or diminish the Ceremonies of the Sacraments.

A remarkable opinion of Ca­tarino about the intention that is neces­sary in him that adminis­ters the Sacra­ment.On occasion of the thirteenth Article which regards the intention that is thought necessary for the Validity of a Sacrament, there arose great Debates. The Council of Florence had de­termined it to be necessary; and that was a Knot not to be untied; but Ambrosio Catarino Bishop of Minori started a very considerable opinion; he strongly urged that the intention of the Priest could not be necessary, because if so, the Salvation of Souls would depend [Page 152]on the will of a man, who might be so wick­ed as to administer the Sacraments without intention: he aggravated the inconveniences of that opinion by this argument, that if a Child baptised without intention should be­come a Bishop, he not being truly baptised all the Priests that he might ordain would not be Priests, and could not administer true Sacraments, and that so many Millions of Souls would perish by the Crime of one sin­gle man. He therefore concluded that the in­tention which is necessary, is an external inten­tion that may be gathered from the Ceremo­nies, and is signified by visible actions, which fully agrees with the opinion of the Prote­stants; that overture was rejected, though the Council was stunned with the weight of his reasons, no man being in a condition to make him an Answer. They decided against the fourteenth without any Dispute, that it is false, That the Sacraments have onely been in­stituted for the quickning of Faith.

There happened much less Dispute about the seventeen Articles of Baptism; for with­out any Debate it was defined. 1. That in the Roman Church there is true Baptism; se­condly, that it is absolutely necessary to Salva­tion. In the third place that Baptism admini­stred by Hereticks is true Baptism; and so of all the other propositions that were attributed to the Protestants, which were condemned with great Unanimity. The last of the Arti­cles about Confirmation, which related to the manner of administring it, occasioned a some­what greater Noise. The Divines would have the Bishop onely to be the Minister of Confir­mation; [Page 153]but the action of Pope Gregory the Great puzled them. This Pope permitted a simple Priest to confirm; But the Cordeliers and all the School of Scotus, who attribute this Power onely to the Bishop, alledged that that had never been but once permitted by St. Gregory, and that perhaps that action was no true Sacrament. Thomas did indeed con­fess that properly the Bishop is the Minister of Confirmation; but he said that a Priest might administer it by a permission from the Pope.

Whilst these matters were canvassing in the Congregation for Doctrine, in the other Con­gregation where the Cardinal di Monte pre­sided they treated about the means of refor­ming the abuses which had crept into the Administration of the Sacraments; and it was ordained.

• 1. That the Sacraments of the Church should be conferred gratis, and no man allowed to take any Profit, Alms, or voluntary Gift upon any pretext whatsoever.
• 2. That the Sacrament of Baptism should not be administred but in Churches, and that in Mo­ther Churches where there are baptismal Fonts and Chapels, except in Cases of Necessity, and when the Children of Great Princes were to be baptised.
• 3. That no excommunicate Per­son should be admitted to be a Godfather, nor any other under the age of fourteen, and that they should not admit but of one God-father; besides that, there were some Orders made for regulating the Decency of Baptism, but they are not very important.

There was not so much jangling amongst the Canonists a­bout Reformation, as had been among the Di­vines [Page 154]concerning the matter of Doctrine; and yet they had much adoe to agree about the gratuitous way of administring the Sacraments. The rigider sort would not have had it allowed to the Church-men to accept of any Present, Alms or voluntary Offering, under pretence of any contrary Custome, and pressed hard these words of the Gospel, freely have ye re­ceived, freely give: they added many Canons denouncing Anathema's out of the ancient Councils, against that kind of Simony. The Cardinal di Monte who otherways was not ve­ry zealous for Reformation powerfully backt that Party: But others more remiss maintai­ned that voluntary Offerings might be taken; they produced for themselves a Canon of the fourth Council of Carthage, which allows the taking of what is offered by him that brings a Child to be baptised; above all they defended their Cause by the sixty sixth Chapter of the fourth Council of Lateran held under Innocent the third, which permits it as a laudable Custome to give Offerings at the Administration of the Sacraments. The Cardinal di Monte made an­swer that that sixty sixth Chapter of the fourth Council of Lateran, ought to be understood of Offerings that have been always setled in the Church, as Tithes, first Fruits and Offe­rings that are made at the Altar; and because they could not agree upon the matter, they referred it to a general Congregation, but the same difficulties hindred the Conclusion of that Point there also.

In the general Congregation they had much adoe to agree about the form of the Decrees concerning the Doctrine of the Sacraments. [Page 155]At length they framed fourteen Canons with Anathema's concerning the Doctrine of the Sacraments in general, ten about that of Bap­tism; and three concerning that of Confirma­tion. The Divines desired that besides the Anathema's Chapters might be drawn up, as had been done in the point of Justification, for publishing and declaring the Doctrine of the Church. But they found it to be a very difficult matter, by reason of the diversity of opinions. They could not be so fortunate in this as they had been in the preceding Session, when they found Ambiguous Terms that gave content to all; for on the present Subject they could not hit upon Terms which did not cross either one side or other; and that they had no mind to do, being willing to please all Parties. So that the Council resolved to rest satisfied with Anathema's; and that opinion prevailed the rather, because the contrary was very ju­diciously opposed by Giovanni Baptista Cigale Bishop of Albinga, who told them that never any man had forsaken his opinion because it had been condemned, and that though all Catholicks do profess that they will refer themselves to the judg­ment of the Church, nevertheless they do not do so; but more obstinately defend their opinion, when once it is condemned. The Protesta­tions, said he, that the Doctors make of sub­mitting to the judgment of the Church, are but Complements and terms of Civility, which are not so to be abused, as to be taken literal­ly; they are to be answered by a civil con­duct and charitable deportment. Every one was convinced of the truth of this in their own Consciences, and therefore they yielded [Page 156]to that reason. So that there was no decision made touching the questions in controversie amongst the Catholicks themselves, that they might not condemn any, nor give occasion to a spirit of Defection. The Legates acquain­ted the Pope with all these difficulties, and whilst they expected an answer, they fell to treat of other matters. In the Congregation of the twenty fifth of January the business of Reformation was proposed, they came to speak of the remisness of Bishops in the discharge of their Duties; and the Legates who were not vexed to see the blame laid at the Bishops doors, and that they were look'd upon as the cause of all the disorders, opposed nothing that was moved upon that Subject; so the Prelates sported themselves with an imaginary liberty in declaming against themselves. Giovanni Sa­lazar Bishop of Lanciano was not so patiently heard; because he attributed the source of all the evils to the abuses of the Court of Rome; however he was suffered to speak. But Cor­nelius Muis Bishop of Bitonto, that spoke next, refuted him, and made it appear that the dis­orders proceeded from Kings who had the no­mination to Bishopricks.

The abuse of the Plurality of Benefices, and its vari­ous sources.From this they went on to that thorny mat­ter about Plurality of Benefices which was a hinderance to Residence; because a Prelate who had two Bishopricks could not be in two places. This Plurality of Benefices was in­troduced three manner of ways. First, under pretext that one Benefice alone was not enough for the maintainance of a Minister at the Al­tar, more were given him, and Benefices were distinguished into Compatible and Incompatible. [Page 157]The Compatible are such as do not oblige to Re­sidence, and have not the cure of Souls; the Incompatible are those that bind to Residence. Though in the beginning they might make some scruple of annexing Incompatible Benefi­ces, yet they made none in joyning those that were called Compatible. Now the sufficiency of a Benefice was reckoned according to the quality of the Incumbent; for as a Gentleman or a Lord could not subsist at so easie a rate as an ordinary man, so they allotted him more Compatible Benefices according to the Character he bore of Abbot, Bishop or Cardinal. The second cause of the multiplication of Benefices are Commendums. Heretofore when a Benefice was vacant, and for some reason, as of Plague or War, it was not possible to proceed so soon to the Election of a Successour, he that had the right of Patronage recommended the care of the Benefice to some Person with whose prudence he was well satisfied; during the time of the vacancy this Commendatary recei­ved the Fruits, and was accountable for them. But in progress of time, it came to pass that under divers pretexts the Commendataries dispo­sed of the Revenues of the Benefice, and re­tarded as much as lay in their power the Elec­tion of him who ought to possess the Benefice in Title. To put a stop to these disorders, it was ordained that these Commendums should not continue above six Months. But the Popes began quickly to grant them for much longer time, and at length granted them for Life, giving liberty to the Commendataries to enjoy the Profits during Life. By this means a man could enjoy but one Benefice in Title, but he [Page 158]might possess several in Commendum: and even Bishopricks and smaller Cures were thus be­stowed. This was a very great abuse, at which the Adherents of Luther complained much; but the Court of Rome were so far from being ashamed of this abuse, that they shew'd a pro­digious instance of it, at the very same time when the Lutherans most fiercely declamed against the corruptions of the Church, and that was in the year 1534. when Clement VII. gave all the Benefices in Christendom in Com­mendum to his Nephew Hippolito de Medicis for six Months, to count from the day that he took possession of them, with Power to take up all the Rents, and to apply them to his proper use. In a word, the last way of eva­ding the Canons which prohibited Plurality of Benefices, was the Annexing of Benefices. The Pope was wont to cast together forty or fifty Benefices, and though they were in seve­ral Kingdoms, yet that was reckoned but the enjoying of one Benefice according to the Ca­nons, because of many Benefices they had made but one. But lest this Union of Bene­fices might in progress of time lessen the num­ber of Livings, it was appointed to last no longer than the Life of the Incumbent, in whose favour it had been granted; and that by his Death the Benefices should be reputed ipso facto disunited. There was a necessity of abolishing these three abuses for hindring the Plurality of Benefices: and the Prelates as to that, gave their opinions with a great deal of liberty. They spared not the Cardinals who possessed several Bishopricks, nor the Court of Rome that by Dispensations favoured that cor­ruption. [Page 159]The Legates who feared that the matter might be pusht on too far, seconded the overture that was made by the Bishop of Albinga, of referring it to the Pope. They said that it was a matter that principally con­cerned the Court of Rome, and that it would be a disgrace to the Pope to be thought incapa­ble of Reforming his own Court. The Le­gates wrote immediately to Rome about it, and the Pope gladly received the proposition. He removed to Rome the whole affair of that Re­formation, by a Bull; but the Legates durst not shew it, because it was too ample, the Pope therein taking too much Authority to himself, and because the Bishops also who see­med to consent to that Reference, opposed it. The Spanish Bishops were so far from the opi­nion of referring the matter to Rome, The Spanish Bishops vigo­rously bestir themselves for a Reforma­tion; but with­out success. that they themselves undertook to give a model of that Reformation. They drew up a censure in writing, which contained eleven Articles for a very strict Reformation; as for regulating the exactness that ought to be had in the examina­tion of Bishops and Curates when they were to be preferred to Churches, for obliging Car­dinal Bishops to reside at least six Months in their Bishopricks, for declaring Residence to be of Divine right, for preventing that into­lerable abuse that one man should enjoy seve­ral Cathedral Churches, for obliging the Car­dinals themselves to resign all they had but one, which they might enjoy, for prohibiting those Unions of Benefices for Life, for rescinding and annulling all Dispensations obtained or to be obtained from the Court of Rome without lawfull cause, and for giving the Ordinaries [Page 160]power of judging the Validity of the cause for which the Dispensation had been obtained. This was signed by twenty Bishops, and by Cardinal Pacieco. The attempt surprized the Legates, because of the boldness of the pro­positions, and that the Bishops had adventured to assemble themselves without their permis­sion. These Articles were sent to Rome, and at the same time the Cardinal di Monte wrote that it was his advice, that that Enterprize ought to be withstood without the least con­descension; adding withall that it would be convenient to make some Reformation at Rome, to stop the Mouth of the Council. But above all things the Legates urged, that the Ita­lian Bishops who were retired to keep Lent at home in their own Churches, should forth­with be sent back to Trent. The Pope followed that advice, and gave order to his Nuncio at Venice to oblige the Italian Bishops who passed by Venice, or who were there still, to return with all speed to Trent, that they might make head against the Spaniards. At the same time he called a Congregation of the Deputies at Rome for examining the Writing. That Con­gregation was not wholly of Cardinal di Mon­te's opinion, they thought it not fit to break with the Spanish Prelates, nor peremptorily to refuse all that they demanded. They thought it sufficient by answering every Article, to elude all their demands, and in effect, they made a project of answers to be made to them, wherein, to speak the truth, they shewed an Address becoming the Court of Rome: the Me­moires of it were sent to the Cardinal di Monte, & the Pope committed the management of that [Page 161]Affair to the Prudence of the Legates, and of those who were stiled the well affected, whom the Protestants named the slaves of the See of Rome; he gave them power either absolutely to reject the demands of the Spaniards, or to make use of the qualifications which he sent them; according as occasion proved more or less favourable.

The Pope fear­ing the Spa­niards, resolves to remove the Council to Bologna.The Court of Rome made great reflexions upon that attempt of the Spaniards, and the Pope began to dread a Combination betwixt them and the Germans; so that not thinking his Authority safe enough in the Zeal of the Legates, and the Recruit of the Italians whom he had sent to the Council, he resolved to re­move the Council unto a Town where he might neither stand in awe of the Emperour, nor of the Bishops of Spain, and to that pur­pose cast his eyes upon the City of Bologna. But he was not willing to do it of himself; but thought it more proper to have it done by his Legates; to the end that if the matter suc­ceeded not, all the disgrace might fall upon them, and that he himself might onely divide with them the trouble of the disappointment; for that end he sent them a Bull, bearing date the fifteenth of February, 1547. but which was very well known to have been made two years before; by that Bull he gave them full power to remove the Council whithersoever they should think fit, but at the same time sent or­ders that they should not mention the Transla­tion till the ensuing Session were over. Whilst these resolutions were on foot at Rome, the Cardinal di Monte plaid his part: he sounded the tempers, gained some by promises, and [Page 162]drew others over by divers ways, that so he might defeat the designs of the Spaniards; and indeed, it cost him not much pains to accom­plish his aim. So that in the following Con­gregations the Spaniards were baulked, and could not obtain the handling of the point which they chiefly desired, that is, the Divine right of Residence. They spoke to it, indeed, with great freedom, and a Spanish Monk called Bartholomè di Carranza who was afterwards Bishop of Toledo, took the boldness to say, that the opinion which held that Residence was onely of Papal right, was Diabolical. The Cardinal di Santa Croce was of the mind that according to the Memoires sent from the Con­gregation of Rome; something should be gran­ted them: but the Legate di Monte stood his ground and carried it, that no satisfaction should be given them. At length the Legates framed the Decree of Reformation, containing fifteen Chapters, and proposed it to a general Congregation. It should have seemed that by that Decree, there had been a design of in­dulging somewhat to those who demanded a Reformation, and especially as to the Plura­lity of Benefices; but in the main there was nothing less, because to that Article, and to all the rest, it was always added, saving in all things the Authority of the holy See; which rendred all the promises of Reformation use­less, because the Pope continued still absolute Master of all The Spaniards, and particularly the Bishop of Badajox found fault with it, would have had that clause left out, and that the Pope should not have the power to dis­pense against the Canons: But it was to no [Page 163]purpose for them to protest and declare against it, it must needs go so. They urged that the Cardinals might be expresly named in the prohibition of possessing several Benefices; but that as all the rest was refused them. These Decrees, which seemed to rectifie the abuse concerning the Plurality of Benefices, approved nevertheless a certain constitution of Innocent III. called de Multa, which condemning the Plurality of Benefices, does notwithstanding permit it, provided one have a Dispensation from Rome. This, to speak properly, is to do nothing at all, for what is prohibited in shew, is in effect permitted by the benefit of Dispensa­tions. The Spaniards withstood this, desiring that the Pope might not have power to give Dispensations for possessing several Benefices: But the Plurality of Votes gained by the Le­gates, were for approving of the Decrees. The Reformation of abuses about the admini­stration of the Sacraments was put off to ano­ther Session, because the matter had not been sufficiently examined.

session 7 All things being in readiness, the seventh Session was held on the third of March. Ca­riolano Martirano Bishop of St. Mark, was to have made the Sermon; but he would not, be­cause being one of those who had pressed the Reformation, and the point of the Divine right of Residence, he had been sharply taken up in the Congregation, and therefore would not appear at the Session to say a Placet to a thing that did not at all please him; nor in­deed was it safe for him publickly to oppose the Decrees in a Session. He therefore pre­tended sickness; but none of all those learned [Page 164]men that made up the Council was in a con­dition to step up into the Pulpit for him, though they had had some hours notice before­hand to prepare themselves: so that there was no Sermon. On the matter of the Sacraments in general, fourteen Anathema's were pro­nounced; seventeen concerning Baptism, and three about Confirmation, which may be seen in the Decrees of the Council. Afterwards the Decree of Reformation, containing fifteen Articles was read. According to the model of the Legates, it was ordained that no man should be made a Bishop, but he that was be­got in lawfull Marriage, of mature Age, lear­ned, and of approved Life and Conversation; that one single man should not be capable of holding several Bishopricks neither in Title nor Commendum, nor by way of Union during life, and the same was appointed as to inferiour Benefices. There were also Orders made a­gainst the Licences de promovendo, made use of by the undeserving, for obtaining Orders from others than their own Bishops, to avoid being examined; there were likewise some against Exemptions whereby the Members of the Clergy declined the jurisdiction of their Or­dinaries. But all these things put together made but a very superficial Reformation: and what might otherways have been good was overthrown by the clause Salvâ authoritate sedis Apostolicae. The Bishops who had withstood it in the Congregations renewed their opposition in the Session,The Legates make a tran­slation of the Council, un­der pretext of bad Air. but with less heat, and as lit­tle success.

After the conclusion of the Session, the Courier who brought from Rome the Plenepo­tentiary [Page 165]Bull for removing the Council, arri­ved. The Legates kept it private, and accor­ding to the Pope's instructions sought for a specious pretext of removal. By good luck some distempers broke out at Trent, occasioned by the season of the year or the confluence of people; and next day a Bishop died. The Physicians were hereupon consulted, and espe­cially Gieronimo Fracastorio, who had the Title of Physician to the Council. These Gentle­men gave out what they had orders to say: the report was presently spread abroad upon this, that the Plague was in the Town, that the City of Verona was about to prohibit all commerce with Trent, and all the Prelates be­gan to prepare to be gone. In fine, the Le­gates having managed the matter with singu­lar Artifice, finding that it was now time to declare themselves, called a Congregation and intreated the Prelates to take their measures as to the inconvenience that threatned them. On the ninth of March the Attestation of the Physicians was publickly read: and the most timorous, and those who were in the Plot pro­tested that they would be gone. At length, after many Proposals of remedies to the mis­chief, Cardinal di Monte proposed the Transla­tion, telling them that he had power to do it. The Imperialists and Spaniards began to smell out the trick, and upon the spot made answer that the distemper was not yet so great, as to break up an Assembly of that Importance, or to remove it to any other place, that those who were most afraid might have liberty to be gone, and that the next Session might be put off for some Months. The Imperialists being [Page 166]come out informed themselves of the truth of the report that was spread abroad concerning the Contagion, and found it to be a mere contrivance of the Legates. Next day, being the tenth of March another Congregation was held upon the same Subject: and the Cardinal di Monte proposed the City of Bologna as a place whither the Council might be removed. The Imperialists opposed it again; but to no purpose; the translation was resolved upon, and the Decree for it drawn up. The day following, the eleventh of March the eighth Session was held, wherein the Decree of the translation of the Council to Bologna was read. Thirty five Bishops and three Generals of Or­ders consented to it; but Cardinal Pacieco and seventeen Bishops subject to the Emperour were against it.

session 8 The Legates followed by their Party imme­diately departed with the Cross carried before them, and singing Litanies. The Imperialists remained at Trent by command of the Ambas­sadour, untill they had Orders from the Impe­rial Court. Eight Bishops or more were gone before the Session: so that in all there was not above threescore Bishops in the Council, as there had not been in that which was held un­der Julius III. In both there were not ma­ny Bishops of Germany, fewer French, and none of Poland, nor of the other States of Christendom; for the Prelates were almost all Italian and Spanish. Wherefore this As­sembly had not at all the countenance of a General Council; which ought to be com­posed of a great number of Bishops from all Parts of the Christian World. To be short, [Page 167]this accident opened the eyes of the most prejudiced, and made it appear how much the Council was enslaved, since that upon the first glimpse of an apparent Liberty, it was transported into a Town of the Eccle­siastick State, where it could easily be made sure of. The Emperour was extrernely trou­bled to find himself slighted to that degree as to see an Action of that Importance done without his consent. Francis the first of France never heard of the News; for he died at Rambouillet the one and twentieth of the same Month of March, and Henry the Second suc­ceeded him.

PAUL III.

THE Bishops that staid at Trent recei­ved Orders from the Emperour not to goe to Bologna: and those of Bo­logna used great endeavours to bring them over, but they could not prevail with any, except Galeatio Florimante Bishop of Aquila. They wrote to and fro to one another; those of Bologna styling their Assembly, Sancta Synodus Bononiensis, the holy Council of Bolog­na; and the others at Trent calling theirs Sancta Synodus in quocunque sit loco, the holy Council in what place soever it be.

session 9 The first at Bologna.The one and twentieth of April the ninth Session was held, which was the first at Bologna, wherein there was nothing done but onely the Confirmation of the Council. It was also a­greed upon that they should write to the Bi­shops [Page 169]who continued at Trent, to signifie to them that they could not be reputed an Ec­clesiastick body, and that their separation gave a very great Scandal. The Prelates at Trent did not like this Letter; however they thought it not fit to make answer to it, for fear of bree­ding ill Bloud; nor did they engage in any Synodal act, lest it might occasion a Schism.

A great Vic­tory obtained by the Empe­rour against the Prote­stants. The Electour of Saxony is ta­ken, condera­ned to death, and afterward to perpetual Imprisonment, and deprived of his Elector­ship.At the same time the Emperour was succesfull in his Attempts against the Protestants in Germany; the twenty fourth of April he fought a Battel on the Elbe, wherein the Army of the Saxons was worsted, and the Electour of Saxo­ny wounded and taken. Afterward the Em­perour condemned him to lose his head; but the sentence was not put in execution, onely the Electour was kept Prisoner, and the Elec­tourship transferred to the Branch of Maurice of Saxony his Cosin. The Landgrave of Hesse was also made Prisoner; but by a base peice of trea­chery which sullied the Honour of the Victory, that poor Prince was deceived by the Empe­rour, to whom he had surrendred himself up­on promise of life and the preservation of his liberty and goods; but not a tittle of the pro­mise given him, was made good. He left the place whither he had retreated for safety, came into Saxony, begg'd the Emperour's pardon, and was the same day made Prisoner; so that Charles remained absolute Master of all Germa­ny. This great success gave jealousie to the Pope, and obliged him to renew his Alliances with the King of France, Henry II. He sent his Legate the Cardinal of St. George into France, who treated with Henry, and obtained of him Diana his natural Daughter, whom he had by [Page 170]the famous Diana of Poictiers, for Horatio Far­nese his Nephew; and pressed him hard to send his Bishops to Bologna. Charles in the midst of his Victories did not neglect those things which might procure him the Reputa­tion of a Religious Prince, and at the same time mortifie the Protestants; wherefore Don Pedro de Toledo Viceroy of Naples by Orders from him attempted the setling of the In­quisition in that Kingdom; and this caused a very great sedition, the Spaniards were forced to flie into the Castle, and were not able to establish the Inquisition; but they punished a considerable number of the Seditious.

session 10 During these Accidents, the Fathers who were assembled at Bologna knew not how to employ their time: the number of Prelates and Divines was too small, and they onely held Congregations for formality sake. The matter of the Eucharist was started there, but nothing concluded about it. The second of June, Tenth Session, the second at Bologna. was held the tenth Session, which is the second at Bologna, wherein all that was done was to Prorogue it untill the fifteenth of Sep­tember: the tenth of the same month of June Pietro Aloisio Farnese Duke of Piacenza and Nephew to the Pope, a man of an enormous life was by some Gentlemen assassinated in his own Palace, and immediately after Ferrante Gonzaga Governour of Milan seized the City of Piacenza in the Emperour's Name. This accident put the Court of Rome into so great disorder, that all thoughts of a Council were laid aside. So that the day of the Session draw­ing nigh, the Cardinal di Monte called together the Prelates that were about him, and orde­red [Page 171]a Prorogation of the next Session untill such time as the Council should think fit to hold it.

A Diet at Ausbourg wherein the Protestants promise to sub­mit to the Council.About the end of August the Emperour held a Diet at Ausbourg, having a great Army ly­ing round the Town, part of which he put into the place. And now he thought it time to get the Catholick Prelates to write to the Pope to solicite the restitution of the Council at Trent, for which purpose he wrote very earnestly himself. Cardinal Sfondrato the Pope's Legate at this Diet at Ausbourg pressed the Emperour on the other hand to admit of the Translation, plying him with vain hopes of conquering the Kingdom of England, which was fallen into Heresie, and was governed onely by a Child. The Emperour would not swallow that bait, but persisted, and sent Ma­druccio Cardinal of Trent to Rome to press the re-establishment of the Council at Trent. At the same time having the Power in his hands, he obliged the Protestant Princes and Towns to promise to submit to the Council, upon large assurances which he gave them that they should receive all kind of satisfaction. The favours which Maurice had freshly received from the Emperour, who had invested him in the Electorate whereof Prince Frederick had been dispossessed, the fear of his arms, and his promises wrought upon the Protestants to make that false step, which yet produced no bad effects for their party in the end. Onely the Electour Frederic, a Prisoner stript of all, could neither be moved by Prayers nor Threats. The Cardinal of Trent at Rome used all possi­ble diligence to obtain the re-establishment of [Page 172]the Council at Trent. On the ninth of De­cember he moved it in a full College of Cardi­nals, and prosecuted the same in private Con­ferences, but nothing was to be obtained: and therefore he left the Negotiation to Don Diego de Mendoza Ambassadour in ordinary. This man followed it close; and spoke pub­lickly of the matter in a solemn Consistory, which the Pope had called for conferring a Hat on the Cardinal of Guise, who was then present. The new created Cardinal made a long discourse, which was not favourable to the Imperialists; for though he did not formal­ly oppose what Don Diego had said, yet he did pretty well insinuate, that the holy See might on this occasion expect from France all kind of assistance against the Imperialists. And, in effect, Henry the II. in the sequel, not onely approved the Translation of the Council, but hindered the Pope from giving any satisfacti­on to the Emperour as to that point, to the end he might set them at variance. The Pope finding himself hard put to it, pretended that he would know what was the opinion of the Prelates assembled at Bologna: He therefore wrote to them, and received their answer ac­cording as he had concerted the matter with them; which was, that it was inconsistent with the Dignity of the Council to return to Trent, that it was necessary that the Prelates which remained at Trent should first rejoyn the body at Bologna, and that then they would consult what was fittest to be done, but that it was not reasonable that the grea­ter number should give way to the lesser. The Pope signified this answer to Don Diego, ap­proving [Page 173]and ratifying the same: and he on the other hand was just about to make a De­claration against the Assembly at Bologna to declare it unlawfull, and to protest that all that should be done there should be null and of none effect, had he not been hindered by Cardinal di Trani Dean of the sacred College; so that for that time he thought it was enough to inform the Emperour of what had past. At the same time the Pope made an answer to the Letter which he had received from the Church-men of the Diet at Ausbourg, gave them good words, but in the main refused the re-establishment of the Council at Trent, and sent them a Copy of the Letter of the Fathers of Bologna. The Emperour having learnt the Pope's final resolution, sent to Bologna Francis­co de Vargas and Martino Velasco, who appeared before the Fathers of Bologna the sixteenth of January with a Letter from the Emperour bearing this superscription Conventui Patrum Bononiae; this Title offended the Assembly, and Cardinal di Monte interrupted de Vargas, telling him that though the Council was not obliged to hear him, since the Letter gave not the Council the Title which belonged to them, yet they would without prejudice give him Audience. Vargas spoke smartly to per­swade them to return to Trent: But the Car­dinal Legate answered proudly, that he was President of the sacred Council, Legate of Paul III. the Vicar of Jesus Christ, that he declared the Council to have been lawfully transferred, and that no threatnings could hinder him from continuing it. On the con­trary he threatned the Emperour, that if he [Page 174]endeavoured to obstruct it, he should incur the Penalties imposed by the Canons. Upon that Answer Velasco read the Protestation where­with he was charged, which in the end came to this,The Emperour protests at Rome, and at Bologna a­gainst the Pope and his Council of Bo­logna. that the Translation of the Council was null and unlawfull, with all that had fol­lowed or might follow thereupon, declaring that the Answer which the Pope and they had given was fraudulent and illusory, and that the Emperour should not be obliged to answer for the Mischiefs that might arise from that matter. Mendoza likewise on the other side having kneeled down in a full Consistory made the same Protestation to the Pope: and having turned towards the Cardinals, and protested also against them, he withdrew leaving the Paper which he had read behind him. This blow did a little amaze the Pope, but he quickly came to himself again, the Roman Policy was not at a stand in this Junc­ture; they saw that matters would not long subsist in the Biass that was taken. And there­fore with a Sovereign and matchless Piece of Policy the Pope resolved to bring that affair about another way; he well perceived that by that Act of Protestation, he himself was brought in as a Party; and that was an evi­dent prejudice to the Character of a supreme Judge who can be judged by no man, which he claims as his Right. He therfore pretended to have understood that that Protestation was not made against him, but against the Council; and in a Consistory held the first of February 1548, he made answer to Mendoza, that in quali­ty of Judge he was very willing to take Cogni­sance of that Controversie which the Empe­rour [Page 175]had with the Council of Bologna, that he removed the Cause to his own Judgment, and that he had named four Cardinals, Paris, Burgos, Pool & Crescencio, to make a Report to him about it; but that was accompanied with long Com­plaints against that violent way of procedure, which was never used but by those who had shaken off the Yoke of Obedience. The Im­perialists set light by that distinction, they would not run into the noose, and Mendoza declared that he had Orders to make the Prote­station in the form wherein it had been made.

year 1548 In effect the Pope did all he could to make himself Judge of that affair, that so he might not be looked upon as a Party. He wrote to the Bishops at Trent, that he was ready to hear them; he discharged those of Bologna from entring upon any Synodal action, untill the Process should be decided. The Bishops at Trent answered cunningly to the Pope's Remonstrances, insisted with him to remit the Council to Trent, and accepted not of the Of­fer which the Pope made of judging in that matter. The Bishops at Bologna were acquain­ted with the Letter, that came from Trent: they examined the Articles of it, and made answer to them: And then as if the Process had been sufficiently stated, they pressed the Pope to give Judgment. But he durst not, be­cause no body appeared to plead the cause of those of Trent: and besides that, he had no mind to clash any more with the Emperour, out of whose hands he would willingly have got Piacenza. He therefore bestirred himself with all imaginable care to obtain that place to be again restored to his Family, but the [Page 176]Emperour refused to give it back. This put the Pope into a Passion, and made him threa­ten to excommunicate those that held it. But Charles was not much concerned at these Me­naces: he briskly answered the Pope, that his Conduct did infinitely displease him, and that he should take notice, that he could no longer suffer the Calumnies which the Court of Rome spread abroad of him, as if he intended to make a Schism in the Church because he de­manded the re-establishment of the Council at Trent: that as to the City of Piacenza, it was a Town of the Dutchy of Milan, which the Popes had unjustly invaded within a few years; that if the Church had any Right to it, he should make it out, and that he would doe him Justice. The Pope essayed to cut out work for the Emperour by means of the Venetians and French: but he found them in no disposition to it; for he being now upwards of fourscore Years of Age, it could not be expected that a League with him could either be succesfull, or of long Conti­nuance; and besides his own interest being deeply concerned, he was not willing to fur­nish the necessary expence for the War, nor to part from such sums of money as he needs must lay out to make any considerable Levies amongst the Venetians.

The Emperour makes the In­terim, and a Decree of Re­formation at the Diet of Ausbourg.These misunderstandings and clashings ha­ving put the Emperour out of all hopes of bringing back the Council to Trent, he took pretty odd measures at the Diet of Ausbourg. He resolved to regulate the Affairs of Religion himself; and for that end he named three Di­vines, Julius Phlug, Michael Helding Titular [Page 177]Bishop of Sidon, and Johannes Agricola of Islebe, by whose means he framed a certain Formula­ry of Faith about all matters of Religion; to which he would oblige all the People of Ger­many to submit, untill the Council should de­fine them; and therefore that famous Piece was called the Interim. It contained thirty five Chapters; wherein they endeavoured to qualifie those Doctrines of the Church of Rome, which most offended the Protestants; as for instance, the Marriage of Priests was thereby allowed, the Communion in both kinds granted: the Sacrifice of the Mass was not called Propitiatory; Liberty was allowed to cut off such Ceremonies as tended to super­stition: the Pope was onely acknowledged head of the Church for Union sake, and for preventing of Schism; and the power of Bi­shops was declared of Divine right.

When this Work came to Rome, it met with many Opponents: most part were of opinion that it ought to be opposed by the most vio­lent means and strongest Antidotes, not onely because it was an unparallel'd undertaking for a secular Prince to meddle in settling the Af­fairs of Religion, but also because the Catho­lick Religion was notoriously wounded by that Interim. But the Pope saw farther than all the rest; he smelt out what happened, that the Emperour had fallen upon the way of making both Parties against him: and therefore he dissembled the dissatisfaction which he concei­ved at that attempt; ordered his Legate at Ausbourg to make but a slight opposition to it, and then to depart, that he might not be pre­sent at the publication of the Interim; giving [Page 178]him instructions, in the mean time, to sow Seeds of Jealousie betwixt the German Pre­lates and the Emperour; and to alarm the Protestants, by insinuating to them, that it was onely an invention to oppress their Liber­ty and Conscience, and that it was no snare laid for the Catholicks, of whose faith the Em­perour could not make himself Judge. The fifteenth of May that Book was read in pre­sence of the Assembly; and no body durst contradict it, though all were displeased. None but the Electour of Mentz spoke, and thanked the Emperour of his own head, without any Commission from the rest: and the Emperour seemed to accept of those thanks as a general approbation. Farthermore, on the fourteenth of June following, Charles caused a Decree of Reformation to be published, containing two and twenty Chapters, and about one hundred and thirty Ordinances, for the Reformation of the Clergy, against the Plurality of Benefices, concerning the Duty of Preachers, the Cere­monies of the Sacraments and their Admini­stration, concerning Discipline, the Clergy, Schools, Universities, Councils, Excommunica­tion, &c. and very good Regulations were made in all these particulars: but that Piece was as ill taken at Rome as the Interim: not onely because these Regulations did in no wise jump with the interest of that Court; but al­so because it is a fundamental Law at Rome, that no Secular has any right of giving Laws to Church-men. Nevertheless that Piece of Tyranny was born with, because it could not be helped. At the same time an Act past in the Diet commanding Provincial and Diocesan [Page 179]Synods to be held yearly, for settling the De­cree of Reformation. The Diet ended the last day of June, and the Edict was published wherein the Emperour engaged himself to procure the Council to be continued at Trent.

Much oppositi­on made to the Establishment of the Interim.After that, Charles set about the Execution of the Interim; but was almost every where opposed by the Protestants. Frederick Duke of Saxony though a Prisoner refused to submit to it, and a little Town in Germany made, up­on that occasion, a Remonstrance which de­serves to be transmitted to Posterity. If our Lives and Fortunes belong to you, said they, suffer our Conscience at least to be God's. If you were perswaded of the truth of this form of faith, it would be a powerfull Motive to make us embrace it. But seeing you your self look upon it as false, why would you have us receive it as true? For, the truth is, the Em­perour had no design to perswade the World that he himself had renounced the Doctrines of the Church of Rome, which he had either impaired or qualified in his Interim. On the contrary in the Preface, he prohibited all those who had till then continued in the Roman Communion, to make any alteration in Doc­trine or Ceremonies. Though this opposition was pretty general, yet some consented to ad­mit of that Interim, or at least pretended to do so: But the City of Magdebourg did formally reject it, and in such a slighting way too, as obliged the Emperour to declare them Rebels, and make War against them. They main­tained that War a long time, and obstinately refused to surrender. The Emperour had like­wise [Page 180]expresly commanded that no man should write against the Interim, and nevertheless, a whole swarm of writings came forth against that Book, both from Protestants and Roman Catholicks.

Francisco Romeo General of the Jacobins by command of the Pope assembled the most Learned of his Order, and caused a smart Re­futation of it to be made. It had the ill luck also to stir up division amongst the Protestants of Germany, that is to say, betwixt those who had admitted of it, and those who would not, and divided them into two Sects; for they who in compliance with the Emperour had allowed the re-establishment of the ancient Ceremonies, in that justified their own Pro­ceedings, maintaining Ceremonies to be things indifferent. But the rest objected that weak­ness to them as a great Crime, and separated themselves from them, calling them the Indif­ferent, or Adiaphorists.

The Execution of the Edict of Reformation which the Emperour had made, caused as great troubles; for the German Prelates who stuck fastest to the Pope, desired that at least, he might have some hand in the business: and therefore the Emperour at their Solicitation acquainted the Pope with all that he had done, and prayed him to send Legates to joyn with him in his design of Reforming the Church of Germany. The Pope had it least in his thoughts to become the Executor of the Orders of an Emperour, whom he looked upon as an Usur­per of his Rights. Nevertheless, that he might not absolutely break with the Germans who he feared might make a general revolt, and [Page 181]lest in imitation of Henry the Eighth, King of England, Charles might declare himself Head of the Church, he resolved to send two Le­gates, not for executing the Edict of Reforma­tion, but to give Absolution to the. Lutherans who should return into the Bosome of the Church; with power to grant all manner of Dispensations, even as far as to allow the Communion in both kinds to those who would confess that the Church doth not err in prohibiting it. He gave them likewise Autho­rity to abrogate some of the Ceremonies of the Church, and to remit somewhat of the ancient Discipline. He empowred them not onely to absolve Seculars, Princes and Towns, but also Apostate Monks who had left their Monasteries; allowing them to live abroad in the World, provided that under the habit of Secular Priests, they should wear that of Re­gulars. This last seemed a pretty odd kind of an Order, and a Mystery that no body could tell what to make of. He caused Copies of this Bull to be dispersed, that so he might thwart the Edict of Charles, and retreive the possession of the power of Reforming Manners and Doctrine which the Emperour would have in­vaded. In execution of the Emperour's Edict, some Provincial Synods were held in Germany. The Archbishop of Cologne called one, where­in some good Acts were made concerning Dis­cipline, which were approved by Charles the Fifth; but no mention at all of matters of Faith. The Electour of Mentz observed not the same measures; for in his Synod he made eight and forty Decrees about matters of Faith, and fifty six concerning the Reformation [Page 182]of Discipline. In things that had been deci­ded he followed the Council of Trent, and in the rest, the most received opinions of the School-men: except in the point of Images, where he declared that Images are onely ap­pointed for bare Commemoration, and not for objects of Devotion; and in that of Saints, where he asserts that the honour due to Saints is an honour of Society and Dilection, and not a Religious Worship. The Nuncio's who were named in the year 1548. set not forward on their Journey to Germany untill the year 1549.year 1549 but they met with no extraordinary reception in the places through which they passed. They went to wait on the Emperour in the Low-Countries, and because they found that their stay in Germany was to no purpose, they took the Emperour's Counsel, which was to substitute Bishops in their place to see to the execution of the Bull, according as they had power to do. This substitution then was made, but it signified nothing, for the Catholicks who persisted in their obedience, would not make use of the Indulgence which the Bull allowed, and the Protestants on the other hand, would hold nothing from the Pope's Liberality.

JULIUS III.

Paul III dies. Giovanni Ma­ria di Monte is chosen in his place, and takes the Name of Julius III.The same year 1549. on the seventh of No­vember, Pope Paul the Third died. And im­mediately upon the news, the Cardinal di Monte left Bologna, and so the remnant of that Coun­cil was dispersed. It is the custome to enter into the Conclave for election of a new Pope the tenth day after the death of the former, because the Ceremonies of the Funeral last nine days: but because many were absent they entred not before the twenty eighth of [Page 183] year 1549 the Month. Notwithstanding this delay, Car­dinal Pacieco, Head of the Prelates who conti­nued at Trent, came not before the Conclave was shut up, because he had expected the Em­perour's Orders which were long a coming. The Conclave was divided into three Factions, the French, the German, and that of the Far­neses. The French were for Cardinal Salviati, the Imperialists for Cardinal Pool, and the Farneses for one of the Creatures of their Uncle. None of the Factions was strong enough to carry it over the rest; but at length, after they had been shut up in the Conclave ten or eleven weeks, the Farneses having joyned with the French, they concluded to chuse Cardinal Giovanni Maria di Monte, who had been Le­gate President at Trent and Bologna. The Im­perialists who could not hinder, seemed to give way to it, and to concur with the Farneses. He was therefore chosen the eighth of February, and Crowned the three and twentieth: Im­mediately after his Election he was sworn to continue the Council, as it had been agreed upon amongst the Cardinals; and on the twenty fourth he took the name of Julius III. He performed the Ceremony of opening the Golden Gate, a Ceremony commonly used on Christmas-Eve at the opening of the Ju­bile.

The Emperour immediately dispatched Luigi Davila to Rome with Orders, so soon as he had made the usual Complements to the Pope upon his Promotion, to solicite the re-establish­ment of the Council. The Pope made an­swer in an ambiguous manner, and gave Car­dinal Pacieco some grounds to hope, that he [Page 184]would not be against the restitution of the Council, provided that it might onely serve for the ruine of Hereticks, and not for over­throwing the Authority of the holy See. What difficulties soever he made as to that; yet they quickly began to have hopes of over­coming them, because after his exaltation he gave himself wholly over to pleasure and ease. Don Diego de Mendoza wrote to the Emperour that the Pope grew effeminate in his pleasures, and that he would not retain vigour enough to resist those importunities that might create him trouble. Being raised to the height of Dignity, he thought himself no longer obli­ged to live under constraint, and therefore giving way to his inclinations he led a pretty easie and soft kind of a life. Nay, and in the very beginning of his Pontificate he committed an action which confirmed the suspicions that men had conceived, that his pleasures had been none of the most gentile and innocent. And that was, that when according to the custome, upon his exaltation to the Papacy he was to dispose of his Cardinals hat, he gave it to a man of so base extraction, that his name and family are still unknown in the World; all that could be said of him was, that he was born in the City of Piacenza. Giovanni Maria di Monte, who was then but Bishop of Siponto and Governour of Bologna, took that young boy into his Service, and had so great an af­fection for him, that he used him as if he had been his own Son. When he was Legate at Trent, this Favorite fell sick; he sent him to Verona for change of Air, and after he had re­covered, knowing what day he was to return, [Page 185]he carried his retinue with him out of Town, under pretext of a walk on the rode to Verona, where having met him, he received him with extraordinary Caresses: and, at length, when he was Pope, he obliged his Brother to adopt the Boy who was called Innocent, and so gave him the Name of Innocent di Monte, making him at the same time both his Nephew and Cardinal. Innocent love does not commonly goe so far.

The Emperour obtains the Council to be re-established in the City of Trent. Charles abating nothing of his instances for the re-establishment of the Council at Trent, the Pope was at length forced to take advice thereupon. The opinions were extremely dif­ferent according to the various Prospects that he and his Counsellers might have. The rea­sons which obliged Paul III to make that Translation were still in force, and Julius be­ing now Pope seemed to be more engaged to maintain it, because it had been a work of his own making whilst he was Cardinal. But on the other hand he did not find himself so well seated in his Chair as to be able to resist the shocks of those struglings that had given so much trouble to his Predecessour Paul III. though confirmed in the Papacy by a long Possession; he therefore resolved to yeild, but to keep a Decorum he would have it done in the usual Forms: and for that end he con­cealed his resolution; he called an Assembly of Cardinals and others, into which he purposely admitted many Imperialists and Spaniards, and referred himself to what they should think fit to resolve upon.

The Imperialists who followed their inclina­tions, and the favourers of the Court of Rome [Page 186]who knew the Pope's secret, concluded that the Council could not be called at Bologna, and that therefore it must be remitted to Trent. The reason that was given out for this, and to which Julius pretended to acquiesce, was, that the matter of the Translation having cau­sed a Process whereof Pope Paul III. had made himself Judge, Julius III. being now Pope could not be Judge in a controversie wherein a little before he was a Party, being Legate and Cardinal. So that he declared, that with his fortune he had changed his thoughts and interest, and that Pope Julius did not think himself obliged to maintain all that had been done by the Cardinal di Monte; he therefore resolved to run the risque of a Council, wherein notwithstanding he was much afraid that the Spaniards would attempt something contrary to his Authority: but as to that he used all the Caution and Circum­spection that he could, he got a promise from Charles that he would maintain the dignity of the holy See; which the Emperour gave with Complements that had, perhaps, more of Ci­vility than Sincerity. They were somewhat apprehensive at Rome that the Choice of the place would not please the King of France, because he had no reason to take it well to see a Council held in Germany, by reason of the Clashings that he had with the Emperour. Nevertheless Trivulcio Bishop of Tolon, the Nuncio sent about that affair, did so well ac­quit himself of the Commission that he had to manage the King of France, that he compassed his ends; he prevailed with him to accept of the Place, and engaged him to defend the [Page 187]Papal Authority, if the Imperialists should at­tempt the lessening of it.

year 1550 At the same time the Emperour held a Diet at Ausbourg, whither the Bishop of Siponto came to wait on him in name of the Pope, to bring him his consent to the return of the Council to Trent, and to demand some things of him. First, because that the place might be suspected by the French, that the Emperour would give that Nation all the security that might rea­sonably be demanded, to the end that they might send their Prelates to the Council; as he on his part had promised Henry, that the Council should make no Impeachments of the Liberties of the Gallicane Church. Secondly, that the Actions of the Council might be hasten­ed on, to lessen the great expence that the Pope was at during the sitting of it. Thirdly, that he would oblige the Protestants to sub­mit to it, and to receive the Decisions which had been already past therein. And in the fourth place that he would be pleased to take upon him the Care of maintaining the Authority of the holy See against the attempts of so many ill affected People. As to the first the Emperour answered that it was just that France should have all manner of satis­faction. To the second, that it was very rea­sonable that the Council should be employed in business so long as it continued. To the third, that in the last Diet he had obtained the consent of the Protestants to submit to the Council; but that it was not time to dis­course the Question, to wit, whether the things that have been decided might be reviewed or not, that that was more proper to be handled [Page 188]in the Council. And as to the last, his An­swer was, that he had always been the Pro­tectour of the Dignity of the holy See, and that he would still continue to be so. The Pope was not very well satisfied with the Answer to the third Article: For the Court of Rome was resolved never to consent that the mat­ters decided in the former Sessions should be again reviewed, and according to the Answer of Charles, the Pope was afraid that his design was to favour the Lutherans, who demanded the revising of the Decrees. But he dissembled his thoughts as to the answer, and acted as if that Article had been really concluded, and upon that foot formed the Bull of Convo­cation.

Charles continued the Diet at Ausbourg, and pressed the Protestants hard to confirm the promise, that they made him of submit­ting to the Council. But the Ambassadours of some Protestant Princes, and amongst o­thers, of the Electour of Saxony, declared that they could not submit to it, unless, these con­ditions were granted them.

• 1. That the De­crees which had been made at Trent might be reviewed.
• 2. That the Council should be free.
• 3. That the Protestant-Divines might have a Vote in it.
• 4. That the Pope should not preside therein.
• 5. That the Bishops should be freed from the Oath which they had taken to the Pope.

However the greatest part of the Protestants pretended to submit to the Council with less Limitation, because at that Diet as at the former the Emperour was in arms, and they had not liberty to speak what they thought. The Emperour had de­sired [Page 189]of the Pope that he would send him the Minute of the Bull of Convocation before he published it. But the Pope would not, as not thinking it consistent with his Dignity, nor the Character of Head of the Church to submit the Examination of Bulls before they were formed, to the Judgment and Censure of a Secular Prince. He sent it him dated, clo­sed up and sealed, but not as yet published.The Bull of Convocation was sent to the Emperour who did not pre­sently propose it to the Pro­testants be­cause it was too high and lofty. It was not presently communicated to the Pro­testants, because the Emperour thought that it would onely serve to incense them the more, seeing the Pope extremely magnified his Au­thority therein. He called himself the Vicar of Jesus Christ, and took solely to himself the power of calling and presiding in Councils. The Emperour used all the interest that he could at Rome with the Pope to make him al­ter it: but the Pope continued firm and in­flexible in his resolution, and fell even into a kind of Passion when the proposal was made to him. And that he might put a stop to the Suits and Importunities that were made to him about that affair; he published a Brief for the Publication and Confirmation of the Bull, causing both of them to be affixed on the Gates of the Churches of St. Peter and St. John of Lateran. The Emperour therefore, finding that he could obtain nothing, caused the Bull to be read in the Diet, where it pro­duced the very effects which he had fore­seen. The Protestants recalled their promise, and the Catholicks themselves condemned that haughty and lofty Conduct at so unseasonable a time. Charles essayed to allay the disorders, promising positively that notwithstanding the [Page 190]expressions in the Bull, he would so order matters that all, even the Protestants them­selves, should receive satisfaction; he past his word that he would keep himself within near distance of the Council, where he might have an Eye upon the Conduct and Proceedings of that Assembly. And so on the thirteenth of February 1551. the Recess of the Diet was made, the Conclusion whereof was that after the re-establishment of the Council at Trent, all Germany should with a submissive spirit ex­pect what should there be decreed: that the Emperour should be there, and give orders that all might freely propose what they had to say, and that he should bring matters so about that the Controversies should be deci­ded by the Scriptures and Fathers. That did not at all please the Court of Rome, and they easily perceived that that Edict was made to lash the Bull. The Pope in the Bull declared that he alone had Right to govern the Coun­cil, to preside therein, and to prescribe the manner of proceeding; and the Emperour in the Recess engaged himself to govern the Council, according as the should think conve­nient: Nay more, he promised therein matters which he could not perform without obliging the Council to follow a Conduct quite opposite to that which had been observed in the first Convocation. Nevertheless the Pope went on to accomplish what was necessary for the hol­ding of the Council. He named but one Le­gate to assist at it in his name Marcello Crescenoci Cardinal of S. Marco; and instead of ano­ther Legate gave him two Nuncio's for Col­legues, Sebastian Pighini Archbishop of Siponto, [Page 191]and Luigi Lipomani Boshop of Verona; the first because of the intimate Friendship that he had had with him, and the other because of the great reputation of integrity that he was had in. He discovered his Secrets to them, gave them their Commission, and ordered them to open the Council the first of May the same year 1551. without farther delay, though none should be there but themselves alone, as the Legates of Martin V. had done, who opened the Council of Pavia without the assistance of any Prelate.

JULIUS III.

year 1551 session 11 WHEN the Legates arrived at Trent, they found but a very small num­ber of Prelates there,The opening of the Council is made at Trent for the second Convocation. and, indeed, during the whole time that the Council conti­nued under Julius III. there were never above threescore Bishops in it. But though the Bi­shops were very inconsiderable in number, yet the Council was opened on the day prefixt which was the first of May. The Eleventh Session 1. May 1551. All that was done in that Session was onely the putting of the question to the Prelates, Are ye pleased to begin again the Actions of the Council at Trent? to which answer was made by a Placet. Af­terward the day for the next Session was assigned to be the first of September following.

About that time, that is to say, a little before the opening of the Council, there happened a [Page 193]troublesome Accident which hindered the French Prelates from coming to Trent, as King Henry the second had promised, had bred a quarrel betwixt the Pope and the King.The Pope clashes with the King of France. The King sends not his Pre­lates to the Council. Otta­vio Farnese Grandchild of the late Pope and Son-in-Law to the Emperour, having married Margarite his natural Daughter, and been by Julius III. restored to the Possession of the City of Parma. Charles the fifth that he might become more powerfull and get greater foot­ing in Italy had a design to seize that Town, as he had already seized Piaoenza and another part of the Parmesan, after the murther of Pietro Luigi, Ottavio's father, purposing to give his Son-in-Law an Estate elsewhere in lieu of it. Ottavio fearing the designs of the Empe­rour his Father-in-Law, and the boldness of Ferrante Gonzaga Governour of Milan, his Ene­my and Neighbour, put himself under the Pro­tection of France, and received a French Garison into Parma. The Emperour was extremely vexed at that, and found means to perswade the Pope, that that enterprise was very Dero­gatory to his Authority, since that City ought to be considered as part of the Ecclesiastick State, because Ottavio held it of none but the Pope, who had been pleased to put him in possession thereof. Ottavio had acted nothing in that affair without having in some manner obtained the Pope's permission; for he had de­sired of the Court of Rome, either that they would protect him against the Enterprises of the Emperour, or that he might be permitted to take the best Course he could for the Se­curity of the Place, according as he should judge most convenient, which was granted him. [Page 194]However Julius who had not foreseen the Consequences of the permission which he had granted, being solicited by the Emperour, without more adoe broke out into rage; pub­lished an Edict against Ottavio, cited him to Rome, and in case of Non-appearance declared him a Rebel, and implored the Emperour's Assistance against him. The Emperour gave a favourable answer, and promised the Pope assistance to reduce Ottavio to reason. The King of France sent de Terme Ambassadour to Rome, to pacifie the Pope, and to give him to understand that he had not taken upon him the Protection of Parma with any other design than the preservation of the liberty of Italy, which Charles the fifth intended to oppress. De Terme finding the Pope stiff, told him that if he were for war, the Council might be dis­solved, and that though it were continued in being, yet it could not be called a General Council, because the French Prelates could not be there; nay he did not spare to tell him, that his Master would be ready enough to take arms, and make use of the means that his Ancestours had employed against the Popes who had shew'd themselves Partial. The Pope hereupon fell into a Passion, and told him that if the King took Parma from him, he would take France and the Commerce of all Christendom from the King. Notwithstan­ding he huft at this rate, yet he was still in great fear; and therefore gave orders to the Bishop of Imola his Nuncio to acquaint the Em­perour with all that had past betwixt him and the Ambassadour of France, and withall gave him instructions to engage the Emperour [Page 195]as much as possible he could to the Interests of the Court of Rome. Henry of France having in vain essayed to move the Pope by promi­ses and threatnings, began to act. And in the first place, he sent orders to all the Pre­lates of his Kingdom, to repair to their Dio­cesses within six Months, to prepare themselves for a National Council. This order was in­timated to the French Bishops and Cardinals that were at Rome in great number. They obeyed, and the Pope durst not withstand it. That blow a little amazed him, and made him resolve to speak more mildly. He therefore sent Ascanio Della Corna his Nephew into France, with orders to bestir himself with all possible diligence, to prevail with the King not to protect the Duke of Parma who was his Vassal and in Rebellion against him; and to break off the design of a National Council, by representing to him that it was the begin­ning of a Schism. The King to be even with the Pope in matter of civility sent to him Monluc, Archbishop of Bourdeaux Elect; but these Negotiations produced no effect, because neither Party would yield in any thing. The King would not abandon the Duke of Parma, and the Pope would not be pacified. It is certain that it was the interest of the Pope, as well as of all Italy, that Ottavio should secure Parma against the designs of the Emperour: and the Power of the French who had nothing in Italy, ought to have been far less formidable to the Italians than the Great­ness of Charles the fifth, who was already so powerfull amongst them; and therefore no body could tell what to make of the Pope's [Page 196]Conduct. That was the reason that made some cast about to find out some Mystery in it; and to imagine that since he could not be ignorant of his own interest, he had onely declared against the Duke of Parma, to set the Emperour and King of France together by the ears; that so he might put a stop to the Progress of the Council, which he had called against his Will. And indeed it was observed that the Pope did not seem much concerned about the affairs of the Council, after it had been opened. It was not so with the Empe­rour, for as he had taken a great deal of pains to have it renewed, so was he very solicitous to oblige the Protestants to repair to it.The Prote­stants prepare to send their Divines to the Council. Mau­rice Duke of Saxony who under a feigned Compliance was hatching great designs, as­sembled his Divines, and commanded Melanc­thon to gather together the Articles which were to be proposed to the Council. Christo­pher Duke of Wittemberg did the like, and the Divines having mutually communicated their Writings, they found that they agreed in all matters. But before they would set out on their Journey to Trent, they desired a safe Conduct from the Council, besides what they had from the Emperour; that they might not fall into the misfortune of John Huss, who was burnt at the Council of Constance, notwithstanding the safe Conduct of Sigismond. Charles promised them this safe Conduct, and sent three Ambassadours to the Council with full power to act and doe all that he could doe and act himself, if he were personally present. These Plenipotentiaries were Hugh Count of Montfort, Don Francisco de Toledo Prior [Page 197]of Roncevaux, and William of Poictiers Arch-Deacon of Champaigne. The Emperour by his solicitations prevailed with the Electours of Cologne, Mentz and Treves, and as many German and Spanish Bishops as he could, to goe thither; and yet, in that Council which lasted Eight months, there were not above threescore and four Prelates, including the Presidents and Ecclesiastick Princes.

session 12 1 Sep­tember 155 [...]. the second un­der Julius.The first of September the day prefixed for the Session was come; And yet nothing was done in it, because there were but a few Members arrived, and more were daily ex­pected.

After the Ceremonies were over, the Secre­tary of the Council read a long exhortation which the Legates had given him, tending in General to perswade all to a peaceable temper of mind, that all their actions might be carri­ed on with Calmness; then was the Decree read, which contained nothing but the Assigna­tion of the next Session to be the Eleventh of October forty days after, and an intimation that after the Sacraments in general, and particu­larly Baptism and Confirmation were handled, they would in that ensuing Session decide the Controversies of the Eucharist; and treat a­bout Reformation in matters that obstruct Residence. The procuration of the Emperour was also read and approved by the Council, and the Harangues and usual Complements were made. The Count de Montfort made a speech, and Giovanni Baptista Castello Promooter of the Council made him an answer. The Pro­curation of the King of the Romans was like wise read, who sent to represent him, Paolo [Page 198]Gregoriani Bishop of Zagabria a Town in Sclavonia, and Frederick Nauseus Bishop of Vienna. The Council gave them a favourable reception, as they had done to the Emperour's Ambassadours; but after them came another Ambassadour, who was not so kindly received, and that was James Amiot Abbot of Bellosane, Amiot pre­sents himself before the Council, and protests in name of his Master the King of France. Sanc­tissimis in Christo Patri­bus conventûs Tridentini. and afterwards Bishop of Auxerre, Ambassadour from the King of France; he presented his Master's Letters, with this superscription, To the most holy Fathers in Christ of the Assembly of Trent. This superscription presently offended the Spaniards and put them in a flame, they said that that Letter was not for them, that they were not, I cannot tell what, Assembly but a true Council; they wrangled a long time about the word Conventus. The Imperialists and Spaniards maintained that it was a re­proachfull word, and others, on the contrary, said it was no injury to the Council to call it so. At length, the Legate, Nuncio's, and the Emperour's Ambassadours retired into the Vestry, and after some short Conference, came back and said that the holy Council were resolved that the Letters should be read sine praejudicio; this occasioned some talk that five or six men should call themselves the holy Council, and made some observe that the greatest matters as well as the smallest were carried so by a few who were Masters and dis­posed of all the rest. However it be, the Let­ters of the King of France were read; and the Electour of Mentz was so eager for it, that he told them: if you will not hear a King who calls you a most holy Assembly, how will you give audience to the Protestants that call you [Page 199] Ecclesiam malignantium the Assembly of Ma­lignants. That Letter accused the Pope and excused Henry King of France; in the begin­ning whereof he made a Complement to the Fathers of the Assembly of Trent, and offered to make them Judges of the Debate he had with the Pope about the Business of Parma; but the conclusion was in another Style; for Amiot protested by word and by writing in name of his Master, that he could not own that for a General Council wherein the French Bishops could not be present, declaring that they could not be sent, because Trent was no secure place for them, and that through the Pope's Conduct the King and his Prelates were excluded the Council. He added that his Master would take his course by the Law of Arms to have reparation of the injuries that were done him, and desired that he might have an instrument of his Protestation; he was refu­sed that instrument, and told that he should have an answer the next Session. This Pro­testation had been already made at Rome by De Terme, but had not come to the knowledge of many. Here it was made publickly, in sight of all the World, and furnished matter for conversation and for the reflexions of Po­liticians. The Imperialists slighted it, and said that the greater number carries it over the lesser, that the French had been invited to the Council, and that if they refused to come, it could be no prejudice to its Authority. But there were others who made more serious re­flexions upon it, and did not think that that could be called a General Council, which was onely composed of Italians, Spaniards and some [Page 200]few Germans. The Parliament of Paris attri­buted great weight to the King's Protestation, and maintained that the greater number carries it not over the lesser, but in affairs where the interest is not common: but that in common interests prohibentis conditio est potior, the right of the opposers is strongest. They farther ad­ded that Churches which are not present in a Council, are not obliged by its Decrees, which was a thing never questioned amongst the An­cients: seeing that after Councils had been held, the Decrees past in them were sent to all absent Churches to have their Confirma­tion; without which in those Churches they could not bind nor have the force of a Law. The sober, discreet and charitable sort made a third Party, blamed the King as having given the Council a mortal stab, and laid a ground for a prejudice against it, which would be very hard to remove. Could one think or perswade himself that the Holy Ghost could have presi­ded in that Council, against which a most Christian King, Eldest Son of the Church and a great Persecutor of all new Sects, had made a Protestation? however the King of France stopt not there; he published a Manifesto a­gainst the Pope, and made a prohibition that no money should be carried to Rome upon pretext of Dispensations, Annates or any other Title. That Manifesto was verified in Parlia­ment, where a great liberty was taken in speaking especially against Dispensations, which they termed Shams and Tricks, incapable of giving any assurance to Consciences. Whilst Henry proceeded in this manner against the Pope, that he might not be suspected of He­resie, [Page 201]he doubled his persecutions against the Protestants, made more rigorous Edicts against them, and inflicted severe punishments upon a great many. He likewise made a distinction betwixt the holy See, and the Pope and Court of R [...]me; for he protested that he still retained the same Reverence for the holy See, though he was preparing to give the Pope his hands full on't. This distinction did not go down neither at Rome nor Trent; the Italians maintained that the Pope and the holy See were one and the same thing. The French said no; and pro­ved it by the Authority of Victor III. and Ste­phen IV. who though both were Popes, yet confessed that the holy See was their Lord and Master.

The Council falls upon bu­siness, and chuses the point of the Eucharist for Doctrine, and the Jurisdic­tion of Bi­shops for Re­formation.These oppositions of the French King did not put a stop to the Synodal actions at Trent, for next day after the Session, a general Con­gregation was held, wherein a Committee of Fathers was appointed for drawing up Articles concerning the Eucharist, and to give them to be examined by the Divines: they also discour­sed of Reformation, and made choice of the point of Jurisdiction, which the Bishops com­plained, was wholly taken from them by E­vocations, Appeals, Exemptions, and Com­missions directed from the Court of Rome. They who had Commission to enquire into the matter of Doctrine extracted ten Articles con­cerning the Eucharist from the Books of the Zuinglians and Lutherans, amongst which they intermingled errours which could neither be imputed to Zuinglius nor Luther. For the exa­mination of these Articles, an Order was made that the Divines should prove their opinions [Page 202]by Scripture, the Fathers and Councils, avoi­ding all nice and superfluous Questions: but this Order was not acceptable to the Italians who were very quaint in School-Divinity, but ignorant in all things else; the Germans liked it somewhat better, because the Disputes which they had had with the Lutherans had obliged them to study Languages, the Fathers, Coun­cils, and the Scripture. The Italians made Speeches against that Method, and pleaded the cause of Ratiocination against Authorities. They alledged that there needed no more but a good Memory to collect passages, and that that Method gave the Lutherans the Vic­tory who were excellent in such kind of Col­lections, and skilfull in Grammar-learning for the interpretation of passages. They had as good have said nothing; for the Order past, though to no great purpose, for it hindered not Scholastick Disputations, as will appear hereafter.

They came to the examination of the Arti­cles concerning the Sacrament of the Eucha­rist, every one gave his opinion thereupon, and it suffered no great debate. The second was against those who say that Jesus Christ is not eaten sacramentally but spiritually; seve­ral thought the question to be of no great im­portance, because the Hereticks did not deny but that our Saviour Jesus Christ was eaten sa­cramentally. The third was against the opi­nion of Impanators, who maintain the assumption of Bread, and its hypostatick Union with the body of our Lord; but they were told that that opinion which was the opinion of Robert Abbot of Tuits was dead with himself above [Page 203]four hundred years ago, and that it had no asserters. There was some Dispute on the Ja­cobins side about the necessity of Confession be­fore the Communion, which is mentioned in the last of these ten Articles, and they affir­med that many able and holy Catholicks had been of the judgment that it was not always necessary. The eighth and ninth Articles that relate to the Communion in both kinds took up longer time. The Divines enlarged in pro­ving that the Communion in one kind was suf­ficient, but the Dispute lasted not long; for they came to an agreement to reduce those ten Articles into seven Canons, fortified with Anathema's against the enemies of the Real Presence, Transubstantiation, Adoration, Com­munion under one kind, and against those who condemn the other Opinions and Rites of the Church of Rome in relation to the Eucha­rist. It was likewise resolved that Chapters should be made on this head, as had been done about the point of Justification, and not to rest barely on Canons as was done in the matter of the Sacraments in general. This rejoyced the Italians, who thought they had got their revenge on the Germans, because for forming of those Chapters of Doctrine, re­course must be had to their School-Divinity, which had been neglected in framing of the Canons. These Chapters were reduced to eight in number, of which there was one that handled the point of the Communion in both kinds, against the Protestants.

Upon this occasion the Count de Montfort and the rest of the Emperour's Ambassadours in­terposed and alledged that the matter of the [Page 204]Cup was a popular thing, known of all, and that it was one of the stumbling-blocks to the Protestants of Germany; that it ought not to be decided unless they were present at the Council; that to come thither as they had promised, they desired a safe Conduct from the Council as well as from the Emperour. They demanded that safe Conduct, and prayed that they might forbear treating about matter of Doctrine, and apply themselves to Refor­mation wherein they would find business enough. The Legates and Nuncio's refused to supersede the examination of points of Doc­trine, but insisted not much on the Article of retrenching the Cup, nor the safe Conduct. They expressed themselves onely in general terms telling them that they would next Session take it into consideration, and immediately acquainted the Pope with all. The Pope took Council about the matter; the result of which was, that though there was no hopes of re­claiming the Lutherans, yet that they might have no pretext of complaining, they should defer the point of retrenching the Cup, but that that delay should not extend beyond three Months. The matter of a safe Conduct suffered more difficulty; for most part were against the granting of it, because no Council had ever done it, but that of Basil, the least action whereof they scrupled to imitate; they added that the coming of the Lutherans to the Council, would onely serve to seduce people, because they would not forbear their Dogmati­cal Cant; that on the whole, if they refused to submit, that safe conduct would be dishonoura­ble to the Council, from which they required [Page 205]a compliance which ought never to be gran­ted to Hereticks. To remove all these diffi­culties they thought of giving a safe Conduct in general terms, wherein the Protestants should not be named, but onely designed un­der the Title of Church-men and Seculars of the German Nation; that so if at any other time necessity did require, they might say that by these terms none were meant but Catho­licks. Whilst they were consulting at Rome about the safe Conduct, at Trent points of Doc­trine were under examination, and that inqui­ry was not so calm and peaceable, as the other about the Anathema's and Canons against Pro­testants; for it was impossible to keep the Jaco­bins and Cordeliers from going together by tho ears about the matter of Transubstantiation. The Jacobins pretended that the body of our Saviour is made present in the Eucharist by way of Production, because the Body of Je­sus Christ without coming down from Heaven, where it is in its natural being, is rendered present in the Bread by a reproduction of the same substance, according to which Doctrine the substance, according to which Doctrine the substance of the Bread is changed into the substance of our Lord's Body. The Corde­liers on the other hand, defended that Tran­substantiation which is called Adductive, they alledged that our Lord's Body is brought down from Heaven, not by a successive, but momentany change, and that the substance of Bread is not changed into the substance of the Body of Jesus Christ, but that the Flesh and Bloud of Jesus Christ succeeds into the place of the substance of the Bread, being convey­ed thither from another place. Each Party [Page 206]maintained their opinions with wonderfull heat, branding one anothers with absurdities and contradictions. The Electour of Cologne who had had the patience to hear these wretched janglings, said very pleasantly, that both Par­ties were in the right when they refuted, and charged one another with absurdities; but that they seemed all of them to be out of the way when they asserted their opinions; because they spoke nothing that was Sense or Intelligi­ble; at length seeing there was no declaring for one Party without offending the other, they satisfied them both by couching the De­cree in very general terms. In the same Con­gregation they discoursed of many abuses that concerned the Eucharist, which ought to be reformed: such as are the failings in reverence and respect to the holy Sacrament. It was complained of, that they did not kneel before it, that they let it mould in the Pixes, that it was administred with little reverence, and that they took money from Communicants. This last abuse was committed particularly at Rome, where the Communicants carried in one hand a hollow Taper, and a piece of money in the Taper, which was the Priests see. It was re­solved that Canons should be made against that abuse, and many more of the like nature.

The original of the Juris­diction of the Tribunals of the Church, with their progress.At the same time other Congregations were held consisting onely of Doctors of the Canon Law, for handling the matter of Discipline; the Head that was examined was that of the Jurisdiction of Bishops. The end the Bishops proposed to themselves was not the rectifying of the abuses of that Jurisdiction, by restrain­ing it to the just and lawfull bounds whereby [Page 207]it was limited in the Apostles time, and in the primitive Ages of the Church; on the con­trary they would have enlarged it by exemp­ting it from the power and attempts of the Court of Rome. That Jurisdiction in the first Ages was onely grounded on the sixth Chap­ter of the first epistle to the Corinthians, where­in St. Paul exhorts believers not to bring their Causes before Infidels, but to chuse out a­mongst themselves fit persons to compose their differences: but because the Tribunal which St. Paul establishes in that place was merely a tribunal of Charity, which had no coercive power, so the Sentences that past there were onely Verdicts of Arbitration, which men stood by if they thought fit: by the six and fiftieth Chapter of the second Book of the Constitutions attributed to St. Clement, it ap­pears that the Bishop and Priests met every Munday for determining the affairs of their Flock. And it rarely happened that any one appealed from these Decisions, because of the great respect that men in those days had for the Church. But after the times of persecu­tion were over, the Bishops supported by the Emperours who were become Christians erec­ted Real Tribunals, the Decrees and Sentences whereof were put in execution by the Autho­rity of the Magistrate. It is said, that Con­stantine ordained that the Sentences of Bishops should be without appeal, and be put in exe­cution by the Secular Judges; and that if one of the Parties should desire that a Process com­menced before a Secular Judge, might be re­ferred to the Tribunal of the Bishop, the refe­rence should be granted in spight of all opposi­tion [Page 208]either from the Judge or the adverse Par­ty. In the year three hundred sixty five the Emperour Valens enlarged that Jurisdiction, and Possidius reports that St. Austin was taken up in those trials of Civil matters many times even till night, which troubled him much, be­cause it took him off from the true functions of his Ministery. That Law of Constantine in favour of this Tribunal of Bishops was revoked, or at least limited by the Emperours Arcadius and Honorius: for they ordained that Bishops should decide in no Causes but those of Reli­gion, and in Civil matters, when both Parties consented to it. In the year four hundred and fifty two, the Emperour Valentinian con­firmed that Law which restrained the power of Bishops: Justinian restored to them part of what they had been deprived of, allowing them besides the Causes of Conscience, power to take cognizance of the Crimes of the Cler­gy, and to perform several other acts of Ju­risdiction over Laics. And thus by the indis­creet favour of Emperours, the power of the Church which is all Spiritual became a Carnal Dominion. In the following Ages the Juris­diction and Authority of the Bishops got ground apace, and especially in the Western Church; because the chief of the Clergy were the ablest Statesmen; they were commonly of Princes Councils, and managed and Civil mat­ters. That was the reason that in a short time they grew to be sole Judges of all Causes Civil and Criminal of the Clergy, and that they extended their Jurisdiction over Laicks under various pretexts: for instance they took upon them to Judge of the Validity of last Will [Page 209]and Testaments, to make Inventories and ap­ply Seals, under pretext that Widows and Or­phans are recommended to the care of the Church. Heretofore all contracts were con­firmed and ratified by Oath, and because an Oath is a matter of Conscience, they made themselves Judges of all Causes that related to Contracts and Promises. Besides these Ju­risdictions they established a Court which they called the Mixt Court wherein they Judged of all civil Causes belonging to the Magistrate; if the Court of the Church had by anticipation taken cognizance of the Cause; but on the other side if the Magistrate had anticipated them, then the Ecclesiastick-Court had no more Power. They likewise laid down for a Maxim, which brought a great many Causes before them, that when the Magistrate ne­glected or refused to doe Justice, then the Cause devolved to the Ecclesiastick-Court: And in fine, to fill up the measure of corruption, in the eleventh Century, they laboured to lay down this for a Maxim that Bishops did not derive this great Power from the Concessions of Princes, but immediately from Jesus Christ. Otherwise if the Bishops had acknowledged that they held these Privileges from Princes; Sovereigns would have always had power to punish them, and rectifie the abuses committed by them in their Jurisdiction. But that they might put themselves out of reach of Ani­madversion, they perswaded People that their Jurisdiction was independent of the Power of Princes. At last, that they might frame an Empire Paramount over all the States of Christendom, the Pope was made Head of [Page 210]that Jurisdiction which the Bishops had usur­ped and reared up within the space of thir­teen hundred years. For after that the Bi­shops had taken from Magistrates a great part of their Jurisdicton, the Pope found a way to strip the Ordinaries of the greatest part of their Power, by Evocations, Appeals, and Ex­emptions. So that if on the one hand the Se­cular Judges complained of the usurpations of the Bishops: on the other hand the Bishops complained of the encroachments of the holy See. This in general, was the matter that then was handled in the Congregations of the Canonists, whilst in the others, matters of Faith were examined.Gropper votes for the abo­lishing of Episcopal Ju­risdiction, and Ecclesiastick Tribunals. Gropper who was in the Council both as a Lawyer and a Divine, reaso­ned accurately about these abuses of Jurisdiction, and shew'd that in the beginning, the senten­ces of Bishops were sentences of Charity; that these sentences were rendered not by Officials as now a-days; but by the Bishop and Priests assembled in a kind of Consistory or Synod. That moreover, there was no such thing known as Appeals from those sentences to the Pope, that if any Appeal was made, it was to their next immediate Superiours which are Synods. And therefore he was of opinion, that these Synodal Judgments should be resto­red, that the Courts and Judgments of Offici­als should be abolished, and that all Appeals to the Pope immediately, without passing through subordinate Superiours, should be discharged.

The Legate, Nuncio's and Italians, slaves to the Court of Rome listened to this discourse with a great deal of impatience, and having consulted together they set on the Promooter [Page 211]of the Council Giovanni Baptista Castello a Bo­lonian, who in a long harangue maintained that it was lawfull to Appeal immediately to the Pope,Baptista Ca­stello Promoo­ter of the Council re­futes Gropper about the sub­ject of imme­diate Appeals to the Pope. and to bring Actions before the holy See, without passing through the Intermedial Judges. The Bishops were not satisfied with Gropper's Discourse, but far less with that of Castello. For he raised the Authority of the Pope to such a pitch, that the Italians them­selves murmured at it, because according to Castello's Maxims, the Pope was all in all, and the Bishops signified nothing at all; and that made the Italians recoyl and talk of accommo­dation. In effect they came to an accommo­dation, and adjusted matters in this manner, That there should be no Appeals from the de­finitive Sentences of Bishops and Officials but in causes criminal, and that even in criminal matters it should not be lawfull to Appeal from Interlocutory Sentences; untill Definitive Sentence were pronounced. But they would not re-establish Synodal Judgments by ruining the Officials. The Bishops urged not to be re-established in their ancient right of being Judged by their Synods, that is to say, by the Metropolitan, and their Comprovincials; because men are not commonly inclined to facilitate Judgments against themselves, and Processes against Bishops are much more dif­ficult when one must go to Rome, or procure a Commission from thence, than if they could be accused upon the place before their proper Judges, which are Synods. The power was therefore left to the Pope of Judging them by Commissaries delegated in partibus. Onely the Council made some Regulations, that none in­feriour [Page 212]to the Bishop in Dignity should be cho­sen as a Commissary of the Pope, to Judge him. It is one of the Grievances against the Council of Trent; and one of the reasons why it is not received in France, that contrary to the ancient Canons, it deprives Bishops of the right of being Judged by the Metropolitan and their Comprovincials.

Of Degrada­tions, their Original and Progress.There was also another great abuse in the Jurisdiction of Bishops, of which a Reforma­tion was demanded, and that was the manner of Degradations. According to the Privileges that have been granted to the Clergy, or which they have usurped, this Maxim has been long received, that the Magistrate has no power over Clerks so long as they remain Clerks. So that a Member of the Clergy must be degraded before he can be delivered over to the Secular Power, for capital and enormous Crimes, where sentence of death is to be pronounced, which cannot be given by an Ecclesiastick Court, because it imbrues not the hand in Bloud: and this custome was con­firmed by the Laws of Justinian. It was even the custome in preceding Ages, that is, in the fourth and fifth Century, when a Member of the Clergy returned into the World, to de­grade him by the same Ceremonies whereby he had been installed, but in a manner inverse and retrograde, that is to say, that they clo­thed him in all his Priestly Habits, and then stript him of the same one after another, ap­plying words quite contrary to those of Ordi­nation. But since, about the year six hundred, these Degradations were abolished; and those who had taken high Orders were prohibited [Page 213]from returning again into the World; so that the custome of Degradations is onely retained in Criminal matters, when a Member of the Clergy is to be delivered over to the Secular Power to be punished. But these Degrada­tions of Clerks convicted, must be done accor­ding to the new Canons, with so many Cere­monies as rendered the punishment of the Members of the Clergy almost impossible. That was their Scope, and they onely clogg'd Degradations with so many difficulties, that they might live in impunity. For Degrading a Bishop, thirteen Degrading Bishops were re­quired, besides twelve Assistants. For Degra­ding a Priest, there must be six Bishops, for Degrading a Deacon three Bishops, whereas for Consecrating a Bishop three are sufficient, and one for Ordaining a Priest. How difficult a matter was it to get so many Bishops toge­ther, and how chargeable must that be, espe­cially in Germny, where Bishops are very thin and at a great distance one from another? These Degradations were performed with great Ceremonies in Pontifical Habit, and ex­traordinary concourse of People. The matter was very long canvassed, but the Council Judged it not expedient to abolish the use of Degradations, onely it was thought fit to find out some way of facilitating them, that they might be done with less trouble. Whilst the Council was thus taken up, the Cardinal Le­gate had time to receive news from Rome. So soon as it came, without telling the Council that he had written, and without communi­cating his answers, he called the General Con­gregation, and had it concluded according as [Page 114]it was resolved by the Pope, that they should grant the Protestants a safe Conduct in gene­ral terms, and that they should refer the point of the Cup to another Session. Amongst the points that were to be handled again, the Communion of young Children was one, and the Article of retrenching the Cup was divided into three others, thereby to multiply them, and that they might not be necessitated to resume a Controversie which had already been decided, for one point omitted or for­got.

session 13 Thirteenth Session the ele­venth of Oc­tober. 1551The eleventh of October the Session was held with the usual Ceremonies. Mass was said by the Bishop of Majorca, and the Ser­mon Preached by the Archbishop of Torne. Then were read the Decree, the Chapters of Doctrine, the Canons and the Anathema's for asserting the Real Presence, the Sacramental Manducation, Transubstantiation, the Conco­mitancy, the Adoration of the Sacrament, the Reservation of the Kinds, the Necessity of Confession, and the other points that were opposed by the Lutherans and Protestants. The Decree of Reformation began with a grave Exhortation to Bishops to use their Ju­risdiction moderately, then it ordained that it should not be lawfull to Appeal from the Judgment of Bishops before Definitive Sen­tence. That when there is place for an Ap­peal, and that the Pope shall grant Commis­sion in partibus, that is on the Places, that none shall be Commissionated but the Metro­politan or his great Vicar, and if they be suspected, that none can be Commissionated but neighbouring Bishops. To lessen the difficulty [Page 215]of Degradations, it ordained that one Bishop with as many Abbots as the Canons required Bishops, might Degrade Clerks. To satisfie the Bishops as to Exemptions, it ordained that the Bishops might Judge of these Exemptions and of Favours obtained upon false Suggestions, and annull them in quality of Subdelegates of the holy See. But the Council reserved to the Pope the Cognisance of greater Causes, and that the Causes of Bishops, wherein the nature of the crime required Personal appear­ance should be brought before the Pope and be determined by him. In the same Decree of Reformation there were some other Regu­lations that tended a little to the satisfaction of the Bishops, that they might the more casi­ly bear the Yoke of the Church of Rome: but in all those places where any thing of Autho­rity was granted them, they had no power to act but in quality of the Delegates of the holy See. After that a Decree for deferring the Article of the Cup, and the Safe-conduct which the Council granted the Protestants, were publickly read.

The Ambassa­dours of the Electour of Branden­burg a Pro­testant Prince appear at the Council.At the same Session appeared Christopher Stras­fen and John Hofman Ambassadours from Joa­chim Electour of Brandenburg a Protestant Prince. Christopher Strasfen one of the Am­bassadours made a long speech, wherein in ve­ry civil but general terms he assured the Fa­thers of the Council of the respect his Master had for them, and mentioned nothing at all of the matter of Religion. The Council made answer by their Promooter, and amongst o­ther things told him, that with much Joy the Fathers had heard from his mouth, that that [Page 216]Prince submitted to the Council, and promi­sed to obey its Decrees: In the mean while, the Ambassadour had said no such thing, but they thought they had gained a great point, in so interpreting the Complements and civil Expressions that the Ambassadour had made use of. All men made observations upon the Conduct of the Electour and the Council. It was easily perceived that the Electour inten­ded to observe the best measures he could with the Council, that the Court of Rome might not cross the Election of his Son Frederick to the Archbishoprick of Magdebourg, which had been made by the Chapter; but the prudence of the Council was much more admired who had so dextrously turned the sense of the Elec­tour's Complements to an engagement of sub­mission. According to the intimation that was made to the Abbot of Bellosana, they intended to have given an answer to the King of France, but no Abbot appeared, he returned by order of his Master immediately after he had made his Protestation. It was not the mind of the Court of France that the Ambassadour should expect the Session to enter into a debate which could not in the conclusion but be of trouble­some consequence, since the Pope and Spani­ards who were the Parties in that affair, must also have been the Judges. The Apparitours made a Proclamation at the Church-door that if any one was there for the most Christian King, he should appear; but though no man appeared, yet the answer was read, which contained Complaints of the King's proceedings, and Protestations on the part of the Council; that they wore not assembled upon any private [Page 217]interest, but for the general good of all Chri­stendom, and the extirpation of Heresies; af­ter all, they prayed him to send his Prelates to the Council, not to make use of any other means, but to think of his Name of the most Christian King, and to sacrifice his particular Quarrels to the general good of Christen­dom.

The Decrees of the Session were forthwith printed, and all People reflected upon them according to their several Passions and Inte­rests. The Protestants failed not to observe a contradiction betwixt the first Chapter of Doctrine, and the sourth with the second Ca­non. In the first Chapter the Council saith, that hardly can one express the manner of the Real Presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, and in the sourth Chapter it saith, that that manner hath been convenienter & proprie called Transubstantiation, and in the second Canon the Council saith, that it is ap [...]issime called so; it was likewise thought that the Council had made use of a kind of an improper and in­commodious expression as to the point of Con­secration; because it says that Jesus Christ after the Benediction declared, that that which he gave was his Real Body; which seems to insi­nuate that the change was made by the Be­nediction, so that these words, This is my Body, could be no more but a Declaration of the change that was made, when the Bread was blest. Now that would overthrow the univer­sal belief of the Church of Rome, that the change is made by these words, hoc est corpus meum, which were not pronounced but in the distribution of the Bread, and sometime after [Page 218]the Benediction. The Priests were very ill satisfied that their Yoke was made heavier, by enlarging the Authority of the Bishops over them: but above all others, the Protestants were dissatisfied at the Decree which was made to delay the examination of the point of the Cup in their Favour. Because that supposed that they had consented to admit of all the other Decrees of the Council of Trent, and that they onely dissented about this; whereas they had always demanded that they should all be reviewed. Nor were they satisfied nei­ther with the Safe-conduct, suspecting it to be a Cheat all over, but chiefly the limitation that was in it in these words, in as much as belongs to the Council. They looked upon that as a Back-door that the Pope had reserved to him­self, in case he intended to use violence. And therefore without concerting together any re­solution, they gave about by word of Mouth one from another, That they ought not to ac­cept of any Safe-conduct but in the Form that was granted to the Bohemians by the Council of Basil; that is to say, that it should be abso­lute without any Reservation, that the Coun­cil should engage in writing to decide the Controversies by the Scripture: and concluded that if this were denied them, they should have good reason to recall the promise that they had made to the Emperour of going and submitting to the Council.

The point of Penance is chosen for the next Session.The day following a general Congregation was held for adjusting the point of Penance, which was to be handled and decided in the next Session. It was moved in the first place, that the Divines had transgressed the Laws [Page 219]that had been prescribed to them for their Dis­putations; that they had not avoided the Quirks of the School and nice Questions, which had produced scandalous Debates. Therefore the Order was renewed for obliging the Di­vines to prove their Propositions by Scripture, the Fathers, the Tradition of the Church, Councils, and the Decisions of Popes. But that took as little effect as the rest of the Or­ders of that nature, and particularly of confi­ning the Disputants to a certain time, that they should not be tedious in their Discourses. They who were deputed to make the Abstracts drew twelve Articles out of the Books of Lu­ther concerning Penance, and four about Ex­treme Unction, which were delivered to the Divines, and submitted to their Censure▪ For preventing of quarrels that might arise amongst the Divines, the Council regulated the Order wherein every one of them should speak: the Pope's Divines were to speak first, then those of the Emperour, and next the Divines of Louvain, after them the Divines of the Queen of Hungary, then those of the Electours in the Order of the Precedency of their Princes, the Secular Priests according to the Order of their Promotion, and last of all the Monks or Re­gulars, one after another, according to the dignity of their Orders. It was also ordained that the Congregations should be held twice a day, in the Morning and Afternoon. After­ward there was a Collection made of fifteen Articles concerning Reformation to employ the Congregations of the Canonists. The Nuncio Bishop of Verona had the charge of presiding in the Congregation of Doctrine, [Page 220]and the Archbishop of Siponto the other Nun­cio in that of Reformation. Whilst these things were carried on at Trent, the Pope renewed his Instances with the Switzers to perswade them to send their Divines to the Council, and the King of France disswaded them by his Ambassadour Morlay, wherein he succeeded, by the help and assistance of Vergerio who had formerly been the Pope's Nuncio, and was then a Minister in the Countrey of the Grisons. And so neither Catholicks nor Protestants sent to the Council, nay the Grisons recalled Tho­mans Plante Bishop of Coira, who was at Trent.

In the following Congregations the matters that had been proposed were examined; the Order that had been made concerning the way of examination, and the trouble that they had put themselves to to mark the Heads from whence the Proofs were to be taken, served for no other end but to multiply discourse, and render the disputes more ridiculous. The School-way came still in play, and because at the same time they would obey the Regulation that ordered them to draw their Proofs from Scripture; the Divines puzled themselves to find them out, but they applied the Texts in a sense quite different from the true, and at eve­ry turn put them to the Rack. For instance as to the point of Confession, there was not a place in the Psalms or any where else in Scrip­ture where the words Confess and Confession did occur, but what they interpreted in fa­vour of Auricular Confession; and this was the Head they laid greatest stress upon. Seve­ral Figures of the Old Testament were made [Page 221]to authorise this Confession; and a prodigious number of Miracles were alledged, both An­cient and Modern, which has been wrought, either in favour of the Votaries of Confession, or against those that slighted it. In sine, one may safely say, that the disputes about this subject wanted both judgment and choice, and were ever now and then childish and in­sipid. The disputes being ended, the Decree which is to be seen in the Acts of the Council, was made: and that contained nine Chapters about Penance, and three concerning Extreme Unction. The first Chapter treats of the ne­cessity and institution of the Sacrament of Pe­nance; the second, of the difference betwixt the Sacrament of Baptism and that of Penance; the third, of the parts and fruits of that Sa­crament; the fourth of Contrition; the fifth of Confession; the sixth of the Minister of that Sacrament; the seventh of Cases reserved; the eighth of the necessity and benefit of Sa­tisfaction; and the ninth of the works of Sa­tisfaction. As to Extreme Unction, the first Chapter speaks of the institution of that Sa­crament: the second of its effect, and the third of the minister thereof. To these were added fifteen Canons as to the matter of Pe­nance, and four about Extreme Unction. They could not meet with the same good luck, nor use the same art about this matter, as they had found in the former Sessions, that is,Opposition of the Divines as to the De­crees that con­cern Penance, the President takes no no­tice of it. so to frame the Decrees and Canons as to satisfie all the different Parties, and make them find their own opinions in them. The Divines of Lou­vain opposed the Chapter and Canon which appointed a Reservation of certain Cases; as [...] [Page 226]pensations should be of no force. The Bishops also complained that Titular Bishops with a Privilege obtained from the Court of Rome, retired into Places out of the Bishop's Juris­dictions, and there conferred Orders on all that demanded them, who could not have otherways obtained them because of their in­sufficiency. This was also prohibited, but with­out making the least mention of the Pope who had granted those Privileges. There was a­nother great abuse in the Exercise of Eccle­siastick Jurisdiction, and that is, when a man was accused before the Bishop's Tribunal, he appealed to Rome, and by means of money obtained a Judge at his own option, to whom Power was given to protect and defend him, and to put a stop to all Prosecutions against him: and this protection was extended even to the Domestick Servants of the Party accu­sed; those Judges were called Conservatours, and these Exemptions, Conservatory Privi­leges, the Judges Conservatours being many times the Bishops Persecutours. That abuse was somewhat moderated, but not wholly extirpated; for it was indeed, enacted that notwithstanding these Conservatory Privileges a man might be sued before the Ordinaries, especially in criminal Cases: but Universities, Colleges, Hospitals and Convents were ex­presly excepted. The Bishops cried out migh­tily against that Exception, because it was far more comprehensive than the Rule. But no­thing could be obtained, because for the Gran­dure of the Court of Rome, the Pope would have the Monks and Universities depend im­mediately on the holy See; and the Legate [Page 227]received Orders from Rome not to yeild the least in that point; so that the Party of the Court of Rome being the more numerous, the rest were fain to give way, and take good words for payment. It being a grievance that, contrary to the ancient Canons, Dispensations were granted to wilfull Murtherers to enter into holy Orders; that was prohibited in the seventh Chapter. There were also some other regulations made, against the various ways that Criminals took to avoid Episcopal Cor­rection: against Bishops who by Power from the Pope exercised Jurisdiction out of their Dioceses: against the abuse of annexing a Church in one Diocese, to another Church in another, which gave liberty to a Bishop to exercise Ju­risdiction in the Diocese of another Bishop; and in fine, against the abuse of the Right of Pa­tronage. The spring-head of all these abuses was the Court of Rome, the ancient Canons being clearly against these Corruptions and bad Customs, but Dispensations evacuated the Force of Canons: the Bishops were therefore for having it decreed that the Court of Rome should not give Dispensations contrary to the Canons; but they could never obtain it. So that in the whole there was no disorder re­medied, because the Legate, and the Nuncio's would by no means suffer the Pope to be named, nor that even the Names of the great Penitentiary and other Ministers of the Chan­cery should enter into any of the Decrees. Now it is an undoubted Maxime amongst the Canonists, that in all Laws wherein the Pope is not expresly named, all that is enacted can be no way prejudicial to his Authority. Inso­much [Page 228]that the Decrees deprived not the Pope of the Power of giving Dispensations in any Cases, but served onely to enhaunce the value of Dispensations, and to enrich the Chancery. The Monks made great instances for obtaining the abolition of Commendums; but it was thought sufficient to ordain that Benefices which were not as yet in Commendum, when they came to be vacant, should onely be given in Title, and to the Religious of the same Order; and thus the Number of Commendums was not lessened, but care taken that they should not encrease.

The Ambassa­dours of the Duke of Wir­temberg come to Trent, and cannot have Audience.Whilst these matters were on foot in the Congregations John Thierry Pleningher, and John Heclin Ambassadours of the Duke of Wirtemberg came to the Council. They ap­plied themselves to the Count of Montfort the Emperour's Ambassadour, that they might have Audience of the Council. The Count ac­quainted the Legate with it, who told him that it was the Custome of other Ambassadours to impart their Instructions to the Presidents of the Council, and that these of Wirtemberg ought to have done so; that they should ad­dress themselves to him, and that he would receive them with all imaginable Civility. The Ambassadours refused to doe that, because one of the Articles which they had to demand was, that the Pope should not preside in the Council, and therefore they could not address themselves to his Legates as Presidents. The Legate having received that answer, wrote immediately to Rome for instructions. It is easie to imagine what the instructions were; and indeed they had Orders not [Page 229]to abate a hair in that point, but to hazard all, and even to break up the Council accor­ding to the Power they had, if they thought in necessary, rather than to suffer the least di­minution of the Authority of the holy See. About that time the Emperour came to In­spruck, which is but a few days Journey from Trent, that he might observe the actions of the Council at a nearer distance. This gave the Pope some umbrage, who would have no other Master over the Council but himself; however he dissembled his displeasure.

session 14 25. November. 1551.At length the day prefixed for the Session came, which was the five and twentieth of November 1551. And this Session in the col­lection of the Decrees is reckoned the four­teenth. Therein were published the Decrees and Canons which we have mentioned, con­cerning Penance, Extreme Unction, and the Reformation in favour of Episcopal Jurisdicti­on. The Legate did what he could to hinder the Impression of these Decrees, and indeed, they were not printed at Ripa where the Prin­ting-house of the Council was; but they had Manuscripts of them in Germany, which were quickly printed, and every one after the usual manner, took the liberty to exercise their Ta­lent in censuring of them.

Next day after the Session, the Presidents cal­led a General Congregation to advise about the matters that were to be handled in the following Session; and the Points of the Sa­crifice of the Mass, and the Communion in both kinds were proposed. In the following Congregations, after the points had been dis­cussed, four Chapters of Doctrines were made, [Page 230]and thirteen Anathema's; but because they sig­nified nothing, and were not published, as will appear hereafter, it is to no purpose to reckon them up at length. In the Congregations that were held after Christmass, they treated also of the Sacrament of Orders, concerning which twelve Articles, drawn out of the Books of the Lutherans, were proposed, and after ma­ny Conferences four Chapters of Doctrine, and eight Canons with Anathema's past upon them; but neither were they published. We shall therefore refer the treating of these Points to the History of the third Convocation of the Council, under Pius IV.

The Council will not hear the Prote­stants, though the Emperour had past his word that they should.The Ambassadours of the Duke of Wirtem­berg wrote to their Master, to give him an account of the Difficulties they met with, and to know what he intended they should doe. He wrote back to them again that they should manage the business as well as they could, but what e'er came on't that they should find out a way to propose their Doctrine. They there­upon applied themselves to the Cardinal of Trent in the absence of Count Montfort the Emperour's Ambassadour, and gave him a Bre­viate of their Commission, which imported that they should endeavour to obtain a Safe-conduct in ampler Form than that which had been given, and which should in all things a­gree with that of the Council of Basil, that afterward they should propose and defend their Doctrine. The Cardinal acquainted the Legate with this; who without any hesitation made answer, That the Lutherans should not be heard, that Abstracts of their Books should be made as had been hitherto done, and that they [Page 231]should proceed to Judgment thereupon; that if they humbly desired instruction, it should be given them; that he would not suffer an ace of this to be abated; and that for the matter of the Safe-conduct it was an intolera­ble affront to the Council, not to trust to their word. This was down right contrary to the Emperour's positive promise which he gave to the Protestants, that they should be heard, and that they should have all imaginable Se­curity. And therefore the Cardinal thought not fit to tell the Ambassadours of Wirtemberg that answer. He thought it enough to acquaint them that the Legate was angry that they should offer to begin by proposing their Doc­trine, as if they would give the Law to those from whom they were to receive it, that they must have patience for some days till the Legate's anger was over, and begin with some other Article, but not that. The Emperour's Ambassadour moved the Legate also upon the same subject, but finding nothing to be done with him as to that particular, he devised several pretexts to amuse the Protestant Am­bassadours, and to spin out the time, till he might fall upon some Expedient to save his Master's honour, who had so positively past his word, which was so little regarded by the Council. Stratsburg and five other Pro­testant Towns sent likewise their Ambassadours to Trent, who were stopt by the same Diffi­culties. So the Emperour's Ambassadour gave advice to his Master that the Council would not hear the Protestants, contrary to the promise that he had made them: whereupon the Emperour sent him Orders that he should [Page 232]stop the Protestant Ambassadours and make them stay a little; that the Ambassadours of Saxony were speedily to be at Inspruck, and that he would advise with them about means to procure them satisfaction▪ About the same time Maximilian the Son of Ferdinand King of the Romans past through Trent, and the Pro­testants made their grievances known to him; he exhorted them to patience, and promised them to treat with the Emperour his Uncle, that what he had assured them of should be accomplished.

The Pope who knew very well that there was a considerable party forming against him, and did not think the Cardinals so true to his cause, because all of them had already espou­sed the interests of foreign Princes, at Christ­mass 1551, at one dash created fourteen Car­dinals all Italians: he named thirteen, and re­served the fourteenth in petto, and that was the Bishop of Siponto one of his Nuncio's at the Council.

And now, from all parts nothing was heard but Rumours of War, Soldiers were raised un­der several Pretexts throughout all Germany. The Protestant Princes who had been con­strained to promise that they would submit to the Council, bestirred themselves to get loose from their Engagement. The Emperour had likewise exercised in all places great Severities to oblige the Princes and Towns, to receive the interim: all Germany groaned under the Yoke of Charles his Power, and longed to shake it off. On the other side the King of France fomented the Divisions; so that a fu­rious storm began to gather, and the Fathers [Page 233]of the Council of Trent took the Alarm; though the Emperour endeavoured what he could to encourage them; he told them that the Ambassadours of the Electour of Saxony of whom the greatest talk was, were then with him at Inspruck on their way to Trent, and that he would omit nothing that might contribute to the security of the Council.

The Ambassa­dours of Saxo­ny come to the Council, and speak higher than the rest.The seventh of January the Ambassadours of the Duke of Saxony arrived at the Council. Maurice their Master had not the least intenti­on to submit to it, but that he might lull the Emperour asleep whilst he was cutting out work for him, he sent his Ambassadours to Trent, who were Wolf Coller, and Leonard Ba­dehorn. These Ambassadours spoke in a higher strain than the rest, as well knowing that their Master would quickly be in a condition to make the best of them afraid of him. They had Conference with the Emperour's Am­bassadours, and declared to them that their Master expected a Safe-conduct in the form of that of Basil. They demanded that a stop might be made to all proceedings in Council untill the arrival of the Protestant Divines, who were but forty Leagues off, waiting onely for a Safe-conduct; that the Decrees which had past, should be examined again anew; that the Pope should not preside in the Coun­cil; that the Votes should be free, and that the Bishops should be absolved from their Oath to the Pope. Afterwards the Ambassa­dours made their Complements to the Elec­tours, and to the Cardinal of Trent, and dis­coursed every thing with them; but they would have no Conference with the Legate, [Page 234]because they refused to acknowledge him for President of the Council. The Emperour's Ambassadours according to their Orders used those of Saxony very civilly, because they began to have some Apprehensions of their Master; but the Legate observed no measures with them, no more than they did with him. He made answer that they should have no other Safe-conduct; that the Council should give publick audience to these Ambassadours, and the other Protestants, seeing it had been promised them by the Emperour; but that first of all they must own the Legate and Nun­cio's for lawfull Presidents, and that for the other demands, that the Pope should not preside in the Council, and that the Bishops should be freed from the Oath of Fidelity, that they had taken to him; they were so in­solent and bordered so near upon blasphemy, that they would sooner lose their Lives than suffer any such thing; rather dissolve the Coun­cil, and use the utmost rigours. The Empe­rour who perceived that this Conduct tended to an irreparable breach, and that that would give a lawfull Pretext to the Duke of Saxony to provide for his own Security by way of Arms, gave Orders to his Ambassadours, and to the Cardinal of Trent to Employ both En­treaties and the Threats of the Imperial Au­thority to bring the Legate to a milder way of answering. They so handled the matter that at length the Legate abated somewhat of his height. He condescended to give the Ambas­sadours an audience in a General Congregation to be held in his Palace, that all the procee­dings of Council should be superseded, and [Page 235]as to the business of the Safe-conduct, it should be referred to the pleasure of the Fathers. A Congregation was thereupon held, wherein the point of superseding the proceedings of the Council, past without difficulty: but the matter of the Safe-conduct suffered more De­bate; but in fine, the Authority of the Empe­rour, of the three Electours, and Cardinal of Trent, so far prevailed, that they resolved to grant them one in ampler form. The like­wise resolved to give the Protestant Ambassa­dours an audience in a General Congregation▪ But here, Peter Taillevoy Archbishop of Paler­mo started a difficulty about the place of the Ambassadours to whom they were to give Audience. He said that if they were treated according to their Character of Hereticks, the Council could give them no place of honour, and that they must hear them as Criminals; but that in so doing all would be lost, because they would not endure to be heard as Delinquents, but would immediately withdraw; and on the other side, if they did otherways, it would prove a prejudice to the Church. To get out of this strait it was resolved, according to the overture proposed by the Bishop of Namburg, that they should give the Protestants places of honour, making first a Protestation that it was done out of Charity and Compassion, which are motives above the Law. The four and twentieth of January was therefore ap­pointed for the General Congregation, where­in Audience was to be given to the Ambassa­dours of Saxony: and the Council named de­puties who with the Bishop of Siponto one of the Nuncio's were to draw up the Safe-conduct. [Page 236]The Emperour's Ambassadours desired to have the minute of it, that they might communicate the same to the Protestants, and that it might be altered, if need were, before it should be published.

A rough draught of the Safe-conduct being drawn, and given to the Emperour's Ambassa­dours, they sent for the Protestants, made them a long Speech in praise of the Fathers of the Council, whose goodness, clemency, and condescension so much appeared by what they granted in their favour, telling them that on the other hand, they ought to submit and car­ry it prudently. That as to the demand they made that the Pope should submit to the Council, it ought to be proposed with great circumspection, that the Divines were to be expected, and that they themselves had great matters to propose as to that particular on the Emperour's part, so soon as the Overture should be made by the Protestants; that the Fathers of the Council themselves were very sensible, that the greatness of the Pope ought to be lessened: but that it ought to be set a­bout warily, and not in that brisk manner as the Protestants designed. In fine, they shew'd them the Safe-conduct, which did not please them; because it was not in the form of that of Basil: which had granted the Bohemians four things that they also demanded.

• 1. That they should have a decisive Vote in the Coun­cil.
• 2. That matters should be there decided by the Scriptures, and Interpreters that agree with them.
• 3. That they should have Exer­cise of their Religion in their own Houses du­ring the Council.

And lastly, that nothing [Page 237]should be done to disgrace and reproach their Doctrine; they found fault likewise that the Council gave no security in name of the Pope, and of the College of Cardinals, as the Coun­cil of Basil had done. The Emperour's Am­bassadours were angry that they were not sa­tisfied with the Safe-conduct, which they had with so much trouble obtained: but they could not move the Protestants to yield, so that they promised to make a Report of the matter in the next Congregation. This, in­deed, they did, but the Presidents and Pre­lates stood firm to their resolution not to al­ter any thing in the Safe-conduct, saying that it was false that the Council of Basil had granted the Deputies of Bohemia a decisive Vote; that as to the Exercise of their Religi­on in their Houses, it was sufficiently expres­sed in the Safe-conduct, seeing it was not pro­hibited; and that as to the fourth point, that nothing should be done to the Contempt of their Doctrine, care enough was taken as to that by the Terms of the Safe-conduct; in a word they alledged that it was as ample as that of the Council of Basil. The Count of Montfort made a motion thereupon, that to take from the Protestants all occasion of ca­villing, they should copy the Safe-conduct of Basil word for word, onely changing the Names. That Proposal broke the Presidents measures, they lookt at one another, as uncer­tain what to say; till the Legate hit upon a ready expedient of referring the matter to the next Congregation. That was a fetch of a man of parts, for by this means the Presidents had time to solicite the Bishops vigorously to main­tain [Page 238]the cause of God, for so they called the interest of the Pope, against the attempts of the Council of Basil, which the Pope and his Adherents did so detest, that they would not imitate any thing that had been done there. The Presidents of the Council obtained what they desired, and there was nothing al­tered in the Safe-conduct. At length the Con­gregation was held the four and twentieth of January for giving audience to the Protestants. At the opening of it the Legate made a speech, wherein he laid before them the importance of the affair that they were going to enter upon: and the Protestation that was framed upon occasion of the difficulty started by the Archbishop of Palermo concerning the places of the Protestant Ambassadours, being read, and ordered to be inserted into the Acts, the Ambassadours were introduced. Badehorn, for the Duke of Saxony, bowing to the Prelates, called them Reverendissimi & amplissimi Patres; The Council gives audience to the Ambas­sadours of Sax­ony, who rei­terate all their demands. he demanded that they would grant them a Safe-conduct in the form of that of Basil, that they would put a stop to all Synodal procee­dings untill the arrival of their Divines, that they might be heard in the defence of their Doctrine; that the Pope as being concerned might not be Judge in that cause; that before all things, the Pope should be declared infe­riour to the Council, that all things that had been handled in the former Sessions should be examined over again, because the number of Divines had been too small, and that the same thing should be done which was acted in the third Session of the Council of Basil, wherein all were declared free from the Oa [...]h [Page 239]of Allegiance which they had made to the Pope. This was onely said to amuse, and to gain time; for they knew very well that no­thing was to be obtained; they gave their speech in writing, and then the Ambassadours of Wirtemberg were heard; who spoke little, and demanded the same things. The Promoo­ter of the Council answered them, that they might expect their answer in time and place convenient. After that, the Electours and Ambassadours withdrew.

year 1552 session 15 Next day being the five and twentieth of January, 25 Ja­nuary 1552. A New Safe-conduct amp­ler than the former, is granted to the Protestants. the Session was held, wherein the Decree of delay and intermission of all Syno­dal proceedings in favour of the Protestants untill the nineteenth of March ensuing, was read; The Safe-conduct was also read, and put into more ample form than the former. The Protestant Princes and all the rest of the same Party, were expresly named in it, and all security given them for coming to Trent, stay­ing there, and returning back; they had pow­er allowed them to punish those of their Reti­nues as should commit any insolency at Trent, or on the rode. And if any should happen to doe them injury, the Council promised them all the Justice that they themselves should re­quire. In fine, in case they should be obliged to withdraw from the Council, they should have twenty days allowed them to betake themselves to places of Safety. At the same time the Court of Rome sent new instructions to the Presidents to hasten as much as they could the conclusion of the Council. And therefore during the intermission which had been granted to the Protestants, the Legate [Page 240]and Nuncio's caused matters to be prepared for the following Sessions, thinking that in two or three Sessions more, they might be a­ble to dispatch what remained to be done.

The Pope was well informed of what had past at Trent betwixt the Emperour's Ministers and the Protestant Ambassadours, and how that they had in some measure given mutual promises to endeavour the diminution of the Papal Authority; he knew likewise that the Spanish Prelates had much such another design; so that beginning now to apprehend the Coun­cil and Germans, he resolved to trust the Em­perour no longer, but to strike in with the King of France, and negotiated his treaty with Tournon the French Minister. The Pro­testants after the Session made a great bustle, because nothing had been altered in the Safe-conduct; but the Emperour's Ambassadours told them that upon the main all that they demanded was in it, that all they stood upon was onely the form, which was not worth the minding; though these reasons did not sa­tisfie them, yet they accepted the Safe-conduct, but onely that they might send it to their Mas­ters. In the mean time, the Presidents that they might hasten on the dissolution of the Council, as it had been ordered at Rome, held a General Congregation to frame Articles upon the Subject of Marriage, and in the following Congregations they proceeded so far as to frame Canons. The Protestants hereupon made a great noise, saying that they were made fools of, since contrary to the word that was given them, new Decisions were daily made: that when they had demanded a forbea­rance, [Page 241]it was not barely a forbearance of Sessi­ons, which were but Ceremonies, but of all Synodal proceedings. The Emperour's Mi­nisters seconded them, and endeavoured to obtain an intermission of all action, which the Presidents refused. But the Emperour sent an Agent to Trent to prevail with the Council to supersede giving him Orders to goe to Rome; if he could obtain nothing at Trent, and to advance even to a Protestation against all that should be done; that Prote­station, wherewith the Council was threatned, put a stop to the Congregations, and a reso­lution was taken of forbearing all Synodal proceedings, till such time as the Council should think otherways. The Pope was fain to consent to this whether he would or not, and that incensed him the more against the Emperour. He wrote to Trent that that for­bearance should not be extended beyond a few days, and that afterward they should fall again to action without any fear of danger.

To employ the Council, who in this time of intermission had nothing to doe, they held Sta­tions during the Lent at Trent, as at Rome they did in the beginning of March. The Ministers of Saxony received Letters from their Master, who to amuse the Emperour wrote to them that they should make fresh instances to the Council, for obtaining what they had deman­ded, giving them to understand that within a few days he was to goe wait on the Emperour, to advise with him about the best means for carrying on their common designs. However this did not prevent a rumour that was quick­ly spread abroad of a League between the King [Page 242]of France and the Protestant Princes of Ger­many against the Emperour. And upon this Rumour the Electours of Cologne and Mentz parted from Trent, and past through Inspruck, where they had long and secret Conferences with the Emperour. The Ambassadours of Saxony not thinking themselves safe enough at Trent parted from thence likewise about the beginning of March, and returned home by different ways. Nevertheless the Protestant Divines under the Protection of their Safe-conducts came to Trent, four from Wirtemberg, and two from Stratsbourg. And now the nine­teenth of March the day prefixed for holding the Session drawing near; the Presidents in­stead of a Session called a General Congrega­tion that day, wherein it was concluded that they should not too hastily give an answer to the instances which the Ambassadours of Wir­temberg sued for; and therefore they proro­gued the Session to the first of May. At the same time the Ambassadour of Portugal arri­ved, and made and received the usual Com­plements in that Congregation. The Prote­stants pressed daily for an answer, and that the Council would fall to their proceedings again, because their Divines were come; but the Presidents waved all their instances: so that in a few days the countenance of affairs was much altered; but a little while before they would not defer any thing in fa­vour of the Protestants; and now they refu­sed to proceed to business, though the Pro­testants earnestly urged it. The truth is, they would have very willingly continued the Sy­nodal proceedings; but they durst not, because [Page 243]they had no mind to hear the Protestants nor to give them any answer, as had been pro­mised; and therefore they daily found out some new reason for delay. At length they had a very plausible pretext, which was the sickness of the Legate Marcello Crescentio who on the five and twentieth of March was ta­ken ill by a strange Accident. He had been busie all day till night in dispatching Letters for Rome, and rising from his seat to take a little breath, he thought he saw a prodigious great black Dog with flaming Eyes, and long hanging Ears coming streight towards him, which afterwards disappeared under the Ta­ble. This put him into a great fright; but being come to himself again a little, he called his Servants who were in the Antichamber, and bid them beat out that black Dog; but the Dog not being found, the fright cast him into a fit of sickness of which he never reco­vered; his sickness served for a good pretext for the delays that were made in answering the Protestants: And besides, no sooner was one difficulty removed, but the Pope's Agents started another, because they were no less ap­prehensive of the Emperour and Imperialists, than they were of the Protestants, and they waited onely for a favourable occasion of breaking up the Council, which soon hap­pened. The German Bishops were already gone upon the Rumour of a War,Maurice Duke of Saxony takes up Arms for the Liber­ty of Germa­ny and of Re­ligion. and there was but a small number of Prelates at Trent, and those too onely Spanish and Italian. At length the design of the Electour of Saxony broke out; and Charles the V. that mighty Politician was out-shot in his own bow. The [Page 244]Electour with an Army of the Confederates, on the seventeenth of April, laid siege of Aus­burg. In the last Diet of Germany Commissi­ons had been given to Maurice Duke of Sax­ony to reduce the City of Magdeburg, decla­red rebel to the Empire because it had refu­sed to accept of the Interim: upon that pre­text he had received an Army, and that Ar­my was at his Devotion; this War was soon over, because the City of Magdeburg made their peace; but the Duke of Saxony never­theless continued to make secret Levies, whilst he gave it out that he would submit to the Council, sent his Ambassadours thither as we have seen, promised to wait on the Emperour, and set out on his Journey in order thereunto; and all this to lull the Emperour asleep. But whilst he thus played his game with the Em­perour, Albert Marquess of Brandenburg went secretly into France and made a Treaty with Henry the II. of France. Maurice in the mean while, about the beginning of the Spring brought into the Field the men whom he had raised during the Winter; and then published a Manifesto addressed to all the States of the Empire, wherein he remonstrated that he had been amused with vain hopes of a Reforma­tion, that notwithstanding severest rigours were used against the Protestants, particularly in banishing the Ministers of the Gospel. Se­condly he complained of the detention of his Father-in-Law the Landgrave of Hesse who was kept Prisoner by the Emperour; and in that particular accused the Emperour of breach of promise to him; but he chiefly represented to the States of the Empire the Emperour's [Page 245]design, which was evident that he intended to render himself absolute Master of Germany; and thereupon laid open all the Encroach­ments that had been made tending to that end. The Confederate Princes therefore, be­sieged the City of Ausburg, and took it in three days; the news of this being brought to Trent, and that the Army advanced to In­spruck; the Italians embarked upon the River of Adige and came by water to Verona; so great was the Consternation at Trent, that the Presidents wrote immediately to Rome for a Bull to empower them to suspend the Coun­cil. The Pope who had treated with the King of France, and regarded the Emperour no more, made no scruple of sending to the Nuncio's the Bull which they desired, but withall ordered them to keep it secret. The Nuncio's having received the Bull, advised with the Prelates and Ambassadours, what was fittest to be done in the present Juncture. session 19 28. April 1552. The Council is suspended be­cause of the War in Ger­many. The Emperour's Ministers according to their Master's intentions were for staying; but the Bishops who were smitten with fear, were not of that opinion, but concluded that the Council must be adjourned; so that the Nun­cio's Presidents finding it unsafe to stay till the first of May, the day appointed for the Session, did anticipate it by two days; it was therefore held the twenty eighth of April, where there was but a small appearance, most part being gone before; few Ceremonies were used, and those in a hurry: the Decree of Suspension for two Years because of the trou­bles of Germany, and for longer time if the troubles were not by that time over, was pub­lickly [Page 246]read; whereby it was likewise ordai­ned, that so soon as the troubles ceased, with­out any necessity of a new Convocation, the Prelates should reassemble at Trent, and that all that had been hitherto decided should be religiously observed. The Spaniards opposed this Suspension, and protested against the Act that past thereupon; but for all their Prote­station, they marched off with the rest. Rome is jealous of the smallest matter that may seem to entrench upon the Papal Authority; and therefore the Pope was very ill satisfied with the Presidents, that in the Conclusion of the Decree, the observation of the things that had been already decided in the Coun­cil, was strictly enjoyned, without expecting the Confirmation of the holy See. At that time the Court of Rome judged it a matter of highest importance to doe any thing that might give ground to imagine that the Coun­cil and its Decrees had any Power and Force, but what they derived from the Authority of the Pope.

The Emperour now at last received great blows all of a sudden. He saw in a moment all the great hopes defeated which he had conceived of raising the Grandure of his Fa­mily upon the Ruines of the Protestants, and the Depression of the Authority of the Pope, by means of a Council. The Pope turned his back upon him, all the Protestants of Germany revolted from him, and shook off the Yoke of that absolute Dominion that he endeavoured to lay upon them; his design was to have rendered the Empire hereditary to his Family, and to retain for his Posterity [Page 247]those great Dignities and Territories which he had united in his own Person. It is true, that he could not hinder his Brother Ferdinand from succeeding to him in the Em­pire, seeing he was already King of the Ro­mans. Nevertheless some Historians do say, that he had desired of Ferdinand a resignation of the Dignity of King of the Romans in fa­vour of his Son Philip; but that Ferdinand af­ter he had well thought on't, would not make that resignation. At least Charles used his en­deavours that his Son Philip should succeed to Ferdinand. These great designs and hopes va­nished all at once. Maurice pressed him to grant liberty of Religion in Germany: Ferdi­nand who had prospects of interest contrary to those of his Brother, being Kind to the Protestants had endeavoured to encline the Emperour to peace; but all his attempts were successless. And therefore Maurice having in vain essayed all ways of accommodation by the mediation of Ferdinand, at last betook him­self to the way of Arms: the Confederates having taken Ausbourg and the Fort of Erem­berg; drew near Inspruck where the Emperour was, which put the whole Imperial Court into such a terrour, that the Emperour fled by night, and retired into Carinthia in mighty disorder. Before he left Inspruck he set at liberty Frederick of Saxony after he had been several Years Prisoner. And that Prince fol­lowed the Emperour a long time in hopes of being again restored by him to his Electour­ship. Maurice arrived the same night at In­spruck, and did no injury to the House of Fre­derick nor to the Towns-people; but he plun­dered [Page 248]the Emperour and all his Court. At length in August following the peace was concluded at Passau; the Landgrave of Hesse was enlarged, liberty of Conscience granted to all, the banished Ministers recalled, and the Interim was abolished.

JULIUS III.

THE Pope finding himself eased of a Burthen that had lain heavy upon him, by the breaking up of the Council, resolved with himself to keep out of the Bri­ars,The Pope has enough of Councils, nei­ther does the Emperour care for them. and not to run into such straits again. Nevertheless to perswade the world that he was concerned at that Rupture, or rather to convince them what a useless thing a Coun­cil was, he himself undertook the Reformati­on of the Church; and for that end appoin­ted a numerous Congregation of Cardinals; but this, as all the other designs of Reforma­tion, presently vanished; it produced nothing but a great many Debates; so that within a few Months it was wholly laid aside. Nor was there any more talk of reassembling the Council, which was at this time interrupted [Page 250]for almost ten Years. Charles the V. who had been the great stickler for the Convocation of the Council, had not now the same inte­rests to prompt him; his main design was the greatness of his Family, and he had made it his business to render the Empire hereditary, as the Kingdom of Spain and his other Domi­nions were. He thought to have accomplished his ends by depressing the Protestant Prin­ces and the Pope, and that the Council of Trent was the fittest instrument for that pur­pose. And, indeed, this Emperour had got so great an Ascendant over the minds of all of his Family, that he could perswade them to any thing, even contrary to their own interests; his Brother Ferdinand was King of the Romans, and by consequence apparent Emperour: and he had prevailed with him that the Empire should be shared betwixt him and his Son Philip, as the Antonins had done heretofore. Mary Queen of Hungary their Sister who was wholly at Charles his Devotion for reasons, perhaps, not fit to be named, had perswaded Ferdinand to admit of that partnership; but Maximilian, Ferdinand's Son, perceiving that by that design he was like to be frustrated of the hopes of succee­ding his Father in the Empire, defeated all the intrigues. So that the Prospects of Charles being at an end with his hopes; the Council was no more in his thoughts, and Julius ca­red far less for it than he. It is true, the Rupture of the Council, and the peace of Pas­sau had quite exstinguished the Pope's hopes of ever seeing the revolted Germans reduced a­gain to the obedience of the holy See. But [Page 251]to comfort himself for the loss of the Germans, he drew from a remote Corner of the World, I know not what, a kind of subjects who sub­mitted themselves to the Authority of his See.Sultacan who call'd himself Patriarch of the People which inhabit betwixt Eu­phrates and the Indies, comes to Rome to render ho­mage to the Pope. The same course had been taken by Pope Eugenius IV. who whilst they were undermi­ning the Foundations of his Dominions in the Council of Basil, on the other hand fed his vanity, and underpropt his tottering Dignity by the vain homages of the Greeks, who in the Council of Florence came to submit to him, and by a counterfeit Pomp of pretended Ar­menians who desired instruction from him: this is a kind of Comedy that takes mightily at Rome. Paul III. during his Pontificate had also with great Solemnity and Ceremonies received the homages of one Stephen, who had taken the name of Patriarch of Armenia the greater, and who came to Rome attended by an Archbishop and two Bishops, upon design of recognising the Pope for head of the Church; and now under Julius a certain man named Simon Sultacan who called himself Patriarch of all the People that inhabit be­twixt the River Euphrates and the Indies, came to demand the Confirmation of his Patriarch­ship from the Pope, as from the Vicar of Jesus Christ. The Pope made him a Bishop, and then gave him the Patriarchal Pall; that happy accident was loudly proclaimed abroad, and the great encrease that the holy See re­ceived by the submission of so many People who owned its Authority, was made a mat­ter of great triumph; but to these Apparitions of Grandure, there succeeded somewhat more substantial for the Glory of the See of Rome. [Page 252] year 1553 Edward VI. King of England died the sixth of July 1553. His Father Henry VIII. had sha­ken off the Yoke of the Pope's Power with­out any innovation in Religion:Edward King of England dies, his Sister Mary succeeds to him, and restores the Catholick Re­ligion. 1553. And Ed­ward under the Regence of the Duke of Sommerset had compleated what his Father be­gan, and introduced a Reformation into the Church of England. But he lived not long enough to establish and confirm that great Work; by his last Will he had disinherited his two Sisters Mary and Elizabeth the Daughters of his Father Henry; the former Daughter of Catharine of Aragon who was divorced, and the second Daughter of Anne Bullen, whom Henry had caused to be beheaded. He had appointed the Lady Jane Gray his Cosin and Daughter to a Sister of Henry to be Heir of the Crown. Jane was proclaimed Queen; but her Reign was of short continuance, and cost her her Life. Mary was advanced to the Crown, both by the Privilege of her Birth, and by the Will of her Father, who had appointed that if Edward should die without Children, Ma­ry should succeed, and that Elizabeth should succeed to Mary. Mary being in the Throne, pretended at first that she would alter nothing in Religion, though she professed herself to be a Catholick; but great hopes were conceived at Rome, that this Queen might be usefull in reducing that Kingdom to its ancient Obedi­ence: And therefore Julius presently named Cardinal Pool for the Legation of England. But the Cardinal durst not undertake the Journey without great Circumspection, be­cause he had been banished the Kingdom, and degraded of his honour: and therefore he [Page 253]wrote to the Queen, and negotiated his re­turn by Giovanni Francisco Commendone; and having received a favourable answer he set out on his Journey.

The Parliament of England being called, de­clared the Marriage of Henry VIII. with Ca­tharine of Aragon the Queens Mother, valid, and by consequence pronounced the Divorce unlawfull. And the Acts made in the Reign of Edward were Repealed, and Religion rein­stated in the same condition it was in when Henry died. The confirmation of the Mar­riage of Henry was a great step towards an ac­commodation with Rome, seeing the Marriage of Henry and Catharine could not be declared lawfull, without admitting the Dispensation of Julius II. who had dispensed with Henry to Marry his Brother's Widow. So that the Par­liament by that procedure owned that the Pope has Power to dispence with the Laws of God, and by consequence acknowledged him Head of the Church. A motion was made of Marrying the Queen who was already forty years old, and three Matches were proposed; Cardinal Pool who was of the Bloud Royal; the Lord Courtenay Cozin to Henry VIII and Philip Prince of Spain. Mary chose Philip: and the Emperour fearing lest Cardinal Pool who had been his Son's Competitor might by his presence cross his Marriage with Mary, did all he could not make him delay his Journey, and not being able to perswade him, sent Don Diego de Mendoza to stop him in the Pala­tinate by Force and Authority. The Cardinal complained of this, as of an action that did violate the Majesty of the holy See, and an [Page 254]affront done to the Pope and his Legates: So that Charles having detained him sometime, was forced to give him his liberty, and sent him to Brussels. But he found a means to amuse him in Brabant, under colour of engaging him in a negotiation of Peace betwixt the King of France and himself, untill the Marriage was accomplished. In the beginning of the year, 1554. The Emperour sent four Ambassadours into England for concluding the Treaty be­twixt the Queen of England, his Son and him­self. Mary, in the mean while, who with much prudence went gradually on in the re­establishment of Religion, made new Procla­mations; restored the use of the Latin Tongue in Divine Service, renounced the Supremacy in the Church, gave it back to the Pope, and so annulled the Acts of her Father. The mat­ter was brought before the Parliament; where it met with opposition amongst the Lords be­cause of the Church Lands possessed by the Nobles, which they must be obliged to give back again. So that the Pope's Supremacy past not at that time. Prince Philip that he might not seem inferiour to Mary in Dignity, took the Title of King of Naples, and consum­mated his Marriage at London the twenty fifth of July, being St. James his day the Patron of Spain. The Parliament met again in the month of November following, and Cardinal Pool was therein restored to all his rights and ho­nours. Two Members of Parliament were sent to bring him over into England, and he arrived at London the twenty third of Novem­ber, with the Silver Cross carried before him. Being brought into the House of Lords, where [Page 255]the King and Queen were present, he made a Speech to that Illustrious Assembly, thanking them for the favour they had done him in re­storing him to his Honours and Countrey. He earnestly exhorted them to return again to the obedience of the holy See, wherein he pre­vailed, and the Ceremony of Reconciliation was performed the last day of November; for the Authority of the King and Queen had obliged all the dissatisfied Members to silence, which silence was taken as a consent. The Queen caused a Petition to be framed wherein the Parliament begg'd Pardon of the Pope, for having withdrawn themselves from under his obedience. This Petition was presented to the King and Queen, who rising immediate­ly from their Chairs of State, went to the Le­gate and besought him to grant the Parliament the Pardon which they begg'd. The Legate standing up, and all the Members of Parlia­ment kneeling before him, made a Speech con­cerning the Joy that the repentance of sin­ners causes in Heaven; and then having pray­ed over them he gave them absolution. The Members rose up, and the whole Parliament went in body to the Church where Te Deum was Sung. Next day three Ambassadours were named to goe render homage to the Pope in name of the whole Nation: and this success caused so great Joy at Rome, that the Pope proclaimed a Jubile the twenty fourth of December, to render thanks to God for so great a blessing. The Parliament of England sitting till the middle of the next year, Philip and Mary got all the Ancient Laws against Here-ticks to be revived. All Acts to the contrary [Page 256] year 1554 made in the time of Henry, and his Son Ed­ward were Repealed: and afterward the ri­gour of the Laws that were now again in force, was put in execution against the Protestants. One hundred threescore and sixteen persons of Quality besides inferiour people, were by Ma­ry's Order that year put to death: amongst whom Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the Bishops who had been the Au­thors of the Reformation were burnt. It was put to their choice either to dye or to recant, but none of them would save their Lives by a Recantation. This persecution extended to the very Graves, and the ashes of the dead; the bodies of Bucer and Paulus Fagius, who had been dead some four years, were taken up and burnt. So that the Protestants went to pot in all places: for at the same time Hen­ry the II. caused a great many of the reformed Religion to be burnt in France, not so much out of Zeal, as to satisfie the insatiable ava­rice of Diana of Poictiers Dutchess of Valenti­nois his Mistress, to whom he had given the forfeitures of all that should be condemned for Heresie. On the other hand Ferdinand King of the Romans published an Edict, where­by he strictly charged all his Subjects not to make any innovation in matters of Religion, and banished above two hundred Ministers out of Bohemia. Several of his most conside­rable Nobility prayed him, that he would at least permit the use of the Cup; but he refu­sed it, and caused a Catechism to be made, according to which all School masters should instruct their Scholars: But this Edict did not altogether please the Pope, who complained [Page 257]that a Prince should have undertaken to make a Formulary of Faith.

year 1555 The same year being 1555. a Diet was cal­led at Ausbourg for composing the troubles of Religion. Ferdinand made a long Speech in it,1555. A Diet at Ausbourg du­ring which the Pope dies. wherein he reckoned up the mischiefs that had been occasioned in Germany by those contro­versies in Religion; and the horrid corruption of manners that these debates had drawn after them. Divers means were proposed for ta­king up these differences, and amongst others a conference of the learned of both sides: but the Pope who had an aversion to any thing that bore the name of conference, approved not that expedient; he caused Cardinal Morone his Legate in Germany to represent to the Diet that all conferences ought to be avoided, and that the onely way to put an end to contro­versies was that which was taken in England; to wit, to return again to the obedience of the holy See. But Cardinal Morone was not long at Ausbourg before he heard of the death of Julius, which happened in February 1555. He therefore returned to Rome, to assist at the E­lection of a new Pope, and found the business done before he came.

MARCEL II.

Marcello Cervino Cardi­nal of Santa Croce was created Pope on the eighth of April 1555. It is observed as a thing singular in him, that he would not change his name as others do. This custome of changing of names upon promotion to the Papacy, came from the Germans, whose names are somewhat rough and unpleasant. Those of that Nation who had been chosen Popes, made choice of Latin names, that at least by their names they might not sound harsh in the [Page 258] year 1555 ears of the Romans. Afterward they made a mystery of that change, and the Cardinals who are chosen to fill the holy See, would thereby signifie, that they have renounced all their former Characters that they may become new men. Cardinal Santa Croce would not change his name, that he might give all to un­derstand, that he had been the same man in the Cardinalship, as he intended to be in the Papacy. He had gained the reputation of a grave and severe man, and of a high and stea­dy Soul, but he lived not long enough to give a proof of what he could doe. So soon as he was exalted to the Pontifical Chair, he laid a design of calling the Council again for setling the affairs of Religion, and that the Council might be happy in its proceedings, he thought it his own duty to begin with a thorough Re­formation of the Clergy and Court of Rome, which had been often proposed by his Prede­cessours; but never heartily meant by most of them. All his designs perished with him; for he died of an Apoplexie the last day of the same Month of April. So that he filled the Chair but two and twenty days.

PAUL IV.

Paul IV. cho­sen. He was of the House of the Caraffa's.The twenty third of May following the Car­dinals chose Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, who took the name of Paul IV. They made him take an Oath that he should convene the Council within two years, and that he should not for the first two years of his Pontificate create more than four Cardinals, because the sacred College was very numerous and full. The Character of his temper hitherto, made him a man of a severity that was somewhat morose and rough. He had been a Theatin Monk, [Page 259] year 1555 and when advanced to the Purple, had still re­tained the austerity of his Profession; so that that Election allarmed all those who dreaded a Reformation. As he was a man who had always affected a great austerity of life, and was besides haughty to the highest degree, so it was feared that if once he set upon a design of Reforming the Court of Rome, he would bring it about, what ever came on't: but they were soon rid of all these fears, for he present­ly laid aside that affected severity of life. He still retained a morose humour,This Pope was proud and in­solent to the highest degree. which being joyned to an insupportable haughtiness, he became the most proud and insolent man li­ving. Never was there Pope of Rome that carried it with greater Pomp and Grandure. The Steward of his house having asked him how he intended to be served for the future; like a great Prince, answered he. He would be crowned with greater Pomp than any of his Predecessours, and affected never to appear abroad but in great State and Splendour. The English Ambassadours who came to render homage to the holy See, arrived just upon the day of his Exaltation, which he took as a good presage. The Ambassadours falling down at his feet begg'd pardon for the whole King­dom: The Pope took them up, granted them what they desired, and without being solici­ted, erected Ireland into a Kingdom in favour of the King and Queen. This was a very surprizing Act, and no body understood the mystery of it, nor could any imagine what he drove at, in giving the name of Kingdom to an Island which the Kings of England peacea­bly possest under that Title▪ But that was a [Page 260]fetch of Roman Policy: Henry VIII. after his separation from the Church of Rome, had erected Ireland into a Kingdom, and had left it to Edward under that Title. Now the Pope pretending to have the onely right of dispo­sing of Crowns, and erecting States into King­doms, had a design to oblige Queen Mary to quit the Title of Queen of Ireland; but per­ceiving very well that that would prove too hard a task, he thought it better without say­ing any thing, and as being ignorant of what Henry had done, to erect that Countrey into a Kingdom, that so Mary might enjoy the Title of it, as holding it of the Pope, and not deri­ving it from her Father. Moreover, with an imperious Air and full of Authority he told the Ambassadours, that the Revenues and Church Lands must forthwith be restored to the Clergy, and the Tribute of St. Peter be setled again as formerly. Queen Mary endea­voured to give the Pope satisfaction as to that, but she could not prevail; because most of the great men of the Nation were in actual and hereditary possession of the Revenues of the Church, and could not be brought to part from them. So that all that she could doe was to restore what she her self possessed, and what had been annexed to the Crown.

The Diet at Ausbourg makes an E­dict of Liber­ty, which of­fends the Pope.Whilst matters went in this manner at Rome and in England, the Diet at Ausbourg which began in February last, was still continued. The Germans devised several means for putting an end to the controversies about Religion, but seeing they were not likely to take effect, they were forced to settle a Peace by making all the Princes within their own Territories su­preme [Page 261]in matters of Religion. The Prote­stants moved that it might be permitted to Bi­shops and Abbots to change their Religion without losing their Dignities and Revenues, but that did not pass. The Catholicks on the other hand, urged that those States which had accepted the Interim some seven years be­fore, should not have the liberty of returning again to the Confession of Ausbourg, but at length they yielded, and so all the States en­joyed full liberty of Conscience; nay, and the Lutherans were maintained in the possession of the Church-Revenues, which they had alrea­dy allotted for the entertainment of their Mi­nisters and Schools. Pope Paul, the most haughty and passionate man living, fell into a furious rage against this Edict of Liberty. He publickly threatned the Emperour and Ferdi­nand King of the Romans, that he would make them repent the injury they had done to the holy See. He exhorted them to recall those Edicts, wherein if they failed, he threatned to proceed against them with as severe Cen­sures as he intended to use against the Luthe­rans, he said that all the misfortunes that had befallen Charles, proceeded from the wrath of God against him, because of his indifference, and that he had not vigorously bestirred him­self in reducing Germany to the obedience of the holy See, which he might have done. In this manner, and with such kind of Discourse he entertained the Emperour's Ambassadour, and the Cardinal of Ausbourg. He observed the same Character with all other Ambassa­dours; telling them often that he was above all Princes, that he expected not that any of [Page 262]them should treat with him as his equal; that he could alter and take away Kingdoms as he thought good: nay, and being one day at ta­ble he lasht out so far as to say in the presence a great many persons of Illustrious Quality, that he would subject all Princes under this foot, stamping on the ground with his foot; he ad­ded that he would rather turn all things topsy turvy, and set fire to the four Corners of the World, than to commit the least base action in derogating from his Authority.The Pope lis­tens to the per­suasion of use­ing carnal Arms for sup­porting his Authority. This lofty and proud humour was yet more and more fomented by his Nephew Charles Caraffa, who from a Captain being become Cardinal, car­ried along with him into the Church all the violent inclinations of War. As for the Pope he stood it out merely by his haughtiness, and did not think he stood in need of other Arms, than those which the Character of Pope put into his hands; he perswaded himself that by his Spiritual Weapons he could doe whatsoe­ver he pleased, for never man valued himself more upon the account of Fortune than he, because all things had ever succeeded with him. Nevertheless, seeing he entertained vast thoughts and aimed at all, he easily let him­self be perswaded, that he ought to make use of all. Insomuch, that if on the one hand the Uncle was inclineable enough of himself to employ the Power of the Church with utmost rigour, the Nephew on the other hand, put it in his head to fortifie the Spiritual Power by Temporal Arms, and the Pope consented to it; but he would have that Union of the Arms of the World with those of the Church to be made very secretly, and not to appear [Page 263]sooner than was necessary. He therefore trea­ted very secretly with the King of France to take the Kingdom of Naples from the House of Austria, and to transfer it to the Crown of France; on condition that a good part of it should be annexed to the Ecclesiastick State. That affair was managed privately at Rome first with the Cardinal of Lorrain, and after­ward with the Cardinal de Tournon.

For the carrying on these great designs the Pope resolved to create a great number of Cardinals, who might depend on him as be­ing his Creatures. Upon his Elevation he had taken an Oath to make but a few Cardi­nals, because the Sacred College was already too numerous. So soon as mention was made of this promotion so contrary to what he had promised, and so opposite to the Emperour's in­terest, to whom the Pope intended to raise as many Enemies as he made Cardinals, the Sa­cred College and especially the Imperialists re­solved to oppose it. The Pope had notice of that, called a Consistory on the twentieth of December, and so soon as he had taken his place, he told them that he would grant Au­dience to none, that he himself would onely speak, that he had weighty matters to pro­pose, and that none must interrupt him: The Cardinal of St. Jago a Spaniard rising to speak to him, he puncht him several times on the breast and thrust him back. When all were set down after this Preface, he complained of the rumours that were spread abroad, that he could not lawfully create more than four Car­dinals because of the Oath that had been ex­acted from him at his Inauguration. He told [Page 264]them, that he would have them know that the Pope could not be bound by any Engagement, nor by any Man, nor indeed bind himself by any Oath; that to think the contrary was Heresie, from which out of Favour and Grace he absolved those who by such an opi­nion had incurred the penalties due to Here­ticks, because he was willing to believe that they were not obstinately engaged in it; but that if any one persisted to think or speak so, he would put him in the Inquisition; telling them plainly that he would make Cardinals, and that he would not be contradicted. He named seven, one of whom, to wit, Gropper a Divine of Cologne, refused the Hat.

In England Cardinal Pool, who till then would not take the orders of Priesthood, was made Priest, and four Months after, Archbishop of Canterbury in the place of Cran­mer who was burnt. In Germany the People of Austria demanded of Ferdinand Liberty of Conscience; Ferdinand refused it under pretext that he was bound by Oath to the Church, nevertheless he granted them the Cup con­ditionally untill the next Council, and pro­hibited them to endeavour any change in the rest of the Ceremonies. The Duke of Bavaria made also the same prohibition with­in his Territories, and allowed the Cup to his People. But the Palatinate was wholly re­formed: for the Electour being dead, his Nephew succeeded him, and so soon as he was fixt, he forbid the Mass, and the Exer­cise of the Roman Religion within his Terri­tories.

[Page 265]Pope Paul who omitted nothing that might make for his Reputation, and confirm his Authority, undertook to reform the Church, and for that end established a great Congre­gation composed of an hundred and fifty Persons,The Pope pro­poses a Refor­mation of the Church, but that proposal had no success. which he divided into three Cham­bers; he assigned them first, the matter of Si­mony to be examined; but that is a nice point, it is the Spring-head of all the Wealth of the Court of Rome. Some were for the ri­gour in cutting off all manner of ways, where­by money is taken for spiritual things. The Pope himself seemed to favour that opinion so far, that he said he would not grant any Matrimonial Dispensations; but the heat of that Zeal lasted not long, for the opposition was so great, and the Difficulties so terrible, that all was laid aside; some proposed to him the Calling of the Council again for carrying on of that Reformation, and, indeed, at his Inauguration he had sworn so to doe: but he laughed at that, saying that he had nothing to doe with a Council, that he was above those things, and that it was a great silliness to have sent twice already threescore Bishops and forty Divines the weakest of all the Mountaineers, to determine Controversies of the highest Nature: as if these good Folks had had more knowledge and capacity than the Vicar of Jesus Christ, adding notwithstanding, that provided the Council were held at Rome, he would not be against it. But especially when he came to know what toleration King Ferdinand and the Duke of Bavaria had granted their Subjects to communicate under both kinds, he took the Alarm and [Page 266]looked upon that action as an attempt, hardly to be remedied without a Council. The Ambassadour of Poland sent to Complement him upon his exaltation,The Pope falls into a rage upon occasion of some de­mands made to him by the Ambassadour of Poland. proposed to him some Demands in name of that State which vexed him much more than the Actions of Ferdinand and the Duke of Bavaria had done. The first was, that they might have liberty to celebrate Mass in the Vulgar Tongue; the second, that the Communion might be administred under both kinds; the third, that Priests might be allowed to Mary; and the fourth, that they might pay no more Annats, and that a national Synod might be called in Poland, for adjusting the Differences about Religion. He broke forth into a rage, when the Proposals were made to him, and all these things concurring together made him resolve to call a Council at Rome. He orde­red the Ambassadours to acquaint their Ma­sters, that he intended to celebrate a Coun­cil in the Church of Lateran, and declared the same in a Congregation of Cardinals. On his Coronation-day being the six and twentieth of May, a great many Cardinals with the Ambassadours of Princes being with him at Table, he said that he had acquainted Princes with his design merely out of form and civility; that he would make them sensi­ble what the Holy See can doe, when it is possest by a resolute and couragious Pope; that he well foresaw that his Proposal would displease them because of the Place that he had pitcht upon, but that though they should not send one Prelate to his Council, he would not be much concerned, and that he well knew how far his Authority reached.

[Page 267]Whilst matters went thus at Rome, news came that by the mediation of Cardinal Pool, the Emperour and the King of France had made a Truce for five Years;Peace is made betwixt the Emperour and the King of France, the Pope breaks it off. this News vexed the Pope to the heart, because it broke all his measures, and suited not at all with the design he had of engaging the King of France in the War of Naples, and of making use of the Arms of that Prince for seizing that Kingdom; however he pretended to be glad at it. But he could not forgive Cardinal Pool, to whom he owed so great obligations, for having reduced England to the obedience of the Holy See; for he sought a pretext to break with him, he deprived him of his Le­gateship, and put into the Inquisition his Friend Thomas de S. Felix Bishop Della Cava. Im­mediately he dispatcht two Legates, one into France, and another into Germany, under pre­text of essaying to convert the Truce into a Peace. But instead of endeavouring to make peace, Caraffa his Legate in France perswaded the King to break the Truce; and offered him absolution from his Oath. The Princes of the house of Guise solicited him to that action, but the rest of the Court looked upon that perfidiousness with abhorrence. There was onely one thing that stuck with Henry II. and that was that the Pope being extremely old, he could not hold out long; that after him another would come, who might take other measures; and that so he would be left alone in the mire into which the Pope had plung'd him. The Cardinal of Lorrain a man for expedients, found out one presently: he told the King that he must get the Pope to [Page 268]create so many Cardinals of the French facti­on, that the King might always be sure of having in the holy See a man at his Devotion. This was a cross ill laid trap, however Henry was caught in it, and did whatsoever they would have him doe. But these Negotiations could not be kept so secret, but that the Em­perour began to suspect that the work that was preparing for him was of the Pope's cut­ting out; for the Legate that was sent to him made but very small Journeys, and when he came to Maestricht he had orders from Ca­raffa to come into France, to stop there; and not to goe to the Emperour, though he was but two days Journey from him.

The Pope breaks with the Emperour, and under­takes a War which prov'd fatal to him.The Pope seeing his Train pretty well laid, sought for no more but a fair pretext to break with the Emperour: which he presently found in that Ascanio Colonna and Marco Antonio his Son were protected at Naples. The Pope had excommunicated both, deprived them of all their Lands and Estates, and given their Forfeitures to his Nephew Montorio, with the Title of Duke of Pagliano. The Colonna's fled to Naples, from whence they made frequent inrodes upon the Ecclesiastick State, and espe­cially upon the Lands that had been taken from them. The Pope was mad with the Em­perour because his Enemy had found refuge within the Territories of that Prince, and spoke of Charles and Ferdinand, in very out­ragious terms, in presence of their Ambassa­dours and Friends. In fine he resolved to make open War, he secured all suspected Per­sons, and shut up several Cardinals and Gen­tlemen in the Castle of St. Angelo. Nay and [Page 269] year 1556 contrary to the Law of Nations he cast into Prison Garcillasso di Vega King Philip's Ambassa­dour, and Postmaster of the Empire; he gave protection to those that were banished out of Naples, and broke open the Emperour's pac­kets. When the Duke of Alva who was then Viceroy of Naples expostulated with him for these injuries, threatning that if he persisted in so doeing his Master would right himself by the Law of Arms; the Pope made answer that he was a free Prince, that as he was not to give account of his Actions to any, so as Pope he might call all men to an account of theirs, and that nothing could move him to fail in what he was obliged to doe for the maintenance of the Church. At length the Duke of Alva finding that fair means could not prevail with him, and that great preparati­ons were making in the Pope's Territories, thought it his part to take the start, and de­clare War first; which he did the fourth of September, 1556. He seized almost that whole Countrey which is called Campania di Roma, keeping it in name of the succeeding Pope, and put Rome it self into a fright. The Pope fell to fortifying the City, and forced all even the Monks to labour at the Works. There was a weak place at the end of the Street called Flaminia, where stood a stately Church of our Lady that hindered the fortifications: The Pope was about to demolish it; but the Duke of Alva sent to entreat him not to doe it, promising not to take advantage of that place. In the mean time the Duke thinking it enough to have put Rome in a fright, drew off and did not lay siege to the place.

[Page 270]This was the Year wherein Charles made a Resignation of all his Dignities, and retreated to a solitary Life, having first made over his hereditary Dominions to his Son,The resigna­tion of Charles the V. and the Empire to his Brother. People hereupon made reflexions much to the disadvantage of the Pope; for they compared his haughtiness with the humility of that great Prince, who being born in the height of honour, and having lived in so great Glory, had freely re­nounced all the Pomps and Vanities of the World; whereas, on the other hand, Paul having been first a Bishop, and having after­wards betaken himself to a Monastery of Thea­tins, came out again to be a Cardinal, and at the age of 80 Years created Pope, was become the proudest and most insupportable man living.

The Resignation of Charles did not put an end to the War of Naples. The Duke of Guise was forced to march into Italy to the assistance of the Pope; he had a design to have stopt at Lombardy to make a Diversion; but the Pope would have him on any terms to march forward into the Kingdom of Na­ples, where he did nothing at all. And now the Pope to make good his promise created ten Cardinals, but they were neither French men, nor devoted to the French interest as he had promised, which a little disgusted that Nation. On the other side the Court of Rome had no great reason to be much satisfied with the Succours of France, for notwithstanding their assistance, the Duke of Alva took the Town of Signey, and threatned the same to Pagliano. The Pope being alarmed at this [Page 271]great Success; opened his grievances in a con­sistory of Cardinals, to whom, amongst other things, he told that he resolutely expected Martyrdom; but the Cardinals could not well conceive how he could die a Martyr in a War which he had kindled by his treachery and ambition. At the same time the French were defeated at St. Quentin in Picardy by the Forces of the K. of Spain, which forced the K. of France to recall his Forces out of Italy; and the Pope was constrained to make peace with the Duke of Alva: but though he had been worsted, yet would he needs make his peace as if he had been victorious;The Pope being overcome makes peace like a Conquerour. He would neither suffer the Colonna's to be mentioned in the Treaty, nor himself to be accused of having violated the Law of Nations by imprisoning the Ministers of the Emperour and King of Spain; but on the contrary the Duke of Alva must come to Rome in person to beg on his Knees absoluti­on for himself, and in name of the King his Master. Never was there any thing more haughty, and indeed the Inundation of the Tyber, which at that time overflowed all the City of Rome and ruined the Fortifications of the Castle of St. Angelo, was lookt upon as an effect of that prodigious pride which pro­voked Divine Vengeance. One thing is re­ported of this Pope, which very well shews his humour; in order to this war he had rai­sed Troops amongst the Grisons; and they be­ing Protestants, according to the usual Inso­lence of Soldiers, made havock in all Churches where they past, even to the pulling down of Images. The Cardinals of the Inquisition complained of this; but the Pope answered, [...] [Page 276] year 1558 were repealed, and the Roman Religion wholly banished the Kingdom. About the same time another thing happened which over­whelmed the Pope in trouble; and that was that in the Diet of Ausbourg the Acts of the last Years Conference, which ended without any Success, having been examined, the Em­perour confirmed the Liberty of Religion ac­cording to the Pacification at Passau, and the Recesses of the Diets which had been held afterward. The Pope could not hinder, nor oppose it by his Legates; for he had excluded himself from all Negotiation with Germany by the affront and injury he had done to Fer­dinand. And to mortifie him for good and all, peace was concluded at Cambray, the third of April, betwixt the Kings of France and Spain. So that he found himself left alone, forsaken of all men, hated of those two Princes, betwixt whom he had kindled a War, instead of quenching it, as it was the Duty of the Common Father of the Church. In that Trea­ty the two Kings obliged themselves mutually to endeavour the Reformation of the Church, and the Calling of a Council for rooting out of Heresies. Philip and Henry were both great Persecutours of Protestants: especially Philip of Spain, who thought it not enough to use Fire and Sword in a most cruel manner within his own Dominions; but sent Ambassadours to all Neighbouring Princes to solicite them to take the same violent Courses against Pro­testants. Perhaps there was more of resent­ment and revenge than Zeal for Religion in this Conduct; for he had a mortal hatred to the Protestants of Germany, because they had [Page 277]been the Cause that he was not named King of the Romans in the Diet of Ausbourg in the Year 1551. for the reformed States favoured Ferdinand and Maximilian his Son who oppo­sed the Election of Philip. From the time of the first Edict of Charles the fifth, there had been above fifty thousand men put to death by most cruel Torments in the low Coun­treys; but this being not sufficient to Philip, he made a League with France for the total Subversion of the Reformation. The Cardi­nal of Lorrain in France, and Granvel Bishop of Arras were the great sticklers for that En­terprise.

For putting of this design in execution, Philip had a great mind to have brought the Inquisition into the low Countreys; but his Father Charles the V. having heretofore suc­ceeded so ill in that design, that he was forced to leave it off, he feared that that Enterprise might cost him more trouble than it had done his Father. To cut off some of the Dif­ficulties that might happen he resolved to begin with the multiplication of Bishopricks, in hopes that these Bishops might contribute much to the accomplishment of his design. There were but two Bishopricks in all the low Countreys, Utrecht and Cambray, all the rest of the Cler­gy were under the Jurisdiction of German and French Bishops, and these two Bishops were also Suffragans to Strangers. Philip drew his Territories from under a foreign spiritual Ju­risdiction, and erected into Bishopricks, Namur, Antwerp, Balise-duc, Ghent, Bruges, Ipres, St. Omer, Harlem, Midleburg, Leuvarden, Gronin­guen, Ruremonde and Deventer, and established [Page 278]three Archbishopricks, Cambray, Malines and Utrecht. The People perceived very well what that tended to: and therefore they grew more obstinate, and became inclinable to embrace the Reformation, refusing to pay any Taxes till the Spanish Soldiers were removed. Henry II. on his part did all that lay in his power to ruine the Protestants in his Kingdom. He resolved to be present at the famous Mercurial which was held the fifteenth of June, this was the name that was given to the Assemblies which met on Wednesdays, for examining and correc­ting the manners of the Judges of Parliament. Matters of Religion were to be treated of there, and the King would hear the Judges argue that affair, that he himself might know who were infected with new opinions. After that Assembly he caused Lewis le Fevre, and Anne du Bourg both Judges to be apprehended, be­cause they had been of opinion that some fa­vour should be shew'd in punishing People who were onely guilty, said they, in discove­ring the Corruptions of the Court of Rome.

The first nati­onal Synod of the Protestants in France.The Protestants notwithstanding the rigour of Persecutions went on with their business, and framed a Discipline in the Church: they met at St. Germain, and held their first natio­nal Synod there, wherein Francis Morel was President. The Pope, on his part, did all that lay in his Power to encourage those two Kings, and seeing he extremely dreaded a Council, and yet passionately desired the Ruine of the Protestants, he importuned those Princes to settle the Inquisition, extolling and praising it as the onely means to extirpate Heresies. The Protestants of Germany interceded with Henry [Page 279] year 1559 that he would put a stop to the rigour of his Persecutions, though all in vain: but one more powerfull than they stept in; for providence permitted that the King of France was killed on the second of July, by Montgommeri, Henry King of France is kil­led. Count de Lorge, who in a Turnement run a Lance into his Eye. The Protestants looked upon the death of the King as a Miracle in all its Cir­cumstances; they published several small Pam­phlets, wherein they observed that the King was killed by Captain de Lorge, whom he had employed to apprehend the two suspec­ted Judges after that famous Mercurial of the fifteenth of June; they added that he was smitten in the Eye as a Punishment for his swearing that with his Eyes he would see Anne du Bourg burnt. All these unseasonable observations did onely hasten the death of poor Anne du Bourg, for the Queen being in­censed by these Libels pressed the Judges to condemn him; which they did contrary to their inclinations. The Pope was extremely afflicted at the news of the Death of Henry, whom he lookt upon as his Protectour against the attempts of the Germans and Spaniards upon the Authority of the holy See. But he stood not long in need of a Protectour in this World;The Pope dies. Pius IV. of the House of Medicis is chosen. for he died the eighteenth of August the same year: on his Death-bed he commen­ded nothing to the Cardinals but the Inqui­sition, as the onely means of preserving the Church. Paul was no sooner dead, but the People who had more than a hatred for him, rose in a terrible fury; they beat off the head of his Statue, dragg'd the Statue through the City, opened the Prisons that he had fil­led [Page 280] year 1559 with wretched People, and let out all the Prisoners; and the Convent of Minerva, the Monks whereof had the Charge of the In­quisition, narrowly escaped being burnt. The Cardinals also took Cardinal Morone out of the Castle of St. Angelo, to which he had been committed by the late Pope: and all the Ca­raffa's Arms were defaced, torn in pieces and broken down, wherever they were found. On the fifth of September the Cardinals went into the Conclave, the See was vacant almost three Months, and the Factions that usually happen on such occasions, retarded the Elec­tion untill the four and twentieth of Decem­ber.

PIUS IV.

Philip uses great Cruelty in Spain a­gainst the Protestants.During that time Philip left the low Coun­treys, and went to Spain: he was near being cast away in a storm, and being buried in the same waves that had swallowed up his rich Furniture and part of his Retinue. When he was arrived in Spain, he made it his chief care to choak the Seeds of new opinions that had been sown there; the very day he arrived at Sevil, which was the twenty fourth of Septem­ber, he caused John Pontio of Leon Son of the Count of Baileno, and twelve other men and women of Quality to be burnt as Lutherans. He caused the Effigies of Constantin Pontio who sometimes before died in the Prison of the Inquisition, to be burnt, he had been the Emperour's Confessour, and in his Armes Charles gave up the Ghost: so that it was thought he did not much consult the honour of his Father in that action, for if the Direc­tour of his Conscience was a Lutheran, it was strange if he himself was not tainted with Lu­theranism; [Page 281]from thence he went to Valladolid, and caused eight and twenty Gentlemen of the Countrey to be burnt in his presence, and committed to Prison Bartholomè de Car­ranza, whom we mentioned in the Acts of the first Convocation of the Council, and who was afterwards made Archbishop of To­ledo. To be accused was enough to make a man guilty in the Judgment of Philip; for in rea­lity the Archbishop of Toledo was innocent, and the Council held under Pius IV. in the year 1563. having appointed Doctours to ex­amine the Book for which he was accused, approved the Book, notwithstanding that Caz­dellun Secretary of the Embassy at the Coun­cil, and the Count de Luna Embassadour of Spain, both opposed it. These Torments and Cru­elties made the Spaniards, who in their hearts had an Aversion to the See of Rome, conceal themselves. And certainly the Roman Church hath this obligation to Philip, that he hindered the Change of Religion in Spain, for in all appearance the Reformation would have made as great progress there as it had done else­where.

At length, December 24th. at night Cardinal Giovanni Angelo de Medicis was chosen Pope, who took the name of Pius IV. Immediately upon his promotion he put a stop to the disor­ders which the hatred of the House of Ca­raffa had raised in the City; and reconciled himself to the Emperour Ferdinand, to whom he acknowledged his Predecessour had been in the wrong. There was, however, some little debate about the Terms which the Pope would have had the Count D' Arco the Empe­rour's [Page 282] year 1560 Ambassadour use, in making him the Complements of his Master; for the Count had Orders to make use of the word Reve­rence, but the Pope would have the Emperour promise him Obedience. Cardinal Pacieco a Spaniard advised the Count to stick exactly to his Commission: But the Cardinals Morone and Madruocio prevailed more with him; and so the matter went as the Pope would have it. The Ceremony of his Coronation was perfor­med the first of January 1560. and the ele­venth of the same Month he called a Congre­gation of Cardinals, wherein he declared to them his design of restoring the Council. He dreaded it as all other Popes had done; but he looked upon it as an unavoidable evil, fore­seeing that he would be so solicited to it, as that he could not deny it. He therefore re­solved to doe the thing with good Grace, and made known his intention to the Ambassa­dours of Princes. The Duke of Savoy after an Embassie of obedience, sent to Rome to ob­tain liberty from the Pope to hold a Confe­rence with those of his Subjects inhabiting the Vallies of Piedmont, who had fallen off from the Church of Rome. These People who be­fore the Reformation had separated themselves from the Roman Communion, joyned with the City of Geneva so soon as it had shaken off the Jurisdiction of the Pope. The Duke had put a great many of them to Death, and sent others to the Galleys. They suffered patient­ly a long while; but at length they put it to deliberation, if they could lawfully put them­selves in a posture of defence against their So­vereign. Opinions were divided, and part of [Page 283]them took up Arms. However the Duke knowing that they had not been prompted to that by a Spirit of Rebellion, resolved to try fair means with them. But at Rome the pro­posal was rejected with indignation; they counsel'd him to use force, which he followed, and for eighteen Months waged War against these Wretches.

In the beginning of the same year a great Conspiracy was hatcht in France, The Conspira­cy of Amboise. they who were engaged in the Plot were put upon it as much through interest of State as of Religion. The House of Guise were absolute Masters both of the King's person and mind: and this being a grievance to many, they formed a Party and entered into a Confederacy for put­ting a stop to the fury of the Persecution, and at the same time for rescuing the person of Fran­cis the Second out of the hands of the Princes of Guise. But the Plot was discovered, the Court went from Blois to Amboise, where there is a Citadel; part of the Conspirators were taken and put to Death; and so that Conspi­racy of which one Renaudé, was the chief was quickly dispersed and brought to naught. The Protestants, in the mean while, encreased amidst all these Persecutions, and that made the King's Council look out for other means of composing the troubles, than what had been employed hitherto: it was concluded that a Council of the whole Nation must be called; but Cardinal d' Armagnac who was wholly for the interest of the Court of Rome, and was as good as any Inquisitor against the Prote­stants, withstood that resolution. Monluc Bi­shop of Valence was of opinion for calling a [Page 284]national Synod, and that prevailed. This re­solution was signified to the Pope, but he ap­proved not of it. On the contrary he com­plained publickly at Rome against the King's proceedings, who by a Declaration of the eighteenth of March had pardoned all who upon account of Religion had taken up Arms against him. The Pope said it was the cause of God, and that no Prince has power to pardon such Crimes; that besides, national Councils were good for nothing but to breed Schisms, that there was need of a General Council, and that he intended to convene it without delay.The Pope soli­cites the King of France to take Geneva. He sent into France the Bishop of Viterbo to represent the same things: and that he might employ the King, and take him off from thinking of that national Synod, he essayed to perswade him to bend his forces a­gainst the City of Geneva. He also solicited the Duke of Savoy, and the King of Spain to the same Enterprise, the King of Spain being a Neighbour to Geneva by the Franche Comte. The Savoyard would have been very willing, provided he could have kept Geneva for him­self, nor perhaps would the King of Spain have been against that: but he knew very well that the King of France would never allow it to be in any other Prince's Possession; and therefore he chose rather to suffer the new Religion to reign there, than to see it in the hands of the French who were already too near Neighbours to the County of Burgundy, which then belonged to the King of Spain; so that that matter went no farther. The King of Spain who thought it not proper to unite with the King of France for the Ruine [Page 285]of Geneva, as he had been solicited by the Pope, thought himself obliged, at least to com­ply with the Pope's inclinations in disswading the French from holding a national Council. For that effect, he sent into France Antiono de Toledo Prior of Leon, with instructions to offer France forces and assistance for the destruction of the Hereticks; and it is certain that he could not doe more than what he did to satisfie the Pope by the Ruine of the Protestants. The Court of France did not much listen to these Proposals, they would, indeed, have been wil­ling to have had Geneva; but they feared the Switsers, and the stirs that the Huguenots might raise in France during that War. As to the matter of the Council, they were stedfast in their design, of calling a national one in France, giving the Pope, in the mean time, assurance that nothing should be attempted in it contra­ry to his Authority. But he could not trust too much to that, he was very apprehensive of the French Prelates, who were accused to be in­fected with Heresie, and were at least prepos­sest with some Tenets which they call the Privileges of the Gallican Church, and with Maximes that sute not with that Supremacy which is challenged by the Court of Rome. The apprehension of this made the Pope ab­solutely resolve to call the General Council:The Pope re­solves to call a General Coun­cil. But he was at a stand as to the place, he would have been very willing to have held it at Bologna, but he did not expect that the Prelates would come thither. Milan was of­fered him, but he would not accept of it, unless the Citadel were put into his hands during the sitting of the Council. The King [Page 286]of Spain, for all he was so good a Catholick, could not be brought to condescend to that; for as to the point of worldly affairs and in­terests, the Pope and other Princes are trusted much alike. At length he concluded upon the City of Trent, where it had been already assembled. There happened two considerable matters which confirmed him in his resolution of hastening the Convocation of the Council; the one was the Revolt of Scotland, which ba­nished Mary the Queen regent, and fell off from the Church of Rome: the other was the Jealousie that they had of Maximilian King of Bohemia Son to the Emperour Ferdinand; Maximilian King of Bo­hemia and the Romans is suspected of Lutheranism. who was always thought too favourable to the Protestants. Paul IV. had accused him as an Abbetter of Heresie, and one day he made an answer to the Pope's Ambassadours, that much encreased the suspicion that they had of him. The Pope's Nephew Maroo Altemps ex­horting Maximilian in behalf of Pius IV. to continue a good Catholick, promising him on the one hand that if he did, the Pope would corroborate the pretentions he had to the Empire; and on the other hand threatning, that if he persisted to give Causes of Suspici­on, he would never confirm him King of the Romans, but would deprive him of all his Territories. Maximilian made answer to the promises that were made him of favour and assistance, that he was very much obliged to his Holiness, but that the Salvation of his Soul was much dearer to him than all worldly Enjoyments. Now at Rome this kind of style was lookt upon as an infallible sign of Luthe­ranism, and as the badge of those who were Enemies to the holy See.

[Page 287]All these reasons made the Pope, on the third of June, call together the Ambassadours of Princes, and told them more plainly than hitherto he had done, his design of re-esta­blishing the Council at Trent, ordering them to acquaint their Masters with the same. He himself wrote to his Nuncio's in all places, that they should exhort the Princes to have their Arms in readiness to constrain the Re­bels to return into the bosome of the Church, for it was not so much his thought to hold a Council for deciding of Controversies, as to take from Princes all pretext of dealing with Protestants in the way of Lenity and Mildness. The opinions of the Princes were extremely divided as to that particular. The King of Spain approved both the Council, and the choice of the place, but the French refu­sed the City of Trent, and proposed Treves, Constance, Wormes, or Haguenau. The Empe­rour was of the same mind, affirming that the Lutherans did abominate the Council which was begun, that it would be impossible ever to induce them to come, or to submit to the Council, if a new one were not called. He added that he could not undertake for the Empire, before he had assembled a General Diet, and that for his hereditary Dominions, it would be hard for him to make them come to the Council, if the Cup and Marri­age of Priests were not again allowed them. These proposals did not please the Pope: he de­clared that he would never suffer the matters which had been already decided at Trent, to be examined over again, if it should cost him his life; that as to the Restitution of the Cha­lice [Page 288]and the Marriage of Priests which were onely of positive right, he should refer him­self to the Council, but that he would act nothing of himself alone, though he had Au­thority to doe so.

The Assembly at Fontaine­bleau, where it is resolved that a Natio­nal Council shall be called in France, and Severities, in the mean time, cease.The Protestants multiplied in France, and the dissentions encreased also. The King was, therefore obliged to call a numerous Assembly of the chief of the Kingdom to meet at Fon­tainebleau the twentieth of August in the same year 1560. Jean de Mouluc Bishop of Valence who was no Enemy to the Protestants, and who wished for some Reformation in the Church, gave his Judgment there for a natio­nal Council, and for the forbearance of Per­secution; affirming that People were amazed at the Constancy of those that suffered, which made them inform themselves about their Re­ligion; he was seconded by a great many more; and Admiral Coligny himself presented to the King Petitions that had been delivered to him in Normandy, which begg'd that a stop might be put to all Severities, untill the Cause should be tried. He added that having enquired whence these Petitions came, they had made him answer that fifty thousand were ready to set their hands to them. The Duke and Car­dinal of Guise opposed these opinions, and re­jecting a national Council, voted for the con­tinuance of Severities. The conclusion of the Assembly was, an Edict ordaining the States to meet at Meaux the tenth of December ensu­ing; and that if a General Council were not called, the Bishops of France should assemble the thirteenth of January following, that they might take their measures for holding of a na­tional [Page 289]Council; and that in the mean time Se­verities should cease.

That Assembly of Fontainebleau gave the Pope fresh Jealousies, and he was the more afraid of the National Council, because he found that the Protestants likewise demanded it. He sent therefore orders to the Cardinal of Tournon his Legate in France to endeavour what lay in his power to prevent the Assem­bly of the Bishops, and pressed the affair of calling the General Council. He proposed it once again to the Ambassadours, and repre­sented to them the disorders that would be occasioned by a National Synod; but he could not forbear discovering the true reason of the hatred which he bore to these National Synods in which he had not the absolute power. They pretend, said he, to subject the Pope and Court of Rome to a Council, but I am ready to lay down my life rather than to suffer it: Pro fide & religione volumus mori. He would have the Ministers of Princes to give their opinions concerning that affair. The Emperour's Ambassadour, according to his Master's intention was of the mind that the matter should not be hastened too much, that a Diet might be assembled to consult about it: but the other Ambassadours consented to a speedy Convocation of the Council according to the intentions of the Pope In the mean time, the Politicians look­ed upon all this eagerness of the Pope to be a kind of Comedy. For they thought it a clear case, that if he could not avoid a Council, he would at least endeavour to put it off untill he had enriched his Family and his Nephews; [Page 290]and that afterwards he would be willing to give others good Examples of frugality and moderation, and bear more easily with the Re­formations that might be made in the Coun­cil. About the beginning of November, Letters came to Rome from the Emperour's Court, still pressing that the Council might not be called at Trent, and that that Convocation might not pass for a Continuation of the for­mer Council, because the Place and that Con­tinuation would be stumbling blocks to the Lutherans, and would raise difficulties never to be surmounted. France continued likewise in the same mind, and the Union of those two great Powers in the same Sentiments, put the Pope into a great deal of perplexity, and made him thereupon hold several Congrega­tions. At length he resolved to pass over all these difficulties, he minuted the Bull of Convocation,The Pope formes the Bull of Convoca­tion of the Council, and still chuses the City of Trent. and devised a form that might give content to all, as well those who were onely for removing the Suspension of the Council, as the rest who desired a Council to be called anew. He gave this title to his Bull, The Indiction of the Council of Trent, which seemed to insinuate that it was to be a new Council: but in the body of the Bull, he said that he removed the Suspension, and made use of the word Continue. This middle way contented no body, and displeased both par­ties: However the Pope did all he could to perswade Princes to be satisfied, and sent or­ders to his Ministers in France to endeavour to remove all Scruples about the word Conti­nue, because that should not hinder but that the affairs which had been decided under Paul [Page 291]and Julius III. might be reviewed, if the Council thought it expedient.

year 1561 The opening of that Assembly was appoin­ted to be on Easterday in the year 1561. And the Pope dispatcht the Bull into all places, with Nuncio's to invite not onely Catholick Princes to the Council, but all Protestant Princes also. He sent the Abbot Martinengo to the Queen of England; but she forbid him to enter her Dominions, though the Kings that were in alliance with her had used all their interests to perswade her to receive him. He had likewise designed to have sent a Nuncio into Muscovy to invite the Czar who is of the Greek Church to come to the Coun­cil.

The Death of Francis II. the Queen Regent Assembles the States at Or­leans.The same year on the fifth of December Francis II. King of France died, and his Bro­ther Charles IX. being but ten years old suc­ceeded him. The death of this Prince put the Protestants in heart, and made them hope for a change in affairs, because the King of Na­varre first Prince of the bloud was to have a great share in the Government during the King's Minority. Now this King was a decla­red Protestant, and was influenc'd by the Councils of Admiral Coligny a great Protectour of the Protestants. The Queen Mother and her Council thought sit to assemble the States at Orleans, and to open the Assembly the thirteenth of December; where opinions were strongly argued pro and con concerning Liberty of Conscience. At length it was con­cluded, that the King should publish an Edict for cessation of Rigours and Criminal Prosecu­tions upon account of Religion. The Edict [Page 292]past and at the same time the King gave orders to the Prelates to prepare themselves to goe to Trent to the Council. The Count of Roch­fort who spoke for the Gentry, presented a Petition in name of the Gentlemen for obtai­ning permission for the publick Exercise of the reformed Religion; but no answer was given to that Petition, it was referred to the States which were to meet in May following. In the same Estates at Orleans it was ordained that Canonical Elections should be restored, that Bishops should be chosen by the Chap­ters with consent of the People and Nobility; that the Annates which were sent to Rome should be abolished, that Bishops and Curates should reside, that all Abbots and Monks should be subject to the Jurisdiction of Bi­shops, and that no man might give any Lands or Estates to Monasteries. The Pope and King of Spain used their utmost endeavours to hinder the effect of the resolution which was taken in the Estates at Orleans concer­ning the Suspension of Rigours against Pro­testants: they even attempted to bring over the King of Navarre by vain and imaginary hopes, not onely of restoring Navarre which the Spaniards kept from him, but also of ma­king him King of England: which, as they said, Queen Elizabeth had forfeited by the Crime of Heresie. These vain hopes and the natural weakness of that poor Prince made him halt between the two opinions even till his death: for though he was in arms against the Protestants, when he was killed at the Siege of Rouen, yet it is certain his Conscience was not fully satisfied as to the Religion of the Church of Rome.

[Page 293]The Protestants of Germany met at Namburg to consult what measures they were to take to provide against the inconveniencies that threatned them from the Council. They essayed first to compose their own differences that they might not be upbraided with Divisi­ons among themselves: and therefore they proposed the fixing of a common Confession of Faith to which all might agree, because there was even some difference in the several Editions of the Confession of Ausburg, but they could not find means to adjust this. As concerning the Council, they resolved to pe­tition the Emperour, that he would procure one which might be free, where the Pope should not preside, and wherein the Protestant-Divines might have a Vote. They had no hopes of obtaining such a Council, but they made the demand, that they might have a Pretext not to goe to that which the Pope called at Trent. About the same time two Nuncio's arrived in Austria with the Bull of Convocation.

The Pope sends Nuncio's to the Protestant States, to in­vite them to the Council, but they are ill received.The Emperour advised them to goe to the Protestants whilst they were assembled at Namburg, and sent three Ambassadours with them. The Protestants gave a submissive hea­ring to what the Emperour's Ministers had to propose to them, and made them answer, that they were much obliged to his Imperial Majesty; but that they could not submit to a Council, which was not free, and wherein Controversies would not be decided purely by the word of God, which was the thing they expected. As for the Nuncio's, they re­ceived and heard them civilly, but they sent [Page 294]them back the Pope's Briefs sealed up as they had presented them; and having considered what answer they should make, they thought it best to tell them in plain terms, that they acknowledged not the Pope's Jurisdiction, that they were not obliged to declare to him their thoughts concerning a Council, and that they had acquainted the Emperour with their in­tentions as to that. The Nuncio's met with no better reception at Nuremberg, Franckfort, Ausburg, and in all the other Protestant Towns: but the King of Denmark was more rude with them still; for he commanded them not to enter within his Dominions, and sent them word that neither his Father nor he having ever had any business with the Pope, he would receive no Ambassadours from him. That answer extremely vexed the Nuncio Commen­done, who had stopt at Lubeck expecting the King's Passports to come into Denmark. And it was no small mortification to the Pope, that after he had stoopt so low as to send Nuncio's to those whom he lookt upon as He­reticks, he should be slighted by them in that manner; but it was still some comfort, that his friends made it their business to give it out in all places, that that great condescension was an effect of his Singular Piety and Zeal. The Switzers received a Nuncio from Rome also, and in their Assembly at Bade, one of the Bur­gomasters of Zurich, which was a Protestant-Town, kissed the Brief when he received it. The news of this was very gratefull to the Pope; but that was all he got by it; for the refor­med Cantons refused to come to the Council, and the Catholicks promised they would. So [Page 295]that every where almost the Nuncio's met with opposition; for the Emperour himself made a kind of an ambiguous answer, and insisted that that Assembly might pass for a new Council. Spain on the other hand, stumbled at the title of Indiction, and would onely have it to be a removal of the Suspension, demanding that it might be expresly declared, that that As­sembly was a Continuation of the Council of Trent. But on the contrary, France openly demanded an amendment in the Bull as to the point of Continuation, urging that it should no where be called the Continuation of the Council of Trent. It was likewise taken ill that the King of France was not expresly na­med in the Bull, seeing the Dignity of so great a Monarch did not admit that he should be cast in with others, and onely designed in general terms. The Pope had done so, be­cause he would not name him before the King of Spain, and durst not name him after. He made the best excuse he could, and gave no great heed to those Remonstrances, be­cause he was extremely offended at the pro­ceedings of the Estates at Orleans, who had acted so contrary to his Authority and Inte­rests; for in that Assembly, the Annates were taken away, the Concordat betwixt Leo X. and Francis I. infringed, and the Monks subjected to the Jurisdiction of the Bishops, in so much that he gave France almost over for lost.

The Pope names Legates to preside in the Council, and sends them away.The time appointed by the Pope for the opening of the Council drawing nigh, he de­puted Legates to preside in it, to wit Hercules de Gonzaga Cardinal of Mantua, and Giacomo Puteo Cardinal of Nizza: the first because of [Page 296]his interest and extraction, and the second be­cause of his ability in the Canon Law, being Dean of the Rota. At length the Pope recei­ved Letters from the Court of France dated the third of March 1561. wherein the King gave an absolute consent to the Council. Spain did the like; and so the difficulties were by little and little removed; but at the same time the Portuguese were said to be coming to the Council, with a design to get the Superiority of a Council over the Pope to de defined, and that they took instructions about that point. The Spaniards as to that, were more dreaded than the Portuguese; but the French most of all, because they have been of a long time possest with that opinion. Easter now drew nigh, and therefore the Pope pressed the Legates and Italian Bishops to hasten their departure for Trent. Cardinal Puteo falling very sick, Cardinal Girolamo Seripando a fa­mous Divine was named in his place. He had orders to pass by Mantua, and to take his Collegue with him; but they arrived not at Trent till Easter Tuesday, where they found nine Bishops already come.

About the same time the Duke of Savoy made peace with his Subjects inhabiting the Valleys. The War had been unsuccesfull to him, he was most commonly worsted, and one day lost an Army of seven thousand Men, the Waldenses having lost but fourteen of theirs. The Agreement was made the fifth of June 1561. and they had certain places allotted them for the free Exercise of their Religion. This displeased the Pope exceedingly, who had contributed considerable Summs of Money [Page 297]for carrying on the War, but Necessity has no Law.

A Convocation of the Clergy was resol­ved upon in France, and to prevent any Sus­picion that the Pope might thereby conceive, they assured him that they would treat of no­thing but of means to pay off the King's Debts, and about matters in general which they might have to propose in Council. This did not re­move the Pope's Anxiety: and therefore he sent the Cardinal of Ferrara to that Assembly, to have an Eye over it, that nothing might be acted there contrary to his Authority. The Protestant party encreased considerably, and all France was distinguished by these two Names Papists and Huguenots. I shall observe by the bye, that this word Huguenot, the origi­nal of which seems obscure to Authours, comes from the Suisse-word Eidgnossen which signifies Associates or Allies. Those of Geneva, who before the Bishop was expelled from thence, resisted his Enterprises for oppressing their Li­berties, were called Eidgnossen, because they were associated with the Cantons of Berne and Fribourg: and since, the Bishop having been banished, and Religion changed, they still retained the name of Eidgnossen Allies.

The Cardinal of Ferrara came therefore into France to oppose the Torrent which threatned an inundation in that Kingdom, through the Authority of several great men who were en­gaged in the party of the Huguenots. About the same time there was a train discovered, laid by the Clergy of France not onely against the Protestant Religion, but against the State also. One Artus Desire was apprehended at [Page 298] Orleans with instructions from those of the Clergy who were of the faction of the House of Guise. With these instructions he was going into Spain to procure assistance against the He­reticks, who could not be sufficiently quelled by a Woman and a Child, as the Commission of that Envoy imported. This did the Prote­stants some kindness; for it procured an Edict in their favour, prohibiting any to molest them, or to search their Houses under pretext of dis­covering their Assemblies; the Prisons were o­pened, their Prisoners set at liberty, and their banished recalled. This Artus was condem­ned to make the Amende honorable, and to per­petual Imprisonment in the Chartreux. The Edict of July against the Prote­stants. But that Edict had not the happy effects which might have been expected, because of the opposition that the Enemies of the Protestants made against it. For in July following another Edict past in Parliament, the King being pre­sent, prohibiting the Exercise of any other Re­ligion except that of the Church of Rome, granting nevertheless pardon for what was past, and ordering that for the future such as should be accused for Religion, should onely be sentenced to banishment. At the same time, another Edict past for holding a Conference at Poissy betwixt the learned of the one and the other Religion,A conference appointed at Poissy betwixt the Roman Catholicks and the Prote­stants. to see if the differences be­tween them could by any fair means be ac­commodated. Several Catholicks opposed it, as being a Compliance below the Church to enter the lists with Hereticks; but the Car­dinal of Lorrain who hoped to make his parts conspicuous on that occasion carried it. The Pope was somewhat satisfied with the [Page 299]Edict of July, and had been more if the Pu­nishment of the Hereticks had not been miti­gated to Banishment; but he was extremely offended at the Conference of Poissy and the Edict which appointed it. He wrote to the Bishops of France, that they had no power to make Edicts in matters which concerned Religion in General, that if they adventured upon any thing beyond the reach of their power, he would rescind all that they did, and proceed against them with all rigour. The Bishops did not much value these threats; onely assured the Pope that he had no rea­son to be startled at that Assembly. France was an inexhaustible Spring of Troubles for the Pope, from thence they flowed daily upon him; and it was no small vexation that he re­ceived from the Estates at Pontoise, wherein upon a debate that arose about Precedence be­twixt the Princes and the Cardinals, it was judged in favour of the Princes against the Cardinals. The Cardinals of Chatillon and Armagnac yielded, but those of Tournon, Lor­rain and Guise withdrew, murmuring against their Collegues. This vexed the Pope indeed, but he was touched to the quick by a letter which he received from the Queen Regent da­ted the fourth of August, wherein she bewailed the sad condition of France, and the nume­rousness of the Protestant Party, proposing to him some Remedies which she thought neces­sary in the present juncture; that is, several Reformations which according to her Judg­ment ought to be made in Religion, as the ta­king of Images out of Churches, the abolition of the use of Spittle and Exorcisms in Baptism, [Page 300]the allowing the Cup to the People, the resto­ring of the Vulgar Tongue in Divine Service, and the abrogating of the Festival of Corpus Christi which had onely been instituted for Pomp. This Letter was written with great freedom, and John de Monluc Bishop of Va­lence, was thought to have had a hand in it. The Pope perceived that it was now high time to make use of Remedies, and that it was necessary to hasten the Council. There was none now but the Emperour who opposed it, but in the very nick of time, the Pope recei­ved his consent in terms of great submission to that Assembly, which was very Joyfull News. The Italian Bishops had no great mind to goe to the Council; but the Pope forced them to it, that they might Counterbalance the Spaniards and French, who as he said, came onely to subject the Pope to a Council, an attempt which the Italians, who have the honour to have the Head of the Church in their Countrey, ought vigorously to oppose.

The tenth of August was the day appointed for opening the Conference at Poissy; fourteen Protestant Ministers who were secured by am­ple Pasports appeared there, of whom the chief were Peter Martyr and Theodore Beza. They presented to the King a Petition contain­ing four Heads: First, that the Controversies might be handled by the word of God: Se­condly, that the Bishops might not be the Judges: Thirdly, that the King and his Coun­cil would preside; and Fourthly that all that past might be committed to writing. [...] granted them that the King should [...], and the Queen appointed one of the [...] Se­cretaries [Page 301]of State of Officiate as Clerk. In opening the Assembly the Chancellour made a long Speech, wherein he touched at several things which did not please the zealous favour­ers of the Court of Rome, because he conclu­ded that they might very well be without the Aid of the Pope and of a General Council, in determining differences in Religion, and that many times Provincial Synods had rectified the mistakes of General Councils. As an Instance of this he named the Provincial Synod held in France by St. Hilary which rejected Aria­nism that had been established by the General Council of Rimini. He farther added that the Protestants were Christians, having the same Baptism, the same God, and the same Jesus Christ as Catholicks had, and that therefore People must shake off that prejudice and aver­sion that they entertained against them. This Speech, whereof a Copy was sent to the Pope, so highly displeased him, that he threatned to summon the Chancellour to appear before the Tribunal of the Inquisition as a Heretick. The Cardinals of Tournon and Lorrain demanded a Copy of it, but it was refused them. This whole Conference was spent in Harangues on both sides, in discourses and private conferen­ces, to try if any Points could be couched in general terms which both Parties might sign: and particularly much time was taken up in minuting, changing and correcting a Decision concerning the Eucharist that might give con­tent to all, but they could not succeed in it. One day the Cardinal of Lorrain thought to have gravelled Theodore Beza concerning that Point of the Eucharist, he asked him briskly [Page 302]if his Collegues and he would refuse to Sub­scribe to the confession of Ausburg as to that particular? This put Beza to some stand, but presently recollecting himself, he demanded of the Cardinal, in whose name do you ask that question, will you and your Collegues Subscribe to that confession in all Points? The Cardinal was now put to it as well as he, and having nothing to reply, Beza thought it not fit neither to give a more particular answer. And so all the Pains that was taken to adjust matters was fruitless, and the conference had no success. A Spanish Jesuite of the Retinue of the Cardinal of Ferrara signalised himself in that conference by his boldness. He rose up in the midst of the Assembly, and without any warrant to speak, fell foul on the Protestants, and censured the Queen very sharply, in that she medled with matters which did not at all concern her. She took that insolent rebuke very ill, but then was the time of suffering. The Pope was much pleased to hear that the conference had produced no effect.

The Parliament was informed that the Car­dinal of Ferrara, who came into France whilst the conference was on foot, had amongst his other Instructions one Point which concerned the revocation of the Articles of Reformation decreed in the Estates of Orleans the year be­fore, and especially of that which prohibited the carrying of Money to Rome under pretext of Annates, or of obtaining of Dispensations and Benefices. They therefore speedily confirmed the Articles of the Estates at Orleans, and when the Legate according to custome pre­sented his Commission to be confirmed in Par­liament; [Page 303]because without that confirmation he could not discharge the Office of Legate, it was even refused him. Nor was that rub the onely trouble he met with; several Libels were published against him, wherein they ra­ked up the horrid Impurities of Alexander VI. Father to Lucretia Borgia the Cardinal's Mo­ther, and the enormous filthiness of this Lu­cretia who lay with her Father, and was, as they said, Daughter and Concubine to that Pope. The Legate perceived the times were not fit to carry things by Authority, and therefore he made it his business to win the minds of the People, and went so far in that complaisance, that he even conversed frequent­ly with Huguenots, ate with them, and went to hear their Sermons: but that way did not take as he expected.

The Conference of Poissy did good to no Party: It made the Queen be ill thought of by all the Princes of her Religion, so that she was fain to make her Apology to the King of Spain, who was a mortal Enemy to those ways of tampering, and was on all occasions for her employing Fire and Sword as he had done. But above all, she had much adoe to Justifie her self to the Pope: and yet when she made her Apology to him, she had so much confidence as to desire favours of him; for she endeavoured to procure the Legation of Avignon for the Cardinal of Bourbon. That proposal was rejected with much indignation, and some great design was suspected to be hid under it, which perhaps, was true enough. The French Bishops continued at Poissy after the breaking up of the conference; and though [Page 304]they had promised not to meddle with any thing but civil matters, yet they discoursed of restoring the Communion under both kinds. The Cardinal of Lorrain was even of that opi­nion, and he brought over with him the Le­gate Cardinal of Ferrara. They resolved to demand it of the Pope, and the Legate wrote to him about it. The Pope seemed at first to condescend; but having called together the Cardinals, they withstood it tooth and nail, insomuch that they called the French who had made that demand, Hereticks and Schismaticks: He therefore referred the matter to the Coun­cil. The Cardinal of Ferrara who was a man of a very prudent Conduct, and extreme ci­vil to all People, even to the Enemies of the Church of Rome, prevailed so far by his soli­citations, that he obtained a Suspension of the Decrees of the Estates at Orleans, and permissi­on to execute his Legation in France, giving a counter promise that he would not make use of that permission. The King was willing to grant him that for formalities sake, and that he might not have the disgrace of retur­ning back without being owned for Legate. The Chancelour would not sign the Brief, so that it was onely signed by the King, Queen and chief Officers of the Crown.

Suspicions of the Court of Rome against the French.This demand of the Cup made by the French, with the other matters that had past in France, began already to beget some Jea­lousies of them: and these suspicions were much encreased by news that came from Ger­many which gave out that the German Prote­stants had received Letters from France exhor­ting them to continue steadfast in their Doc­trine, [Page 305]with promises that the French would fa­vour them in the Council. The French Am­bassadour did what he could at Rome to re­move these suspicions; but to no purpose, for some new thing happened daily that revived the discontents and heartburnings of the Court of Rome: as was the business of Tanquerel. John Tanquerel a Batchelour in Divinity, pub­lished Theses to be defended, wherein he main­tained, that the Pope as Vicar of Jesus Christ, could deprive Princes that were disobedient to him of their Dignities and Kingdoms. For this he was by a Decree of Parliament, sen­tenced to make a publick Recantation, and because he had fled for it, the Bedle appeared for him, and made the Recantation in his name. This ruined the Reputation in his name. This ruined the Reputation of the French for good and all; for to deny the Pope's Power over Kings in Temporals, is lookt upon at Rome as a capital Heresie.

After many delays, the Pope will have the Council opened.Whilst affairs were in this condition, the Legates and many Bishops had been at Trent ever since Easter expecting the opening of the Council, which was put off from day to day. The Pope at length, being weary of these de­lays, resolved to order the opening of it. For that end he called a Congregation of Cardi­nals, and laid before them the necessity of opening the Council; of which they were very sensible, and thought it not fit to make longer delay. The Pope had appointed the Cardinal of Warmia to be a Collegue to the first two; and to these three he added two more, to wit, Cardinal Simoneta a learned man in the Canon-Law, and Cardinal d' Al­temps his Nephew by the Sister. Simoneta came [Page 306]to Trent the ninth of December. He was a zealous Protector of the rights and pretensions of the Holy See, and was therefore entrusted with all the Pope's Secrets, at parting he re­ceived Orders to open the Council so soon as he arrived at Trent: but upon his coming, he received a Letter from the Pope which order­ed him still to defer it till after New-Years day. The Emperour's Ambassadour at Rome had procured this delay, that the Ambassadours whom his Master was to send to Trent might be there at the opening of the Council, and he hoped that they might get thither by the middle of January. About that time two Po­lish Bishops came to the Council: they visited the Legates, and acquainted them that the Lutherans used great endeavours to bring their pretended Reformation into Poland; that the Bishops could not leave their Churches, be­cause they were obliged continually to watch the motions of these Enemies; that therefore they demanded that they might have their place and votes in the Council by Proxies: and seeing these two Bishops were charged with Procurations from all the rest, they re­quired that they two alone might have as ma­ny Votes as they had Procurations. The Le­gates answered them civilly in general terms, but without determining any thing, and in the mean time wrote to Rome concerning this matter. The Pope thereupon called a Consi­story, where the Proposal was rejected, be­cause it was contrary to what had been resol­ved upon at the very first Convocation of the Council of Trent; that the Votes should not be taken by Nations but by Heads. There [Page 307]was danger they knew, in granting what they demanded, because all other Nations would have expected the same privilege: So that the Italians who carried it far by number would quickly have lost the plurality of Votes, which was always on their side. The French were to be in the Council with their Maxims of the Sorbonne, and Parliament of Paris, which are so inconsistent with the Grandure of the Holy See. The intentions of the Spaniards were not much more favourable to the Court of Rome: for they already slyly proposed that the pow­er of the Pope ought to be limited, and the privileges of the Bishops enlarged. And espe­cially they were for taking from the Pope the power of dispensing with the Canons of the present Council, because that otherwise it would be in vain to hold Councils at so great charge for making of Canons, which after all, would bind the Pope no farther than he should think good. Hence it was concluded, that if the Poles, Spaniards and French were permitted to sit in Council by Proxies and Procurations, there would be as many Votes as there are Bi­shops in those Kingdoms, who would carry all by plurality of Votes, and that the Italians would be too weak to hinder the Tramontani from over-ruling the Council. For all these reasons the Poles got no other satisfaction but fair words: they promised to doe any thing else they pleased to demand for their generous Nation; but that they could not alter the Me­thods that were fixed by the Council, of which the present Assembly was but a Continuation. The Poles made no great bustle about the mat­ter, but within a few days after, under pretext [Page 308]of business at Venice, they went away and re­turned no more.

The Pope discovering more and more the designs that the Tramontani had of clipping the Wings of his Authority, thought it not conve­nient any longer to delay the opening of the Council, but that it behoved him to endeavour to break that Party before it was more firmly linkt and knit together. He therefore wrote to Trent that they should open the Council so soon as the Marquess of Pescara the Ambassa­dour of Spain, the Emperour's and Venetian Ambassadours should arrive; but that if these Ministers did not come before the middle of January, it should be no hinderance to the opening of the Council.

PIUS IV.

year 1562 ACcording to the Orders sent by the Pope; the Legates on the fifteenth of January held a General Congregation concerning the Preliminaries of the ensuing Session and of the opening of the Council.They prepare for the open­ing of the Council. In that Congregation, the Cardinal of Man­tua made an excellent Speech touching the necessity of holding a Council, after which the Briefs and Bulls of the Pope were read; wherein besides a Command to hold and open the Council, there were several Regulations about the forms that ought to be observed in it; and one particularly relating to Prece­dence; which did appoint that the Patriarchs having taken their place after the Cardinals, the Archbishops should sit next, and after them the Bishops: but for avoiding of all De­bates [Page 310]which have been occasioned upon ac­count of the Dignities and Privileges of Sees, the Prelates should be placed according to their Seniority in promotion, without any re­spect to Dignities enjoying Primacy. Bartho­lomeo di Martiri Archbishop of Braganza in Portugal vigorously opposed this Order, and could not endure to think that a Pettie Arch­bishop of Rosano who has not one Suffragan, or of Nissia, a little Isle in the Archipelago, or of Antivari in Sclavonia, who have not so much as one Christian under their Jurisdiction, and never reside in their Sees, should take place of Archbishops of Churches having Pri­macy, considerable in Dignity and Privileges, for no other reason but that of Seniority in Promotion. However he must bear with that, and be satisfied with a Declaration in writing, importing that it was not the intention of the Pope nor Council to derogate from any man's rights, but that after the Council was over, all men might enjoy their several Privileges. In the same Congregation the Spaniards urged that the Council might be reckoned a Conti­nuation of the former, and so declared in the first Act of the Session. The Bishop of Zante in compliance with the Interests of the Empe­rour and King of France who desired the con­trary, opposed it: but though the Legates of Mantua and Warmia seconded the opinion of the Bishop of Zante; yet the matter past ac­cording as it had been resolved at Rome, and ordered in the Bull. When the Congregation was ended the Legates drew up and framed the Decree of Commencement, into which these words were cunningly inserted, proponen­tibus [Page 311]Legatis, whereby it was ordained that no proposal should be made but by the Legates. This was a great fetch of Roman Court-policy, to exclude the French and Spanish Bishops, who, as the Pope well foresaw, had Proposals to make which tended to the diminution of his Authority, and the enlarging of Episcopal Dignity. They were apprehensive likewise of Princes, who by their Ambassadours might make Overtures disadvantageous to the Holy See, and contrary to its Interests: and there­fore it was thought fit that they, who had any thing to propose, should apply themselves to the Legates, without whose consent nothing could be examined in the Council. By this means the Court of Rome was secure from the attempts of those that had no great kindness for it.

session 17 Session 17. the first of the third Convo­cation.The Session was held January the eighteenth, wherein the Decree was read, and the que­stion put: Fathers, are ye pleased that from this day forward, all suspension being taken off, the General Council of Trent be Celebra­ted, for handling in order the matters which the Legates shall think fit to propose to the Council? The Answer was placet; But four Spanish Prelates, the Archbishop of Granada, the Bishops of Orense, Leon and Almeria, ob­jected against the clause proponentibus legatis, and desired an Instrument of their Protesta­tion; but they went on for all that, and the Legates having written to the Pope about it, he would by no means have that clause omit­ted. This business made a great deal of noise in the Sequel, but at present the Spaniards bore the brunt alone. The next Session [Page 312]was assigned to be the twenty sixth of Fe­bruary.

At the same time they held an Assembly in France at St. Germain en Laye. The Assembly of St. Ger­main which makes the E­dict of Janua­ry in favour of the Pro­testants. It began the seventeenth of January, and the Affairs of the Protestants who encreased mightily, were ta­ken into consideration. The Queen of Na­varre, the Prince of Conde and Admiral Co­ligny, with many other great Men and Persons of Quality made powerfull instances in favour of the Protestants, that they might have li­berty to exercise their Religion, which they already did without permission. To this As­sembly was called a select number of Presi­dents and able Judges from all the Parliaments in France: and the Chancellour made a Ju­dicious and Pithy Speech at the opening of it for the mitigation of Rigour. To those who stood stiff for the severity of the Penal Edicts, he applied that saying of Cicero; that Cato be­hav'd himself among the Dregs of Romulus, as if he had been in the Imaginary Com­monwealth of Plato, concluding thence, that it was necessary to accommodate themselves to the times. This Opinion prevailed, not­withstanding all the opposition of the Persecu­tors, and the Edict of January past, which al­lowed Liberty to Protestants to assemble out of Towns, and to live in the exercise of their Religion under the Kings Permission, provided they taught nothing contrary to the Council of Nice, and the Old and New-Testament. The Parliament of Paris strongly opposed the Confirmation of this Edict: but the King com­manded it to be done, declaring however, that the Edict was but granted in provision [Page 313]untill the holding of the General Council. The Protestants by this Edict took Courage to shew themselves, and it is reported, that at that time there were two thousand one hun­dred and fifty Congregations, which they cal­led Churches in France.

The Council begins with Books to be prohibited, and the Indi­ces Expurga­torii; the Ori­ginal of these Indices Ex­purgatorii.They began now to fall to business at Trent, and the Legates held a Congregation the seven and twentieth of January, wherein three Pro­posals were made: the first, concerning the Examination of Books that had been written since the breaking out of Heresie, which were to be suppressed Secondly, whether it was necessa­ry to cite all those who were concerned in such Books to appear before the Council; and thirdly whether it was necessary to invite the Hereticks to Council, and grant them a Safe-conduct. The first point which related to the discharging of Heretical Books to be read de­served to be well weighed, because the mat­ter was new. It is true, that in the ancient Church they who read the Books of Authours who were Enemies of the truth, were censured. The Enemies of St. Jerome objected it to him as a Crime that he read and perused the Books of Pagan Writers; and he blames him­self for it, saying that he was one day lasht before the Tribunal of Jesus Christ for his Curiosity in having read too much of the Works of Cicero. However they made no Catalogue of the Books of Hereticks or Pa­gans, that they might forbid the reading of them. The Emperours, indeed, did sometimes prohibit the Books of Hereticks. Constantine prohibited the Arian, Arcadius the Eunomian and Manichean, Theodosius the Nestorian, and [Page 314] Martian the Eutychian Books; but the Bishops medled not with them, or, at least, did not take that Authority upon them. In process of time it became a Custome to make Catalogues of Apocryphal Books, that is, of Books not ap­proved, as Pope Gelasus did in the end of the fifth Century. But the reading of those Books was not prohibited, it served onely for a Rule to Believers, that they might know what to rely upon, and what Doctrines they were to receive or to reject. Since the year eight hundred, there are some instances of Books condemned and prohibited by Popes; but these instances are very rare. Martin the fifth condemned Wiclef and his followers, and excommunicated them; nevertheless he did not prohibit their Books. Leo the tenth was the first that brought this Custome most in vogue; for he prohibited the reading of all Luther's Books under pain of Excommunication, and since that, the Popes in the Bull de Coena Domini have excommuni­cated all those who read the Books of Here­ticks. In these Prohibitions the Books were not named but in General, which caused no­thing but Confusion, because dangerous Books not being distinguished by the Names of their Authours and Titles, one must read over a Book to know whether it were dangerous or not, and when that was done, it was not so easie a matter to agree upon the nature of what was contained in it, some maintaining the Book to be good, and others condemning it as naught. Therefore the Inquisitours in several places, for their own use made Cata­logues of Books, the reading of which they in­tended to prohibit. Philip King of Spain, a zea­lous [Page 315]Prince against the progress of the new Doctrine, in the year 1558. caused all the Books which the Inquisition of Spain had pro­hibited, to be reduced into a more ample Ca­talogue, and to be printed. Pope Paul IV. did the like at Rome, and these are the ancientest and most famed Indices Expurgatorii. Pope Paul, besides Authours who were reckoned Hereticks, put into his Catalogue many of the Works of Authours that past for Catholicks, nay and some Books which had been appro­ved by Popes, amongst others Erasmus his Annotations upon the New-Testament, which Leo X. had approved by a Brief. That Pope, who was so zealous for the greatness of his See, crouded into his Catalogue all the Au­thours whom he did not think favourable enough to the Holy See of Rome. They pro­ceeded so far as absolutely and under pain of Excommunication to prohibit the reading of all Books which had been printed by some certain Printers who were named, to the num­ber of threescore and two: and the Penalties annexed to these prohibitions were so rigorous that the Pope reserved to himself the absoluti­on of those who had incurred the Censures of prohibited Books. The excessiveness of this rigour was complained of to Pope Pius IV. who referred the whole matter to the Coun­cil.

As to this point Opinions were extremely divided, some thought it not fit to meddle with what had been done by Paul IV. that that Catalogue was absolutely to be appro­ved, and that so, the best Course that could be taken, was not to take any notice of that [Page 316]affair. What matter, said Luigi Beccatelli Arch­bishop of Ragusa, though amongst those pro­hibited Books there may be some Works that deserve not to be blasted, there are but too many Books in the World, since printing hath been invented? It were better to prohibit a thousand good Books, since there would be e­nough still remaining, than not to prohibit a bad one. But Thomas de St. Felix Bishop Della Cava was of a contrary opinion; his Judg­ment was that that matter ought to be re-exa­mined, because the Tramontani, especially the French abhorred every thing that came from the Tribunal of the Inquisition; on the contrary they had a Veneration for a Coun­cil; and therefore they did not regard what was done by the Inquisitours, if the Council did not interfere; besides, said he, Laws which cannot be obeyed, must of necessity be mode­rated. Indeed, so great was the number of prohibited Books, and the Censures so severe, that it was impossible but many must needs incur the pain of Excommunication. They who were of this opinion urged also, that in the Examination of Books, care should be ta­ken not to condemn men without a hearing, and that therefore the Parties concerned, if they were Catholicks, ought to be called; or the Authours themselves if they were still a­live, or their Relations who concerned them­selves for the reputation of the deceased; some were even for calling the Protestant Authours before their works were con­demned. As to the matter of the Safe-conduct, opinions varied also. The Cardinals of Mantua and some others were for granting [Page 317]a very General one with an oblivion for all that was past: but the Inquisitours of Spain withstood that, because they were apprehen­sive, that under the protection of a General Safe-conduct and of that oblivion, a great ma­ny Spaniards might pull off the Vizard, and declare themselves Protestants. As to the first of these points, it was resolved that the Expur­gatory Index should be reviewed, and that Deputies should be named for that effect. As to the second that notice should be given to the Parties concerned, that the Council was ready to hear them, if they had any thing to say in their own Justification: and the matter of the Safe-conduct was referred to another time.

February the fifth Cardinal Altemps the Pope's Nephew, and fifth Legate arrived, and next day after Anthony Muglits Archbishop of Prague the Emperour's Ambassadour was re­ceived into the Congregation. He pretended to have place above Cardinal Madruccio, as representing the Emperour, but he could not obtain it. The ninth of the same month Fer­dinando Martinez Mascarenno Ambassadour of Portugal, was received into the Council, which must needs have the patience to hear the long Harangue of a certain Doctour of his Re­tinue, in praise of the King of Portugal and the Ambassadour: and on the Eleventh the Sieur Sigismund Thurin the Emperour's second Am­bassadour was received with very little Cere­monies. In this Congregation of the Eleventh, Commissioners were appointed to frame the Index Expurgatorius, to wit, George Draskevits Bishop of the five Churches, the Emperour's Ambassadour for the Kingdom of Hungary, John Trevisano Patriarch of Venice, four Arch­bishops, [Page 318]nine Bishops, one Abbot and two Generals of Orders.

In the Congregation held the thirteenth of the same Month, the Emperour's Ambassa­dours presented five Demands in writing; first, that they would spare the terms of Continuation of the Council; secondly, that the next Session might be delayed; thirdly, that they would not irritate those of the Confession of Aus­burg by condemning their Books; fourthly, that the Protestants might have a very ample Pasport, and fifthly that Secrecy might be en­joyned in all matters that should be handled in the Congregations. These five Demands were by the Legates in a manner granted to the Ambassadours. At the same time George Draskevits Bishop of the five Churches the Emperour's third Ambassadour, whom he sent from the Kingdom of Hungary, appeared at Trent in Quality of Ambassadour: he had been in the Council ever since January, but onely with the Character of a Bishop: but in the twenty fourth of February he presented his Commission, and made a long discourse in praise of his Master; at that meeting the Fathers of the Council were strictly enjoyned Secrecy. About the same time Lewis de Saint Gelais Lord of Lansac was sent from France Ambassadour extraordinary to Rome. The Pope was highly offended that the liberty of preaching had been granted to the Protestants by the Edict of January: and Lansac's chief instructions were to excuse that action. He cast the blame upon the misfortune of the times, and the im­possibility of resisting so great a Torrent, be­cause most of the great men were engaged in [Page 319]that Party. The Pope was not satisfied with these excuses, saying that he prayed God to pardon those who were the cause of so many evils.The Designs of the Queen of France for Reformation. However designs of afar different nature were hatching in France, which would have netled the Pope much more, if he had known them. The Queen mother sent for the Bishops of Valence and Seez, the Doctours Bouthilier, Dispense, Picherel and Maillard famous Di­vines, to St. Germain, that they might con­sult together about the Reformation of the abuses committed in the use of Images. They were all almost of opinion to prohibit the making of any Images of the Trinity, the rendering any worship to other Images, and the carrying of any in procession but the Cross. But Nicholas Maillard Dean of the Sorbonne did so oppose it, that in this nothing was con­cluded, no more than in the Conference at Poissy. These Conferences were procured by the King of Navarre, who favoured the Re­formation, but durst not advance towards it but slowly. The Princes of the House of Guise, the Duke and Cardinal of Lorrain entertained far contrary designs to those of the King of Navarre; but by an action they did at this time they easily made it appear that what they would have had taken for Zeal in Religion, was a piece of carnal Wisedom, that struck at the Ruine of a Party which obstructed their way to the Crown. They had a Conference at Saverne with the Duke of Wirtemberg a Protestant Prince and his Ministers. In this Conference they endeavoured to engage the Lutherans in a League against the Protestants of France, under Pretext that the Huguenots of [Page 320] France were Zuinglians, and different from them in their opinion about the Eucharist. These so Catholick Princes were very willing to enter into Alliance with Hereticks, that did them no prejudice, for the Ruine of other Hereticks who stood too much in their way as they thought; but this Conduct created Jea­lousies in the minds both of the Pope and King of France; because the King did not like that his Subjects should entertain secret Conferences with Strangers, and the Pope understood not the meaning of such a Union with Hereticks: and it was this interview, perhaps, that gave occasion to the Rumour that was spread abroad afterwards, that the Car­dinal of Lorrain was very favourable to the Confession of Ausburg: Nay it was reported of him that after the Council of Trent he should have said, that he had been once of the opinion of that Confession, but that after the Decisions of the Council he had submitted. session 18 February 26 the Session was held, wherein there happened some Contests about Prece­dence betwixt the Portuguese and Hungarian Ambassadours. The Ambassadour of Hungary as being a Bishop sate on the left side of the Church, on the Legates right hand, in the rank of the Prelates; and he of Portugal, as being a Secular, sate on the right side, where the Ambassadours and Oratours of Princes were placed. So that in that respect they could have no Debate; but the Quarel broke out when the Instructions of their Princes were to be read. To compose this difference without prejudicing the Rights of the Parties, the Council ordered that these Instructions [Page 321]should be read according to the order of time wherein they had been presented; and so Portugal went first. Then the Pope's Brief, whereby the matter of the Index was referred to the Council, was read; for seeing Pope Paul had medled in that affair, the Council thinking that the Holy See had taken the Cognisance thereof to it self, would not under­take the Examination of it without the Pope's permission. Last of all the Decree was read by Antonio Helio Patriarch of Jerusalem, who had officiated. This Decree imported that the matter of the Index was referred to a Com­mittee named by the Council; that the Coun­cil invited all who had made Separation from the Roman Church to peace and reconciliati­on, promising, in Congregation, to grant them a Safe-conduct, in the same form as had been formerly granted; and the next Session was appointed to be the 14th. of March. The Legates had written to Rome to know in what form they should invite those who had shaken off the Yoke of the Church, to repentance, and of what extent the Safe-conduct should be. The Pope judged it not convenient to grant an oblivion, nor to invite Hereticks, be­cause it was his opinion, it would be to no purpose; and for the Safe-conduct, he thought it might be granted in General terms accor­ding to the form of that which was given to the Germans in the year 1552. but he would not condescend that the same Safe-conduct should be granted to those who lived under the Inquisition. Nevertheless he would not have that exception mentioned, lest it might be thought that the Pope had not a Supreme [Page 322]Power over the Tribunal of the Inquisition, and that he could not exempt any from the Rigours of the same. In the beginning of March the Council held several Congregations about that point, and at length the Legates brought matters so about, that the resolutions of the Council agreed exactly with the Senti­ments of the Pope. So they adjusted the form of the Decree, which was divided into three Articles. In the first the Council granted the Germans a Safe-conduct in the same form as it had been granted them before. In the second this Safe-conduct was extended to all places where they preached, and publickly taught Doctrines contrary to the Doctrine of the Church. In the third it contained this Quali­fication, that though the Safe-conduct seemed not to extend to all Nations, yet none who would return into the bosome of the Church should be excluded from the benefit of the Oblivion, and that a Safe-conduct was also in­tended for that third sort. But as to these last, the Council did not perform the promise.

The German Ambassadours were still for pressing a Reformation, and now the Emperour's Ministers desired that they would write to the Protestants to invite them to the Council. As to this last point the Legates answered, that that was the way to expose the Councils Let­ters to the danger of being used by the Pro­testants, as the Nuncio's of his Holiness had been already served; that is, with insolence and in­dignity. As to the matter of Reformation, having first twitted them with the absence of the German Prelates who of all others stood most in need of being reformed, they resolved [Page 323]to give them some satisfaction. And therefore on the Eleventh of March, the Legates cal­led a General Congregation, wherein they proposed twelve or thirteen Articles relating to Reformation, as concerning Residence,The Legates propose twelve Articles tend­ing to Refor­mation. Pro­mo [...]ions to Holy Orders, Priests without a Ti­tle, the Plurality of Titles and of Priests in great Parishes, the annexing of Benefices that had Cure of Souls, Unions made under pre­text that the Benefices are two small, if taken separately, for the maintenance of a Curate; daily Distributions, the Validity of Clandestine Marriages, concerning the abuses committed by Collectours or Alms-gatherers, and some other matters of the like nature which shall be mentioned hereafter; but a Rumour began now to be spread abroad that the Germans stirred again, and levied Soldiers, which alar­med the Council, and for some time put a stop to all Deliberations and interrupted the Con­gregations: so that the fourteenth of March the day appointed for the Session past with­out any thing done; and Easter-holy-days coming on afterwards, was the cause of another delay.

The sixteenth of March the Council gave Audience to Ferdinando d' Avalos Marquess of Pescara Ambassadour from the King of Spain and Governour of Milan; wherein the usual Complements were mutually interchanged. In the Congregation of the Eighteenth the Ambassadour of the Duke of Tuscany was also received; in that of the twentieth of March, the Ambassadours of the Catholick Cantons of Switzerland had Audience. And in the Congre­gation of the sixth of April, the Council ad­mitted Andrea Dudicio Bishop of Tin [...], and [Page 324] Giovanni Colosvarino Bishop of Canadia the Deputies of the Clergy of Hungary. The first of those two Andrea Dudicio is famous not one­ly for Learning, but also because he turned Protestant afterward, declaring that nothing had more inclined him to that change, than what he had seen in the Council of Trent.

After the Easter-holy-days, the Congregations were held without interruption from the se­venth of April untill the eighteenth, and there­in the matters which had been proposed in the Congregation of the Eleventh of March, were brought under Debate. In the first place the point of Residence was argued with strange heats;They enter up­on the Point of the Resi­dence of Bi­shops. the Pope's faction essayed to put a stop to that deliberation, alledging that it was a matter concluded under Paul III and that the care of putting in execution what had been decreed should be left to the People. But the Archbishop of Granada and the rest of the Spaniards were for bringing the matter under examination again, saying that a more effectual means had been proposed to oblige to Residence,And the que­stion if it be of Divine right is again started. This Point is argu­ed with extra­ordinary heat. than those that were pitcht upon in the first Convocation; and that was to declare it to be of Divine Right; which pre­sently put the Council into a Fermentation. Paulus Jovius Bishop of Nocera, who made himself remarkable by the singularity of his reasons, was against the having it declared either necessary or of Divine Right. He al­ledged that the Churches wherein Bishops re­sided were not a whit better governed than those wherein Bishops made no Residence; and was so plain as to urge the Church of Rome it self for an instance which was full of Corruptions notwithstanding that for many [Page 325]ages the Pope had continually resided there. He added that if Residence were declared to be of Divine Right, it would prove a Source of Rebellion; because when an heretical or scandalous Bishop was got into possession of a Church, the Pope could never be able to punish him; seeing under pretext that Resi­dence is of Divine Right, he might refuse to leave his See to come to an appearance; that upon the same Principle the Curates also would find a means to decline the Jurisdicti­on of their Bishops, alledging that by the Law of God they are placed immediate Pas­tours of their Flocks. Giovanni Baptista Ber­nardo Bishop of Aiace stood up for the Divine Right of Residence; nevertheless he was not of opinion that that question should be deba­ted in the Council, because that since the Council had no other aim but to oblige all to Residence, it would be enough to make a Decree prohibiting all Bishops to discharge any secular office or employment in the Courts of Princes, and that then he was pretty sure that few Bishops would be seen abroad out of their own Churches. The Bishop of the five Churches a Hungarian vigorously opposed this overture, and in a long Discourse made it out that for the space of eight hundred years Prelates had been employed in secular Affairs, not onely with great Success but much Honour also to the Church, and profit and advantage to States, and that a custome of so long conti­nuance ought not to be condemned▪ Here the Bishops who were for the Divine Right of Residence made it visibly appear that their own hearts deceived them, if they thought [Page 326]themselves prompted on by the Zeal that a good Pastour ought to have for the conduct of his Flock; for they listened to the opinion of the Bishop of the five Churches with extra­ordinary delight and gave it great applause. Nevertheless nothing could be more opposite to the design they had of asserting the necessi­ty of Residence; for it is manifest that world­ly Business and Employments wherein Bishops are entangled are the greatest obstruction of Residence. But both they and the Bishop of the five Churches jumpt in one and the same design, to wit, the Advancement of Episcopal dignity: And therefore they liked any thing that made for that, though it were by quite opposite courses; all maintained their opinions in this cause, with inconceivable heat, and it was no easie matter to gather the Votes that the result might be known. Cardinal Simoneta Legate held Residence to be of Positive Right; and the Cardinal of Mantua thought it to be of Divine Right; but durst not declare himself openly, because of the Court of Rome, which could not endure that opinion; all that he ventured to doe was to affirm that the Plu­rality of Votes was on that side. He had two Legates who joyned with him: to wit, the Cardinals of Warmia and Seripando. But Al­temps the Pope's Nephew was for Cardinal Simoneta; who both maintained that the Plura­lity of Votes was for the Positive Right; for determining this difference a General Con­gregation was held on the twentieth of April, wherein the Presidents prayed the Fathers to give their Judgments upon the point of the Divine Right of Residence by a placet or non [Page 327]placet, that that Article might speedily be de­cided. When the Votes were gathered, there were sixty eight, who said absolutely placet for the Divine Right: thirty three who voted absolutely non placet: thirteen who said, placet consulto prius sanctissimo Domino nostro, and seven­teen who said, non placet nisi prius consulto sanc­tissimo, &c. The Plurality was evidently for the Divine Right of Residence, since there were sixty eight Votes to thirty three, besides the thirteen who were for it with submission to the good will and pleasure of the Pope; so that it ought to have been concluded; but in­stead of that the Faction of the Court of Rome started great Debates, and the rest of the Congregation was spent in much confusion, which obliged the Legates to dismiss the As­sembly; and having consulted together, they resolved to acquaint the Pope with all that had past, and to expect his answer. This was not managed so privately,The Spaniards make a great bustle, because the Legates will not frame the Decree of Residence ac­cording to the Plurality of Votes. but that it came to the knowledge of the Spaniards who were for Residence Jure Divino; they open­ly complained of it, and said that it was a palpable oppression, that though a matter had been put to the Vote, and debated with all the Formalities, yet they would not submit to the Plurality of Suffrages, that they sent to Rome for the Decision of a point, which had been lawfully determined in the Council; that that violent conduct contrary to the Li­berty of a Council had given ground to the blasphemous saying which was in every body's mouth, that the Holy Ghost which presided in the Council came weekly from Rome in the Cloak-back of a Courrier; and that nothing [Page 328]was more unlike a free Council, than the Assembly at Trent. In a subsequent Congre­gation they would have brought the matter about again; but their minds were so exasperated, that they could not be perswaded to speak with moderation, insomuch that the Cardinal of Warmia who presided in it, was necessita­ted to break off the discourse, and speak of a­nother subject. To busie the Prelates, he pro­posed that they would think of means of procuring the liberty of the English Catholick Bishops who were in Prison, that they might come to the Council. It was reckoned a very civil Proposal, but very impossible to be effec­ted, because no body was in a condition to constrain Elizabeth, and she was in no dispo­sition to value the Remonstrances of the Coun­cil. Whilst the point of Residence was in agi­tation, other Articles of Reformation which had been proposed by the Legates were also started in the same Congregations.Of Priests without Bene­fice. The Scope of one of these Articles was to hinder the Or­dination of Priests without a Title, that is to say, without a Benefice or an Estate of their own sufficient to maintain them; because that was the cause of the vast numbers of Indigent and Vagabond Priests. The Ancient Canons provided that no man should be received into the Order of Priesthood, if he had not a Benefice sufficient to maintain him, and a Flock also to take the cure of, that Priests might not be without employment. The Council of Chalcedon amongst others prohibited Ordinations of Priests who had not a call to some Church. Long after that Alexander III. in the third Lateran Council held in the year [Page 329]1160. ordered that no Priest should be ordai­ned without a Title, unless he had an Estate sufficient to maintain himself. But all this care has not as yet been able to prevent the being of a great many Vagabond and Mendi­cant Priests; since the fortunes of such men which are commonly very small being spent, they must needs fall into Poverty. The Spa­niards who held Residence to be of Divine Right, made it a Remedy against all Evils, and alledged it would prevent the disorder they had before them; because then Clerks could not be made without Benefices, nor Priests in Title of Estates without a Flock, and without doubt they were in the right. Others thought it hard that men other ways qualified for Orders, should because of Po­verty be rejected, and said, that it was no shame for the Poor Clergy to labour with their hands in imitation of the first Preachers of the Gospel; that, after all, the Poverty of Priests was usefull to the Church, and facili­tated the means of performing Offices for the Dead, which the Rich Priests would not take the pains to doe; seeing an Itinerane Priest without Benefice or Estate says Mass for the Dead at a much cheaper rate, than they who are rich and have the cure of Souls. This opinion was not well relished, because it would have had Priests, who wanted business in the Church, to labour with their hands for a lively hood, which was not thought suitable to the Dignity of the Character. But another way to prevent the Poverty of Priests was proposed, and that was, that a Bishop should ordain no man a Priest who had not a Benefice [Page 330]or Fortune sufficient for his maintenance; and to hinder the squandering away of their Pa­trimonies, that it should be enacted that they could not be alienated: Gabriel le Veneur a French man Bishop of Evreux did with much reason oppose this; alledging that the tempo­ral Estates of Clergy-men were subject to tem­poral Laws, which many times appointed Alie­nation; and that, though it were not so, yet such a constitution would be a fair means to make Priests remiss in paying their debts.

Of Free Ordi­nations.The third Article related to the Money that is given when one receives Orders, not onely to the Bishop and his Secretary, but to the Clark or Notary that expedes the Orders. Our Saviour said, freely ye have received, freely give; for eluding the force of this Law, about the tenth Century they hit upon a knack of distinguishing in Ordination the Collation of Orders, from the Collation of the Benefice; they would not own the taking of any thing for Orders, because it is a Spiritual Grace which cannot be sold; but they would be payed for conferring the Benefice which is a Temporal Estate; and this kind of Simony got footing afterwards under the name of Annates or first fruits, fees, writing, seals, and other titles. The abuse encreased by the institution of Iti­nerant Bishops, who now-a-days are called Suf­fragans. They are a kind of Lieutenants to Bi­shops who perform the Ecclesiastick and Epis­copal Functions of the Diocess, whilst the true Bishops in title, who enjoy the Revenues are wholly taken up with the cares of the World. These Suffragan Bishops having no Benefice nor Revenues, were forced for a sub­sistence [Page 331]to draw Presents and take Alms from those on whom they conferred Orders. The rich Bishops who could easily dispense with Alms, let fly against that abuse, and called it downright Simony. On the contrary the poor Bishops, who were present, wanted not argu­ments to prove that they might take free gifts from those who received Orders; they alled­ged that such as would hinder those free gifts, had a design to extinguish Charity, that the reasons which they made use of struck at all voluntary offerings that are made at Confessi­on, at Mass, and at Funerals. But the stron­gest of all their reasons was, that Bishops might very well take some small present for confer­ring Orders, since at Rome vast summs of mo­ney were exacted for bestowing the Pallium on Metropolitans: that Pope Innocent III. in the fourth Lateran Council, had decreed, that for the administration of Sacraments, believers should make those voluntary offerings, which at present they would condemn. For all these reasons, one Denis Bishop of Milopotamo in Candia went a great deal farther than any who had spoken before him: He alledged that the Clergy was not near the tenth part of the People, and yet they had the Tithes, which is the tenth part of the fruits of the Earth; besides a great deal of Lands which they pos­sess that amounts to much more: that if there were poor Bishops, it was not to be imputed to the Poverty of the Church, but to the bad distri­bution of its wealth; and that so, it was not to be suffered that the Church should take money in consideration of services, for which she was so well payed; he added, that it was not enough [Page 332]to prohibit Bishops to take any thing for con­ferring of Orders, unless they were likewise hindered from making money of those things that goe before Orders; for instance in the Chanceries of Bishops they granted Letters which were called Dimissorial, whereby a man was allowed to provide himself of an Ordainer where he thought good, and for these Letters money was taken. In like manner at Rome. permissions were granted for money, to re­ceive Orders out of the times appointed for that. And therefore he moved that these abu­ses might be remedied. The Legates appro­ved of that opinion as to Dimissorial Letters, which onely regard the Bishop's Chanceries: but as to the Permissions that were given at Rome for money, that Court being a noli me tan­gere, Cardinal Simoneta said, that it belonged to the Pope, and not to the Council to med­dle with that. In this manner the Legates, without having the Superiority of the Pope over a Council plainly asserted, acted in all things, as if that Superiority had been unques­tionable: for if the Council were above the Pope, it would have power to reform the Court of Rome. Amongst other considerations that were made on that subject, it was moved that Notaries and Clarks who wrote and dis­patcht the Orders, ought not to be barred from taking of money; because it was a mere tem­poral Office, and such men ought to live by their Callings.

Of daily Di­stributions.The fourth Article concerned Prebends and the Distributions in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, which have a Chapter and Canons. Heretofore the Canons lived in common and [Page 333]ate all at one Table: or at least they had a daily Distribution of what was necessary for them. This Distribution was made after Di­vine Service, where they had assisted at the hours appointed by the Canons: and hence it is that the hours appointed for Prayers have been called Canonical hours, and those that did officiate at the Service Canonici or Canons. In the beginning this Distribution was made in specie or in Money; but that lasted not long, and instead of those Distributions which were made daily, the Revenues were divided, and each Canon had a Dividend, which Divi­dends were called Prebends. When Distribu­tions were in use, it made the Canons diligent in waiting on Service, because nothing was given to the absent: but so soon as Cathedral and Collegiate Revenues were divided into Prebends, every one received his Rent though he did no Service, and this made the Canons very negligent in performing their Duties; which negligence was thought to stand in need of Reformation. It is true, that in some Col­legiate Churches the custome of daily Distri­butions still continued; but in many places they were so small that the Canons did not think it worth their while to attend for so in­considerable a Profit. Luca Bisantio, a poor Prelate but a good man, Bishop of Cataro in Sclavonia, was for obliging the Canons by Censures and Deprivation of Profits to be punctual in attending Divine Service. But the Council was of opinion rather to convert some of the Prebends into daily Distributions, that so the profit and advantage might engage the Canons to attendance. The other Points [Page 334]were also examined, and met with no great difficulty, but were regulated as we shall see hereafter.

The Pope is alarmed at the Attempts of the Spa­niards, and is distrustfull of his Legates.When the news of what had past at Trent, came to the Pope. The Court of Rome was much startled, both at the heats wherewith the point of the Divine Right of Residence had been debated; and at the vigorousness of the Spaniards in asserting the Liberty of the Coun­cil. The Pope began to be Jealous of and to distrust his own Legates; particularly the Car­dinal of Mantua, who was suspected not to be firm enough to the interests of the Holy See: The Pope likewise had some high words with de Vargas the Spanish Ambassadour concer­ning the Clause proponentibus Legatis. The Ambassadour represented to him, that if the Clause had been barely, that the Legates should propose, this would not have excluded the Pre­lates from the liberty of proposing also: but that that proponentibus Legatis in the Ablative case, as Grammarians say, imported an exclu­sion of all others. The Pope answered dis­dainfully, that he had something else to doe than to mind cujus generis & casus, that he was no Grammarian, and that these terms were sincerely and without prevarication em­ployed to express his thoughts. In this man­ner he continued firm in his resolution to alter nothing in that Clause, and endeavoured by some excuses to put off the King of Spain, who had declared, that he did not take it well that words so prejudicial to the liberty of the Council should have been inserted in the De­cree. The Point of Residence was consulted at Rome in several Congregations of Cardinals [Page 335]and Ambassadours; they saw very well into the consequences of that opinion which the Spaniards would have had asserted: and the Cardinals who held Bishopricks knew that to oblige them to Residence by the Law of God, was the way to rob them of their Benefices, seeing they always attended at the Court of Rome. But, which is more than all, the Court of Rome perceived very well that the inten­tion of the Bishops was to make themselves absolute over their Flocks, and Indepen­dent of the Holy See. However the Pope dissembled that he knew any thing of the de­sign of the Bishops, and acted as if the Que­stion had onely been about obliging the Bi­shops to Residence. And therefore having well weighed the matter, he declared that he [...]erved it to himself, that he would issue out a Bull enjoyning all Bishops to Residence un­der pain of losing their Bishopricks: that he alone had the Power of putting the Laws of Jesus Christ in execution by that command that was given to St. Peter, seed my Sheep, and that after all, it was no great matter on what Right Residence was founded, whether Divine or Ecclesiastick, provided it was observed. At the same time he resolved to give an answer to the Letters which he had received from Trent: And wrote, in effect, that he intended no en­croachment on the Council, but that it might enjoy the liberty that it always had, provided the Council owned him for its Head, and ren­dered that respect which is due to the Holy See. Some consultation there was about send­ing of other Legates, and recalling the Cardi­nal of Mantua; but they durst not, because [Page 336]of the great reputation of probity that he had acquired. The Pope was in good hopes that he would himself desire liberty to lay down, when he found how ill they were satisfied with him. In the mean time that he might by all means secure himself against the designs of the Spaniards upon his Authority, he ear­nestly solicited the Venetian and Florentine Am­bassadours to deal with their Masters, that they would order their Ministers who were at Trent to stand up for the Authority of the Holy See. For obtaining the favour of the King of France and of the French, he promised to make the King a present of an hundred thousand Crowns, and to lend him an hun­dred thousand more. And at the same time he dispatched to Trent a fresh recruit of Italian Bishops who were at Rome, that they might in some measure counterbalance the Spanish Faction.

The Legates having received the Pope's An­swer, proceeded according to the instructions that were sent them from the Court of Rome. The thirteen Articles of Reformation proposed by the Legates were reduced to nine in making of the Decree; because with consent of the Prelates the Legates had struck out those which concerned Clandestine Mar­riages; and of their own head or by Orders from Rome cut off that which related to Resi­dence. The Decrees were read in the Con­gregation, where the omission of the Article of Residence raised a new tumult and made a great noise, but it came to no Head; for the Legates having made some bald excuses that did not take, refused with Authority to med­dle [Page 337]with that point at present. At length the fourteenth of May, the day appointed for the Session came; wherein nothing was done, but the Prorogation of the Session to the fourth of June. Session. 19. The Marquess de Pescara Ambassa­dour of Spain made great instances, that in that Session the Council might be declared to be a Continuation of that of Paul and Julius; but the Emperour's Ambassadours opposing it with the same vehemency, nothing was con­cluded therein. Immediately after the Session the Marquess of Pescara parted from Trent under pretext of going to give orders about the affairs of his Government; but in reality to shun Competition with the Ambassadour of France who was shortly to arrive. In effect, two or three days after Lewis de S. Gelais, Lord of Lansac chief of the Embassie arrived, and was followed some days after by Arnold Ferrier President of the Parliament of Paris, and Guy Favre Sieur de Pibrac, who was also a gown man.Misunder­standings be­twixt the Pope and the Coun­cil, and of the Fathers of the Council among themselves. Misunderstandings grew daily more and more betwixt the Court of Rome and the Council, for amongst other things that troubled the Pope, he was vexed at the Car­dinal of Mantua, because he had not complied with the intentions of the Marquess of Pesca­ra and the Spaniards who urged that the pre­sent Council might be declared to be a Conti­nuation of the former. The Emperour who was informed of those fresh instances of the Spaniards, had sent orders to his Ambassadours to leave the Council so soon as the Spaniards should have obtained the Declaration which they demanded; and the Pope imagined that that clashing would have broke up the Coun­cil, [Page 338]which was the thing in the world he most desired; so that he complained of the Cardi­nal of Mantua, that he had joyned with the Spaniards in the point of Residence, and had opposed them in the matter of the Continu­ation of the Council; which made it apparent that he was always engaged in opposite inte­rests to those of the Pope; and therefore it was brought into consultation a second time, whether the Cardinal should be called home, or at least a new Collegue should be sent him, to whom the chief instructions should be ad­drest. On the other hand the Council at Trent was as little satisfied with the Court of Rome, as the Court of Rome was with the Council; so that there was nothing but Discontents every where; for even in the Council most part of the Prelates were dissatisfied with one another, and many times came to big words. About this time the Bishops of Paris and Ca­poccio having had a little Debate in an Assem­bly of Prelates; the Bishop of Paris asked the Bishop of Capoccio how many Souls he had committed to his Care; he made answer, five hundred, whereupon the Bishop of Paris re­plied, that as man to man he was willing to yield to him, but when they acted in name of those they represented, he that spoke onely for five hundred Souls ought not to think him­self equal to him who spoke for five hundred thousand.

This was the State of Affairs, when the Ambassadours of France, who arrived some time before, were received into the Congre­gation of the twenty sixth of May.

[Page 339]The Sieur de Pibrac made a smart and bold Speech; he condemned the indiscreet and ill weighed Zeal of those that would yield nothing for peace-sake, and by standing up for the Church even to the meanest Ceremonies give occasion to Schism.The French Ambassadours are received they make Speeches, and receive no An­swer. He complained pretty o­penly of the violence that was put upon the Council, in denying it the Liberty which it ought to have; he blamed the later Councils which had been held some ages before, as wanting that courage and vigour which they ought to have had in withstanding oppression, and in remedying the Evils of the Church, and exhorted the Prelates to take a better course for restoring peace to Christendom. Other Ambassadours at their first Audience made onely some Complements, so that there needed no preparation to make them an an­swer. But this extraordinary Push of the French put the Council so off of the hinges, that the Promooter had nothing to say to them, and thus the Congregation concluded with that harangue. Next day the same Ambassa­dours waited on the Legates to shew them their commission; and demanded forthwith that the Council might be declared a new Coun­cil, and that these words might be struck out of the Bull Indicendo continuamus, & continu­ando indicimus, which contained an ambiguous Sense unbeseeming Christians. But this Re­monstrance made no impression, the Legates answering that their power did not extend to declare this Council to be a new Council, but onely to preside therein, according to the Will of the Council. These last words of the Legates answer were quickly spread abroad, and made [Page 340]the Archbishop of Granada and the rest of the Spaniards say, that the Presidents spoke in the Style of very humble Servants, but acted like very absolute Masters. Afterwards the French joyned with the Ambassadours of the Em­perour and King of Spain, to demand that in the next Session the point of Residence which had been sufficiently examined, might be deci­ded; they said farther, that the King their Master expected that they would treat of Re­formation, before they entered upon Doctrines, that the Protestants seeing the Church refor­med, might more easily submit to the Decisions that should be made in points of Doctrine. Cardinal Simoneta answered cunningly as to the matter of Reformation, that it was a diffi­cult point, seeing it depended in part on the correction of the abuses which Princes commit­ted in bestowing of Benefices; and that he had a special regard to the Kings of France, who by virtue of a Concordat made betwixt Leo X. and Francis I. had the Nomination to all great Benefices, by which Canonical Elections were abolished. This work spoken in season stopt the Ambassadours mouths as to that par­ticular; but it was not so easie a matter to stop them as to the point of Residence, the excuse that the Legates made being evidently ridicu­lous; for they alledged that the matter had not been sufficiently examined, and neverthe­less nothing was ever more; what the Legates reason wanted in force it had sufficiently in Authority which gives weight to the weakest Arguments; so great was the sharpness of contention that this matter occasioned, that many of the Bishops beyond the Alpes were [Page 341]just ready to protest and be gone. But the Am­bassadours, who saw that the Pope desired no better than to have an occasion to break up the Council, put a stop to that; they thought it more expedient to wave the points of Resi­dence, and of the Continuation of the Coun­cil, than to give an occasion of a Rupture. Nevertheless the Pope, who earnestly sought for an opportunity of dissolving the Council, resol­ved to declare, according to the desire of the King of Spain, that that Assembly was a con­tinuation of the Council of Paul III. and Ju­lius III. that he might thereby give occasion to the Germans and French to protest and with­draw. He therefore sent orders to his Legates to make that Declaration, which troubled them extremely. They had had much adoe to prevail with the French and Germans not to insist any more on that particular, and they could not tell how they could handsomely come off with it. They therefore sent to Rome Cardinal Altemps the Pope's Nephew, to inform him of the State of Affairs, and to take him off of that resolution which would doe great Damage to his Reputation, and occa­sion the dissolution of the Council.

session 20 And now the fourth of June being come, the Session was held; wherein the Commissions of the Ambassadours of the Archbishop of Salisburg and King of France were read. Cardi­nal Altemps and the Prelates of the faction of the Court of Rome had been prickt to the quick by Pibrac's harangue; so that they re­solved to give him an answer this Session in a strain capable to repell the Insolence of that prating Barrister, for so they called him. Bap­tist a [Page 342]Castello Promooter of the Council had orders to prepare himself to answer Pibrac's Speech; which he did with much sharpness according to his Instructions; he made an Apology for the precedent Councils which had been blamed, and justified this from the indirect Reflexions that had been cast upon it, of swaying with the interests of Princes, and giving occasion to the snares of the Devil by a damnable compliance. The French were not very well pleased with that Harangue, nor, indeed, was it the Legates intention to please them. Afterwards the Decree was read which was onely an Act giving reasons why the Publication of the Decrees was put off till the next Session, which was appointed to be the twenty sixth of July.

They propose in the Congrega­tions to treat of the Com­munion in both kinds, and of the Commu­nion of Chil­dren.In the Congregation that was held in the Afternoon the same fourth day of June, six Articles were proposed concerning matters to be handled in the ensuing Session; to wit, the Communion of young Children, and the Communion in both kinds. But they could not tell how to set about it, because these Points had been already handled in the Coun­cil of Julius and not decided; some were of opinion that they should make use of the mat­ter that had been prepared to their hand. They alledged that if they must hear the Sentiments of fourscore and eight Divines that were at Council upon that subject, it would make tedious work; that therefore it was better and a more compendious way to pub­lish the Decrees which were already framed. Here the Champians for the Divine Right of Residence took occasion to renew the Quarel; [Page 343]and thirty Bishops moved that the Point of the Cup might be adjusted in a few days, provided the Method that had been proposed were followed, but that it was now time ac­cording to the promise that past, to treat of the Point of Residence; others again warmly opposed it: so that heats beginning to arise, there was like to have been some noise, if the Cardinal of Mantua had not wisely paci­fied them, promising to treat of Residence, when they came to handle the Sacrament of Orders. But Cardinal Simoneta was not satis­fied that the Cardinal of Mantua had inconfi­derately engaged to bring the Point of Resi­dence upon the Stage again, without the Pope's Order.

The Germans present their Demands to the Council tending to Re­formation, which amaze the Pope and oblige him to look to his own Security.The Germans had some satisfaction in that they had obtained the Communion in both kinds to be handled, and thought it now time to propose the things which they had orders to demand; so that according to the instructi­ons they had received from the Emperour, they presented to the Legates twenty Articles of Demands tending to Reformation, and par­ticularly to the Reformation of the Court of Rome. In these Memoires they demanded that the number of Cardinals should not exceed twenty six; that no more Dispensations nor Exemptions should be granted against Common Law; that the Monasteries should be subjec­ted to the Bishops; that Plurality of Benefices should be taken away; that Bishops should be obliged to Residence, without spending time in cavilling about the question whether it be of Divine right or no; that Ecclesiastical Constitu­tions should be restrained to a less number, [Page 344]and that they should not have the same Au­thority as the Laws of God; that it should not be lawfull to excommunicate any but such as were notoriously guilty of mortal Sin; that Divine Service should be celebrated in a Lan­guage intelligible to the People; that whatso­ever is not contained in Scripture should be left out of Missals and Breviaries; that Priests and Monks should be reformed according to the standard of the ancient institution; that somewhat of the Rigour of Positive Laws should be abated; and that in some places the distinc­tion of Meats, Lent, and the Celibat of Priests should be abolished: And these were the Princi­pal heads of their demands. The Legates desig­ned, if possibly they could, to have supprest that Piece which they looked upon as terrible: and therefore they gave the Ambassadours a fair and soft answer, that these matters could not be moved in the next Session; but that they would lay hold on an occasion to discourse them with the Fathers of the Council. This answer gave no satisfaction to the Ambassa­dours: and therefore they sent the Archbishop of Prague by Post for new instructions, that he might make all haste and be back again before the next Session. The Legates on their part also thought fit to acquaint the Pope with what past, and dispatcht to him Leonardo Ma­rino Archbishop of Lanciano; he had orders to pacifie the Pope, and Court of Rome; who were much dislatisfied with the whole Coun­cil, and particularly with the Cardinal of Man­tua: but the Anxiety of the Pope was doubled when he saw the Proposals of the Germans; he well perceived that the Emperour, in pros­pect of having his Son elected King of the [Page 345] Romans, liad a design to gain the Protestants; he dreaded the arrival of the French Prelates who were to joyn with the Spaniards and Germans, and made no doubt but that they would offer bolder Proposals and more pre­judicial still to his Authority. And this made him seek out Pretexts for raising of Sol­diers, that so he might be in a condition to maintain his Grandure by the Arms of the Flesh, if the Arms of the Spirit did not suc­ceed with him. His design of opposing the En­terprises of the Huguenots who troubled the County of Avignon, afforded him a very plau­sible Pretext. Under that colour then he levied four thousand Switzers, and three thousand German Horse; part of them he sent to Avignon, and furnished the Duke of Savoy with money to arm for the same cause. At the same time he endeavoured to form a League amongst the Ministers of the Princes that were at the Council against the Protestants; but no body would consent to it, all the Princes excusing themselves upon particular accounts; but using this reason in general, that it would be a hin­derance to the Continuation of the Council. That last reason weighed not much with the Pope; for the Rupture of the Council, which the Princes so much feared, was the thing that he most desired; and therefore he propo­sed once again in Consistory the deciding of the Debate about the Continuation of the Council according to the intention of the Spa­niards, thereby to vex the Germans and French, and force them to withdraw. In the mean while he complained continually of the man­ner how he was used, and said that Lansac seemed rather the Ambassadour of the Hugue­nots [Page 346]than of the King of France: that he and his Collegues fomented the Divisions, and en­couraged those that raised the Authority of the Council above the Pope; an heretical opinion, said he, the Abbetters whereof he was resolved to prosecute and punish. He accused Lansac, of having said that so many German and French Bishops would come, as should be strong enough to drive the Idol from Rome. He found no less fault with the Cardinals of Mantua, Seripando and Warmia his Legates, saying that they deserved not to wear the Hat of a Cardinal. He sent Carlo Visconts Bishop of Vintimiglia with Orders to watch over their proceedings, promising him a Car­dinals Cap at the first promotion, wherein he was as good as his word. He gave him a list of those who were faithfull to the Holy See, that he might converse freely and open his heart to them. Visconte faithfully discharged his Commission, and was a very exact Spie in the Council, giving the Pope an account of the least thing that happened there, Cardi­nal Simoneta had given the Pope advice that the Cardinal of Mantua had engaged himself by an express promise to bring the Point of Re­sidence into play again, this made him break out into an open passion, and he had certain­ly been transported into some rash action, had not the Archbishop of Lanciano arrived very opportunely, who acquitted himself ex­traordinary well of his Commission in justify­ing the Cardinal. He presented to the Pope a Letter signed by more than thirty Bishops, who protested to his Holiness that they had not the least design to lessen his Authority by [Page 347]demanding that Residence might be declared to be of Divine Right. That calmed him a little, and disposed him to receive more pati­ently the excuses of the Cardinals of Man­tua, Seripando and Warmia; so that by the pains of the Archbishop of Lanciano, the Pope became more moderate, wrote to the Legates in a softer Style, and acquainted the Fathers that he desired the Council might be free, that he was not against the deciding of the Point of Residence, but that they must wait till the heats and animosities were over. In particu­lar he gave orders to tell the Cardinal of Man­tua that he was satisfied with his innocence, and that with much Joy he acknowledged it. Poor Camillo Oliva, the Cardinal of Mantua's Secretary, had no share in his Master's recon­ciliation with the Pope; for after the death of the Cardinal, as that faithfull Servant waited on his Corps to Mantua, the Pope upon idle and silly Pretexts caused him to be put into the Inquisition, where for many years he suffe­red inconceivable misery.

The Divines give their opi­nion about the Demand of the Cup which the Germans made.During this time the Fathers of the Coun­cil were employed in examination of the mat­ters which were to be decided in the next Ses­sion. The Congregations began the ninth of June, and continued untill the three and twentieth. Threescore Divines were heard upon the Point of the Communion in both kinds: but that being a Point of Antiquity for the knowledge of which School-Divinity was of little use, they came very ill off about it. They all agreed that the Cup was not ne­cessary, and endeavoured to prove, that from the very times of the Apostles dry Communi­ons [Page 348]had been in use, because there is often mention made of breaking of Bread, without speaking any thing of Wine. They proved the same Communions without the Cup also, by the Communion of the Laicks, which is frequently mentioned in the writings of the Ancients; when any Member of the Clergy fell from his Post, he was turned off to the Laick Communion. Now, said they, seeing that Communion of Laicks is distinguished from the Communion of the Clergy, it must needs have been different; and that difference could be no other but this, that the Clergy communicated in both kinds, and the People onely in one. A little more knowledge in An­tiquity would have taught them that the Com­munion of Laicks was not different from that of the Clergy, but onely in Order and Place; for the Clergy received in the Chancel and before the People, and the People afterward extra cancellos, in the Body of the Church. Most of their other Arguments wee disliked by the knowing men, because they urged them without choice or discretion. For in­stance, some would make it out that it was not necessary to take the Cup, because Jonathan took onely a little honey on the end of his stick, and that his eyes were cleared without having drunk. But amongst all these able Disputants, no man was more remarked for the Singularity of Argument, than James Paiva Andradius; he alledged that our Saviour gave the Communion to his Disciples in Bread alone, whilst they were yet Laicks, which proved that the Bread belonged to all the Laicks; but that having given them the Bread, before he [Page 349]gave the Cup, he ordained them Priests, say­ing, doe this in remembrance of me. At length, he gave them the Cup, saying, drink ye all of it: whence it is clear, said he, that the Cup be­longs onely to the Priests. Anthony Mandol­phe a Divine belonging to the Archbishop of Prague, having protested that he was of the same opinion with the rest, did nevertheless quite overthrow all the Arguments which they had drawn from Scripture and Traditi­on. He demonstrated, that dry Communions were unknown to Antiquity, and that by con­sequence no other Authority could be alledged for them but the Council of Constance; which must be submitted to, and the Point taken as decided, that Communion under both kinds is not necessary; but that that was not the questi­on in hand, the matter now under examination being whether the Cup might be rendered to those that desired it; to the handling of which he thought they ought to proceed, and pass by the other. John Paul, Divine to the Bishop of the five Churches Ambassadour for the Kingdom of Hungary, was of the same mind, and concluded that the Cup might be restored; but neither of them were favourably heard, since what they said was easily seen to be the Dictates and Instructions of their Master. The handling of the third Article proposed by the Legates raised some noise; the substance of it was that they who onely received the Bread were not deprived of any necessary Grace. For there were some that did not agree to that, but maintained that he who recei­veth the Cup receives more abundant Grace. One Friar Amant of the Order of the Servite, [Page 350]Divine to the Bishop of Sebenico in Sclavonia, went farther than all the rest, and said that according to the Doctrine of Cardinal Cajetan, the Bloud is no part of substance of Man's body, but merely an Aliment; and that so the Bloud was not necessarily in the Flesh by Con­comitance, seeing it does not follow that a Bo­dy must of necessity be always accompanied with its Aliment. He added that according to the words of our Saviour, drink, this is my Bloud, that Bloud must have been out of his Veins, because Bloud running in the Veins could not be drunk. This reasoning raised a Tumult, a clashing of Hands, and ratling of the Benches amongst the Divines; which obli­ged the Disputant not onely to be silent, but to recant, saying that it had escaped him in the heat of the Dispute. And thus, in spight of all opposition, the Conclusion of the Debate was, that he who did communicate in one kind reaped as much Benefit as he who received in both. Nevertheless, to give some satisfaction to those who maintained that there was more Grace conveighed in receiving both the signs, it was thought fit to have it inserted, that a Believer was not deprived of any Grace that was necessary to Salvation. And this might in­sinuate that one was deprived of some saving Grace, though it was not of absolute Necessity. But the fourth Article occasioned great con­tests, and was thus couched: Whether the reasons which had obliged the Church to allow the Bread alone to the Laicks, did still hinder the granting of the Cup. For the Prelates and Spanish Divines had conspired in a wonderfull Union, not to suffer the Cup to be restored to any Nation [Page 351]They made use of all the reasons that had en­duced the Church to forbid the Cup, pre­tending that they were in force still. With much affectation they aggravated the danger of Effusion, and urged how unsafe a thing it was to change a Practice established in the Church, since Hereticks would draw great advantages from thence. Some of them either ignorant in Antiquity, or confident and rash, pleaded that the Church did prohibit the Cup for confuting the Errour of Nestorius, who did not believe that Jesus Christ was wholly and intirely under one of the kinds, adding that since that Errour was broached again by modern Hereticks, they ought to retain the Practice which served to confound that Heresie. What a gross and foul imperti­nence was this? For the Cup was not retren­ched in the Age of Nestorius, nor did ever that Heretick maintain any dispute about the Real Presence. From Reasons they came to Re­proaches, and flew so high as to call all those, who demanded the Chalice, Hereticks. A cer­tain Portuguese Jacobin called Francisco Forier, thinking to make himself remarkable by a piece of wit, said that Princes who desired the Cup for their Subjects, had a mind by the Councils leave to turn Lutherans. This was lookt upon as an insolent expression, because it re­flected upon the Emperour. Francisco de Tor­rez a Spanish Jesuit said with less wit but more Passion, that the Devil did here transform him­self into an Angel of light, and that under colour of desiring the Bloud of Jesus Christ, he set the People on to demand a poisoned Cup. God Almighty was at least as much of­fended [Page 352]by the extravagance of the Jesuit, as the Emperour was by the insolence of the Jacobin: but the Jesuit could defend his asser­tion by the Authority of Cardinal St. Angelo great Penitentiary, and of the Pope himself; for not long before these words had been spo­ken at Rome in a Congregation of Cardinals in presence of the Pope, who past it by very well, and was not at all troubled at it. The German Divines did, indeed, raise a counter-Battery, but the Party was not equal, for there were but very few Germans, and a great many Spaniards in the Council. It is true, there were some Divines of other Nations more mo­derate, who, in a Spirit of Charity, were for allowing the Cup to those that demanded it, under certain conditions; nay and some were so condescending as to think it might be gran­ted absolutely and without any restriction.

The Point of the Communion of Children was onely added to swell up the bulk of the matters that were to be decided in the Session, that it might not seem to have done but little, and therefore it occasioned no dispute, all a­greeing that it was not necessary. When the Decrees came to be drawn up, the Legates were inclineable enough to have satisfied the Germans in granting them the Cup, under the conditions proposed by Paul III. and therefore in a Congregation of Prelates which was held after the Congregations of the Divines were over, they were for passing by the fourth Point which concerned the granting of the Cup, and for framing Decrees upon the rest, reserving this till another time that they had prepared the Council to admit of it. But the Spaniards [Page 353]suspecting that, made a great stir, and under Pretext that matters must be done in order, they would by no means proceed to the fifth Point untill the fourth were adjusted. This caused some disorder and bitterness among the Prelates, which obliged the Presidents to dis­miss the Assembly without doing any thing. These abrupt breakings up of Assemblies were very frequent,The way that Cardinal Si­moneta made use of to break up the Congre­gations, when matters went contrary to his intentions. and Cardinal Simoneta with his address and cunning was the cause of all these Confusions, when he perceived that matters went not according to his mind. This Cardi­nal was intrusted with the greatest Secrets of the Court of Rome; and was the chief of the Pope's pensionary Bishops who were not a few, and who had orders to stand by him. He had pickt out some of the wittiest and boldest of them, as the Bishops della Cava and Capo d'Istria, Zambeccari Bishop of Sulmona, and Bar­tholomeo Serigo Bishop of Castellanetta; who when they found that matters went cross to the intentions of the Court of Rome; they interrupted those that were giving their opi­nions by raillery, and turning their reasons into ridicule. This never failed to occasion Debates, from Debate they fell into Passion, and so all withdrew without concluding any thing.

The Ambassadour of the Duke of Bavaria had been now two Months at Trent in quality of a private Person, because of his preten­sions of having Precedence before the Venetian Ambassadour who would not give him the Place. At length, he received Orders from his Master to yield, and was publickly recei­ved in the Congregation of the seven and twentieth of June, having made his Prote­station [Page 354]that his condescension at present was onely for the sake of Peace, and not to the prejudice of his Master and the other Princes of Germany. He made a very long and a ve­ry free Speech, wherein he complained ex­tremely of the Corruption of the German Clergy, and of the Concubinage of the Priests; and enumerating the evils which had hap­pened upon the retrenching of the Cup, he urged hard that it might be restored to the People, and demanded that Priests who had a mind to Marry might be dispens'd from their obligation to a single life. The Council by the mouth of their Promooter gave him up­on the spot a very civil answer. The French Ambassadours took this ill, and complained that the Ambassadour of Bavaria having spo­ken with as great liberty as they, he had been, notwithstanding, civilly answered, whereas their Speech had been refuted in a sharp and unbecoming manner. The Emperour's Am­bassadours finding themselves backt by the Ba­varians, thought it time to oppose the violence of the Spaniards, who could not endure the demand of the Cup for the People. They therefore drew up a Memoir upon that Sub­ject, which, after the Ambassadour of Bavaria had spoken, they presented in the same Con­gregation. In that Writing they urged that Pope Paul and Pope Julius had been sensible of the necessity of granting the Cup to those who demanded it; that it was the onely way to retain the Calixtins and the Kingdom of Bohemia in the obedience of the Church of Rome; that in Hungary the People did already constrain the Priests to give them the Commu­nion [Page 355]in both kinds, by seizing their goods and threatning to kill them; and that to answer those who in so haughty a manner desired to know who they were that demanded the Cup, they gave them to understand, that it was the Emperour himself.

The French joyn with the Germans in the Demand of the Cup.In the Congregation of the fourth of July, the Ambassadours of France presented a Wri­ting tending to the same end; that is to say, that they joyned with the Germans in the de­mand of the Cup. They pleaded that in matters which are onely of Positive Right too much rigour is not to be used, and that it is good to comply with the weakness of those of whom we have the conduct. This Con­junction startled the Legates, who were afraid that things would not stop there. They were pretty well inclined to restore the Cup to the Germans, but they had no mind that it should extend to France also. Besides the Pope's Party was alarmed at the reasons alledged by the French, that in matters which are onely of Humane constitution a latitude ought to be al­lowed; this seemed a very suspicious Proposal from the Mouth of the French, who stretched that Positive Right to a great compass. In effect: Lansac the chief of the Embassie, let slip some words in a great entertainment that he had been at some days before. He hinted that the French wished that Divine Service might be allowed them in the vulgar Tongue, that Priests might have liberty to Marry, and that Images were taken out of the Churches: so that the Legates were of opinion, that for that time it was not convenient to meddle with the Point of restoring the use of the Cup. [Page 356]They treated about that in private with the Germans, and at length brought them to con­sent that it might be referred to another Ses­sion: and the French who stickled not much for it, did not oppose the design: but the Spa­niards persisted to shew the aversion they had to the demand of the French and Germans. However the Bishop of Lerida in Spain did not seem to be altogether against it; for giving his opinion in the Congregation of the ninth of July, after that he had profest that he was not of the mind that the Cup should be resto­red to the People, he added that there might be some words inserted in the Decree for re­serving to the French the privilege of giving the Communion in both kinds, if they thought good: that in that case the French might doe as other Nations did, and amongst others the Greeks, who did partake of the Cup by Vir­tue of an express privilege, granted them by Popes, which he said, he had seen. After the Congregation was up, du Ferrier one of the French Ambassadours pressed the Bishop of Lerida, whose name was Antonio Agostino, very hard to tell him, what Pope it was who had granted that privilege to the Greeks of commu­nicating in both kinds.The ignorance of the Spani­ards in mat­ters of Anti­quity. The Bishop made him answer that it was Pope Damasus. This made du Ferrier, who was well Skill'd in antiquity, laugh, and confirmed all People in the opinion that the Spaniards are very ignorant therein. For Damasus lived about the end of the fourth Century, when the Church of Rome was very far from giving the Cup by way of Privilege, since for more than a hundred years after, to abstain from it was by her lookt upon [Page 357]as Sacrilege; as appears by the Decision of Pope Gelasus, which is inserted in the Decree of Gratian. In the Congregation of the tenth of July, Leonard Haller Titular Bishop of Phi­ladelphia moved, that it was necessary to stay for the Germans, as a few days before Daniel Barbaro Patriarch of Aquileia had demanded that they might stay for the French, to the end that the Council might be called General, as being made up of all Nations; for there were none but Spaniards and Italians in it; and these Italians almost all of them the Pope's Pensio­ners, who most cunningly stood up for the In­terests of the Court of Rome. There were even some that said publickly enough, that that Council was not the Council of the Uni­versal Church, but of the Pope, since he did in it what he pleased: and these were those who had spoken with some freedom as to the Point of Residence. The Papal Party had a great pique against them, which appeared so plainly, that they did not think themselves secure enough even at Trent: and therefore they thought of withdrawing, some of them had already obtained leave; amongst whom were Egidio Foscararo Bishop of Modena; the Bishops of Viviers, Acqui, and the Archbi­shop of Surriento. But the Ambassadour of Portugal having represented that that would do hurt to the reputation of the Council, see­ing the cause of their departure was generally known, they were detained by fair promises of better usage for the future. However there was no notice taken of the demand that was made of waiting for the coming of the Ger­man and French Prelates. In the following [Page 358]Congregations the Chapters of Reformation were read, and some Bishops spoke with a great deal of liberty. As to the Point of free Ordinations the Bishop of Vegla an Island near Sclavonia, said that it would be to no purpose to lay a restraint upon ordaining Bi­shops not to take money, if at the same time it were not Decreed that no fees should be ta­ken at Rome for Dispensations to receive Or­ders out of the usual times, and before the Age appointed; that the greatest expence was there, and that the small gratuities given at Ordinations was nothing to it. He farther said that when any such Dispensations were presented to him, it was his custome to ask if they had cost any money; and that if he found they had been bought, he rejected and did not value them. As to the Point concer­ning those that got into Priests Orders without a sufficient Estate to maintain them, the Bi­shop of the five Churches spoke with great freedom, that it was of much more impor­tance to prevent a mans entering into Orders without having a Church and Cure to serve, than to hinder him upon the account of wan­ting an Estate, and that it was very disgrace­full to the Church to have priests who had no other Employment but to live idly and take their ease upon a good fat Benefice. In one of the Articles of Reformation it was ordained that great Parishes should be divided into two, that they might be the better served: where­upon the same Bishop said, that that was good, but that it was much better to divide the Bi­shopricks, which are of so great extent, that it is not possible for one man to take the care [Page 359]of so many Souls. These opinions pleased no body, neither the Prelates nor the Presidents. Afterward the Bishop of Sidonia an Hungarian took the boldness to say that all these petty Reformations of the Members of the Church signified nothing, so long as the Head conti­nued without Reformation; that it behoved them to begin with the greater matters, and that the lesser would pass without any difficul­ty. This liberty was very offensive to the Le­gates, and therefore they met to consult a­bout means of repressing that boldness. John Baptista Castello, Promooter of the Council, who had discharged the same office in the Council under Julius III. said that the course must be taken which had been used by Cardinal Cres­centio, who enjoyned the Prelates silence when they did in the least deviate from the Subject that had been proposed. But the Car­dinal of Warmia did not approve that con­duct, and affirmed that God had not blest the Council of Julius because he approved not those violent methods of Cardinal Crescentio; that after all, it was impossible to avoid con­tests in Councils. The Cardinal of Mantua was of the same Judgment. So that they thought it sufficient to limit every one to a certain time in speaking, and to make it short, that so they might not have leisure to speak many things which might give disgust. The day for holding the Session which was the six­teenth of July, drew nigh; and the Germans who had consented that nothing should be moved in it about the permission of the Cup, demanded now a great deal more, and urged that nothing might be done at all, that so they [Page 360]might give time to their Bishops to come. The Legates to prevent the disgrace of being so long without doing any thing, would needs have the Chapters of Doctrine and Reforma­tion which had been minuted, to be published: And they must be read overagain in the Congre­gation, before they could be published in the Session; which was not done without debate. In the second Chapter of Doctrine these words were slipt in, that the Church might as well take away the use of the Cup, as it had changed the form of Baptism. Jacobo Gil­berto de Nogueras Bishop of Aliphe a Spaniard starting up said, that that was Blasphemy, because the Church had no Power to change the form of Sacraments, nor to alter any thing that is essential to them, and that in effect the form of Baptism had never been changed; that hint was taken notice of, and the Clause left out. In the third Chapter it is said, that he who is barred from the Cup is not depri­ved of any Grace necessary to Salvation, and that therefore the Church has Power to re­trench it. The Cardinal of Warmia one of the Legates set on by some Divines observed as to that, that thence it might be inferred that the Church may wholly take away the Eucharist, because it is not necessary to Salvation, and desired some alteration in that Clause. But Cardinal Simoneta being vexed at what had past in the Congregation told the Cardinal of Warmia, that he had very impru­dently suffered himself to be put upon in making that Overture, and that if he would everlastingly give ear to those Doctours accusto­med to the cavillings of the School, nothing could [Page 361]be concluded in the next Session. The Car­dinal of Warmia submitted, excusing himself in that what he had done was designed for a good end. In the Congregation that was held the day before the Session, there happened some Debates still, as in all the rest: but they were not very considerable, and continued not long.

session 21 Now it was the sixteenth of July, 16. July. the day appointed for the Session; and the Legates, Ambassadours and Prelates went to the Church with the usual Ceremonies. After Mass and Sermon the Decrees were read; the Decree of Doctrine contained four Chapters, and as ma­ny Canons with Anathema's, wherein was de­cided.

• 1. That believing Laicks are not obli­ged by command to communicate in both kinds.
• 2. That the Church had very good ground for taking away the Cup, and that she hath power to doe so.
• 3. That he who receives the bread alone, receives Jesus Christ entirely, and is not deprived of any saving Grace.
• 4. That the Communion of Children is not necessary.

In all this no notice was taken of the question, whether it was expedient to allow the Cup to People that demanded it, because that point was reserved for another Session, as they had promised the Germans, and was ac­cordingly by a Decree referred to the fol­lowing Session, which is inserted in the Acts of the Council. The nine Chapters of Refor­mation were also read. The first ordains, that the Collation of Orders, the Dimissorial and Testimonial Letters, the Seal and other things of that nature shall be given gratis, without so much as taking any voluntary offering. The second, that no man shall receive Orders [Page 362]if he have not a Benefice, or at least an Estate of his own to subsist on, which Estate is not to be alienated without the consent of the Bishop. The third, that in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, where there are no Dis­tributions, or where they are but small, the Bishop may convert a third of the Prebends into Distributions. The fourth, that in great Parishes the Curates shall take the assistance of a sufficient number of Vicars, and that such as are of too large an extent shall be di­vided, and provided with new Rectours, if that be judged necessary. The fifth, that Bi­shops may make Unions to perpetuity of Be­nefices that have cure of Souls; when they are not singly sufficient for the Subsistence of a Curate. The sixth, that Curates who are negligent in their Duties, shall have Vicars ap­pointed them whether they will or not, and that part of the profits of the Living shall be allotted to these Vicars, and that if the Cu­rates continue in Scandal, they shall be depri­ved of their Benefices. The seventh, that the Bishops as Delegates of the holy See, may annex the Benefices of decayed and demolished Churches, to other Churches, and cause Paro­chial Churches to be repaired. The eighth, that the Bishops also as Delegates of the holy See, may visit Monasteries that are in Com­mendum, to settle the observation of Discipline therein. And the last Chapter abolished the Col­lectours or Alms-gatherers. These Collectours were a sort of men who under Pretext of some pious work, as the building an Hospital for the Sick, the bringing up of Orphans or the like, obtained Letters of Recommendation from the [Page 363]Bishop, and with these Letters run over a whole Countrey to gather Collections under the notion of Almsdeeds. Some of them also obtained a Licence from the Pope, that they might not be hindered by the Bishops in their Collections. This custome had degenerated into a horrid abuse, in that these Collectours treated with the Court of Rome that part of the purchase should be brought thither, nay and it was even specified in the Bull how much the Collectour was to keep for himself, and how much he was to pay out; so pub­lickly was that Corruption tolerated. Of these gatherings a very small portion was employed in the charitable Work which served for a Pretext, and the rest went into the Pocket of the Collectours, and of those that had got them the Privilege. Many time also they who obtained from Rome Patents to empower them to gather Charity, farmed out their right to the off-scourings of the People, who, to make the most of their Farm, by a thousand damna­ble Tricks frightned the People out of their wits and money. They put themselves into strange Antick dresses, and carried about with them bells and other tinckling instruments, preached up counterfeit Indulgence, and denounced a thousand Evils to those who refused them con­tributions, and these were the Collectours that were then abolished. This was all the Pro­duct of eight whole Months labour, during which nothing was to be seen but Couriers without intermission posting from Rome to Trent, and from Trent to Rome; continual Trea­ties, Negotiations, and Conferences betwixt the Ambassadours of all the Princes in Europe, [Page 364]and the Legates, not to mention the infinite number of consultations and deliberations a­mongst the Prelates, who were four times more in number, than they were in the two first Convocations of the Council. These great Engines having wrought so little, People could not forbear to apply the Proverb, Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus. The discontented and those professed Criticks that stand in awe of no Tribunal, made their observations, that there was no great need of meeting at Trent to blast the Memory of the Fathers of the Church by deciding a question concerning the Communion of young Children, in such a manner as made the Judgment of the Ancients Heresie, who would have Infants immediately after Baptism to receive the Communion: and particularly they could not but condemn that Decree as absolutely unnecessary, because now-a-days no body laboured to introduce the custome again. But the less censorious could not forbear to mark a great want of Judgment in the second Canon, which under Pain of an Anathema condemns those that will not believe that the Church had good reason to retrench the Cup. All men wondered that that refusing of the Cup being lookt upon as a matter of Humane Right, since by a formal Decree of the Council it was left in suspence, whether it should be restored or no, should notwithstanding be decided under Anathema, as a matter of Divine Right that the Church had reason in refusing it.Matters are prepared for the following Session, and the Presidents are reconciled.

This Session being over, the Legates thought fit to prepare matters for the next: but the Court of Rome judged it absolutely necessary to make [Page 365]the Cardinals of Mantua and Simoneta friends, before they proceeded any farther. For this reconciliation the Pope imployed the Mediation of Cardinal Gonzaga Uncle to the Cardinal of Mantua, and of Alexander Simoneta Brother to the Cardinal of the same name: both of them wrote so effectually to their Relations, that the peace was made, and the Sunday after the Session Simoneta dined with the Cardinal of Mantua. They consulted together what means were to be used to satisfie the Pope as to the Point of Residence, and the King of Spain as to the Demand he made that the pre­sent Council might be declared a Continuati­on of the former. But to extricate them out of these Difficulties a Letter came very oppor­tunely from the King of Spain, which ordered the Marquess of Pescara not to insist any more for having the Continuation of the Council declared, provided all words that might im­port that it was a new Council were avoided. The same Letter gave orders to acquaint the Spanish Prelates, that the King commended their Zeal in making so many instances for having Residence to be declared of Divine Right, but that it was not convenient for the present that that question should be decided. The Archbishop of Granada chief of that Par­ty was not very well satisfied with the Com­plement, but however it cooled his heat a little.

The twentieth of July, a Congregation was held to begin the preparation of matters to be decreed in the next Session: The Cardinal of Mantua made a Speech to the Prelates to perswade them to speak their opinions calm­ly [Page 366]and in sew words, telling them that the Presidents had made orders to prevent Confu­sion in the Congregations of the Divines. These orders appointed the number of Di­vines that were to speak, to wit, four for the Pope, three for every Ambassadour, for the Legates one of their Domesticks, and for every Religious Order three who should be chosen by their General: And to satisfie those who should not be chosen to speak; it was ordered that they might communicate to the Legates their mind in writing. But one order was made that would have thoroughly vexed those Spokes-men, had it taken effect; and that was that no Divine should speak above half an hour, and that he might be interrupted by the Presidents if he spoke any longer. In the same Congregation the Legates proposed the matters which were to be examined, and they resolved to handle the Sacrifice of the Mass,The matter of the Sacrifice of the Mass is chosen. and the abuses committed therein. The matter had been already examined in the Council of Julius, and therefore the Cardinal Seripando, and the Archbishop of Granada were of opinion that they might be short about that, and pass by a great many consi­derations, since hardly any thing remained to be done, but to review and publish what had been already minuted upon that subject, but their advice was not followed. This head was divided into thirteen Articles, wherein were comprehended all the controversies about that Subject, which are at this day argued be­twixt the Church of Rome and the Protestants: to wit, whether the Mass be a Propitiatory Sa­crifice, whether it derogates from the Sacrifice [Page 367]of Jesus Christ, whether Jesus Christ by saying doe this hath appointed the Sacrifice of his Body, whether private Masses be lawfull and good, whether it be lawfull to celebrate Mas­ses to the honour of Saints, whether the Ce­remonies of the Mass are good and holy, whe­ther there be Errours in the Canon of the Mass, whether the words of Consecration ought to be pronounced with a low voice; with some other questions of less impor­tance.

The French Ambassadours stayed at the Council with very little satisfaction, for they saw that matters of highest moment were go­ing to be handled without expecting, the Pre­lates of their Nation; and so all things would be carried by the Spaniards, some Portuguese and the Italians. They therefore wrote to the King that he would hasten away the Bishops of France; that they durst not hitherto propose any point of Reformation, because they had no body to second them; that the Pope was absolute Master of the Council; that the door was barred against all proposals tending to Reformation by the Clause proponentibus Lega­tis: that the Court of Rome was Mistress of all Deliberations as well as Propositions, by the great number of Pensionary Bishops that the Pope entertained at the Council: and that the Spaniards who had shews some Zeal for Reformation were cooled by orders which they had received from their Prince. They conclu­ded, that having considered all these things, there was but little to be expected from that Council. Next day after that first Congrega­tion, they fell to work. Two Jesuits, Alphon­so [Page 368]Salmerone and Francisco de La Torre the Pope's Divines spoke first, and made nothing of the half hour Regulation; for Salmerone took up the whole time of the Congregation. Next Morning the Jesuit de La Torre did as much, and neither of them in those long discourses said any thing that was remarkable: towards the end, the Jesuit Torre said that the passage of St. John, if ye eat not my Flesh and drink not my Bloud, ye can have no life in you, could not be understood but of the Sacramental Communi­on. This Divinity did not please the Legates, because the contrary seemed to have been de­fined in the first Chapter of Doctrine of the former Session: but especially because that in­terpretation inferred the necessity of the Cup; for if our Saviour in that place speak of Sa­cramental Manducation, and that without drinking his Bloud in a Sacramental way, it is impossible to have life, it is clear that the Cup is necessary: for the Bloud of Jesus Christ is not drunk Sacramentally, but in taking the Cup. These were two turbulent Jesuits, they had already made a clutter the very day of the last Session, about the first Chapter of Doctrine; wherein they would have had it more expresly defined, that Jesus Christ had not instituted the Sacrament in both kinds but onely for the officiating Priest, and not for the rest. And that displeased the Legates, be­cause it was ill timed. Besides that, the Jesuit de La Torre in particular was not well liked of by Cardinal Simoneta, for all he was a Je­suit and the Pope's Divine, because he had written against Catarino for the Divine Right of Residence. And in fine, the Legates took it [Page 369]very ill that they had so insolently violated the half hour Regulation; so that they resolved among themselves to curb that Sauci­ness for the future.

Great Debates about the Question whe­ther Jesus Christ offered himself when he instituted the Eucharist.When the Examination of the Points came to the Vote, all the Divines agreed to condemn the opinions of the Protestants, and enlarged very much in proving the Mass to be a true Sacrifice. They alledged all the Arguments that are used at this day: Melchizedeck's Sacrifice of Bread and Wine, the Type of the Paschal Lamb which represented the Sacrifice of the Eucharist, the pure oblation spoken of in the Prophecy of Malachi, and all the other Passa­ges that are made use of for that purpose. But a great Debate arose upon occasion of this Argument: one of the Disputants affirmed that Jesus Christ was Sacrificed in the Institution of the Eucharist, and that afterwards he had said, doe this, that is to say, doe this that I have done, whence it was manifest, said he, that our Lord commanded us to sacrifice, and therefore that the Mass was a Sacrifice. There were a great many others who main­tained the contrary, and that our Saviour was not then sacrificed. This Question, whether our Saviour did sacrifice himself in the first Eucha­rist, was not set down among the Points that were to be examined, but Providence permit­ted it to be occasionally started; and nothing could happen more luckily to shew what till then the Sentiment of the Roman Church was concerning the nature of the Mass. No man of common Sense ought to doubt but that our Lord by these words, doe this in remembrance of me, gave no other Command to his Disciples, [Page 370]but to doe precisely that which he himself had done; for it is evident that these words, doe this, signifie, doe that which I have just now done, so that it is a matter of the highest consequence to know what it was that Jesus Christ did, that is to say, whether he sacrificed himself in the institution of his Supper; for if he did not sacrifice himself, neither did he command that he should be sacrificed. They who held that Jesus Christ sacrificed himself, maintained that it was absolutely necessary to assert that truth, because the chief Argument of Here­ticks against the Sacrifice of the Mass, was that Jesus Christ did not sacrifice himself in the Eucharist. But the opposite Party proved by irrefragable Arguments that our Saviour could not have sacrificed himself in the Eucha­rist. They affirmed that the Mass is a Sacrifice of Commemoration of the Sacrifice on the Cross, that Jesus Christ was not as yet sacrifi­ced on the Cross, when he instituted the Eu­charist, and that so he could not make a Com­memorative Sacrifice of that which was not as yet come to pass. They farther urged that neither the Canon of the Mass, nor the Scri­pture, nor the Fathers spoke any thing of our Lord's having sacrificed himself. But more par­ticularly they said, that either the Sacrifice of our Lord in the Eucharist was Propitiatory or not; if it was Propitiatory, that then the Sacri­fice of the Cross was needless, because the Sins of Mankind were expiated by the Sacrifice of the Eucharist: and that if that was not Pro­pitiatory, neither can this be, since it is the same that our Saviour offered.

[Page 371]In the Congregation of the twenty fourth of July, it came to the turn of the Divines of the King of Portugal to speak. One of them named Ataide took a Medium to prove the Sacrifice of the Mass,Ataide a Por­tuguese Di­vine over­throws all the Arguments drawn by the others from Scripture for the Sacrifice of the Mass, and departs. which surprised many, for he overthrew all the Arguments taken from Scripture: in examining the several Pas­sages he evidently demonstrated, that nothing could be concluded from them to prove that the Mass was a Sacrifice; he resumed also all the reasons of the Protestants, and set them off in their full force, and, in fine, con­cluded that the Sacrifice of the Mass was built upon no other Foundation but Tradition▪ It may easily be imagined how this discourse was taken: And therefore James Paiva An­dradius a Portuguese Divine also did what lay in his Power to make amends for that fault; he recapitulated all the Protestant Arguments that were proposed by Ataide, and answered them, assuring the Council that his Collegue had onely proposed them, with design to have them refuted. The Ambassadours and Portu­guese Prelates endeavoured likewise to justifie him to the Legates: Nevertheless within a few days after he left Trent, and it is no hard matter to guess at the reason of it. Amongst the last Divines that spoke was Antonino Da Valtellina a Jacobin, who was not of opinion that the Council should confirm by Decree the Ceremonies of the Roman Mass, and en­larged much to prove that there had been always great Diversities of Ceremonies in the Church. For a proof of th [...] he instanced the Ambrosian, the Gregorian and Roman Orders, which are Rituals differing one from another; [Page 372]the different Liturgies of St. James, of St. Mark, and of St. Chrysostome. He mentioned also the Mozarabick Service heretofore in use in Spain, into which Horses and Moresk dan­cing were brought in as Ceremonies signifying great Mysteries. Gregory VII. abolished that Service, but even at the time of the Council of Trent it was still in use on certain days, and in some certain places of Spain. He therefore concluded that if the Roman Ceremonies were established by Decree, it was to condemn those Ancient Churches, who used not all those Ceremonies. This discourse highly offen­ded the Council; but the Bishop of the five Churches seconded him, and affirmed that they who condemned what he said, were ignorant. The truth is, it was his concern to have that opinion pass, that so under Pretext of Unifor­mity of Ceremonies, he might not be denied that which he had demanded for Germany, I mean that the Germans might not be obliged to follow the Ceremonies of the Roman Church, particularly the want of the Cup, and the use of the Latin tongue in Divine Service.

When the Congregations of Divines had made an end, the Bishops assembled for for­ming the Decrees; but the same Difficulties that were started amongst the Divines, arose likewise in the Congregations of the Prolates. Martin Perez. Bishop of Segovia who had been in the Council which was held under Julius, was of opinion that nothing was to be done; but onely to [...] what was then digested concerning that controversie. Cardinal Seripan­do was not of that mind; but alledged that the [Page 373]Canons and Decrees which had been framed at that time might expose the Doctrine of the Church to calumny, and might give advan­tage to Hereticks; because they were long instructions which give occasion to long refu­tations, and against which the Hereticks find always means to make troublesome exceptions: that to correct what had been done, was not the way, but that the Council must set to work a fresh to adjust the matters; which opi­nion was followed. They therefore fell to the making of new Decrees, but they found it no easie task to pitch upon the reasons that ought to be inserted in the Decree for confirming the Sacrifice of the Mass, some approving one reason, and others rejecting it. Cardinal Seri­pando one of the Legates, and the Archbishop of Granada were on their side who said that it ought not to be put into the Decree that Jesus Christ sacrificed in the first Eucharist. And on the other hand, the Cardinal of War­mia was for them who would have that Clause to be inserted; and this caused a great deal of Debate, as we shall see hereafter.

In the Congregation of the thirteenth of August, the Proxies of the Bishops of Ratisbonne and Basil were received. The City of Basil was reformed and owned not their Bishop, giving him onely the Title of Bishop of Poren­truto; but the Council strove to doe him the greater honour, that they might comfort him for the loss of his Bishoprick. And this being done, they fell again upon the point of the Sacrifice of the Mass. The Archbishop of Lan­ciano was of opinion that for ending all diffe­rences they should pass by the Chapters of [Page 374]Doctrine, and onely make Canons with Ana­thema's, as the Council had already done con­cerning the Points of Original sin, the Sacra­ments in general, and the Sacrament of Bap­tism. Ottaviano Preconio Archibishop of Paler­mo speaking next opposed what had been said, shewing that they ought not to omit the De­claration of the Doctrine of the Church, nor the reasons which confirm it, for fear of He­reticks, because what course soever were taken, they would never be quiet; but that the Ca­tholicks ought to be instructed. That point was canvassed for several days; and at length it was concluded to proceed as they had be­gun, and to make Chapters of Doctrine.

The Contro­versie of Rest­dence is re­viv'd.Whilst these Disputes about the Sacrifice of the Mass were on foot, the Champions for the Divine Right of Residence were not asleep: they resolved to have another tug at it, and began again with fresh instances to urge the performance of the promise that had been made them of deciding that controversie, and pronouncing sentence thereupon. The Le­gates followed the instructions they had re­ceived from Rome by the Archbishop of Lan­ciano, which were, not to oppose the Spaniards openly, but slyly to pack Votes and cast them by Plurality. They laboured therefore under hand to draw Bishops over to their side, that there might no more mention be made of Residence. The Italians were easily corrupted, but the Spaniards united more closely to oppose that caballing, and could by no means be gained. They wrote to the King of Spain an answer to the Letter which he had sent them at the solicitation of the Marquess of Pescara. [Page 375]They complained of the Pope's procedure in making so great oppositions against the decisi­on of the Point of Residence. They gave him to understand that the Council was not free, that it was enslaved by the Legates and Pensi­onary Bishops, and prayed his Majesty to con­sult wise men about the matter, who would advise him without doubt, to protect the Ca­tholick opinion of the Divine Right of Resi­dence. The Legates now found that no ground was to be gained upon the Spaniards, since neither the Letter of their Prince, nor all the submissions that had been used to gain them, could work any effect upon them. They there­fore resolved to take the surest course they could: for that end they sent a Copy of the Letter which the King of Spain had written to the Marquess of Pescara, to the Cardinal of Ferrara Legate in France, that he might pro­cure the like from the King of France to his Ambassadours, to hinder the French from joyning with the Spaniards. And at the same time they wrote to the King of Spain that the Archbishop of Granada and the Bishop of Se­govia the two leading men of the Party for Residence, who seemed so untractable in a Point that his Catholick Majesty did not at all concern himself in, had promised their Suf­frages to the Bishop of the sive Churches for allowing the Cup to the Germans, contrary to the intentions and sentiments of their King.

On the other hand the Pope used all his en­deavours to secure himself from any damage that he might be in danger of from the Coun­cil; he went on to raise Soldiers, he negotia­ted a League betwixt the Italian Princes and [Page 376]himself; he wrote to his Legates to stifle the matter of Residence, and that if after all, they could not hinder the prosecution of it, they should so bring it about that the affair might be referred to him, and above all things that they should labour to put a period to the Council before the French came, and before the sitting of the next Diet in Germany, where­in he foresaw that Ferdinand to obtain the fa­vour of the Protestants might engage to make new Proposals to the Council of more dange­rous consequence than the former. As the Pope on the one hand intended speedily to put an end to the Council, so on the other hand, the French Ambassadours made it their business to prolong it, that their Prelates might have time to come▪ And therefore having by word of mouth made several instances to that purpose, they gave in a Memorial wherein they represented the necessity of expecting the French Prelates, that so the Council might be reckoned General, and be received in France. They promised that they should arrive about the end of September at farthest, and desired that the Session might be put off. But the Le­gates made answer, that that could not be; that they had been expected six months al­ready, and that the other Prelates suffered too much by that delay. The French were vexed at that answer, and desired leave to make their Proposals to the Council assembled in Congregation. The Legates refused it, saying that it was ordered that the Ambassadours should treat onely with the Legates, and ne­ver speak in publick but the day of their re­ception. And this renewed the grievances a­bout [Page 377]the Bondage of the Council. The Spani­ards joyned with the French, and said that they must see that Decree that was so much talkt of, which hindered Ambassadours from spea­king in Council: that if there were any such, yet after all, it ought not to be regarded, since it was contrary to the practice of all the ancient Councils. The King of France gave also orders to his Ambassadour at Rome to press the Pope to enjoyn the Council to stay for his Prelates. The Pope referred himself to his Legates, the Legates remitted it to the Coun­cil; and it was not permitted to speak to this Council, to which all things were referred. Lansac observed very well, that that was a fooling with his Master, and with the World And thus, notwithstanding all the endeavours that were made for obtaining a delay, they fell to work again the Eleventh of August to review the matter of the Sacrifice of the Mass, in order to the Decrees, and stuck again at the Question, whether it ought to be put into the Decree that Jesus Christ was sacrificed in the Eucharist. The Assembly was divided into two parts which were for a long time equal.

James Lainez General of the Jesuits arrived the fourteenth of August, and created no small trouble to the Council, because he would not be satisfied with the place that was assigned him after all the other Generals of Orders, upon Pretext, that the Society is an Order of Regular Priests, and that Regular Priests ought to goe before the Monks. The Jesuits Salmeron, and La Torre used all their endea­vours to procure him the Precedency. How­ever [Page 378]his name was set down after all the other Generals of Orders. At the same time Pibrac one of the French Ambassadours left Trent, and his departure gave the Legates a great deal of Jealousie, who were afraid lest some thing might be done in France against the in­terests of the Pope and Council. Cardinal Simoneta, one of the Legates, ordered one of his Confidents to insinuate himself cunningly into Lansac, and get out of him, what the meaning of that Journey was. Lansac answe­red that Pibrac was gone about his own affairs, but that there was no doubt, but that he would complain of a Council where matters went so ill.

Means used to cause it to be defined that our Lord Jesus Christ sacrifi­ced himself in the Eucharist.Congregations were continued untill the Eighteenth of August, about the Sacrifice of the Mass, the question still depending, if Jesus Christ was offered up in Sacrifice in the first Eucharist. Salmeron the Jesuit held the affir­mative, and laboured tooth and nail to get his opinion ratified. He prevailed with the Cardinal Legate of Warmia to doe things on that occasion that might be called violent Actions. This Jesuit went from house to house to solicite Votes, making promises to some, and threatning others; which was done so publickly, and in so importunate a manner, that in the Congregation of the Eighteenth of August the Bishops of Chioza and Veglia com­plained of it, and this last spoke against the opinion of Salmeron with so much force, and backed his Sentiment with so many reasons, that he brought over almost all the Assembly to his Judgment, which was, that it ought not to be said in the Decree that our Saviour sa­crificed [Page 379]himself when he instituted the Eucha­rist. The same day the Archbishop of Prague, who went from Trent some days before, came back with Letters from the Emperour to the Legates, wherein he prayed them, that they would put off the handling the Point of the Sacrifice of the Mass untill the Diet of Germa­ny was over, and that in the next Session they would discuss the matter of the Cup, which the Germans desired. The first Point was refu­sed, because it must needs be dispatcht what­ever came on't; but they granted the second, because the Pope being solicited by the Em­perour had written to his Legates, that they should treat of the matter of the Cup to sa­tisfie the Germans, and to clear business as fast as they could. Lainez General of the Jesuits was the last that spoke to the Question, to wit, whether our Saviour was sacrificed in the Eucharist; and he took up the whole time of a Congregation maintaining the affirmative. But notwithstanding all these long Harangues and Canvassings, the opinions were still almost equal. At length the Cardinal of Warmia car­ried the day, and the Legates resolved that it should be expressed that Jesus Christ was of­fered in the Eucharist, but that the words, in Propitiatory Sacrifice, should be left out, and onely mentioned that the Lord was sacrificed. So that the Difficulty was not removed; for the Protestants still demanded, was Jesus Christ offered in Propitiatory Sacrifice in the Eucharist or no? if the Sacrifice was not Pro­pitiatory; then that of the Mass is not, for the Lord said doe this, doe that which I have now done: if it be Propitiatory, then the [Page 380]Sacrifice of the Cross was not, since that the Propitiation being made in the Eucharist, the Sacrifice of the Cross had nothing to doe. It is also observable that their opinion was not condemned who affirmed that neither the Scripture, the Canon of the Mass nor the Fa­thers said any thing that Jesus Christ sacrificed himself. So that it is certain that it was the current opinion before the Council of Trent, that the first Eucharist was not a Sacrifice, and that it was onely the fear of the conse­quences that the Protestants might draw from thence which obliged the Council to change that opinion.

Afterwards the Bishop of the five Churches the Emperour's Ambassadour spoke,The restoring of the Cup to the Germans as moved. and in name of his Master represented the necessity of restoring the Cup in Germany, without which it would be impossible to keep that People united to the Church, and prevent others from falling off from it. He said that if the dismembring the States of the Empire were suffered, there could be no resistance made against the Turks, who continually lay hovering over it. When he had spoken he presented a Memorial, wherein he declared the manner how he desired that matter might be managed; but a murmurring of contradic­tion arising, the Assembly was thereupon dis­missed. In the Congregation of the third of September the French Ambassadours renewed their instances for a delay of the Session four or five Weeks longer; but the Legates had lately received Letters from Cardinal Ferrara Legate in France, which informed them that the Cardinal of Lorrain with the French Bi­shops [Page 381]and twenty Parisian Doctours were to come; and, as other Letters imported, that their design was to handle the Superiority of a Council over the Pope, and that the Car­dinal of Lorrain intended to take from the College of Cardinals the power of chusing the Pope. This news allarmed the Legates, and made them desire that the Council might be ended before the coming of that Company; and therefore they were far from granting the French Ambassadours the delay which they demanded. So it was refused, and the Legates disguising the true reasons of it, gave the Am­bassadours the same answer that they had had before, but Lansac not satisfied with that, complained onely of the little regard that was had to the Demands of his Master. In oppo­sition to the French a writing went about at that time, wherein it was asserted that the Council could not long subsist at Trent, be­cause in the Month of September there would be a want of Provisions there. But the true reasons why they would grant no delay was imprudently enough thrown out, for, said they, if we must wait for the French and Germans, the Council will not onely be free, but wholly Libertine.

The Legates therefore made all the haste they could in forming the Decrees; and that of the Sacrifice of the Mass being in a pretty considerable forwardness, they proposed the matter of the Cup, whether or not it might be granted to the Germans. There were three opinions as to that, one that it should in no manner of way be granted, nor upon any conditions; another that it might be granted [Page 382]under certain conditions; and that was the opinion of fifty of the best Heads of the Coun­cil, who were for commissionating men upon the places, to judge of the necessity, and up­on what conditions it might be proper to grant it according to the different dispositions of the people. The third opinion was, that the mat­ter should be referred to the Pope; some that he might absolutely refuse or grant it, and o­thers that he might allow it according to his Prudence. All the Spaniards were inflexibly for refusing the Cup, for fear lest it being granted to some Nations, it might occasion commotions in the Low-countries, and the Territories which the King of Spain had in Italy, for obtaining the same privilege their neighbours enjoyed. The Venetian Prelates fet on by their Ambassadours were for the re­fusal, upon the same account of neighbourhood to Germany. The Archbishop of Granada, who, though a Spaniard had engaged himself to the Bishop of the five Churches to give his suf­frage for the Cup, durst neither declare him­self openly to be against what he had promi­sed, nor yet give his Vote contrary to the will and interests of his King. So that he went about the bush, and concluded that it was an affair that could not be decided that Session, because the decision of it depended on several circumstances of place, and the humours of the People. He nevertheless confessed that the stress of the matter was no more but a ce­remony which might be changed by restoring the Cup to the People, if the union of the Church required it. Gasparo de Casal Bishop of Liria, though a Spaniard also, gave his Vote [Page 383]for the concession of the Cup, and some Portu­guese Bishops favoured the Germans demand; amongst others Don Bartholomè Archbishop of Bragansa, and the Bishop of Conimbre; but this last added his reasons, that they to whom the Cup was allowed should abjure Heresie; that they should profess the belief of the Real Pre­sence and the Concomitance, that they should banish Heretical Preachers, that they should not keep the Chalice, and that it should not be carried to the Sick; that that concession should not be made openly in Council, but by the Pope's Legates being upon the place, that so it might be done with less shew and scandal. It came to the Bishop of the five Churches turn again to speak as a Prelate, he refuted all that had been said against the concession of the Cup. He shew'd that the Council of Ba­sil had retained the Bohemians in the commu­nion of the Church, onely by granting them the Cup. He affirmed that the Calixtins of Bohemia communicating in both kinds, were still very good Catholicks, that they had late­ly acknowledged the Archbishop of Prague for their Superiour, and prayed him to ordain their Priests. The last Congregation that was held upon that Subject was on the fifth of Sep­tember, The Prev freely Pope's rity. happe [...] himth wherein the Abbot of Preval a Genoese spoke against those who demanded the Cup, and alledged that the Council of Basil were so far from granting the Cup, that after a con­sultation of several days they concluded, that it ought to be refused▪ And laying hold on that occasion he spoke so advantagiously of the Council of Basil, that the Legates and Slaves of the Court of Rome took great umbrage at [Page 384]it: it was not doubted but that he was one of those, whose seditious principles, as they called them, tended to subject the Pope to a Council. The Legates were confirmed in their thoughts, because this Abbot was seen to goe often to the French Ambassadours; and it was known that he pressed them to hasten the co­ming of their Prelates; nay in some former Congregations speaking of the Sacrifice of the Mass he had said by the bye, that he doubted whether the Pope was above a Council or not, and had promised to speak his mind freely as to that, when the question came to be handled. The Legates thought it not fit that such a man should stay in the Council; and therefore they sought an opportunity to make his General recall him upon some plausible pretext. But there was no need of that, for he was used in such a manner as vexed him into a fit of sick­ness, whereof he died the six and twentieth of November following.

The Prelates gave their opinions at large concerning the demand of the Germans; but besides what we have mentioned, there was not any thing considerable in all they said; ex­cept in the discourse of Peter Danez Bishop of Lavaur, who spoke with much freedom a­gainst those who would refer the matter to the Pope. He said that the Pope had referred the affair to the Council, and that for the Coun­cil to send it back again to the Pope, was to play at fast and loose; that after all, he could not tell under what Character they considered the Pope, in remitting the business to him, whether as Superiour or Inferiour to the Council; that the Pope must be obliged to [Page 385]act very differently, according to these diffe­rent Characters; and that therefore it was ne­cessary in the first place to discuss the question of the Superiority of a Council over the Pope. This discourse netled the Pope's Party; and amongst so many different opinions the Le­gates were exceedingly perplexed. They see­med to be serious in their intentions to satisfie the Emperour about the concession of the Cup; but they could not find means to doe it, be­cause of the multitude of opposers. So that they resolved at length, to get out of the bri­ars by referring the matter to the Pope, and cunningly brought about part of the Bishops who were against the concession of the Cup, and amongst others the Venetians, to consent to it.The matter of the Cup is re­ferred to the Pope. The Bishop of the five Churches yiel­ded also; but he desired that a Decree of Re­ference should be made amongst the Acts, and that it should be specified in that Decree, that the Council had thought it convenient to re­store the Cup, and that they referred it to the Holy Father to determine to whom, and upon what conditions it ought to be done. He obtained indeed a Decree of Reference, but not that it should be inserted in it that the Council judged it convenient to restore the Cup. In fine, he suffered himself to be perswa­ded to desist his Instances, at least till such time as the Heats were a little over.

And this affair being in some measure ad­justed, they set about the finishing of the De­cree of the Mass. The Jesuits Lainez, Salme­ron and de la Torre, by means of the Cardinal of Warmia one of the Presidents, whom they had gained to their opinion, started new diffi­culties [Page 386]and made fresh instances, that it might be exprest in the Decree not onely that Jesus Christ was offered, but that he was offered in Propitiatory Sacrifice. There was a world of trouble to make them be quiet; and the dif­ficulties that at every turn they started, had almost taken away all hopes that the Session could be held on the day prefixt. But, at length, in the Congregation of the seventh of November, the Decree was agreed on in the form that it stands in at present: most part consented to it; but the Archbishop of Gra­nada was none of that number; for he persisted in his opinion, that it should not be said that our Saviour offered himself in Sacrifice when he instituted the Eucharist. Af­ter that, were proposed ten Articles of Refor­mation concerning Abuses in the Mass, and eleven others about several matters, all of them of very little importance; which obliged the Bishop of Philadelphia, Grievances of the Bishops that the Coun­cil is taken up about Trifles. John Suarez Bishop of Conimbre, the Bishop of Paris, the Bishop of Segovia, and the Bishop of Oreate in Spain, to complain, and say that the Council was ta­ken up about trifles, that Germany, France, and all Europe had for an hundred and fifty years desired a Reformation of the Church, in the Head and in the Members; that they ought to have begun with the Pope, proceeded to the Cardinals and Bishops, and that the rest would have been easily done afterward; but that what was now done was merely a Grie­vance to Catholicks, and an occasion of Laugh­ter to the Hereticks. The Bishop of Oreate spoke freely, that a Declaration ought to be made that the Decrees of a General Council [Page 387]obliged the Head as well as the Members. That saying fell not to the ground, for pre­sently there was a great muttering among the Pope's Party, and the Bishop thought it con­venient to explain himself, and to say, that his meaning was that the Decrees ought to have a Directive but not a Coactive Power in regard of the Head of the Church.

There were not now above three or four days to the sitting of the Session, and yet a great deal of business to be done: particular­ly the important point about the Concession of the Cup was not as yet fully adjusted, and withall the French Ambassadours were still urging a delay of the Session. The French Ambassadour at Rome did so instantly press it, that the Pope was fain to tell him that he referred it wholly to the Council, that it was the business of the Fathers, and that it was no wonder if they refused delays; but that he was ready to write to Trent, that for his own part, he was content that they should conde­scend to the delay which the French deman­ded. In effect he did write much to this pur­pose. But Cardinal Simoneta, who knew more of the Pope's mind than was contained in the Letter, stood firm against a Prorogation, and carried it: for he was fully satisfied that the design of the Court of Rome was to put an end to the Council speedily, and that the Pope had onely written that Letter to ease himself of the importunities of the Ambassa­dour, and to load the Legates with the dis­pleasure of the French. When it was once re­solved that the Session should not be Pro­rogued, the Chapters about the abuses in the [Page 388]Mass, and the eleven Articles of Reformation were quickly dispatched; nor did they find so much difficulty as they imagined, concerning the matter of the Cup. The Legates drew up the Decree of Reference, which imported that the affair was referred to the Pope, that with the advice and consent of the Council his Holiness might doe therein what he should judge expedient. Because those words see­med to intimate that the Council consented, that the Pope should restore the Cup to some People, if he thought fit, all who were for the refusing of it, opposed the passing of that Clause, and the Legates as being out of hu­mour wholly abandoned the matter. But the Emperour's Ambassadours who desired that up­on any terms the Cause should be referred to the Pope, because they were confident of ob­taining from him what they desired, pressed the Legates to leave out the Clause that was excepted against, and to propose the Decree a second time. The Legates would willingly have done it, but because of the short time that remained, they foresaw that if that affair were stated again, it would still furnish new matter of Debate, and that so the Session must of necessity be put off. They therefore were positive not to speak a word of that Decree; but the Ambassadours protested, that they would no more appear in any Congregation, or Session, since they used the Emperour with so much contempt, untill they had informed him of all that had past, and received new Instructions from him. This Protestation obli­ged the Legates once more to propose the De­cree of Reference with the Amendments that [Page 389]had been made in it. And at length the mat­ter was carried by Plurality of Votes, though opposed by all that stood for the absolute re­fusal of the Cup. And thus all things are now in a readiness for the Session which was to be held the morrow after.

The Germans were indeed somewhat satis­fied in that they had carried this Point, but on the other hand they were extremely displeased that there had been so little regard had to the Emperour's Instances for putting off the mat­ter of the Mass till after the Diet of the Em­pire; in which he hoped to obtain something of the Protestants. And therefore seeing all things in a readiness for the Session, they assembled together into their house the French and all the other Ambassadours of Princes, except the Ambassadours of Venice and Florence who refused to come: In which Assembly the Bi­shop of the five Churches made a long Speech, and told them that hitherto the Council had been amused with matters of little Impor­tance, that their whole business had been to make Decisions which were good for nothing but to exasperate the Protestants, neglecting the necessary work of a good Reformation; that all things were now in a readiness for the next Session; and no way left to prevent it; but that it behoved them at least to take care for the future, that the Legates might not con­tinue to do the same, that therefore it was in­cumbent on them so to order Affairs, that in the subsequent Session the Point of the Sacraments, or any other matter of Doctrine, should not be handled, but onely the Reformation which all Europe so passionately desired. The Secre­tary [Page 390]of the Marquess of Pescara the Spanish Ambassadour opposed this opinion; for he feared that if the method of proceeding, which had been hitherto used, came to be altered, it might give occasion to think that the Council was a new Council, and doe a prejudice to the King his Master's design who intended to oblige the Fathers before their separation to declare, that this Council was a Continuation of the former: so that Doctrine and Reforma­tion having been always treated of joyntly, he would not consent that the Council should be moved to omit the matters of Doctrine, and apply themselves onely to Reformation. And for this reason he withdrew, as also the Ambassadours of Portugal and the Switzers did. The rest remained, and deputed Lansac the French Ambassadour to propose the matter in name of them all. He made the Proposal to the Legates much to the same effect as hath been mentioned, but in softer terms, that he might give them no cause of offence. The Legates answered very civilly that it was the design of the Council to settle a good Refor­mation, that what was already done was no­thing to what they intended to doe; but that it was impossible to alter the method which had been hitherto observed in treating of Doc­trine and Reformation joyntly; that it was in like manner impossible to put off the next Ses­sion, because all the Fathers were weary of Trent, and it was not reasonable to detain them and doe nothing. The Ambassadours made no reply; seeing they were just going to the last Congregation to adjust the Decrees. In that Congregation the Archbishop of Granada [Page 391]made fresh instances for a Prorogation of the Session, but all in vain; the Decrees were read again, and new Debates, as was usual began to be started about the Form, but the Legates found ways to keep all things in quiet.

session 22 17. Septem­ber 1562.And thus in spight of all opposition, the two and twentieth Session was held the seventeenth of September. The usual Ceremonies past; and the Bishop of Vintimiglia made a long Ha­rangue in praise of the Pope. After that a Let­ter from Cardinal Amulio, Protector of the Oriental Nations, was read in the Assembly. This Letter informed the Council that one Abdissi Patriarch of Muzal was come to ren­der homage to the Pope, had owned him for his Sovereign, and had received from him the Pallium, and Confirmation in his Patriarch­ship; that he had assured his Holiness that the Religion of his People was in all things agreea­ble to that of the Roman Church, that it used the same Ceremonies, and that they had Books as old as the days of the Apostles At length he concluded that the People under the Jurisdiction of that Prelate, were so nume­rous, that they reached beyond the River of Ganges, and that they were partly under the Dominion of the Turk and Sophie of Persia, and partly under the King of Portugal. At this last word the Portugal Ambassadour star­red up, and in his Master's name protested that the Oriental Bishops subjects to his Ma­ster, acknowledged to Patriarch for their Su­periour. Afterward they read the Confession of Faith of that Patriarch, and the Letter which he wrote to the Council, wherein he excused [Page 392]himself that he could not be there; because of the great Journey he had already made, and was still to make; but promised to submit to all that should be Decreed therein. The Pro­testation of the Portugal Ambassadour made the truth of this story to be much doubted. The Council came now to their Synodal Actions, and first was read the Decree of Doctrine containing nine Chapters, and as many Ca­nons with Anathema's, establishing the neces­sity of a perpetual Sacrifice, and the truth of the Sacrifice of the Mass, as being really Pro­pitiatory. They confirmed the Ceremonies of that Sacrifice, the Purity of the Canon of the Mass, the use of the Latin Tongue in the cele­bration of that Sacrifice, the Masses without Communicants, the Masses in honour of the Saints, and the mingling of Water with the Wine. To this Decree the Fathers gave their consent by a Placet, except two or three and twenty, who persisted to oppose that Clause which says, that Jesus Christ of­fered up himself in Sacrifice in the first Eucha­rist. The Archbishop of Granada, the chief of those who disliked that Clause, came not to the Session, that he might not have the trouble to see a Doctrine pass for an Article of Faith, which, in his opinion, was so repugnant to Truth. But the Legates sent thrice for him, and at last forced him to come. This constraint put him into such a fret, that he had a good mind to renew his opposition, that he might be revenged for the Contempt that was put upon him, in undervaluing his opinion: and it is somewhat strange if he and so many Pre­lates who brought along with them a spirit of [Page 393]contradiction even to the Session, should all of a sudden lay it aside, and cloth themselves with a spirit of humility and submission. So that it is clear that these Bishops,The Bishops apparently ill satisfied with the Infallibi­lity of the Council. most of them Spaniards and strict Catholicks, were notwith­standing very ill satisfied with the Infallibility of the Council. Immediately after, the Bishop who did officiate, read the Decree of Refor­mation against the Abuses committed in the Mass; which prohibited, all treating and bar­gaining for saying of Masses; the suffering of vagabond Priests who were unknown or no­toriously infamous to celebrate; the saying of Mass in private houses; to be present at Ser­vice in an undecent habit; the using of lasci­vious Musick in singing of Mass; the making of noise, speaking or walking in time of Service; the celebrating of Mass out of the hours appoin­ted for it; the celebrating with unusual Ceremo­nies; the having a certain limited number of Candles at Mass; and for conclusion it contain'd an exhortation to the People to repair to Mass in their own Parish Churches, at least on Holy days and Sundays. In the next place the Decree of general Reformation was read, consisting of eleven Chapters, containing hard­ly any thing worth the naming: onely some petty Regulations to hinder undeserving Per­sons from being promoted to Bishopricks. It is true that in some places the Decree seems to enlarge the Power of Bishops, allowing them the Privilege to enquire into the nature of Dispensations, to wit, whether they have not been obtained by surreption or obreption, stealth or wheadling; to visit Hospitals, Colleges, Frater­nities, Publick Stocks for rellef of the Poor, [Page 394]and to have the direction and oversight of all Pious Houses and Foundations; but still with this Clause of Limitation, as Delegates of the Holy See. The eleventh Chapter decrees, that whosoever shall seize the Goods of Churches, Benefices, or publick Stocks of Charity, let him be King or Emperour, shall be excommu­nicated, untill he have made restitution, and that he may not be absolved but by the Pope. Lastly, the Decree of referring the matter of the Cup to the Pope was read; and seeing it was a Decree that related to a Point of Faith, it ought in course to have come after the De­cree of the Mass; but it was otherways, be­cause they could not get votes enough to make it pass as a Point of Doctrine; it was an order of the Council that no Point of Doctrine could be established, if a considerable Party opposed it, though it had been carried by Plurality of Votes; but that some casting Votes were suffi­cient for a Point of Reformation: And the Le­gates who were resolved upon any terms, that the matter of the Cup should be referred to the Pope, finding that they could not have Votes enough to make it pass for a Point of Doctrine, thought it the best way to propose it as a matter of Reformation; and therefore it is placed in the Acts amongst the Chapters of Reformation. This Maxime that we have been speaking of, that a Point of Doctrine is not to be lookt upon as decided, when a con­siderable Party oppose the Decision, occasio­ned some Debates and Scruples, as to that Clause of the Decree, which asserts that Je­sus Christ offered himself in the Eucharist, be­cause it had been contradicted by a considera­ble [Page 395]Party; for though there were but three and twenty Prelates that opposed it in the Session, yet it had been refuted by a great ma­ny in the Congregations, and not one of them had changed his opinion.

The Decrees of this Session gave but small content to any: the German Ambassadours, indeed, were pretty well pleased, that the Af­fair of the Cup was remitted to the Pope; but the Emperour himself was not at all satis­fied with it, because his great aim was to please the German People, who had no liking to the Pope's Jurisdiction. They would have much rather accepted a favour from the Coun­cil, a name they did not quarel with, than from the Pope, whom they could not endure. But the People were far more dissatisfied; for be­sides the Emperour's reason, they thought they were abused, in being remov'd from one Judi­cature to another, seeing the Pope had refer­red the matter to the Council, and that the Council sent it back again to the Pope. It was taken very ill also that in the Decree of Refor­mation, the Power of Bishops was extended to Pious Foundations, which had been setled by Lay-men, with intention that they should be likewise governed by Laicks. They said, that that was the way whereby the Clergy had appropri­ated to themselves the Revenues of Colleges, Hospitals, and Pious Foundations; when un­der pretext of being the Administratours, they made themselves absolute Masters of them. Now-a-days, cried they, instead of re­storing to Colleges and Hospitals what the Church-men have taken from them, they put into their hands what remains, and what they [Page 394] [...] [Page 395] [...] [Page 396]have not as yet invaded. The Parliament of Paris especially, according to its Maximes, lookt upon that as an encroachment upon the Civil Jurisdiction; because the Clergy medled with and disposed of the Goods of Seculars. In the same manner they censured the De­cree, that gives Bishops power over last Wills and Testaments: for that Decree or­dains that Alterations made in Wills by per­mission obtained from Rome is not to take effect, untill the Bishop have taken Cogni­sance, whether or not the permission has been obtained by fraud and upon false information. They thought Wills to be mat­ters of mere Civil right, which the Clergy ought not to meddle in.

The Pope on the other hand was extremely well satisfied with the Actions of this Session, and, indeed, he could not otherwise chuse; since nothing had been done there, but ac­cording to his instructions and the Orders that the Presidents had punctually obser­ved, in spight of the opposition of all those who favoured not his interests. He took the surest measures he could for the future that matters might run in the same Cha­nel. He feared the Cardinal of Lorrain, knowing him to be a man of vast designs, and dreaded the coming of the French, who hold Maximes so contrary to his Authority. That Assembly of Ambassadours, who met at the House of the Imperialists, gave him a great deal of Jealousie; but he resolved to send a fresh supply of Italian Bishops to overpower the Tramontani by number as well as by caballing: And in [Page 397]the mean time sent very civil Complements to the Secretary of the Marquess of Pes­cara, to the Portugal, Suisse, Venetian and Florentine Ambassadours, for the Zeal and Fidelity they had expressed to the Holy See; which were not lost, for by these Civilities he engaged them more and more to his Interests.

PIUS IV.

THE French Ambassadours were no sooner come from the Session, than they received a Dispatch from their Mas­ter, which ordered them to make fresh in­stances for a delay.New Instruc­tions come to the French Ambassadours. It was now too late, and therefore, according to the Instructions they had received, they demanded that at least matters of Doctrine might be laid aside, and onely Reformation handled, that the French might have time to come before all the Points of Doctrine should be determined, seeing there remained no more to be discussed, but the Points of the Sacraments of Orders and Marriage, which would soon be examined; and then the French would onely come to the Close of the Council; whereas the head of Reformation being very large, considerable [Page 399]progress might be made therein, whilst the French were on their way, and enough to doe after they were come. The Legates desired their Demands in Writing, and the Ambassa­dours presented them Memorials, wherein the King in ample manner approved all that had been done, as to the Decisions about matters of Faith, but withall declared that he could not be satisfied that they proceeded with so much earnestness and precipitation in matters of less importance, and did not mind that which was most necessary, to wit, the Refor­mation of Manners and Discipline; which was the onely means of remedying the present Trou­bles of the Church; that these Decisions of Points of Faith were, on the one hand, more than needless in respect of Catholicks, because they were matters not controverted amongst them; and, on the other hand, they did one­ly more and more alienate the minds of those who were separated from the Church, whom to reduce by such means, was a ridiculous fancy. After all, because the manner of pro­ceeding in the Council was no way consistent with the Liberty of the Ancient Councils, where all had freedom to propose what they thought good for the Benefit of the Church; the King demanded that the same Liberty might be restored to the Council, and particu­larly to Kings and Princes who sent their Ambassadours thither; and that so the Clause Proponentibus Legatis should be struck out. The Emperour's Ambassadours presented Memori­als which demanded the same things, to wit, that they should set about the work of Refor­mation with diligence; and that every Nation [Page 400]might have the Liberty to commissionate two Deputies to propose to the Council what might be thought necessary for the good of the Church. The Legates made the same answer to both, that they could not break off the Method that had been all along obser­ved, in handling matters of Faith and Doc­trine, at the same time that they treated of Re­formation; and that the manner of proposing to the Legates what any one desired might be handled, had been found so good, that it was not fit it should be altered. The French ex­pressed great dissatisfaction at this Answer. They spoke openly of these new recruits of Italians, which were every foot sent to the Council to thwart the designs of the Cardi­nal of Lorrain. However the Pope did not lay so much stress on his Italians, but that he used all the other means he could to di­vert the Cardinal of Lorrain from coming to the Council. He ordered his Legate in France, the Cardinal of Ferrara, to speak to him, and gave him intimation by other hands, that his coming to the Council would procure him no great Reputation, because he would find all things there done to his hand.

The matter of the Sacrament of Orders is handled.All the Arts that the French and Germans could use to thwart and prolong the Council, were no hinderance to the Legates, who spur­red them on to the handling of the Point of the Sacrament of Orders; which they had reduced into Eight Articles. For examination of that matter, they appointed four distinct Congre­gations of Divines, which were as so many Chambers, giving each Chamber Commission to examine two of them: and these are the [Page 401]Articles that were proposed.

• 1. Whether Or­ders be a true Sacrament instituted by Jesus Christ.
• 2. Whether Orders be one or more Sacraments.
• 3. Whether the Hierarchy con­sisting of Bishops, Archbishops, &c. be lawfull; whether all Christians be Mass-Priests, whe­ther the Gall of the People and Magistrate be necessary for the Confirmation of the Ministry, and whether a Priest may become a Lay-man.
• 4. Whether under the New Testament there be a visible Sacrifice, and a Power to offer up the Body of our Lord.
• 5. Whether Ordinati­on confers the Holy Ghost, and imprints a Character.
• 6. Whether Unction and the other Ceremonies be essential to the Sacrament of Orders.
• 7. Whether the Priest be properly inferiour to the Bishop; whether the Power of ordaining and confirming belongs not to the Bishop alone excluding the Priest, and whether they who thrust themselves into the Ministry without Canonical Ordination are true Mi­nisters.
• 8. Whether Bishops established and installed by the Pope's Authority be lawfull, or whether it be necessary that they be esta­blished in a Canonical manner.

The Congre­gations about these Points began the twenty third of September, and were continued untill the second of October.

The first of the four Congregations exami­ned the first two Articles: And all the Divines unanimously agreed, that Orders is a true Sa­crament. For proof of this they brought the Text of St. Paul in the thirteenth Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, and first Verse, (let every Soul be subject unto the higher Powers,) quae sunt à Deo, ordinata sunt. This Argument [Page 402]is somewhat odd, as any man may see. But yet it is much odder, if you'll take notice that the stress of it rests upon the distinction that was marked in the vulgar Latin, by a Comma, betwixt these words, quae sunt à Deo, and those other, ordinata sunt. The Powers that are of God, are ordained, that is to say, according to the Gloss of these Gentlemen, have received the Sacrament of Orders. For all that Gloss, a man must be very sharp-sighted to see into the force of that Argument, and, indeed, to make good sense of it. The opinions were not so uniform as to the second Article, to wit, whether Orders be one or more Sacraments. Peter Soto a Jacobin held that there were as many distinct Sacraments in Orders, as there are different Orders, to wit, seven; and for proof of that, he found in the Gospel that our Saviour Jesus Christ before he came to the Office of Priest or Sacrificer, had gone through all the Inferiour Orders, as of Chanter, Aco­lite, Porter, Reader, Deacon and Subdeacon, and that he had discharged all these several Employments. But the History seemed some­what uncouth to those who had not read the Gospel with so much attention as that honest Monk had. Another Jacobin called Girola­mo Bravo was not of that opinion, but after a long discourse concluded that it ought not to be decided, that the seven Orders make so many distinct Sacraments, because of the great diversity of opinions that occur on that Sub­ject amongst the Divines and the ancient and modern Pontifical Doctours; he alledged it would be impossible to fix a solid Judgment, concerning the nature of Inferiour Orders, [Page 403]not excepting even the Deaconship, and Sub­deaconship, because of that variety of opini­ons. He farther added that the common opi­nion that the lesser Orders are steps to ascend to Priesthood, was not very sure, and brought several instances from Antiquity of some who had discharged the Office of a Priest, without passing through the inferiour Orders.

The Germans and Spaniards unite to set forward the work of Re­formation.When this Congregation was up, and the Prelates who had been present in it were gone, the Bishop of the five Churches stayed behind in the Chamber, with some Hungarian, Polish, and Spanish Prelates. He entertained them in discourse, and earnestly exhorted them to join together in the design of Reformation, to which the Legates would not hearken. The Arch­bishop of Granada then present made answer, and thanking the Bishop of the five Churches for his exhortation, said that he would assemble the Spaniards to consult about it. In effect the Spanish Prelates did meet, and concluded that they ought zealously to bestir themselves for that Reformation, and that it was necessary to begin at the Court of Rome, the corrupti­on whereof was spread over all the rest of the Church. They discoursed angrily of the at­tempts that were daily committed upon the Authority of Bishops; and Den Bartholomè Archbishop of Braganza added, that the Car­dinals must be brought back to their primitive institution; that untill the tenth Century, they had been no more than ordinary Priests; that afterward they had risen by degrees, though in the twelfth Century they had been still inferiour to Bishops; but that at present the Cardinals were so far above them, that [Page 404]they thought they did Bishops a great deal of honour, to admit them amongst their domestick Servants. But above all things it was resolved at that meeting that they should urge Episco­pacy to be declared of Divine Right, and cause it to be defined that Bishops held their Authority immediately from Jesus Christ, and not from the Pope. They found occasion by the seventh of the Articles that had been pro­posed, to enter upon that question: Because the intent of that Article being to define that the Bishop is Superiour to the Priest; it must be known by what Right he is Superiour, whether Divine or Humane. They were in hopes to get it defined that the Bishop is Su­periour to the Priest by Divine Right, and then they imagined that by degrees they might proceed to more important Propositions. They therefore chose six of their number, Arch­bishops and Bishops, to digest into Order the Heads of Reformation which they ought to press. Martin of Cordova Bishop of Tortosa, had almost spoilt all their measures, because he kept intelligence with the Pope's Party, and gave them notice of the intentions of the Spa­niards. But for all that, the Archbishops of Granada and Braganza made a Proposal to the Legates that the Question of the Authority of Bishops and their Superiority over Priests might be brought upon the Stage again; a question that had been heretofore proposed in the same Council under Julius III. and deci­ded in the affirmative that a Bishop is of Di­vine Right; but because of the Rupture of the Council, left among the Decrees not published. The Legates rejected that Proposition, and said [Page 405]that it was not a Controversie betwixt the He­reticks and Catholicks; and so that it ought not to be medled with. The Archbishop of Granada answered, that it was the very thing which the Lutherans denied, that that diffe­rence which is betwixt a Bishop and a Priest is of Divine Right, and derived from Jesus Christ, they pretending that it is a mere Hu­mane Institution. In this Debate, the Legates and Archbishop came to pretty high words, but he got no ground by it. The Spaniards therefore, resolved to have the Proposal made by their Divines; but on the other hand the Legates slyly raised a report amongst the Divines, that that question was laid aside as not to be medled with.

Whilst things proceeded in this manner, the second Congregation consisting of Divines and Doctours of the Canon Law, examined the two next Articles, one whereof related to the Hierarchy, to wit, whether it be lawfull and holy, and whether the People and Magistrates have right to give their Votes for the Ordina­tion of their Pastours. A Canon of Valentia called Thomas Dassio spoke much, and used his utmost endeavours to prove.

• 1. That without gross ignorance in Antiquity it could not be doubted but that the Hierarchy was most holy and good.
• 2. That Episcopacy was an Order different from Priesthood, because the Bishop has Characters essentially different from the Priest, as the Power to confirm, to confer Orders, and to make other Consecrations which are peculiar to him, as that of the Oil, the Crimson, and several others. He farther said that it was ridiculous to make a Sacrament [Page 406]of the Office of a Porter, which was onely to shut a door, and might be very well perfor­med by a Lay-man, and to deny that honour to the Character of him who alone hath the Power of consecrating Priests, and confirming Christians.
• 3. That the simple Tonsure ought to be placed as the lowest, and Episcopacy as the highest of Orders.
• 4. That heretofore the People had had a hand in chusing the Members of the Clergy, but that it was by a Privilege from the Pope, who had afterward taken it from the Laicks, because they had made bad use of it.

In find, he concluded that Ordination was solely in the Power of him that confers Orders: And therefore it was his Judgment that they should not onely condemn the opinion of the Lutherans as Heretical, who will have the People to have a share in the Call of Pastours, but that those places in the Pontifical which mention the Suffrages of the People in the Ordination of the Members of the Clergy, should be left out; and amongst the rest this place, which expresly saith, That it is not without reason that the Fathers thought fit that the Suffrage of the People should intervene in the Ordination of the Ministers of the Altar, to the end the People may be obedient to him who hath received Orders, because they themselves have given their consent to the Ordination. It would be very tedious to reckon up all the Disputes that were debated in that Congregation; every one would needs give him opinion, and every one thought it a piece of honour to alledge something that was singular; especially about the Question, whether Episcopacy be a diffe­rent Order from Priesthood, many words were [Page 407]profusely spent. For all were not of the opinion of Thomas Dassio. On the contrary there were a great many who maintained that it is onely a Dignity superiour to that of a Priest, that gives a Jurisdiction, and not a different Order; and they backt their opinion by the Authority of Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventure. The School-men have made two Powers; one which they call Potestas Ordinis the Power of Orders; which, in their opinion, comprehends the Pow­er of pardoning sins, offering the body of Je­sus Christ in Sacrifice, and of administring the other Sacraments, except Confirmation; and another, which is called, Potestas Jurisdictionis, the Power of Jurisdiction, which consists in the Power of inflicting Censures, and the Execise of Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction. It was very diffi­cult to define in which Power the Hierarchy consisted. Some placed it onely in the Power of Orders, and thereby they excluded from the Hierarchy Archbishops, Bishops, Patriarchs, and the Pope himself, who are notwithstan­ding the Principal Members therefore; for if the Power of Orders make up the essence of the Hierarchy, it is manifest that these Digni­ties are not of the essence of the Hierarchy, because they constitute not different Orders according to the Judgment of Divines. Others placed the Hierarchy in the Power of Juris­diction; but by that means the Pope, Patri­archs, Bishops and Archbishops were the onely Members of the Hierarchy, and the Priests excluded. A third opinion struck in, which established the Hierarchy in the one and the other Power, both in that of Orders, and that of Jurisdiction; and this, as being the [Page 408]most commodious was submitted to by all the rest.

They had no less trouble to agree upon that which makes the form of the Hierarchie; that is to say, what is the essential ground upon which the Character of the Sacrament of Or­ders, of the Hierarchical dignity subsists, so that without this a man cannot be a capable Sub­ject neither of Priests Orders, nor of Episco­pal, Archiepiscopal, or Papal dignity. Some said it was Charity; but this opinion was clogg'd with a great difficulty, that a Priest lo­sing Charity, must be excluded from the Hie­rarchy, and lose his Authority and Right of governing Christian People, and opinion attri­buted to Wicliff. Others would have it to be Faith unformed or destitute of Charity. But to this it was objected, that it was not impos­sible but that a Prelate might be without that Faith unformed, and be inwardly an Infidel; that in that case all the acts which he did, and all the Sacraments he administred would be of no effect, an opinion that might raise great Scruples, and put mens Consciences into great perplexities. And therefore a third sort, pla­ced this form in Baptism; but neither did that salve all difficulties, because the intention of the Minister in Baptism is necessary, and that that intention is more hid than either Faith or Charity. So many difficulties appeared eve­ry way, that they could not tell what to six upon. The fourth Article which contained the questions, whether all Christians be Sacri­ficators, whether a Priest may become a Laick, and whether the Minister of the Gospel has no other office but to Preach, was not handled [Page 409]by way of examination; but onely by Invec­tives against the Lutherans.

The third Congregation which had the ex­amination of the fifth and sixth Articles met not with so great difficulties. The question was to know whether the Holy Ghost be given in Ordination. All agreed upon it; one­ly some said, that the very Person of the Holy Ghost was conferred, and others maintained that it was onely by the gift of Grace. Some would have the Grace that is conferred is Or­ders to be the gift of Justification. Others said, that it was a peculiar gift, having a relation to the Office that was to be discharged. All a­greed likewise that Orders did imprint a Cha­racter; but some maintained that it was onely imprinted in the higher Orders, and others would have every one of the seven Orders to be effectual in stamping a Character. Some there were who made use of the distinction of Durandus, and said that if by the Character were meant a power to doe a spiritual and su­pernatural action, that then that Character was onely imprinted in the Priesthood: but if by the Character they meant a Deputation of a particular Office, that it that sense all the Orders might have their Character. But that distinction was lookt upon to be dangerous, because it favoured the Lutherans; for that is really their opinion, that the Character con­sists in the Deputation of a man to a certain charge, in such manner that the man being no longer deputed to that Office, his Character is extinct. There was much more difficulty on the Subject of Episcopacy; for the question was brought about again, to wit, whether it [Page 410]be a particular Order, and whether it stamps its Character: many were for the Affirmative, because he hath two great spiritual actions to perform; that is, to Confirm and to give Or­ders, and that therefore the standeth in need of a peculiar Gift and Character. These Points were handled in so dry, knotty, and tedious a manner, that the Prelates who were present at the Disputations were quite sick of them; and that made them resolve to be short about these differences, and to define nothing but in general terms. The sixth Article con­cerned the Unctions and the other Ceremonies of Ordination, to know whether they were essential to that Sacrament. That was not so easily agreed upon. All the Divines were sa­tisfied indeed, to make a distinction betwixt those which were of absolute necessity, and those which were less necessary: but when it came to be determined which were the less ne­cessary Ceremonies, opinions varied extreme­ly. A Portuguese Divine, Doctor of the Ca­non Law, called Melchior Cornelio, shew'd that the Imposition of hands was the onely Cere­mony that could be termed essential, because the Apostles made use of it, and never gave Ordination without that Imposition. He went a little farther, and proved that that Ceremony was not of absolute necessity; be­cause the most famous Doctors of the Canon Law, such as Hostiensis, Johannes Andreas, and others do affirm, that the Pope can confer Or­ders by saying onely, Be thou a Priest. Inno­cent IV. Who is reckoned the Father of all the Canonists, and who hath made an Apparatus upon the Decretals, saith the same, that a Priest [Page 411]may be made Priest by a word of him that giveth Orders. From all which he concluded that it ought not to be defined that these Ce­remonies are necessary, because the degree of the necessity cannot be limited, and that it ought to be enough to condemn those who affirm that they are Superfluous or Perni­cious.

During these Conferences of the Divines, the Prelates were busie about the matter of Reformation, and had many Conferences a­mong themselves concerning it. Every day Assemblies were held upon that Subject at the Solicitation of the Ambassadours of Princes. The Imperialists and French were loud in re­presenting their Grievances, and spoke of them to so many, that it was the whole town-talk in Trent. This gave the Legates á great deal of trouble, but on the other hand also,The Presidents make a Col­lection of the Demands of the French and Germans for a Refor­mation, and send it to the Pope. it did them some good; for they were ashamed to see that they were the onely men who oppo­sed that Reformation which all Europe so pas­sionately desired. Wherefore, at length, as if they had resolved to make some steps towards a Reformation, they made a Collection of all the Proposals of the Imperialists and French, and sent it to Rome, that the Pope might give them Orders what to doc about it. The Pope was vexed to see the Instructions which the King of France had sent his Ambassadours; he designed to put an end to the Council at least with the year, and by these instructions, he found that not onely they demanded of him a delay, but also that they intended still to cut out work for the Council for a long time. He had many long Conferences upon [Page 412]that Subject with the Ambassadour of France residing at his Court. He told him that when he desired the least compliance from the Fa­thers of the Council, immediately they cried out that he oppressed their Liberty; that there­fore he could not oblige the Prelates to a de­lay, to which they had a deadly aversion, be­cause they were weary of the long stay that they had already made at Trent. At the same time he cunningly struck at the Cardinal of Lorrain, saying that there was no necessity to wait for him, for handling Points of Doctrine which he did not in the least scruple at as be­ing a good Catholick, but that it was proper for him to be present at the Reformation, that he might come in for his share as being a se­cond Pope, who enjoyed near a Million of Livres a year in Church Livings, and possest several Benefices, whilst he himself being Pope enjoyed but one, wherewith he was content; that for his part he had not been wanting to reform himself and his Officers; that he would doe more still, but that such Reformations would sink his Revenues, and that the smaller Rents he had, the less he would be in a con­dition to defend the Church against Hereticks. He father said, that he wished with all his heart that they might come to particulars con­cerning those abuses of which a Reformation was desired, and that then experience would shew that most of them come from Princes; because the abuses of the Court of Rome which men kept so great a stir about, consisted chiefly in the promotions of undeserving men to great Benefices, to which they were pre­sented by Kings, and in Dispensations that were [Page 413]extorted from him by the violent solicitations of Princes. That the other abuses which were not in the Court of Rome, but in the several Provinces of the Church sprung from the same source, to wit, the had use that Princes made of their Authority, in their Presentations to great Benefices.

The Spaniards find means of having the question exa­mined, whe­ther Episcopa­cy be of Di­vine Right, and thereupon violent debates arise.The fourth Congregation of Divines had in charge to examine the Superiority of the Bi­shop over the Priest. At first they made a distinction betwixt the power of Consecrating and Celebrating the Sacrifice, and the power of pardoning sins. According to the Doctrine of St. Thomas and Bonaventure they said, that the power of Consecrating was alike in the Bishop and Priest, because in that properly consists the power of Orders; but that the power of pardoning sins was greater in the Bishop than in the Priest, because that power consists not barely in that which is called the power of Orders, but is made up also of the power of Jurisdiction. They made several re­flexions thereupon which were of no great im­portance, nor occasioned much debate; for they all unanimously agreed upon that Superi­ority of the Bishop over the Priest. But the Spaniards had pitcht upon this Article as the most proper to bring in the Question which they intended should be defined in spight of the Legates, to wit, whether Episcopacy be of Divine Right or not: that is to say, whether Bishops hold their Authority immediately of Jesus Christ, or onely of the Pope. They proposed to themselves great advantages from the decision of that Controversie, because by having it determined that the Bishop is of Di­vine [Page 414]Institution, and that he derives his Au­thority from Jesus Christ and not from the Pope, they pretended to render their Cha­racter more considerable, and secure it from the attempts of the Court of Rome. For if the Authority of Bishops proceeds immediately from Jesus Christ, it follows clearly that men can doe nothing to the prejudice of it. And if the Pope be not the Original of that Autho­rity, it is evident that he hath no power to les­sen it, nor to exempt from under it those that are subjected thereunto, as he dayly doth. The Legates at first, were not sensible of these Consequences, and therefore they could not devise from whence sprung that eagerness of the Spaniards upon this Point, but they soon smelt it out, and vigorously withstood it. So then the Spaniards according to their project put their Divines upon the breaking of the Ice, and beginning the Dispute. Michael Oroncuspe Divine to the Bishop of Pampelona, was the first that proposed the matter; he al­ledged that in the design of condemning the Lutherans, the question moved properly upon this hinge, by what Right Bishops were Supe­rior to Priests; that as to the Superiority, the Lutherans could not deny it, but yet maintai­ned it to be a mere Humane Constitution; that if then it were true that that Superiority was a Humane Establishment, it would be unrea­sonable to make it Heresie in the Lutherans, that they abolished an Order which was not appointed immediately by God; that for his own part, he lookt upon it as a most certain truth, that a Bishop is Superiour to a Priest by Divine Right, but that he could proceed no [Page 415]farther, because he was prohibited by the Le­gates. John Fonseca a Divine of the Archbi­shop of Granada observed not so strict mea­sures. He said in the beginning of his discourse, that he did not conceive why that question was not allowed to be spoken to, and for what reason it could be prohibited. He laid open the importance of the matter, and pro­ved by Reason, by the Fathers and by the Scriptures, that Bishops are the Successours of the Apostles, as the Pope is of St. Peter; that both the one and the other have immediately received their Authority from Jesus Christ, as Supreme Courts and Inferiour Judicatures have been alike established by the Prince, whence it is that Supreme Courts cannot en­croach upon the Authority of Inferiour Jud­ges, because the Authority of both flows from the Prince who hath set proper Limits to those several Tribunals. Cardinal Simoneta with ex­treme impatience listened to this discourse, which was delivered with as great earnestness. He turned several times about to his Collegues, and was ready to have interrupted the Divine; but he durst not, because he saw that all the Prelates heard him with extraordinary at­tention. Anthony Grass [...]t, a Jacobin Monk, en­forced this truth with new Arguments, and carried it farther on. He affirmed that Bi­shops were not obliged to give an account of their Administration but to Jesus Christ alone. He urged the exhortation of St. Paul to the Bishops of Ephesus, that they should feed the Flock over which the Holy Ghost had made them Overseers. If it be by the Holy Ghost, said he, it is not by the Pope. He could not for­bear [Page 416]to lash out against those who in former Conferences had said, that the Pope divides the Flock among the Bishops, and said it was to open a door to a kind of Schism which St. Paul found fault with in the Church of Corinth, where they said, I am of Peter, and I am of Paul, affirming that all Bishops had right to say with St. Paul, for me I am of Je­sus Christ. He said that the Pope was onely the Minister and Instrument of Jesus Christ, and therefore what is done in the Church ought not to be attributed to him, but to Je­sus Christ who is the Principal Efficient Cause. He perceived that his Discourse had been a little too bold, and fearing that the Legates might enjoyn him silence, and bring him into trouble; he therefore made a kind of Apolo­gy, and said that he had gone farther than he thought to have done, and that he had forgot that it had been prohibited to speak to that Point. But the Legates saw into the Intrigue, and knew it to be a design laid by the Spaniards, and particularly the Archbishop of Granada; but finding that the discourses that were made had left a deep Impression upon the minds of those that were concerned; they thought it necessary to refute reasons by reasons, since matters were gone so far. Therefore they en­joyned the four Divines who were still to speak, to refute the Spaniards, and to prove that Bishops hold all their Authority from the Pope, and not from Jesus Christ; that the one­ly Episcopacy of Divine Right, is that of the Pope; who hath received Orders to place Bishops in several Churches; and who hath also power to enlarge or restrain their Autho­rity, [Page 417]and to depose, suspend, or translate them to other places.

When the Disputes of the Divines were o­ver, the Legates had a mind to propose the matter of Reformation, but they knew not how to set about it. They durst not offer at Trifles, as had been done in former Sessions, and it was very difficult for them to propose important Points, there being none wherewith some body would not be displeased. The Reformation of the Bishops and Clergy excee­dingly pleased the Ambassadours, but that displeased the Bishops: that which pleased the Bishops and Clergy, could not give content to the Ambassadours; for that tended to lessen the Power that Princes had acquired over the Clergy, by the abolishing of Canonical Elections, and by the Right of Nomination to great Benefices. And, in fine, that which might please the Ambassadours and Bishops, at the same time displeased the Pope, for that tended to the Diminution of the Great­ness of the Court of Rome. So that being o­verwhelm'd by these Perplexities they wrote to the Pope, giving him notice, at the same time, that the Spaniards pressed hard, to have Episcopacy to be declared of Divine Right. They put the Pope also in mind that, this was the place where they had promised to state again the Point of the Divine Right of Residence; to wit, when they treated of the Sacrament of Orders. They acquainted him that having sounded the Prelates, they found threescore stedfast for the Divine Right of Re­sidence, and that there was nothing to be got of them: that the Marquess of Pescara had [Page 418]done all that lay in his Power to perswade the Spanish Bishops, but without any effect: that the Spaniards murmured that there should be a design of referring that Article of Residence to his Holiness, as the Point of the Cup had been, and said if they intended to go on in that manner, it was very needless to call a Council at a great charge for deciding matters of small importance, and refer the great affairs to the Pope.

This advice that came to the Pope from Trent, with the news which he received from other places gave him great disturbance. For he had certain intelligence from several parts that the Cardinal of Lorrain was coming to the Council with design to have the Election of the Popes so regulated,The Cardinal of Lorrain prepares to goe to the Council, and the Pope is allarmed at it. that the Prelates beyond the Alpes might have a share in that Dignity, and be chosen in their turn. He was allarmed at this news, wrote of it to all the Italian Princes, and laid before them what a prejudice it would be to suffer other Nations to share in that advantage with them. He thought it also expedient for preventing the designs of the Cardinal of Lorrain to renew the Publication of the Canons, which had been heretofore made against the Abuses com­mitted in the Election of Popes. He therefore published a Bull to that effect, bearing date the Ninth of October 1562. He received also vexa­tious news from the Court of Spain, though that was the Court in Christendom most at his Devotion; for he was informed that the King of Spain held Congregations about matters of Reformation; that he prepared new Proposals, and designed the Count de Luna in quality of a [Page 419]new Ambassadour to carry his Propositions to the Council. The Court of Rome in the mean time being very well satisfied with the Mar­quess of Pescara, because he was wholly devo­ted to the Pope, was not willing that he should either have a Collegue or a Successour.

About the same time the Abbot of Mante was sent to Rome to acquaint the Pope in name of the King of France, that the Cardi­nal of Lorrain with a good number of French Bishops were setting out on their Journey to the Council. The news did not at all please him, because he always dreaded the Union of the French and Spaniards in the matter of Re­formation. However he must dissemble and pay Complements with Complements. The Pope therefore profest that he expected great assistance from the Cardinal, who was the se­cond Ecclesiastick Person in Europe, and little inferiour to the Pope; but for all that, he said he was obliged to hasten the Conclusion of the Council; because it was so chargeable to him, that if it continued, he could not be able to furnish the King the money that he had pro­mised him for the War. But to give a hint that he was resolved to stand his ground against the French, and to maintain himself in his So­vereign Authority over the Council, he conclu­ded with this, that for his own part he had no other Authority in the Council, but to ap­prove or reject its Decrees, seeing without his Confirmation they could have no force. By the same Envoy the Pope received very Civil Letters from the Cardinal of Lorrain: he en­deavoured to get out of the Abbot of Mante what it was that the Cardinal had to propose [Page 420]to the Council, but the Abbot answered him onely in general terms.

The Pope had established a Congregation of Cardinals for consulting about and exami­ning the business of the last intelligence that he had received from Trent: and it was the opi­nion of this Congregation that the Point of Residence ought to be concluded before the arrival of the French; that the Legates should use their utmost endeavours to get the matter referred to the Pope, that if there was no way to take the Prelates off from handling that Point, the next thing to be done was, to de­cree the necessity of Residence under Penalties and Prospect of reward, but that they must have a special care not to declare it of Divine Right. The same course was agreed upon as to the Divine Right of Episcopacy, that the Council must by no means be suffered to de­clare that the Authority of Bishops is derived immediately from Jesus Christ. As to what concerned the Reformation of the Court of Rome, that his Holiness must write to the Le­gates not to offer to meddle with it, and that for other parts of Reformation he should leave it wholly to the Council: that the Legates should pick out of the Proposals of the Impe­rialists, and the Reformations which the French had made at the Conference of Poissy what they judged most convenient, and let them pass by Vote in the Council By this means they thought the Pope might perform the promise which he had often made to the King of France, to cause the Decrees of the Assem­bly of Poissy to be confirmed by the Council. But this Congregation of Cardinals found it a [Page 421]harder matter what to determine as to the Conclusion of the Council. The Court of Rome passionately desired it; but they could not see how it could be so soon accomplished. They foresaw that the Cardinal of Lorrain who was shortly to be there would certainly find ways to appose it, by proposing a great many new matters to be discussed: For be­sides the design he had of reforming the Abu­ses committed in the Election of Popes, he had many things to offer about the manner of Collation of Benefices, the Plurality of Li­vings, the Communion in both kinds, the Mar­riage of Priests, and the Divine Service in the vulgar Tongue. Some were of opinion that the Cardinal of Ferrara Legate in France should be recalled, and the Legation given to the Cardinal of Lorrain, hoping that that might work two good effects; first that this Com­mission would retain him in France, and then that the honour of it would satisfie that Ambi­tious Soul who was accused of having made parties to get himself chosen Patriarch in France. Others were for sending a fresh supply of Car­dinals to Trent, to counterbalance the interest and credit of Lorrain. So all things well con­sidered, the Court of Rome thought it not fit to give the Legates precise Orders as to the Conclusion of the Council; but onely to ex­hort them to carry on things with all possible diligence, not to suffer the matter of the Elec­tion of the Pope to be touched; but rather to break up the Council and to return to Rome. Whilst these resolutions were taking at Rome, the Council named Prelates for framing the Chapters of Doctrine, and the Anathema's [Page 422]concerning the Sacrament of Orders: the chief of the Deputies were the Archbishop of Zara, and the Bishop of Conimbre both Spani­ards. They made a Minute of the Decree, wherein they inserted that the Bishop is Su­periour to the Priest by Divine Right: but the Legates opposed that, and would not pre­sent the Decree in that form, under pretext that no Decision ought to be inserted, but such as regarded the Articles that had been propo­sed, and that this was none of those eight which had been submitted to the Examination of the Divines. So that they not onely struck out that Clause, but resolved amongst them­selves that if any Spanish Prelate in the Con­gregations demanded that Article to be infer­ted, the Cardinal of Warmia should interrupt him, and assert that that was not a question to be handled in the Council, because there was no Controversie about it betwixt the Catho­licks and Hereticks. The first Congregation of Prelates after that of the Divines, was hold the thirteenth of October; there the Canons concerning Doctrine were read as they had been amended by the Legates. The Patri­archs and Bishops who spoke first, appro­ved the Decrees;The Discourse of the Archbi­shop of Grana­da, to prove Episcopacy to be of Divine Right seconded by the Spani­ards and many others, and op­pugned by the Pope's Party. but when it came to the Archbishop of Granada's turn to speak, he stuck at the seventh Article, where­in the Superiority of the Bishop over the Priest was mentioned, and demanded that it might be declared to be of Divine Right. And then he vigorously proved that Bishops hold their Authority from Jesus Christ. He brought a great many Arguments from Antiquity, to evince that Bishops heretofore did not carry [Page 423]themselves towards the Pope as to a Sovereign Master, that they called him their Brother and Collegue, and for instance alledged the Letters of St. Cyprian and St. Austin to the Bishops of Rome. He refuted smartly and in way of Raillery what the Divines of the Pope's Party said, that either the Apostles were made by St. Peter, or if they were made by Jesus Christ, it was a personal Privilege, and ought not to descend to Bishops, as the Suc­cessours of the Apostles. He maintained and explained the opinion of St. Cyprian touching the Episcopat, that it is one, but that it is divi­ded amongst all Bishops, of which every one has an entire share. He said that the Pope was a Bishop as he and all others were, because they were all Brethren: that the Pope, indeed, was Chief of the College of Bishops, but that notwithstanding that Headship he was still their Collegue, having received his Authority from one and the same Master. The Cardi­nal of Warmia according to the design that was laid, interrupted the Archbishop of Granada, telling him that they had no Controversie a­bout that matter with the Lutherans. To which the Archbishop replied, that it was not so; that they had Controversie concerning that with the Lutherans; seeing the Confession of Ausburg puts no difference betwixt a Bishop and a Priest, but what was a Humane Consti­tution. And so the Legates could not carry the point of imposing silence on the Prelates; for the Bishops insisted upon the same Subject, and the Archbishops of Zara, and Braganza stood stiffly up for the Proposition of Granada, that it should be inserted in the seventh Arti­cle, [Page 424]that the Superiority of the Bishop over the Priest is of Divine Right: and maintained this Thesis by several Authorities, that the Pow­er of Bishops proceeds immediately from Je­sus Christ. Nine and fifty Prelates were of the same opinion, and the number, in all appea­rance, had been much greater, had not a great many been absent; some because they were re­ally sick, and others because they pretended to be so, that they might not be concerned in a Dispute that would produce nothing but trouble to those that should speak their mind freely, as it had happened in the Debate about Residence. The Bishop of the five Churches joyned with the rest in the opinion of the Di­vine Right of Episcopacy. But above all, an Hungarian Prelate a Cordelier called George Zis­chovid Bishop of Seigna delivered his Judgment on that particular, in such a manner astunn'd all the Pope's Party. For he said, that it could never have entered his thoughts, that a Coun­cil would have called in question whether Bi­shops were of Divine Institution or not, and it was the same thing as if the Council it self should question the Divine Right of its own Authority. For if Bishops, said he, be not of Divine Right, the Council is onely an Assem­bly of Secular men, wherein Jesus Christ presides not. No man gives that which he hath not, the whole is of the same nature with its parts; and so by consequence it can­not be said that Councils derive their Autho­rity from God. He proceeded and said farther, that the Bishops who made up this Council had been very bold to pronounce Anathema's, if they thought their Authority to be onely [Page 425]from a man. He prosecuted his Argument with so much vigour, and made the truth of it so perspicuous, that the Assembly was sur­prised at his Discourse. The Legates found now that no means were to be neglected on this occasion; they did not at first perceive what was drove at; but they quickly came to understand that no less was thereby aimed at, than the wresting the Keys out of the Pope's hands, and the giving them to all Bishops in General: they saw that the design was to make Bishops equal to the Pope, onely al­lowing him the Dignity of Precedency. This put them to their shifts how to ward that blow. They set their usual Engines to work; and solicited the Pope's Creatures to the end they might carry it by Faction and Parties. And at the same time to quiet the Spaniards they resolved to grant them somewhat, by framing a Canon in these terms, that Bishops have from God the Power of Orders, without mentioning the Power of Jurisdiction; and sent Father Soto to solicite the Spaniards to be satisfied with that; but there was nothing to be done with them. This method not succee­ding, the Legates essayed to employ the Fa­thers about other matters, to take their thoughts off from this; and, at length, endeavoured to have the Decision of that Point referred to the Pope. Nothing could be done in this, un­less they could bring over a considerable number of Votes; and therefore to perswade some, and to give a fair pretext of retractati­on to others who might be gained by tampe­ring, they set on Father Lainez General of the Jesuits. This Oratour appeared in the [Page 426]lists with a premeditated Speech, and if the truth were known, composed by the four Je­suits who were at the Council, and especial­ly by Caviglione. The Harangue of Lainez Ge­neral of the Je­suits against the Bishops, and the Divine Right of Epis­copacy, and what it produ­ced. That he might have leasure enough to enlarge, the Legates designed him the whole time of a Congregation: And there­fore they made him absent himself from the last Congregation which was to be held upon that Subject, and wherein he was to speak the last of all, and held a Congregation on purpose to give him a hearing. He spoke ve­ry handsomely for the space of two hours, with a great deal of Rhetorick and Vehemence. He laid down for his Point, that in the Pope alone all the Power of the Church resides; and this he endeavoured to prove by Scri­pture, by the Fathers and by Reason. He for­got not the Testimony of St. Cyprian who saith that there is but one onely Episcopat, but he turned it into a quite different sense to that which the Archbishop of Granada had given it. For he pretended that accor­ding to the Judgment of that Saint, there is but one Bishop as one Episcopacy, and that the Pope is that one Bishop who gives the Ad­ministration of the Power wherewith he is in­vested to others under him, as he thinks good. He maintained that Jesus Christ gave St. Pe­ter alone the Commission of seeding his sheep, when he said to him, feed my Lambs, and that St. Peter gave it to the rest in these words which are to be read in the fifth Chapter of his first Epistle, feed the Flock which is among you; that all Authority proceeds from the Pope; that though Jesus Christ himself sent out the Apostles, yet in that he did the Office of [Page 427]St. Peter; that Bishops in all their Actions are no more but the Delegates and Substitutes of the Holy See, so that their Charge is but in Commission, and if they be called Ordinaries, it is onely because their Commission is perpe­tual, and that they may have Successours; that the Council derived no Authority from the Bishops, but onely from the Pope, and that a Council cannot be reckoned General without the Authority of the Holy See: That fifty Prelates who decided important matters in the first Convocation of the Council under Paul III. could not, without the Pope, be called a Gene­ral Council, nor in that Quality make Decisi­ons which should oblige the Conscience; that when the Pope was present at a Council, he alone made the Decrees, and the Council in­terposed in no more but their Approbation: wherefore on such occasions, it is onely said sacro approbante Concilio. He farther said that in matters of great importance, the Pope needed not the Approbation of the Council, which appeared by the Deposition of Frederick II. in the General Council of Lions: where Innocent IV. refused the Approbation of the Council, lest it might have been thought necessary, and thought it enough to say sacro presente Concilio. In a word, that General broached the Max­imes of Italian Theology in savour of the Pope, beyond all imagination. This extravagant zealous discourse produced very different ef­fects, for it ravished the Faction of the Court of Rome, but disgusted and offended most of the rest to the highest Degree. And particu­larly, the Bishop of Paris protested that in the first Congregation when it should come to his [Page 428]turn to speak, he would openly and boldly speak against that Doctrine. He said in all places, that it was invented by Thomas de Vio Cajetan that he might merit a Cardinals Cap for the good Service; that ever since he was born, it had been censured by the Sorbonne, that the Government of the Church was de­generated into Tyranny, and that the Spouse of Jesus Christ was become a slave, and in a manner prostituted to the lust of one man. That he could no longer endure these Invasi­ons of Episcopal Authority, which was en­croached upon by every new Order of Monks that start up in the World; that it had recei­ved a great blow by the planting of those two Seminaries of Clugny and the Cistertians; that since the Mendicant Orders appeared in the World, the Authority of Bishops was almost wholly suppressed; and that in fine, to ruine the Church totally, that new Society of Jesus which was neither Secular nor Regular, was more Pragmatical than all the rest in attempt­ing against Episcopal Authority. These dis­courses which the Bishop of Paris had in all Companies with extraordinary eagerness and zeal, rouzed up the drouzy, and blew the coals in those who were already all in a flame; insomuch that there was a murmuring, and universal discontent over the whole Council against the Harangue of the General of the Jesuits; and therefore the Legate perceiving that it had wrought an effect quite contrary to what they expected, discharged him from publishing it, as he had intended. But not­withstanding, he dispersed several Copies of it, partly to get himself Reputation, and partly [Page 429]to soften some hasty words that he had let slip in speaking. In the mean time the Legates gave not over their tamperings to make a Par­ty against the Spaniards, and their Canvassing was so open and apparent, that Lansac Am­bassadour of France, a man of wit, and who was free enough in this discourse, could not forbear to play upon them. One day at a great entertainment, there was a discourse started about the form of Ancient Councils, wherein Princes by themselves or by their Ambassadours, and the Presidents of the Coun­cil gave their suffrages, whereas neither one nor other gave their Votes in that of Trent. It is true, for Ambassadours, said Lansac, they have no Vote here, but for our Presidents the Legates, they give vota auricularia, and whi­sper their opinions softly in the ear.

About this time the Legates met with some satisfaction, but of short continuance, for a certain Spanish Doctor named Zanel, betray­ing his Party, presented them with thirteen Articles of Reformation relating to the Spa­niards, which he was of opinion ought to be set on foot to stop the mouths of those who appeared to be such Zealous Reformers. These Articles struck at some Abuses whereof the Reformation would have been very severe to the Spaniards, and mortified them extreme­ly. But this Counterbatterie could not doe all the execution they desired; because these Articles of Reformation depended upon a great many others which related to the Court of Rome: and the Legates were not of the mind to Sacrifice their own interest and that of their Master to a little revenge on their [Page 430]Enemies. After all they had enough to do to defend themselves, they were not in a condi­tion of assaulting others, for the Spaniards, French, and Germans, gave them continually the allarm. The Bishop of the five Churches received Letters from the Emperour for the Legates, to procure of them that nothing but Reformation should be handled, which was a fresh Persecution. But they stood this brunt, and had no regard to the demand. They were somewhat indeed pleased that the Ambassa­dour of Poland of whom they had no appre­hension, and who was come to pay them ho­mage from afar, was arrived at the Council. The five and twentieth of October a Congre­gation was held to receive that Ambassadour whose name was Valentine Herbut, Bishop of Premissa. But that was not enough to charm away the fear that the coming of the Cardi­nal of Lorrain put them in; he drew nearer and nearer dayly, and so did the Jealousies and Apprehensions of the Court of Rome and of their Party at Trent. The Cardinal pleased himself in his Journey, to give it out that he was going to employ a good many Engines for lessening the Grandure and Revenues of the Court of Rome. They therefore sought out means to break his measures, and spoil his designs. Some Proposed that the surest way to put a stop to the French was, to take them on their weak side, and to demand the Refor­mation of their own abuses. For they who are most eager in Reforming of others, are unwilling to be Reformed themselves. The Pope who on his Part, thought on all the ways that might prevent the attempts that [Page 431]were levelled against his Authority, gave the Legates Order to curb the boldness of the Prelates in a far other manner, than they had hitherto done. Nay, and there were some who advised the Pope to remove to Bologna, that so he might be near, and keep the Coun­cil in awe. But the Legates found out a much better Expedient to get out of harms way, and that was to transfer, suspend, or break up the Council; the difficulty consisted in the execution of this design; and because that was a remedy which they could not make use of, they cast about for another. They at first thought it most convenient to give time to the tumult to settle, which the Tempest of Gene­ral Lainez discourse had raised; and so they interrupted the Congregations. But this Re­medy augmented the Disease, and occasioned complainings against the Legates, and many private Assemblies, where new measures were dayly taken against the interests of the Court of Rome. After seven days had been spent without any Congregation, the Spaniards lost all Patience; they went to the Legates who were met at Council, and demanded Audi­ence for making new Instances that Episcopacy might be declared to be of Divine Right. This they did in a stately grave manner according to the humour of that Nation; protesting if that were refused them, they would appear no more in any Congregation or Session. To Counterpoise this Party, the Legates solicited eighteen or twenty Prelates to demand with the same earnestness that no Decision might pass upon that matter. They looked upon this as an excellent Sally-port to get out at. [Page 432]For, said they, some would have it, others oppose it, what course can be taken to please both Parties? But this fetch of the Legates did not take; for that made the contrary Par­ty fortifie themselves and to keep private As­semblies in greater number, to find out means for supporting the Interest of their Cause. The Pope's Party did the like; so that the Council was broken and divided into a great many little Conventicles, which made so great Tu­mult, that at length, the Legates feared some disorder. The Cardinal Simoneta was most concerned in the allarm, because he saw him­self alone exposed to the shock of so many contradictions. He complained that he was not seconded by the Cardinals of Mantua and Seripando, and that they had still some se­cret inclination for the Party that opposed the Interests of the Court of Rome. The Presi­dents had likewise procured Letters from the Marquess of Pescara, wherein he pressed the Spaniards to condescend, and not to offer at any thing that might be opposite to the Inte­rests of the Holy See. But they had no re­gard to the Instances of the Marquess; they made Protestations, indeed, that they had no intentions of proposing any thing contrary to the Interest of his Holiness; nevertheless they declared that they could not abandon the truth which they had espoused; and that they doubted not to find easie means to Justifie their Conduct to the King: that they were sent to act according to their Consciences, and that they could doe nothing to the contrary. And, in effect, they sent one of their number to Spain, to Justifie all their Proceedings to the King.

[Page 433]At length the Congregations began again the third of November, and the Legates proposed afresh, the Articles of Doctrine concerning the Sacrament of Orders.The matter of Residence is a­gain proposed afresh. This was handled three days, that is, the same things that had been said before were said over again. In fine, the Legates after so long delay, being overcome by the instances that were made to them to keep their promise they had made of bring­ing the Point of Residence again under Deli­beration, resolved now to propose it. They laboured to make a Decision that might give content to all, but found it a difficult task to cast it in such a mould as might satisfie both the Pope and the different Parties that were in the Council. For the Council was divided into three almost equal parts; the first were for referring the matter to the Pope; the se­cond would have it decided in the Council; and the third that it should be handled in the Council, but with the consent of his Holi­ness. There were four different opinions con­cerning the manner of framing the Decree a­bout Residence. Some were for having the Necessity of Residence onely decreed under such Penalties and Rewards as might keep Bishops from violating that Law. Others were of opinion that the Decree should be a bare Decree of Reference to the Pope. But some desired that that Reference might be de­manded by the Prelates, and others that it should be demanded by the Presidents; so that this second Party branched out into two. The third and last were of the Judgment, that the Pope without consulting the Council should anticipate its Decisions, and emit a Bull com­manding [Page 434]Residence; and then the Council would press the matter no more, it beng al­ready done to their hands. But the Legates found Difficulties in all these opinions. It is true that the Bishop of Mazara a Town in Si­cily had by canvassing and caballing brought over seven Bishops from the Spanish Faction, and perhaps that was the thing that brought them to a determination. For, at length, they resolved to strike in with the first opini­on, and to frame the Decree, without deciding whether Residence were of Divine Right or not, but onely enjoyning it as necessary under Penalties and Rewards. The Cardinal of Mantua proposed it to the Congregation in that form, and did it with all the Address he could. He gave them to understand that all that could be required was onely a punctual performance of that which every one judged necessary, and that it was not convenient to deviate from that by needless Questions; that the matter was not great, of what Right Residence were, provided it were duely ob­served; and added that it was the opinion of M. de Lansac the French Ambassadour. In the Decree, which was read, among other things it was enacted that Resident Bishops should not be obliged to pay Tenths to their Prin­ces. And this Clause was very gratefull to the Bishops; but it startled all the Ambassadours, and engaged them to oppose the Decree. Lan­sac the French Ambassadour took notice of two particular wrongs in the Conduct of the Car­dinal of Mantua; the one was, that in the Decree the Catholick King was named before the most Christian King; and the other, that [Page 435]the Cardinal had abused his Confidence. For though he had in Discourse let slip a word, and said, that it signified not much whether Residence were of Divine Right, provided it were observed; what he spoke as a private Person in a familiar Conversation, ought not, in his opinion, to have been mentioned in Council as the opinion and advice of an Am­bassadour. The satisfaction which the Prelates received in that the Council had exempted them from Tenths, lasted not long: their eyes were immediately opened, and were let see that it was a snare laid for them, and a plausi­ble wheadle to make them the better digest the refusal of declaring the Divine Right of Residence, which was obstinately made them. And indeed, they well perceived, that the Council intended to grant them a Privilege which they could not put them in possession of, because Princes would never give way to it: nay the Italians themselves were made sensible that even in the Ecclesiastick State, matters would goe as they had gone before, and that they would be still made to pay, by virtue of a fair, non obstantibus, &c.

They come a­gain to the question whe­ther Episcopa­cy be of Di­vine Right.In the Congregation the day after, they came to speak again of the Sacrament of Or­ders, and the Bishop of Segovia revived the question of the Divine Right of Episcopacy. This Bishop had been a Member of the Coun­cil held under Julius III. wherein Episcopacy was said to have been defined to be of Divine Right. The Legates and Pensioners of the Court of Rome maintained that no such thing had been done in that Council. And the Bishop of Segovia who had a very fresh Me­mory, [Page 436]averred that it had, and mentioned the hour and day when it was so decided. The Cardinal of Mantua seemed to be very incre­dulous, and ordered the Acts of Council to be brought out. Which being done, these words were found in the third Chapter of Doctrine concerning the Sacrament of Orders. Besides that, the holy Council teacheth, that Bi­shops have been instituted by Divine Right, seeing it is evident in the Gospel, that our Lord Jesus Christ himself called the Apostles, and promoted them to the Degree of Apostleship; and in their places the Bishops have succeeded. It ought not then to enter into the thoughts of any one, that that so eminent and necessary a Degree hath been brought into the Church by Humane Institution. And the eighth Canon said, that whosoever shall say that Bishops are not instituted by Divine Right, &c. Let him be Anathema. This was positive and downright: and therefore the Cardinal of Mantua was suspected to have caused this Piece to have been produced, purposely to favour an opinion which he held, and durst not openly declare and own. For all that, the Pope's Party would not yield; but they durst not say that the Council had erred, for the Decree had been framed by the same men that had made the rest, which past for Arti­cles of Faith; and for want of the Formality of Publication, it was no less the Act of a Council to which Infallibility was ascribed. They therefore stood their ground, and main­tained that these words ought to be interpre­ted of the Power of Orders, and not of Ju­risdiction; so that the Congregation was spent in Janglings about the Sense of the Decree.

[Page 437]At length the Cardinal of Lorrain, having been long expected, entered Italy, and the Pope could not but cause the Session to be put off,The Cardinal of Lorrain ar­rives in Italy, and the Pope sends to sound him. that the Cardinal might be present at it. But he ordered that it should not be delayed beyond the Month of November; and we shall see in the sequel what accidents occa­sioned its delay untill the Month of July in the year following. The Cardinal was received at Trent with great Ceremony;He arrives at Trent. he made his Entry on Horseback betwixt the Cardinals of Mantua and Seripando, who were the two chief Legates. The same day he visited the Cardinal of Mantua, and next day had Audi­ence of the Presidents. This Audience past in Civilities, and mutual Protestations of Ser­vices; onely the Cardinal said, that the Coun­cil must not be taken up about nice and need­less questions; that the Debates which had divided it about the questions of the Divine Right of Residence and Episcopacy had done great injury to its reputation, that it ought to be their whole business to reclaim to the Church the Members who were separated from her; that for his own part he did not think it an impossible matter, and that many of them, and amongst the rest the Duke of Wirtemberg had a design to come to the Council; and that it was necessary for bringing them nearer to set about a good Reformation, without which, whereas the King his Sovereign at present had onely to doe with Huguenots, he would very suddenly find work enough with Catholicks. To conclude, he told them that he had brought new Instructions to the Ambassadours of France, that he desired to speak in name of the King [Page 438]in the next Congregation, and that afterward he should doe no more but give his opinion freely, as an Archbishop. They made him answer in General terms, commending his Piety and Devotion towards the Holy See, and excused themselves that the Council had spent so much time about matters of so small importance, laying the blame on the Licence that the Prelates took to themselves in giving their opinions. They added that they hoped for the future things would goe better, and that his presence would contribute much to it. After several other matters had been dis­coursed, it was concluded that on Munday fol­lowing the Cardinal should appear in a Ge­neral Congregation, to declare the reasons of his coming, and present the King's Letters. Though they had stood onely upon General terms, yet the Party of the Court of Rome conceived some Umbrage at the Cardinal's Speech, because all his Actions were suspected. Some Discourses that the French Abbots had had at Milan encreased the suspicions; for they had been heard to say, that they were going to the Council with design to joyn with the Spaniards against the Court of Rome, and that they were resolved to have Annates, Pre­ventions, Plurality of Benefices, and other Abuses abolished; threatning that if they were refused what they had to demand, they would make but little noise, but return and order their own business at home. Besides that, it was known that the Cardinal entertained a very strict Correspondence with the Empe­rour, of whom the Court of Rome was not very sure, and likewise with Maximilian King [Page 439]of Bohemia, who was more suspected by them than his Father. The Pope's Party relished very ill what the Cardinal of Lorrain had told them of the Duke of Wirtemberg coming to the Council, because of the Conference that he had heretofore had with that Duke, and they feared that some agreement might have been made betwixt the King of France, the Emperour and the Germans, to force the Council to doe more than the Court of Rome was willing they should. They were even a­fraid that the King of Spain might enter into that League, because after the Departure of the Count de Luna whom he sent Ambassa­dour to Trent, he had dispatched after him Martin Gazdellun heretofore Secretary to the Emperour Charles the fith, with instructions which he was not willing to trust to Letters. They immediately acquainted the Pope with all that had past, and gave their observations accordingly. But that the French might take no Umbrage at it, they made the Courier set out privately, and wrote to Rome that when he came back, he should have orders to steal into Trent without any noise.

The Cardinal of Lorrain could not come to Mundays Congregation, because of a sit of a Fe­ver, that obliged him for some days to keep his Chamber. The Congregation, notwithstanding▪ was held, but nothing was done in it, onely a General Review made of all the Members of the Council, who upon occasion of the French who were just come, had their several places assigned them anew. In this Review they found the number of the Prelates to amount to two hundred and eighteen. The Council [Page 440]was extremely well satisfied to see they were so numerous; and yet that number comes far short of most part of the Ancient Councils. None of the French spoke, neither in this nor in the following Congregation, because they waited for the Cardinal of Lorrain. The Par­ty of the Court of Rome looked upon these new-comers, as a powerfull reinforcement come to the assistance of their Enemies: and therefore they doubled their vigilance, and thought it best to fortifie themselves by new Councils. The Archbishop of Otranto was one of the leading men of that Party, and one of the most zealous sticklers for the Grandure of the Pope. He had a mind to assemble all those who were linked with him in the same Inte­rests, but so as it might not appear to be done with intention to treat of business: and for that purpose on the nineteenth of November, he made a great Entertainment for the Pre­lates who were called the well affected. He that invited them told them that for the sake and service of the Holy See they should not fail to come. It was not doubted but that de­sign was laid, for making a League against the French, and they had certain notice given them, that there had been long Conferences about the Subject, in that Assembly. An acti­on that M. de l'Isle the French Ambassadour had done at Rome, encreased these Umbrages against the French; for during an indisposition which by some accident had happened to the Pope, that had almost cost him his life, he began to tamper and carry on a kind of Negotiation, that if the Pope should chance to die, the next Pope might be chosen at Trent [Page 441]by Nations, and that the See might remain Vacant, untill the Reformation should be completed, that so the Council might be free, and that the Pope Elect might accept of that Reformation, according as he should find it setled. This vexed the Pope to purpose; for besides that these designs did not at all please him, men do not like that way of counting before the Host, and framing of Designs in prospect of their death. All these things to­gether allarmed him mightily, so that he held several Congregations of Cardinals, wherein he desired them to find out some sure means to secure him from the Enterprises of the Council, which, as he said, he considered as his greatest Enemy. He was certainly very faithfully served by his Pensioners; and yet it was not altogether to his mind; for he com­plained that all the Bishops whom he enter­tained were against him, and that he sed an Army of Enemies at Trent. Notwithstanding he continued still to multiply these Enemies; for he sent away all the Italian Bishops that were at Rome, even to the Bishop of Aosta Ambassadour there from the Duke of Savoy. But he discharged the Archbishop of Torre from going thither, because in the time of Paul III. he had maintained the Divine Right of Residence with some Zeal and Fervour. He made the same prohibition to the Bishop of Cesana, because he was the intimate friend of the Cardinal of Naples, whose two Uncles the Carraffa's the Pope had put to death by the hand of the common Executioner, besides the Persecutions wherewith he had afflicted himself, and so had reason to consider him as [Page 442]an Enemy. About the same time he dispat­ched into France, Sebastiano Gualtero Bishop of Viterbo, a thorough pac'd Zealot for the Inte­rests of the Court of Rome. The pretext of this Embassie was, the carrying of forty thou­sand Crowns to the King, being part of an hundred thousand which the Pope had pro­mised him for the War against the Huguenots; but the true reason was, that he might be a Spie over the Actions of the Council of France.

The Cardinal of Lorrain is received in Congregation; he speaks, and after him du Ferrier, who offends the Council.At length the Cardinal of Lorrain resolved to appear in Congregation the twenty third of November. The French and he had agreed, that he should first make a Speech, and then the Ambassadour Du Ferrier. At first the Le­gates opposed this Resolution, saying that in this Council, neither under Paul nor Julius it had been allowed that Ambassadours should speak publickly in Congregation, but onely on the day of their Reception. But at length they suffered themselves to be over perswaded by the Cardinal of Lorrain, and permitted Du Ferrier to speak. The King's Letters to the Council were then read, which contained one­ly Prayers, and general Exhortations to set about a Reformation of the Church. The Letters being read; the Cardinal spoke, and began with a long and pathetick description of the miseries which the Wars about Religion caused in France, and prayed the Council to remedy them. He insisted upon what he had already said to the Legates, that they should avoid all unnecessary questions; and then de­manded two things in the name of the King of France; first that they might have some re­spect [Page 443]to those who were separated from the Church, in granting them all that might be allowed without doing prejudice to the Faith; and that they would consider them as Bre­thren as far as might be. Next he demanded in name of the King, a Reformation in the Church, whereof he laid open the extraordi­nary Corruptions, and there took an occasion to make an ingenious Application to the Cler­gy of the History of Jonas. We, we are the cause of the Storm, said he, throw us into the Sea, and the Tempest will cease. The Cardi­nal of Mantua made a civil answer to that Harangue, protesting that the Council had al­ways been extremely concerned for the mise­ries of France, and would doe all that was possible to clear the truth, confirm the true Service of God, and rectifie the manners and the disorders in Discipline.

The Ambassadour Du Ferrier had leave to speak next, and spoke very smartly. He told them that his Master demanded that the Church might be restored to its Ancient Lu­stre, and that the good and holy Laws which the Devil had stole away and hid, might be brought back from Bondage into the City of God. He made use of an Allusion that prickt to the quick the Adorers of the Court of Rome. If you ask me, said he, why France is not in peace, and whence proceed those horrible divisions that rend it in pieces. I shall answer as Jehu did to Joram when he asked, is it peace, Jehu? What peace so long as, &c. answered he; here he stopt, saying ye know the rest. And indeed they all supplied what was wan­ting in the Citation by the rest of the Text: [Page 444] What peace, so long as the Whoredoms of thy Mo­ther Jezebel, and her Witchcrafts are so many. He concluded, that if they endeavoured not that Reformation, all the Bloud that should be spilt, would be demanded at their hands. This Liberty did exceedingly displease the Pope's Party, but they Legates dissembled their discon­tent, because they were afraid of the French.

The Cardinal of Lorrain holds private Congregations in his house, which allarms the Legates, and Court of Rome.It was the Cardinal of Lorrain's custom af­terwards to hold Congregations in his house of French Prelates and Divines: And the Le­gates lookt upon this as an encroachment, fearing that if the Spaniards did the same, the Council would at last be crumbled into a great many Caballs. However seeing they durst not openly oppose it, they gained two Tray­tors, one amongst the Spaniards called Bartho­lome Sabastiani Bishop of Pati in Sicily, and the other amongst the French named James Hugonis a Cordelier, Doctor of the Sorbonne, and Divine to the Cardinal of Lorrain. This last Spie gave them a faithfull account of all that past in their Assemblies, and discovered to them the Mysteries of the Court of France. Amongst other things he told them, that most of the evils of France were occasioned by the Queen-Mothers favouring the Hereticks; that the Ambassadours who, were at Trent, were corrupted also: that the Cardinal of Lorrain was in reality a good Catholick; but that his head run upon some impertinent Reforma­tions, as the restoring the Chalice to the People, the taking away of Images, and the bringing the Vulgar Tongue into use in Divine Service; wherein he was seconded by the Duke of Guise, and his other Relations; but that of all [Page 445]the rest the Bishop of Valence ought to be most suspected, because he sided with the Queen for favouring the Hereticks. The Bishop of Vin­timiglia to whom he imparted every thing that past, gave him fifty Crowns of Gold, which after some Ceremonious refusal he accep­ted.

The Session was to have been held the six and twentieth of November. But there was nothing in readiness, and it was to little pur­pose for the Legates to complain of the tedi­ousness of the Prelates in giving their opinions, the Session must of necessity be deferred sine­die, because they could not tell when matters would be ready. During all this, the Spani­ards abated nothing of their Zeal, for having Episcopacy to be declared of Divine Right. The Senator Molinez being sent by the Mar­quess of Pescara from Milan came to Trent, to deal with the Spamards that they would con­descend; but that was to no purpose. The Cardinal of Lorrain in one of the private Con­gregations that were held at his house, desired the French Prelates and Divines to give their opinions about that question: And they una­nimously agreed that Episcopacy was of Divine Right. However they were not so eager up­on it as the Spaniards, to have the Point deci­ded by the Council. On the contrary they would have been very well satisfied that the Council should have waved those curious que­stions, as they called them, and applied them­selves to the matter of Reformation, which in their opinion was of far greater Consequence, and that they also moved in the publick Con­gregations, and many times warmly urged it. [Page 446]In the Congregation of the twenty sixth of November the Bishop of Nimes moved that they should not concern themselves so much about a Controversie of so little Importance, where­in there was no more but a strife of words, but that some regard ought to be had for other Prelates, and for time which was thereby sad­ly mispent. Don Diego Covarruvias Bishop of Rodrigo replied, that they had been obliged to give their opinions upon that Subject, since the matter had been proposed by the Legates. The Cardinals Seripando and Simoneta rose up, and denied that the Legates had made the Pro­position, and because they sound themselves backt by the French, they spoke bitterly a­gainst the Liberty that the Spaniards took to themselves. This matter grew so high, that it disgusted the Cardinal of Lorrain, who was vexed that he had been the cause of the harsh usage of the Spaniards.

Whilst they were casting about for means to make dispatch in Business, some proposed the deputing of Committees to determine several matters, whilst the Council should be taken up about others. But this was not embraced by the Italians, because it was proposed that these Committees should consist of an equal number of Deputies from every Nation; and the Italians who were most numerous in the Council would not lose their advantage, but insisted to have proportionably more De­puties in those Congregations: which being disliked by the rest, the Proposition went no farther.

In the Congregation of the first of Decem­ber there happened a scuffle that made great [Page 447]noise Melchior Avosmediano Bishop of Gua­dix a Spaniard, reasoning about the Canons which the Legates had minuted and presented to the Council,The Bishop of Guadix basely used for ha­ving spoken with some li­berty in fa­vour of the Bishops. made some reflexions upon a Clause of the last Chapter, which imported, That Bishops who are called by the Pope are true and lawfull. He observed that that kind of expression was Ambiguous, that it expressed not what was intended it should, seeing all that was intended was, to assert that Bishops who are promoted to that Dignity by the Pope without Election, and without being inaugu­rated by other Bishops, are notwithstanding true and lawfull Bishops: whereas as the Ca­non stood worded, it would seem to insinuate that a Bishop could not be a lawfull Bishop without being called and confirmed by the Pope, which was not true. To prove this he alledged the instance of the four Suffragans of the Archbishop of Saltzburg, who took no confirmation from the Pope, and were never­theless owned to be lawfull Bishops. Cardi­nal Simoneta interrupting him solved the dif­ficulty thus; that if the Archbishop of Saltz­burg and other Primats confirmed Bishops, they did it by Authority from the Pope. But Tomaso Cassello Bishop della Cava in the King­dom of Naples, a slave to the Pope, and one whom the Legates employed to raise stirs, res­ted not there: for starting up, he cryed out that the Bishop of Guadix ought to be turned out as a Schismatick. Two or three Bishops of the same Faction seconded him; and immedi­ately followed a fearfull noise of Tongues, Hands, and Feet in the Assembly, some for the Bishop who was accused of Schism, and [Page 448]some against him. This exceedingly displeased the Bishops beyond the Alpes, who thereby saw what they were to expect, when they should offer to speak with any freedom. When the noise was over, the Cardinal of Lorrain could not forbear to say, that it was an inso­lent Procedure; that the Bishop of Guadix had not spoken amiss, and if he had been a French Prelate, that he himself would have appeal'd to a freer Council: that if such things were suffered, the French would depart and hold a National Synod in France. In effect, this poor Bishop had so much reason in what he said, that the Council was obliged to alter the Canon according to his advice, and instead of Bishops called, they said, that Bishops promo­ted by the Pope are lawfull.

The Congregation met again next day, and appointed the Session to be held the seven­teenth of the same Month of December. The Cardinal of Mantua severely Censured the Tumult which happened the day before: the Bishop della Cava would not submit, but Ju­stified himself, affirming that he had reason to say what he said, his Carriage was lookt upon to be insolent and proud; but it was born with, because he was of the darling Fac­tion.

The Spaniards again bring about the que­stion of the Divine Right of Episcopacy.None of those difficulties could dishearten the Spaniards; they stood their ground still; and Gilberto de Nogueras Bishop of Aliphe star­ted the question again about the Divine Right of Episcopacy. He confirmed his opinion by strong Arguments, and then proved it to be false that the power of the Church was put into the hands of a single Person; he went on [Page 449]and said, that the Popes power did not extend to the annulling of Canons, and abolishing of Laws; and thereupon began to quote the Ca­nons alledged dy Gratian, wherein the Anci­ent Popes acknowledged themselves subject to the Decrees of the Fathers, and of their Pre­decessours. But the Cardinal of Warmia one of the Legates interrupted him, saying that the question was about the Superiority of Bishops over Priests, and that he digressed. The Bi­shop of Aliphe made answer that since they were treating of the Authority of Bishops, it was no digression to speak of the power of the Pope, who was a Bishop. The Archbishop of Granada rose up, and made answer in a higher strain; he said, that others had talked enough of the Pope's Authority, and spoke things which were not onely superfluous but perni­cious. He glanced at the Speech of the Gene­ral Lainez who had struck down the Bishops and Council under the Pope's Feet. The Bi­shop della Cava, the hottest always of the Ro­mish Faction, made answer, that they who had spoken of it, spoke as became them, and not as the Bishop of Aliphe. Cardinal Simoneta made a sign to the Bishop della Cava to hold his peace, and silence being made, the Bishop of Aliphe began again But when they per­ceived that he persisted to cite Canons to prove that the Pope is subject to the Laws, the Legate of Warmia interrupted him a second time, and so he was forced to hold his tongue, and give place to Antonio Maria Salviati Bi­shop of St. Paul in France; who by an exhor­tation to meekness and peace endeavoured to allay the heats of those Commotions.

[Page 450]In the Congregation of the fourth of De­cember the Cardinal of Lorrain delivered his opinion concerning the question, whether Epis­copacy be of Divine or Humane Right. He proved by divers passages of the Ancients, which made them admire his Memory, that it is of Divine Right. But on the other hand he alledged several instances of Bishops who had owned, that they held all their Authority from the Holy See; so that his discourse was so wa­vering, and so full of uncertainty and ambi­guity, that it was manifest enough he had no mind to declare his positive opinion concer­ning that Point. But the French Prelates who spoke after him, were far more sincere and bold; for they declared frankly for the Divine Right; nevertheless they concluded with the Cardinal, that according to their Judgment it was not absolutely necessary to determine that question in the Council. So that the first part of their discourse displeased the Legates, and Pope's Pensioners, and the latter part, the Spaniards. The truth is, the Spaniards and French drove at the same end, to wit, the maintaining the Authority of Bishops against the ambitious enterprises, and covetous self-interessed Practices of the Court of Rome. But they took different ways to doe this, accor­ding to the different humours of their Coun­trey. The Spaniards who are close and cun­ning, were for striking at the root of the Pope's Authority by hidden Mines, and were perswaded that if it were one declared that Episcopacy and Residence are of Divine Right, the Episcopal Order would retrieve its Credit with the People, and so they might with suc­cess [Page 451]withstand the attempts made by the Court of Rome upon the Persons and Rights of the Bishops. But the French, on the other hand, who are brisk and forward, have not commonly such distant Views, nor are they very skilfull in those Politick fetches, which are proper to the Italians and Spaniards: they shoot streight at the mark, and sometimes of­fend by too great sincerity, or, to word it better, they many times hinder the success of their own designs, by imprudent discoveries. They judged it therefore necessary, without farther Mystery, to have it defined, that a Council is Superiour to the Pope, or at least, to have it enacted, that the Pope may not dispense with, nor derogate from the Canons. The Spaniards wished with all their hearts that these Decisions could have been obtained from the Council; but they thought it impossible, nor could they find a fair occasion to state the Question, nor any Pretext to quarrel with the Pope's Authority, since they admit of the Council of Florence, whereas the French re­ceive the Council of Basil, which hath placed a Council above the Pope, and reject that of Florence.

The Cardinal of Lorrain es­says means to compose the Controversie about the Di­vine Right of Episcopacy but is slighted, and the Cardinal is angry.The Cardinal of Lorrain proposed a new form of Decree, to try if he could put an end to that Controversie; these words esta­blished by Divine Right, were not in it, but in place of them he put, instituted by Jesus Christ. The Legates dispatched a Courier to Rome with a Copy of the Cardinal's Draught, and the observations of some Doctours of the Canon Law upon it. The Cardinal complai­ned of that procedure, that having given [Page 452]them the project of a Decree, before it had been proposed in Congregation, they had so far abused his Confidence; and thereupon took occasion to expostulate with them for the un­just Jealousies which the Italians conceived of the French, and for the impertinent Proverb that was often in their mouth, from the Spa­nish Scab we are fallen into the French Disease; for so they call that foul Distemper, which the French call the Neapolitan Disease. The French being netled at these Railleries, and besides, intending to prosecute their design of bringing the Pope under the Power of a Council, resolved among themselves to speak more boldly in the Congregation of the seven­teenth of December. Lansac who set them up­on it being unwilling that the Legates should be surprised, gave them a hint of it, by tel­ling the Bishop of Avranches who was to speak, that he should deliver his opinion freely,A free Dis­course of the Bishop of Avranches. and that the King his Master was powerfull e­nough to bear him out in it. The Bishop spoke, and not onely proved Episcopacy to be of Divine Right, but that the Authority of the Pope differed onely in Degree from that of Bishops; that it is circumscribed by the Boundaries of Canons; and praised the Custome of the Parliaments of France, which declare Bulls that are contrary to the Canons to be abusive, and prohibit the Execution of them. This Discourse was impatiently heard; but it was winked at, and the Pope's Party took care for the future to speak with greater moderation.

The Cardinal of Lorrain, as it had been concerted, came not to that Congregation, [Page 453]wherein the Bishop of Avranches had spoken with so much Liberty: and the Pretext he took for his absence, was the death of the King of Navarre, of which he had the news the same day. The death of this Prince was like to have changed the Countenance of the Council; for the Cardinal of Lorrain was tempted to return to France, because there was like to be a great alteration of Assairs in that Kingdom, and he could have been willing to have been there, to take a share in the Go­vernment. The following Congregation was taken up in Ceremonies of Thanksgiving for the Election of Maximilian King of Bohemia, who was chosen King of the Romans. That was the thing the Emperour had been driving at for a long time; and so soon as it was ac­complished, he entered into Conference with the Protestant Princes, to perswade them to submit to the Council. They met about it, and having consulted together in common, they presented to the Emperour the answer which they promised some twenty months before in the Assembly of Naumburg. In that answer they declared, that from all that was done in the Council of Trent, they appealed to a free Council, and proposed ten Conditi­ons which they knew well enough would not be granted them, upon which they pro­mised to come to the Council, and submit to it. For instance they demanded that it might not be called by the Pope, that he should not preside in it, that he should be subject to it, that all things should be decided in it by the word of God alone, that the Divines of the Ausburg Confession might have a Decisive [Page 454]Vote in it; that matters should not always be carried by Plurality of Votes, but by those which were most consonant to truth, &c. The Emperour received the Writing, and in Ge­neral Terms promised to endeavour the setling of Peace.

The Decree of Residence is completed, and it is not deci­ded whether it he of Divine Right or not.After so much time and so many words spent about the Article of the Divine Right of Episcopacy, nothing was ye concluded, because the Legates expected the Decision from Rome. Whilst this was expecting they published the Chapter of Residence, wherein without deciding whether it be of Divine Right or not, it was commanded under Pe­nalties and Reward. The Cardinal of Lorrain who was Archbishop of Reims, and who in all appearance had no design to reside there, gave his opinion about the necessity of Resi­dence, in his ordinary manner, overturning in one period what he had set up in another. At the same time the Legates communicated to the Ambassadours of Princes, some Arti­cles of Reformation which related to several Abuses about the Sacrament of Orders, against the next Session. But the Ambassadours, and particularly these of the Emperour, and Ger­mans valued them but very little, because they sound none of the Heads which they had proposed amongst them.Reasons that shew it impos­sible that the Demands which all made for a Reforma­tion should have any Suc­cess. They complai­ned that they were still amused with Trifles, and that the more weighty matters were neg­lected. It was, really, a rare and edifying re­flexion to consider with what fervour and zeal the Ambassadours and most of the Pre­lates demanded Reformation: It may be said that the Pope, Princes and Bishops all of them [Page 455]demanded it, and agreed to the Point in Ge­neral. But when it came to particulars, they could not jump together in any one thing, because of the prodigious diversity of interests, and because every one was for reforming his Neighbour, but would not be medled with himself. The Court of Rome consented cordi­ally to the Reformation of the Bishops and Princes, provided it might be let alone. The Bishops desired the Reformation of the Court of Rome, and of Princes, to get themselves out of the reach of the attempts of the Secular Power and of the Pope, but they could not endure that their own Coppy-hold should be touched, either as to their Authority, or the Diminution of their Revenues. Princes and Kings demanded the Reformation of the Cler­gy both in the Head and Members, but they would in no terms let goe the means they had in their hands of oppressing the Church, hin­dering Canonical Elections, and conferring Benefices upon whom they thought sit. The People who, alone, as being disinteressed, could labour most effectually in that Refor­mation, had neither Vote nor Credit in the Council. And therefore all that great design of Reformation must needs vanish in smoke.

Since the Legates had made way for falling again upon the Point of Residence, by cau­sing the Chapter to be read, which they had framed for decreeing it, the Prelates began to speak again upon the same Subject. The Cardinal of Lorrain assembled all the French at his house, and would hear them speak to that Point, where they all with one consent concluded Residence to be of Divine Right. [Page 456]In one of the subsequent Congregations, Al­berto Duimio Bishop of Veglia, and Island of Sca­vonia, delivered his opinion with much force, he demonstrated the same thing by a great many Reasons and Arguments; which none before him had done, but barely declared their Judgment upon the Point, without in­sisting in the probation of it. He laid great stress upon the saying of our Saviour, that the good shepherd goes before his sheep, and the sheep follow him: for they know his Voice. He could not throughly handle nor dive to the bottom of that Subject, without hinting at many things contrary to the Interests of the Court of Rome and the Pope's Authority: and Cardinal Si­moneta durst not interrupt him, because of the Scuffle that some days before happened upon occasion of the Bishop of Guadix, who had been interrupted; but he took him up privately and rebuked him sharply, for having spoken against the Pope. The Bishop made the best excuse he could, and some days after desired leave to be gone upon Pretext of indisposition, which was very willingly granted him.

About that time, the Controversie concer­ning Residence changed Countenance, there was now no bringing of Arguments and Tes­timonies to prove it to be of Divine Right, and they who judged it to be of Humane Right took no more pains to find out reasons to confirm their Sentiment. They thought it enough to overcome the contrary Party, by the Consequences of their Doctrine; for, said they, that opinion tends directly to the Ru­ine of the Authority of the Pope: because, by asserting the Divine Right of Residence, [Page 457]it takes from him the Power of transferring, diminishing, dividing, uniting and changing Episcopal Sees; and indeed that was the design of the Spaniards. But they dissembled it, and wanted not reasons to prove that the Divine Right of Residence would advance the Papal Dignity, and render it more considerable, be­cause when Bishops did reside; the Revenue towards the Clergy would encrease, and by consequence the Authority of the Pope, as be­ing the Chief of Bishops. And so from that time forward the Greatness of the Pope was the onely hinge upon which moved that Con­troversie about Residence.

A Minute of a Decree is made at Rome concerning the Authority of the Pope and Bishops, which was rejected by the Bishops in Council.The Pope was so much afflicted for the death of his Nephew Frederico Borromeo, that he fell dangerously sick considering his great age. And yet the troubles he received from the Council vexed him more than the death of his Kinsman. He held frequent Congrega­tions of Cardinals for determining those two Controversies which made so much noise, about the Institution of Episcopacy, and Resi­dence As to that of Institution, he gave his answer at last, that it was an erroneous opini­on, that Episcopacy as to the Power of Juris­diction was of Divine Right, and instituted by Jesus Christ; unless it were in this Sense, that Jesus Christ does all that the Pope doth, and concluded that these words of Divine Right ought to be wholly left out, or that the Decree must be made in this form, That Jesus Christ hath instituted Bishops to be made by the Pope with such Authority as he should think fit to give them for the good of the Church, it being still in his Power to enlarge or restrain it. [Page 458]As to the Point of Residence he gave Orders that it should not be declared of Divine Right, because he would retain to himself the Power of dispensing with it; so that what­soever they did, they should have a care that nothing were enacted contrary to his Autho­rity. As to the Prorogation of the Session, he wrote in General Terms, that it should not be put off above a Fortnight, nor yet held unless all matters were in a readiness. The Legates thought that the Decree about the Institution of Episcopacy, and of the Pope's Power over Bishops, in the form that it was sent from Rome, would never be admitted in the Council; and therefore they found themselves obliged to write a second time, and send the Bishop of Vintimiglia to the Pope.

Because the matter of Cup was referred to the Pope, the Duke of Bavaria having no more to demand of the Council as to that Point, sent a solemn Embassy to Rome for obtaining of it. This Embassy went by Trent, and the Ambassadours had Conferences with the Legates and Cardinal of Lorrain. That allarmed the Spaniards who always opposed the Restitution of the Cup. At the same time the news of the Battel of Dreux came to Trent, which was fought the seventeenth of December. The Catholicks gave out that they had obtained the Victory, though they lost in it almost double the number that the Prote­stants had lost; for they lost five thousand men, and the Protestants but three. But they alledged that they continued Masters of the Field. The two Generals were taken Prisoners, the Prince of Conde on the side of the Protestants, and the [Page 459]Constable on the Catholicks side. This was a fatal Year for the terrible Divisions that rent France in pieces: no less that fourteen Armies at one time on foot, which on both sides com­mitted fearfull disorders. Admiral Coligny af­ter that Battel, notwithstanding the taking of the Prince of Conde, kept his Army together, and made even some progress. Nevertheless, there was a Thanksgiving at Trent for the Victory, as if it had been real, when, indeed, it was but imaginary. They were perswaded at Rome that the Huguenots were totally routed, and that so there was no more need of a Council, wherefore some were of opinion that it should either be dissolved or suspended. But the Pope had better news than the rest, and saw very well, that it was not yet time to dissolve the Council. He thought he did enough if he could retain the Power and Au­thority that he had got over it. The Empe­rour's design of coming to Inspruck in the Neighbourhood of Trent, filled him with new Jealousies. He made no doubt, but that he had secret intelligences with Spain and France, and he could not see into the Bottome of it. So much he knew in General, that these intel­ligences tended to the lessening of his Autho­rity, and the Reformation of the Abuses of his Court. And therefore to prevent Refor­mations from those hands through which the Court of Rome had not mind to pass, he pub­lished a Brief dated the twenty seventh of De­cember, whereby he reformed some Corrupti­ons of the Rota; and made also some other slight Reformations of his Court. This, in the main, came to nothing at all, but however it was usefull to his Legates and Pensioners at [Page 460] Trent; for they made answer to those who demanded the Reformation of the Court of Rome, that seeing the Pope made it his busi­ness to reform himself, the Council might very well spare themselves the trouble. The year one thousand five hundred sixty and two was concluded with a Congregation held the thirtieth of December, wherein it was resolved to put off the Session for a Fortnight.

1563. The French present their Memoires containing 34 Demands. They are sent to Rome, and the Pope is allarmed at them.To begin the New Year one thousand five hundred and sixty three, the French presented four and thirty Articles concerning the Refor­mation which they desired. Most part of them regarded the Reformation of the Clergy, and the abuses in Ordination, and in prefer­ring undeserving men both as to manners and learning. Some of them also related to the Court of Rome, and tended to the diminution of its Revenues. The fourteenth of these Articles demanded a prohibition of the Plura­lity of Benefices, the sixteenth, that the Sacra­ments might be administred gratis. In the se­venteeth they demanded Divine Service in the Vulgar Tongue; that is to say, that the chief Prayers should be said in French as well as in Latin. The eighteenth proposed the Com­munion in both kinds, and required the revival of the Decree of Gelasus. The twenty sixth de­manded the Restitution of the Jurisdiction of Bishops in all their Dioceses over all that lived within them, not excepting Monasteries; unless the Chiefs of Orders, and the Monasteries where the Generals of Orders did reside. The nine and twentieth desired Reforma­tion of the abuse which the People made of [Page 461]Images, the abuse of Pilgrimages, Fraternities, Relicks, and Indulgences. The thirtieth de­manded restitution of the custome of publick Pennance, as it had been in the primitive Church. The Legates and Pope's Party dis­liked these demands, and the manner where­in they were presented; for that was with the usual Threat, that if they had not satisfaction in admitting their Proposals, they would pro­vide for themselves by a National Council. The Legates sent these Articles to the Pope, being very sure that he could not read them but with extraordinary trouble, especially seeing one of the Propositions demanded the aboliti­on of Annates, and of all the other means, which are used at Rome for hooking in Mo­ney from the Provinces. They commissioned the Bishop of Viterbo to carry these Memoires to the Pope; and the Cardinal of Lorrain loaded him with Complements for his Holi­ness, desiring him that he would beseech his Holiness not to take it ill that the King, and they by Orders from him, did demand things which they judged necessary for the wellfare of France, and at the same time and by the same hand offered the Pope his Mediation for ta­king up the differences about the Institution of Bishops and Residence. These Memoires of the French Ambassadours were given to the Legates, without the hearty condescension of the Prelates of that Nation. For there were some Articles amongst them, that tended to the Diminution both of the Authority and Revenues of the Bishops, which went against the Hair. But they consented that they might be presented to the Council, in hopes that the [Page 462] Spanish Bishops who are Great Lords, and jea­lous of their Grandure would have opposed them. When they saw that the Memoires were sent to Rome, they perceived that it would fall to the Pope's share, to cut and carve in them, as he had done in all the rest, and they were afraid that he might compound with the King of France to their Cost; in sacrificing to him the interest of the Bishops, to make him spare the Court of Rome; as it had been done betwixt Francis the First and Leo X. when they made the Concordat. And therefore they began to make secret Cabals to get the Articles that concerned them struck out of the Memoires. But Lansac perceiving it, called them together, and rebuked them severely for daring to oppose the Will of the King.

There were now two Bishops in Deputation at Rome, the Bishops of Vintimiglia and Viterbo. The first was employed to make fresh Re­monstrances about the Subject of the Instituti­on of Bishops, and their Residence, that the Pope might put the Decree into another form than that which he had formerly sent. He arrived the first of January, having made his Journey in seven days. He gave the Pope an account of all that past in the Council, and of the different dispositions of the Members of it. The Pope immediately held a Congre­gation of Cardinals about the Point of the Institution of Bishops, which was most urgent. And it was there resolved that the Decision should be sent to the Legates, in this form. That Bishops hold the chief rank in the Church dependant on the Bishop of Rome; by whom they [Page 463]are admitted and received in partem solicitudinis. It was upon the main the same with the for­mer, but the form a little softer: and the Pope for a recompence of the qualification which he had suffered to be made in the Canon of the Institution of Bishops, would have the Canon that related to his own Authority to run in these terms. That the Pope hath Autho­rity to feed and to govern the Church Universal in place of Jesus Christ, who hath imparted to him, as his Vicar General, all his Authority. And or­dered his Legates that in the Chapter of Doc­trine they should enlarge more upon the mat­ter, and make use of the Terms of the Coun­cil of Florence; which saith that the Holy See, that is to say the Pope, has the Primacy over all the Church, that he is the Successour of St. Peter, who was Prince of the Apostles; that he is the true Vicar of Jesus Christ, the Head of all the Churches; the Father and Master of all Christians, to whom the Lord hath given full power to govern the Church Universal. He enjoyned the Legates not to deviate from that form which had been au­thorised by a General Council. At the same time, that he might prevent the designs of the French, who would have had a Pope elected by the Council, in case the present Pope had died, he published a Bull wherein he declared that having intention to goe to Bologna, in case he should die in his Journey, he ordained that his Successour should not be chosen but at Rome.

The Bishop of Viterbo, who was charged with the Memoires of the French, arrived a little time after the instructions of the Bishop [Page 464]of Vintimiglia had been dispatched. The Pope very impatiently heard the Memoires read; but the Bishop of Viterbo pacified him a little, by giving him hopes that if he condescended to some of these Articles, a part might be cut off, and the rest moderated; but particularly he gave him ease when he assured him that the greatest part of the French Bishops disliked those Reformations, and that they were ready to oppose them. The Pope held a Congre­gation upon that Subject: and it was therein resolved that the Articles should be commit­ted to Doctours of the Canon Law, to make their observations upon them. At the same time the Pope sent Orders to the Cardinal of Ferrara his Legate in France, to represent to the King, that some of these Propositions tended to the Diminution of the Royal Au­thority, because they deprived the King of the Collation of Benefices, and amongst others of Abbeys; that the disposal of Benefices was a very commodious Privilege to him for rewar­ding his faithfull Servants: that to raise the Authority of Bishops was not the way to strengthen the Authority of the King; and that the more powerfull Bishops were, the more troublesome they were to Princes. He sent his Legate likewise Orders to give the King the forty thousand Crowns remaining unpay'd of the hundred thousand which he had obliged himself to furnish him; but with all that he should not part from them but up­on the Condition that he had till them requi­red, I mean, the abolition of the Pragmatick Sanction in all the Parliaments. He prayed also the King to consider that by diminishing [Page 465]the Revenues of the Holy See, he would be deprived of means to procure Respect and Obedience; that the Tithes of Tithes were by the Law due to the chief Priest, and that they had been wisely converted into Annats: and concluded with an exhortation to the King that he would sent new Instructions to his Ambassadours. He sent likewise to Trent the Censures and Observations which the Ca­nonists and Divines had made upon the Me­moires of the French.

year 1563 The Minute of the Decree concerning the Pope's Autho­ritycomes from Rome, and meets with much contra­diction, espe­cially from the French.The Courier who brought to Trent the An­swer to the Remonstrances which the Bishop of Vintimiglia had been charged with, arri­ved on the fourteenth of January: and next day was the time appointed for perfixing the day of the Session. A Congregation General was held; and it was therein resolved that that deliberation should be put off till the fourth of February, because they could not as yet certainly tell when matters might be in a readiness. The Legates distributed Copies of the Minute of the Decree which was sent from Rome touching the Institution of Bishops, and declared that they would begin the Con­gregations again for consulting about it. These Minutes had the approbation of the Patriarchs and oldest Archbishops who gave their opini­ons first. But when it came to the turn of the Spaniards and French speak, many difficul­ties were started against the Decrees as they had been conceived by the Cardinals. First this Clause was objected against, that Bishops hold a chief rank depending on the Bishop of Rome; that was thought to be an ambiguous expres­sion; but after some debate they who made [Page 466]the objection consented to have it said, a chief rank under the Pope. Some also did not like that it should be said, that Bishops are admit­ted by the Pope in partem solicitudinis; because that signified clearly enough, that Bishops are appointed by the Pope, and not by our Lord Jesus Christ: but above all they stumbled at the Article of the Pope's Authority, and that the Canon gave him the Pope to govern the Church Universal. The French thought that by these words the Pope had a design to esta­blish a Superiority over the Council. They were nevertheless willing it should be said that he hath the power to rule all the Chur­ches, ecclesias universas; but not the Church Universal, ecclesiam universalem. Most part fan­sied that to be a very nice distinction, and of little solidity. But the rest maintained that by giving the Pope power to govern the Church Universal, they exalted his Tribunal above the Church, whereas the Tribunal of the Church is exalted above that of the Pope. They alledged that there was a great diffe­rence betwixt being exalted above all Chur­ches, that is to say, above every Particular Church, and being exalted above the Church Universal, that is, whole Church taken to­gether and assembled in a Council. This oc­casioned great debate: the Pope's Party al­ledged the Authority of the Council of Flo­rence which had made use of these terms; and that did a little puzzle the Spaniards, because their Countrey own the Council of Florence for a General Council. But the French set light by that Authority, and opposed to it the Councils of Constance and Basil, which [Page 467]have defined the Superiority of a Council over the Pope. Upon this occasion there arose a great contest betwixt the Italians and French; for the Italians maintained that the Council of Florence was a General Council, that that of Basil was Schismatical, and the other of Con­stance partly approved, and partly rejected. But the French, on the contrary, denied the Council of Florence to have been a lawfull Council, and said that the others of Constance and Basil were lawfull and General. The Le­gates well perceived that no good would come of these contests; and therefore that they might have time to sent to Rome the Censures which the Bishops on the other side of the Alpes, had made upon the Decree composed by the Pope, touching the Institution of Bi­shops, and the Authority of the Holy See, they employed the Congregations about the Point of Residence. The Cardinals of Lor­rain and Madruccio the day before, had mode a Project of Decision concerning the Contro­versie of Residence, which displeased not the Legates. But the Presidents having had time to reflect upon it, observed a Clause that gave them Umbrage; which was, that Bishops are obliged by the Command of God to guide their Flocks, and to watch in Person over them. They knew very well that the Pope would make a sinister interpretation of these words, and think that they favoured the opinion of the Divine Right of Residence: and therefore they left it out, of their own heads, and pre­sented in the Congregation the Minute cor­rected after their own way. That action choaked the Cardinals of Lorrain and Madruc­cio: [Page 468]Lorrain protested that for the future he would not meddle in any thing, and Cardinal Madruccio said, that in the Council there was another secret Council, which took all the Au­thority to it self. The Legates finding that they gained no ground, put a stop to the Con­gregations, in expectation of an answer from Rome, and the Pope's Party began to make Factions that they might break up the Council for good and all. At this the Cardinal of Lorrain broke out and acted with less reserve than he had formerly done. He complained that there was a design of breaking up the Council; he spoke to the Ambassadours of Princes, that their Masters might intercede with the Pope, not onely for the Continuation of the Council; but especially that it might be left to its liberty, saying that nothing could be proposed or resolved upon but what plea­sed the Legates, that the Legates did nothing but what the Pope thought fit, and that Deci­sions even about the smallest matters must be expected from Rome: that if matters went on still in that manner, they would make a paci­fication in France, whereby all should have liberty to live as they thought good, untill the holding of a free Council: that for his own part, he would have patience untill the next Session; but that if affairs went no better, he would protest and withdraw, and carry all the French along with him, that they might celebrate a National Council at Home. The French Ambassadour residing at Rome made the same Expostulations and Menaces, that the Cardinal did at Trent. But the Pope began to be accustomed to that noise, and was not a [Page 469]whit startled at these Bugbears of National Sy­nods. He made answer, that the Council was more than free, that it was even licentious; that if the Italians made any Factions and Ca­bals, he knew nothing of it, but that yet they were forced upon it, if they did so, by the violence of the Bishops beyond the Alpes, who endeavoured to trample under foot the Authority of the Holy See. The Bishop of the five Churches the Emperour's Ambassa­dour for the Kingdom of Hungary, went about the same time to wait on his Master, and to inform him of the Factions and Conduct of the Italians. The Archbishop of Granada and those of his Party entreated him to procure from the Emperour a Letter to the King of Spain, praying him to solicite a Reformation. The Legates were informed of this, and looked upon all that Conduct, as an effect of the Councils of the Cardinal of Lorrain; and to Countermine that League, they deputed John Francisco Commendone Bishop of Zante to the Emperour, under pretext of Justifying the Council in that they had not as yet proposed the Articles of Reformation which his Impe­rial Majesty had presented b his Ambassa­dours. Seeing these misunderstandings grew dayly greater and greater, the Legates suffici­ently perplexed sent a writing to all the Am­bassadours, begging the Assistance of their Councils in the present Junctures. The French slipt not that occasion to tell their minds freely; and therefore said that the Council was made use of to encrease corruptions, in­stead of lessening them; that a stop ought to be put to those shamefull underhand dealings [Page 470]which were continually practised, that they ought not to labour to raise the Pope above the Church Universal, that the best way was to follow the Decrees of the Council of Con­stance. And farther added that one cause of disagreement was that the Clark of the Coun­cil did not faithfully set down the opinions, and that therefore he ought to have an Assi­stant. The Imperialists made Remonstrances much of the same nature, and particularly pressed the necessity of Joyning an Assistant to the Clark of the Council. The other mean low spirited Ambassadours made answer in ge­neral terms, that they must continue the Coun­cil, and endeavour an Union amongst the Members.

Whilst affairs were in this condition, the Council being under a kind of suspension, and no Congregation held, the Bishop of Vintimiglia returned from Rome fraighted with Civilities and Complements from the Pope to all the Prelates, and provisions also of Employments and Pensions which the Pope gave to some of the Council. The Bishop of Aosta Ambas­sadour of the Duke of Savoy arrived, and the Legates perceiving that they gained nothing by interrupting the Congregations, and that it gave ground for murmurings and private As­semblies, where the spirit of discord and fac­tion grew dayly stronger and stronger, resol­ved to begin Congregations again, and to take the occasion of receiving the Ambassadour of Savoy. They therefore sent the Bishop of Sinigaglia to the Cardinal of Lorrain, to know of him if there were no means to satisfie the Bishops of France, and to tell him that the [Page 471]terms of governing the Church Universal, where­at they took so great offence, are used by St. Bernard an Author which the Cardinal very much approved of. The Cardinal answered steadfastly, that the French Bishops did their Duty, that all France fixed their eyes upon them to observe their Conduct: that the French would never suffer that kind of ex­pression which gives the Pope the Power of governing the Universal Church; and that if it were again proposed, the Ambassadours would not fail to protest in name of the King and of sixscore Bishops; because it would over­throw the received opinion in France, that the Pope ought to be subject to a Council. When the Legates had received this answer, they lost all hopes of gaining the French: the Spaniards also grew more and more inflexible, and Martin Gazdellun, whom we mentioned before, being lately come from Spain, con­firmed them in their steadfastness: for having examined how all things went, he said, that he evidently perceived that the Council was not free, and commending the Archbishop of Granada for his vigour and constancy, he as­sured him that the King was extremely well satisfied with his Conduct, and that if the Archbishoprick of Toledo came to be void, his Majesty would bestow it upon him. For all that, they began to hold Congregations again, and in one of the last of January the Ambas­sadour of Savoy was publickly received, where he made and received the usual Complements. The Congregations continued, and so did their Divisions also. The Pope's Party were closely lincked together, and those who were [Page 472]not so favourable to the See of Rome, on the other hand, stood firm in their design of ha­ving the institution of Episcopacy and Resi­dence declared to be of Divine Right. The Legates and the rest of the Pope's Party saw that it was no time to carry it by open force; they resolved therefore to let the heats cool, and to tire out some, so as to make them de­part, and to blunt the edge of others by long attendance and delay, and so they took a reso­lution of putting off the Session. They got the Cardinal of Lorrain to condescend to that delay, but very aukwardly; for he still com­plained of the Factions and private Cabals of the Italians, protested that he consented to that delay onely out of complaisance. The business was proposed in Congregation the third of February by the Cardinal of Mantua. It was opposed, but the Legates at length car­ried it, that the Session should be Prorogued till the two and twentieth of April after Ea­ster. The Cardinal of Lorrain was nor vexed at that resolution, though he seemed to take it ill. For he was glad that matters might be protracted, that he might see what became of the Pope who was old and always valitudina­ry. He desired also to know how the affairs of France went, that he might accordingly adjust his measures. During this Interval the Legates resolved to bring under examination the matter of Marriage; and though the French Ambassa­dours instantly urged that they might treat of Reformation, they could not obtain it: for the Presidents were resolved to spin out the time, about matters that sew were any way concer­ned in.

[Page 473]Eight Articles concerning Marriage were pro­posed. First, whether Marriage be a Sacrament instituted by God, or a humane Constitution.

• They enter up­on the matter of Marriage, and reduce it to eight Ar­ticles.
  2. Whether Parents can annull the Clandestine Marriages of the Children.
• 3. Whether it be lawfull after a man hath divorced his Wife for the Cause of Fornication, to take another, whilst the first is alive.
• 4. Whether Polygamy be allowed to Christians, and whether the Prohibition of Marrying at cer­tain times be Tyrannical.
• 5. Whether Mar­riage ought to he preferred before a single life, or the single life before Marriage.
• 6. Whether the Priests in the West may law­fully contract Marriage, notwithstanding the Vow of Celibat, or the Ecclesiastick Law.
• 7. Whether Marriage ought not to be contrac­ted within the Degrees of Consanguinity, which are forbidden in the eighteenth Chap­ter of Leviticus, without diminishing or ad­ding any thin, thereunto.
• 8. Whether im­potency, and ignorance of what one does in contracting, are the onely Causes that can dissolve a Marriage contracted, and whether the Cognisance of Matrimonial Causes belongs to Secular Princes.

These eight Articles were divided amongst four Chambers of Doc­tours, as those of the Sacrament of Order had been.

Whilst this was in agitation. The Cardinal of Lorrain prepared to goe and wait on the Emperour at Inspruck.

The Bishop of Reims the most Christian King's Ambassadour at the Court of his Impe­rial Majesty, cane to Trent to accompany the Cardinal to that Court, and this Journey re­newed [Page 474]and encreased the Suspicions against France. The Court of Rome was sensible that the Cardinal was very ill satisfied with the Council; and when he parted from Trent he wrote as much to the Pope himself, and com­plained to him of the Factions and Conduct of the Council, telling his Holiness, with all, that if things continued to be carried after that rate, all that he could doe was to pray that God Almighty would inspire the Council. It was very well known likewise that the Em­perour's intentions were as far from favouring the Pope as those of the French were, and that was another allarm. The Spaniards also feared that the Cardinal of Lorrain might have a design of conferring with the Emperour, and King of the Romans about means for obtaining the Concession of the Cup; for they had good intelligence that the German Princes and French Ambassadours intended to make new instan­ces to the Council about it. The Suspicions of the Spaniards seemed to have ground enough, because the Duke of Bavaria, the Archbishop of Saltsburg, and the Arch Duke Ferdinand were to be at Inspruck with the Em­perour, and his Son Maximilian: now all these Princes desired that the Cup might be rende­red to the People.

February the ninth the Legates held the first Congregation about the Doctrine of Marriage. The Divines of the first Chamber examined the first two Articles; and Father Salmeron a Jesuit spoke with much Pomp, and for all that, said but very ordinary things. Having con­cluded that Marriage is a true Sacrament; he past to the second Article that relates to Clan­destine [Page 475]Marriages, and alledged in favour of them, the Authority of the Council of Flo­rence, which declares that the Validity of Mar­riages depends solely upon the Consent of the Parties who contract, and this Oratour con­cluded, that the opinion of those who assert that Fathers and Mothers may annull them ought to be condemned as an Heresie: but allowed the Church the Power of rescinding such Marriages because she is the Mistress of the Sacraments, and that it is expedient to annull them to prevent the disorders which those unfortunate Marriages cause in Families. Next day Maillard Dean of the Faculty of Paris made a long discourse, and concluded with Salmeron that Marriage is a true Sacra­ment; but as to Clandestine Marriages he was not of Salmeron's opinion. For he maintained that the Church had not that Power over the Sacraments as to make a Sacrament that was lawfull at one time, to become unlawfull at another. He alledged. for proof the Consecra­tion of the Eucharist, saying that the Church could not make a Consecrated Wafer cease to be a Real Sacrament, after that it had been some time kept; since it was so at first. He went through all the Sacraments, proving that the Church hath not power to invalidate a Sacrament lawfully administred. He shew'd that in all times private Marriages had been valid, and that no man ever thought of annul­ling them. His opinion took extremely well; but especially the Pope's Party took great pleasure to hear the French Doctour speaking of the Pope, call him, the Directour and Mode­ratour of the Roman, that is to say the Universal [Page 476]Church. They drew great advantage from that Confession, and said that it ought to be observed against the Cavils which the Prelates of the same Nation made upon occasion of the Canon about the Authority of the Pope, wherein they would not suffer it to be said, that he hath Power to rule the Church Universal. The French said that there was a great diffe­rence betwixt these expressions, rule the Uni­versal Church absolutely, and rule the Roman, that is to say, the Universal Church, because the term Universal is onely employed to explain that of Roman, and that so it ought to extend no farther. It cannot be denied, but that the distinction is very nice and fine spun, and that the difference betwixt those two ex­pressions is not very, sensible; it had been as well, perhaps, if Maillard had frankly con­fest, that it dropt from him before he was a­ware. In the Congregation of the Eleventh of February the French presented a Letter from their King, wherein he acquainted the, Coun­cil with the Victory that he had obtained over the Enemies of the Catholick Religion, and at the same time demanded Reformation. Af­ter the Letters were read, the Ambassadour Du Ferrier made a Speech:The King of France his Letter to the Council, fol­lowed by a Speech of du Ferrier. and having repre­sented the Calamities of the Kingdom of France, and the necessity of doing somewhat to reme­dy them, he said that the proper remedy de­pended on the Council, and that the Coun­cil in endeavouring that, ought to turn their Eyes towards the Holy Scripture, that Chris­tians now-a-days were like the Samaritanes of the Town of Sichar, who would believe because they saw, and not barely upon [Page 477]the report of a Woman, that every body at present studied the Scriptures. That they should not think it strange if in their Propo­sition they had omitted the most necessary Points, that they had begun with the smallest, but that they had more important matters to propose: that if they intended to set about the Work of Reformation, they must do it in good earnest, and that the Fathers who were assem­bled ought to consider what was the Success of those slight and weak Reformations of the Council of Constance, and that which came after, which he was not willing to name, for fear of offending their ears. He meant the Council of Basil, whereof the name is odious to all the Favourers of the Court of Rome. He laid before them also that the Councils of Florence, Lateran, and the first of Trent had done nothing for the Church, and in that they did nothing, they had done a great deal of hurt, and given occasion to a Schism of so many People as are separated from it. They gave the French Ambassadour a civil answer, though in his Speech he had given se­veral nips which touch'd the Pope's Party to the quick. He said that he presented the Arti­cles of Reformation principally to the Council. These words offended them extremely, be­cause they did insinuate that the Ambassadour made far less reckoning of the Pope, than he did of the Council. Besides, they found that by that expression he designed to have a lash at the Clause proponentibus Legatis: as inten­ding to intimate that in Quality of Ambassa­dour he pretended to propose his Articles to the Council himself, and not by the Lagates; [Page 478]and this perswaded them that France entertai­ned terrible intentions against the Authority of the Pope, and they were the more allar­med because Du Ferrier had said that the French had still far more important Proposals to make, and that they ought to make greater advances in the work of Reformation than the Councils of Constance and Basil had done. The day following the Cardinal of Lorrain parted for Inspruck, taking with him nine Pre­lates and four Divides; but he got a promise from the Legates that during his absence they should not treat of the Marriage of Priests.

In the mean time they continued the Con­gregations about the matter of Doctrine. The first Chamber of Divines which we have al­ready mentioned, having heard Salmeron and Maillard, unanimously condemned as Hereti­cal the opinion that denies Marriage to be a Sacrament, and in like manner declared Clan­destine Marriages to be true Sacraments, and lawfull Marriages. But there was some diver­sity of opinion about the Sentiments of Salmeron and Maillard, in relation to the Power of the Church in annulling secret Marriages: some were of Salmeron's opinion; and others with Maillard, thought that the Power of the Church did not reach so far, as to make a Marriage become unlawfull, which was law­full a very little before. Amongst those who maintained that the Church had Power to an­null Clandestine Marriages, some disputed ano­ther Point, to wit, whether it be convenient and profitable to make use of that Power in the present time. But most part thought it [Page 479]best, that all secret Marriages should be invali­dated; and some went farther still, and were for declaring null and void all Marriages con­tracted by the Children of Persons of Ho­nour and Quality, without the Consent of their Parents, as well for strengthening Pater­nal Authority, as for preventing the Mischiefs which many times attend such Marriages.

The Divines of the second Chamber exami­ned the third and fourth Articles, which con­cerned Divorce, Polygamy, and the Prohibi­tion to marry in certain times. Father Soto a Spanish Jacobin maintained that it was not lawfull to dissolve a Marriage, nay not for the Cause of Adultery. He confessed that marri­ed Folks might be separated from bed and board; but not so as to allow those who are so separated to marry with others; he alled­ged that to be the meaning of St. Paul, when he permits married Believers to remain sepa­rated, in case their unbelieving Wives will not live with them. He gave several interpretati­ons to the words of Jesus Christ, which seem to allow a Divorce for the Cause of Adultery, but stuck to none of them, which was a great Argument that he was not so clear in that Point, as he would have seemed to be. As to Polygamy, he proved is to be contrary to the Law of Nature; and for the Prohibitions to marry in certain times, he said there was no need to make a grievance of that, seeing it was easie to obtain a Dispensation from the Bishop to marry in prohibited times. About the substance of the question there was no great dispute: but the Spanish Divines caught hold of that occasion to speak of the necessity [Page 480]of the Residence of Bishops, that they might be able to give Dispensations with Prudence, Wisedom, and with Knowledge of the Cause. Upon naming the Tie that is betwixt a Hus­band and a Wife, which is like to that where­by a Bishop is united to his Church; a Cor­delier named John Ramirez took occasion to speak again about Residence, and shew'd that it was no more in the Pope's Power to draw a Bishop from his See, and translate him into another, than to snatch a Husband from his Wife. The Pope's Party, on the contrary, took occasion to speak of the Sovereign Au­thority of the Holy See, upon account that the two Articles which were under Debate, stand condemned in the Decretals of Popes. They magnified that Authority beyond all bounds, and stretched it even to the dispensing against Canons, against the Ordinances of the A­postles, and against all the Laws of God. They alledged the Canon Si Papa, which runs in these terms. If one surprise the Pope neglecting his own Salvation, and that of his Brethren, unfruitfull and remiss in his works, concealing the good; which does most hurt to his own and the Salva­tion of others; though he lead to Hell innumera­ble crouds of People, there to be eternally punished with him. Decret. Grat. Dist. 40. Nevertheless no man ought to under­take to reprove him, or punish him for his faults, because he who ought to judge all the World, ought not to be judged by any, unless it be found that he errs in the Faith. A Decision attribu­ted to one Boniface a Martyr, and Archbishop of Mentz.